Barlow's letter. From the Connecticut courant.

Barlow's letter. From the Connecticut courant.

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Barlow's Letter. From the CONNECTICUT COURANT.

THE PAMPHLET. COPY of a LETTER from an AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC CHARACTER in France to a MEMBER of CCONGRESS in Philadelphia.

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Barlow's Letter. From the CONNECTICUT COURANT.

Messrs. HUDSON & GOODWIN,

THE inclosed pamphlet was printed at Matthew Ly [...]'s p [...]s in Fairhaven. He entitles it "Copy of a Letter from an American Diplomatic Character in France to a member of Congress in Philadelphia." Some of the most offensive parts of this letter were recited in the indictment of Lyon, the publishing of which (i. e. the reading the whole letter to large collections of people in a great many towers in his district, drawn together for the purpo [...]e) was the subject of the second count, and the "printing" it of the third count in the indictment.—[The subject of the first count was a letter from Lyon to Mr. Spooner, the printer of the Windsor paper.]

Lyon told the court that the first knowledge he had of it was hearing general Mason, a senator from Virginia, read it to a number of gentlemen in Philadelphia last summer; that he applied to Mr. Baldwin, to whom it was addressed, for liberty to take a copy it, to which [...]e consented, upon condition that Lyon should shew it to his friends in Vermont, particularly governor Robinson and general Bradley, but not to suffer any copies of it to be taken, nor to have it printed, to which Lyon said he solemnly agreed.— How he came to print it in fact, however, in violation of his "solemn agreement," he did not inform the court.

Several gentlemen who have seen it, and who are acquainted with Mr. Barlow, have expressed their decided opinions that he never wrote it. The public may rest assured, however, that the thing, infamous as it is, was really written by Joel Barlow, and sent by the hand of a Mr. Lee to Abraham Baldwin. The most indisputable testimony of the fact can be laid before the public if necessary.— Those who recollect what Mr. Barlow once was—those who once respected and loved him for his amiable dispositions, his talents, and his supposed pi [...]ty, will exclaim "O! how fallen!" They will discover new evidence, if possible, of the accursed demoralizing powers of that modern French philosophy which has made of Europe a charnel house, and which Mr Barlow has been long known to have embraced with enthusiastic ardor. But who could have expected from him such displays of hatred to his native country!— Who could expect that Joel Barlow would have become the slanderer of WASHINGTON and ADAMS! The true lover of his country will mourn that so many of her children a [...] become her most unnatural foes, and aim with parricidal aim, the fatal dagger at her [...]. I supply the names, "Lee," " [...]," " [...]," on the authority of the gentleman who enables me to assert the [...] of the letter—they were left blanks in the pamphlet.

THE PAMPHLET. COPY of a LETTER from an AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC CHARACTER in France to a MEMBER of CCONGRESS in Philadelphia.

[...] March, 1798.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

[...] now a long time, even many years, since I have indulged myself in communicating to you my political opinions, because I have generally thought it useless, and at [...] dangerous to trust them to the ordinary [...] of conveyance▪ but the opportunity of sending this letter into your [...]wn hands, and the very serious aspect our affairs have assumed in this country, induce [...] to thr [...] [...] restraint, and to speak to you with so [...] ▪ though f [...]r [...] the hope that any [...] benefit will arise f [...]m the communication.

The misunderstanding between the two Governments has become extremely alarming—Con [...]i [...]ence i [...] completely destroyed.— Mistrusts, Jealousy, and a disposition to a wrong attribution of [...] are so apparent, as to require the utmost caution in every word and action that are to come from your Executive: I mean if your object is to avoid hostilities. Had this truth been understood with you before the recal of Mun [...], before the coming and second coming of [...]; had it guided the p [...]n that wrote the [...] speech of your President, and stupid answer of your Senate, at the opening of Congress in November last, I should probably have had no occasion to address you this letter.

