The AMERICAN PATRIOT'S Prayer. PARENT of all, omnipotent In heav'n, and earth below, Thro' all creation's bounds unſpent, Whoſe ſtreams of goodneſs flow. Teach me to know from whence I roſe, And unto what deſign'd; No private aims let me propoſe, Since link'd with human kind. But chief to hear my country's voice, May all my thoughts incline, 'Tis reaſon's law, 'tis virtue's choice, 'Tis nature's call and thine. • e from fair freedom's ſacred cauſe, Let nothing e'er divide; Grandeur, nor gold, nor vain applauſe, Nor friendſhip falſe miſguide. Let me not faction's partial hate Purſue to this land's woe; Nor graſp the thunder of the ſtate, To wound a private foe. If, for the right, to wiſh the wrong My country ſhall combine. Single to ſerve th' erron'ous throng, Spight of themſelves, be mine.

ADDITIONS To COMMON SENLE. AMERICAN INDEPENDANCY defended.

WHEN the little pamphlet intitled COMMON SENSE firſt made its appearance in favor of that ſo often abjured idea of independance upon Great-Britain, I was informed that no leſs than three gentlemen of reſpectable abilities were engaged to anſwer it. As yet I have ſeen nothing which directly pretends to diſpute a ſingle poſition of the author. The oblique eſſay in Humphreys's paper, and ſolemn Teſtimony of the Quakers, however intended, having offered nothing to the purpoſe, I ſhall take leave to examine this important queſtion, with all candor and attention, and ſubmit the reſult to my much intereſted country.

Dependance of one man, or ſtate, upon another, is either abſolute, or limited by ſome certain terms of agreement. The dependance of theſe colonies which Great-Britain calls conſtitutional, as declared by act of parliament, is abſolute. If the contrary of this be the bugbear ſo many have been declaiming againſt, I could wiſh my countrymen would conſider the conſequence of ſo ſtupid a profeſſion. If a limited dependance is intended, I would be much obliged to any one who will ſhew me the Britanno American Magna Charta wherein the terms of our limited dependance are preciſely ſtated. If no ſuch thing can be found, and abſolute dependance be accounted inadmiſſible the ſound we are ſquabbling about has certainly no determinate meaning. If any ſay we mean that kind of dependance we acknowledge 〈◊〉 and before the year 1763; I anſwer, vague and uncertain laws, and more eſpecially CONSTITUTIONS, are the very inſtruments of ſlavery. The Magna Charta of England was very explicit, conſidering the time it was formed, and yet much blood was ſpilt in diſputes concerning its meaning.

Beſides the danger of an indefinite dependance upon an undetermined power, it might be worth while to conſider what the characters are on whom we are ſo ready to acknowledge ourſelves dependant. The votaries for this idol tell us, upon the good people of our Mother Country, whom they repreſent as the moſt juſt, humane, and affectionate friends we can have in the world. Were this true, it were ſome encouragement; but who can pretend ignorance that theſe juſt and humane friends are as much under the tyranny of men of a reverſe character as we ſhould be, could thoſe miſcreants gain their ends? I diſclaim any more than a mutual dependance on any man, or number of men upon earth; but ah indefinite dependance upon a combination of men, who have, in the face of the ſun, broken thro' the moſt ſolemn covenants