To point out a remedy for the evil at it [...] present [...]ght, if indeed a remedy can be found, it i [...] necessary to call to mind the cause [...] that have produced it; for these causes are many; and some of the operative ones are generally overlooked by the most attentive observer, on your side the water—that act of submission to the British government, commonly called Jay's treaty, is usually considered both by its friends and enemies as the sol [...] cause, or at least the great cause of the present hostile disposition of the French [...] towards the United States. This opinion i [...] erroneous, other causes, and those [...] public discussion, have had a much more decided effect. It is true that considering the circumstances under which the treaty was made, when England was flying, and the coalition [...]rumbling before the armies of Fra [...]ce, it served to humble us in the eyes of all Europe. It is true that the manner in which it was thrust down the throats of the people of America, by the man whose monstrous influence formed an inexplicable contrast with the weakness of his political talent, has effectually humbled u [...] in [...]ur own eyes, and has taught our citizens to pride themselves in a [...]enunciation of national dignity; it is likewise true, that as the treaty affected France, it was a serious and undisguised attack upon her interests; it was giving the lie to all our professions of friendship and sympathy with her, in he [...] distressed situation, it was [...]rrowing the [...]reedom of commerce, multiplying the ar [...]les of contraband, and throwing every a [...]vantage of solving the frightful problem of [...]presentative democracy, [...] that problem as already [...]lved by us; our energy was praised, our wisdom ex [...]gerated, our example quoted by them on all occasions. GEORGE WASHINGTON, a name at that time dear to liberty, was placed at the head we could throw, into the hand [...] of her enemies; in all th [...] and many other respects the treaty with England has not yet been, nor never will be censured as much as it deserves; it was a measure substantially hostile, and ostentatiously irritating to our best friends. But it often happens, in public as well as in private affairs, that the greatest injuries are forgiven or excused, while slighter ones, such as border on contempt, excite the most ungovernable resentment, and lead to the greatest acts of vengeance; a striking example of this has fallen under my observation in the conduct of these two republics: at the moment when the old government of France was shaken to its foundation, the new government of the United States was consolidated and was beginning its operations under the most favorable auspices. A great revolution in America had completed its work, it convinced the world of the solidity of its principles, and held up to view an unexampled prospect of public happiness. A much greater revolution in France was opening its career. Its authors and conductors, though frightened at the imm [...]nsity of the undertaking, from the task of our administration, and his election was known to be unanimous; the French theerfore saw in WASHINGTON, the people of the United States; they counted on his friendship, they drew consolation from his supposed sympathy, while their principles were calumniated and the nation threatened with war by all the cabinets of Europe. They grew strong from a sense of danger, and they were proud of the reproaches of princes, because they were confident of the approbation of the American people, the elder sons of liberty.

It is difficult for you to conceive to what a degree their sensibility was carried on this subject, at the beginning of the revolution; it was clear that a sensibility of such force, must be the foundation of the most extravagant affection; if properly nourished, it would have beg [...]t a con [...]idenc [...] without bou [...]ds; if [...], or ans [...]d with indifference, it mus [...] [...] jealousy, [...] by the rule [...] of justice, and blind to the light of truth. And w [...]t was the conduct of your President? [...] Jeff [...]rs [...]n [...] your Ambassador in France, where [...] talents, and republican principles, had rendered him exceeding dear to all [...] of liberty. It was well known here, that his int [...]nt [...]on was to remain at this place during the revolution. They wished it exceedingly, because both he and they were sensible that he would be able to [...]nder the most essential services to both countries, by remaining in Pa [...]is during a [...] of such momentous exp [...]tations; no one will deny, that the occasion and the place, called for the first diplomatic talents, and the purest republican virtue that the United States could afford. Jefferson went from Paris on a short leave of absence, with a fixed determination to return as soon as possible, but the President ordered it otherwise, and the French believed it was from a disapprobation of Jefferson's attachment to the cause of liberty in France. This opinion may be hastily formed, but they were confirmed in it by the President's naming to the same place, Govern [...]ur Morris, who for two winters past, had filled Paris with invectives against every principle of liberty, who was previously detested by all the leaders of the revolution; who was known to be the broker, protector, and correspondent of the most obnoxious emigrants. It is possible, that Washington, in suffering Jefferson to return, might have acted from other motives than those of enmity to the French revolution, though no other motives appear; but his naming Morris, was an insult that admits of no palliative; it is in vain to say he was ignorant of the character that this man bore in Paris: he was a wide-mouth bawle [...], and had been for two years the exaggerating echo of all the abuse in all Burke's pamphlets, and the worst papers in London.

This seene was continued here, to the astonishment of all Europe for three years, his business was to mislead the President, with respect to what was going on in France, to insult the French nation and as far as possible to betray them, for it was universally believed, and I have no doubt of the fact, that after the English and Austrian ambassadors retired from Paris, Morris acted as secret agent and spy for those two cabinets. A hasty word or action co [...]ing from an ambassador, though malicious in itself, is not always interpreted to be the language of the government that sent him; but a series of ostentatious abuse continued for three years, becomes unequivocal. All Europe leagued against liberty, considered America already in the coalition; and France would at that time have grouped you among her enemies, had it not been for several circumstance, wholly adventitious or foreign to the conduct of your cabinet.

1. Some Americans in Paris, of character far more respectable than that of Morris, endeavored, and with a momentary su [...]cess, to convince the leaders here, that his conduct when known in America, must be disapproved.

2. France was in want of the trade and provisions of the United States, both for her colonies and herself, it would therefore be inconvenient at that time to have them for enemies.

3. The conduct of C. Genet, a subject of so much triumph to your cabinet and that of St. James's, was one of the causes that saved you from a war at that time. Genet had been sent by Brissot; Brissot was now fallen, it was for this reason that the conduct of Genet was disapproved, and that of the American government passed over in silence, though a silence marked with resentment and contempt.

When after every remonstrance, and a formal demand from this government your executive was pleased to remove Morris from his ostensible situation in Paris, he emigrated, that is, he went and joined the emigrants in Germany, and has been ever since among the enemies of France. But this is not all, a letter from Washington to Morris,* dated in the latter end of the year 1795, intercepted, and now in the hands of the directory, gives him a commission as a secret agent to the cabinet of London, to transact business so apparently hostile to the interest of France, that I am assured this letter has sharpened the edge of resentment here, more than the whole of Jay's treaty. This and other circumstances have given full credit to the opinion here, that a journey which Morris took from London to Berlin, in the year 1796, was a mission on the part of the British government to engage the king of Prussia to rejoin the coalition against France. Another fact, though of less consequence, could not escape the animadversion of the French government. John Parish, American consul at Hamburg, was employed by the English government as their agent for transmitting the subsidies and loans, to the Emperor, and the King of Prussia, for the war against France; and to freight and fit out vessels for the transporting troops to the West-Indies. It may be said that the American government were not answerable for a thing of this sort, of which they could have no knowledge; but this has not prevented the fact from being recognized among the proofs of an unfriendly disposition on your side, and certainly great allowances ought to be made for the jealousy of a nation g [...]ded by all Europe, tormented by her own traitors, and standing alone, in a cause in which [...]he expected, at least a friendly countenance from us, if not an active support. She looked upon the cause of liberty as our cause; and though she did not require us to take arms, she considered herself as fighting our battles in [...]r own.

Much has be [...]n said on the subject of national gratitude, and to ascertain how much, or whether any was due from us to France, for the part she took in the American war. I will not add to the observations that have been made on this head, but it is clearly my opinion, that she has rendered us more solid service by establishing the principle of representative government in Europe, than by aiding us in America.

I shall say very little on the mission of Monroe, because I take it for granted, from what I have heard, that he has already told his own story in print. I will only say that in the midst of all difficulties created by the madness of his predecessor, the continued folly of your Executive, the unfortunate conclusion and ratification of the English treaty, he conducted himself in such a manner as to form by his single character a counterpoise to all the weight of resentment from this government; nobody doubts here, but that he would have continued to do so to the end of the war, if your cabinet had let him alone, and confined their blunders to their own continent, What must then have been the astonishment of all our friends, and the ex [...]ltation of the court of London, to see him recalled in the most abrupt and censorious manner.

For the personal qualities of Gen. Pinckney, because they had little or nothing to do with his being refused here, as the successor of Monroe▪ I will excuse him for writing weak and idle letters, but I will not excuse your executive for printing them.† Being rejected as ambassador, he went to spend the winter in Holland; and all the world knows how many carriage wheels it cost him, to make these journies through this frightful republican territory; Nothwithstanding all these evils, both real and imaginary, there still remained one more—to the patience of his very impatient gove [...]nment, they knew that Washington was in the dotage of his natural life, and near the close of his political career; they indulged the hope that when he should be out of office, the American people would come to their senses, or, at least, they saw that the character of the new President would be a criterion by which the decided friendship or enmity of the United States would be clearly seen. The candidates were Adams and Jefferson; the one a reputed Royalist, and enemy to France; the other an eminent Republican, and a friend to the cause of liberty in all countries. The sentiments of these two men were not yet known here; those of the people were not yet known, because it was supposed that the general idolatry for Washington had prevented them from being freely uttered; these were the reasons why the Directory determined to take no decided step in consequence of Monroe's recal, until the public voice should decide between these two candidates. This accounts for the interest which the French seemed to take in the event of that election. Their wishing you to elect JEFFERSON, proves that they did not want to quarrel with you, and that they still hoped that the people of America were friends to liberty. The government have waited the event. This was an awful pause in the American affairs in Europe; and it is astonishing to me how you could fail to view it in that light in America, and to take the measure which the the most moderate share of common sense, and the most palpable self interest, pointed out.‡

When the election of Adams was announced here, it produced the order of the 2d of March, which was meant to be little short of a declaration of war; but it was so far short of it as to leave room on your side to come forward with an additional project of negociation, if you wished to avoid that calamity.

The enmity of the old President towards France, was now considered as nationalized in America, and the government here was determined to fleece you of your property, to a sufficient degree to bring you to your feeling in the only nerve in which it was presumed your sensibility lay, which was your pecuniary interest.

This uncomplying disposition of the Directory induced Mr. Adams to call an extraordinary meeting of Congress, and consequently to make a speech.

To a man who had the least pretensions to prudence, there were but two courses to be taken; one was to declare war if he wished to ruin his country; the other was, if he wished to save it, to offer to negociate by sending some man or men that he knew would be agreeable to France; or, at least, not to play the bully, by forcing a man back, who had just been driven out of Paris. The true policy would have been, to retrieve the mistake of Washington, by sending back Monroe. You cannot imagine the effect produced here by the name only of a known friend to liberty in America. A report prevailed here for a few days, that Madison was named to this mission;—it almost disarmed the government of all resentment. Had the the news proved true, and Madison arrived, the business would have been settled in 24 hours.

But Adams to attain his object, whatever it might be, found out a third course, which discovers more invention than I supposed him to possess: he formed a commission of three to make the people of the United States believe that a negociation was offered on their part, and then filled it up with names from which there could not be the least expectation of success. The first was a man who had just been refused, and could not be offered again without an insult: sending him back, was undoubtedly intended as an insult, and it was so received: the second was a man whose effigy had been burnt in Virginia, for his violent defence of the British treaty—at least it was so reported and believed here: the third was a little make-weight man, appointed with the intention that he should have no influence:—and yet, to prove to you the facility of this government, after all that had passed, I am able to assure you, from the best authority, that if Gerry had been sent alone, and not shackled with the other two, the directory would have negociated with him, without any difficulty; at present, the three have been here five months, without being received or rejected; and a new law is made, by which an additional number of neutral vessels will fall into the hands of the French.

I shall hardly gain credit with you were I to state on how small a pivot the fate of nations turns in Paris at this moment.

The speech of John Adams, at the opening of Congress in November, was waited for here with as much expectation as if peace or war depended upon it. It was hoped that after he had sent his commissioners, he would at least avoid the use of insulting language against the nation with whom he was pretending to treat. But when we found him borrowing the language of Edmund Burke, and telling the world that, although he should succeed in treating with the French, there was no dependence to be placed on any of their engagements; that their religion and morality were at an end; that they had turned pirates and plunderers, and it would be necessary to be perpetually armed against them, though you were at peace— we wondered that the answer of both houses had not been an order to send him to a madhouse. Instead of this, the Senate have echoed the speech with more serv [...]lity than ever George the third experienced from either house of Parliament. Read over the paragraph that speaks of France; his bringing in of the word Europe, under pretence of generalizing it, is so flimsy a cover for his attack on thi [...] nation, that it only adds to the abuse, by attempting to impose on the understanding; he certainly could not mean the English, for he brags in the next paragraph how well they keep their treaty. He could certainly mean nobody but the French, for no other nation have overturned religion. Had this speech borne a friendly aspect, or had the paragraph in question been similar to the one inserted in the speech of governor M [...]fflin, on the same subject, it would have facilitated the negociation, and probably saved millions to the United States.

In enumerating the causes which have brought the two republics to the brink of war, several memorable speeches in your house of representatives, must not be forgotten. One of your orators calls the French government a five headed monster—another says, Barras, when he pronounced his farewell speech to Monroe, must have been drunk or mad. These gentlemen forget that Barras reads their speeches; and that the five headed monster, when it shall have devoured the fry of Europe, may possibly shark them in their turn.

Another subject of complaint, and that not the least, is the scurrility of many of your newspapers, against the republic: among the most abusive i [...] the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, which is considered here as an official paper, or printed under the eye and patronage of the government. The office of foreign affairs receives these papers regularly; and you cannot suppose that any of these insults pass unnoticed. It is remarked here, and with great truth, that there is more dirty calumny against the French in American than in the London papers.

But it is in vain to amuse ourselves in describing the nature of the disease, unless there be a remedy within our reach. In my opinion there is one, but I have scarcely any hope that you [...] wise men will stumble upon it. Acknowledge your error in sending Pinckney and Marshall to this country;— recall them, and perhaps Gerry with them— name and send Madison or Monroe to take their place, and let the President in his message to the Senate acknowledging the nomination, utter sentiments full of friendship to the French nation, government, and cause— let him acknowledge that the principles of liberty are equally dear to the two countries —and deprecate the idea of gratifying the tyrants of the world, by exhibiting the two great republics, whose existence they strove in vain to prevent, now tearing out each others vitals.

I perceive that much stress is laid by your President, and your other leaders, on the conduct of this Government, in refusing to receive your ambassador Pinckney. I wish those gentlem [...]n could some how or other be made acquainted with the following history. I hope you will not suppose, by inserting it here, my intention is to justify the French government: No, my object will be truly to serve my country, and to vindicate the hohonor of all the ardent spirits among you, if they should neglect this opportunity of going to war for the three broken wheels of Gen. Pinckney's carriage.

In the year 1796, the Swedish ambassador here, the Baron de Stahl, obtained leave of absence, and presented his secretary as charge d'affaires, who had the king's commission for that purpose. This man was refused, on which de Stahl presented a note to the minister of foreign relations, desiring him to assign the reasons, that the king might know in what he had offended the republic, since he had been the first in Europe to acknowledge it, and the most ardent to deserve its friendship. The answer to this note was, an order to the new charge d'affaires to quit the republic, and a recall of the French ambassador from Stockholm. As soon as couriers could pass to Sweden and back, the matter was accommodated, by the King's renewing the Baron de Stahl, who was agreeable to the French.

About the same time the Ambassador of Tuscany, while in peaceable exercise of his functions, was ordered by the government to quit Paris in 24 hours, and the republic in 8 days, without any reasons assigned. He obeyed, and the Grand Duke very complaisantly sent another.

The ambassadors of Portugal and Rome, who were in full credence and activity a few weeks ago, are now in prison in Paris. It is true that this was in consequence of a rupture between this government and each of theirs. But the fate of agents in such cases, used to be, to be sent away, and not to be imprisoned.

The king of Spain lately sent a new ambassador here, in great pomp, who is refused, and ordered to quit the country, without reasons publicly assigned.

You will remark, that in this light the Spanish and Swedish are cases in point, for your Pinckney. But their poor Kings had not learned the etiquette of John Adams, to name and send back the same man who had been refused. Kings, at this day, have no notion of a rupture with France.

Another event has lately happened to the Baron de Stahl, which makes the Swedish case, taken altogether, different from the American. (God grant that the American may never come to it, as long as you have loving couples to send on these missions.) The wife of Baron Stahl is just sent out of the republic on a suspi [...]ion of conspiracy; while the husband occupies his post. What would the Columbian blood [...]ay to this? Let [...] hear none of your wicked bachelors remark, that this order was solicited by the husband; no such reason is assigned. Indeed, had the Baron obtained the order, he ought to have obtained leave to clamor against it afterwards; decency seemed to require it, and yet he has not done it. Had it been an American ambassador, and had the American been me, I should have tried hard to get my case inserted in a speech of John Adams, or a letter of Timothy Pickering. I repeat to you, that I am not undertaking the hopeless and useless task of vindicating all the measures that the violent convulsions of the revolution have induced this people to adopt. But when Mr. Adams shall hear of the sending away of his ambassador, I would advise him, and all those who are concerned in his wounded honor, to club that commodity with the kings, princes, and states above mentioned, and to try to bear their part with a patience becoming a government that ha [...] merited this sort of chastisement more than all [...]eir fellow sufferers put together.

Your three commissioners will doubtless seize this occasion, by Mr. Lee, to forward their dispatches. These will probably be of a nature to induce the President to take some decisive step; and I am in trembling expectation of seeing him give another desperate leap into the regions of madnes [...]. Without knowing precisely the face that the commissioners will put to the business, I will venture to affirm, that the answer propre will contribute more than its due share to the coloring. A manly and independent style of writing appears not to belong to their character.

Were I to write their letters to the executive, it should be in language like this. —"The French have many reasons for being offended with the American government; these reasons are exaggerated by their jealousy, and other other strong passions inseparable from the revolution. This is an unfavorable moment, and we are improper persons, to attempt to explain away the imaginary wrongs on which a great part of the [...] resentment is founded. We advise you to recall us three, and at the same time to replace us with one or more persons whose characters are well known and approved by [...]he French; such as Madison or Monroe. If you wish to terminate these disputes by negociation, you must be prepared for considerable sacrifice; such as a loan of money similar to what this nation m [...]de to you last war; such as a modification of the British treaty, or at least a new treaty with France, giving her more advantages than that treaty gives to England. It is possible that on conditions of this kind, you may obtain some indemnification for the spoilations on your commerce; somewhat in the manner provided for with the English in Mr. Jay's treaty.

"It is scarcely necessary for us to observe that your commission, considering the distance between the two countries, must no [...] be straitened in its powers, as in this affair so much depends on the manne [...]. The President will excuse us if we insist on the necessity of using the utmost precaution in his public speeches relative to this country and of the revolution, the magnanimity of the nation, the sacrifices they have made in the general cause of liberty; the French are extremely sensible on this subject."*

I do not know that a letter of this kind would produce any effect with you; but I beg you to remember the warning I now give you, that if your executive is inaccessable to sentiments like these, you are very soon at war with the conquerors of Europe.

So much depends on the measures to be taken in consequence of the dispatches which I suppose will [...]company this letter, that I could not rest easy without communicating my sentiments to some one who would be likely to make a good use of them. I was going to address them to Jefferson, or to —, but I thought they would be safest and best in the hands of my oldest and best friend.

You will naturally conclude, that some credit is due to my opinions, when you reflect that they have been formed on a close observation of every stage of the revolution, and an intimate relation with every set of leaders. The present directory are but the successors and sub-successors of my fellow-laborers in the days of my activity; for the political generations have passed away with such rapidity, that in every thing, but wisdom, I am one of the worst or best of the present race.

From the manner in which your present commission was composed, there is very little doubt in my mind, and there certainly is none in the minds of the Directory, that the emb [...]ssy was really intended for Lewis the XVIIIth. Your Executive did not foresee the 18th Fructidor. When, in God's name are we to expect any just ideas from America, relative to France? Look for a Republic in England, but do not, I beseech you, look for a Monarchy in France!

12 March—Since writing this letter, I reflect that you may be gone to Georgia before it arrives; anxious of giving it a chance of doing some good, I send a copy of the most substantial parts of it to —

Notes

*

We have never before heard of any such letter, and believe none such ever exi [...]ted; it is unquestionably one of the million of jacobinic lies invented with design to make our beloved WASHINGTON odious to his countrymen.

↵

†

We trust our Executive will try to get along without the great Mr. Barlow's excuse.

↵

‡

We had the unbroken [...] of Independent Americans, and dared to act in conformity to it, the "diplomatic skill" of France notwithstanding.

↵

*

And if they had suffered you to write in that style, or had written to themselves, they would have dec [...]ved and received the [...] of every [...] American.

↵

Information about this book

Title statement

Barlow's letter. From the Connecticut courant.

Barlow, Joel, 1754-1812.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2007-01.

ID [DLPS]

N36931

ID [TCP]

N36931

ID [STC]

Shipton 48357

ID [NOTIS]

APZ0747

ID [IMAGE-SET]

48357

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99038374

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 48357.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N36931)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 48357)

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Source

— Barlow's letter. From the Connecticut courant., Barlow, Joel, 1754-1812., Baldwin, Abraham, 1754-1807..

Extent

1 sheet ([1] p.)

s.n.,. [Hartford? :: 1798]. (Unsigned preface followed by "Copy of a letter from an American diplomatic character in France to a member of Congress in Philadelphia [i.e., Abraham Baldwin]. 1st March 1798," reprinted from the Nov. 5, 1798, issue of the Connecticut courant. Allegedly, the letter was originally printed as a pamphlet "at Matthew Lyon's press at Fairhaven [Vt.];" however, no copy of such a pamphlet has been located.) (Place of publication suggested in BAL.) (Text in six columns.)

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Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.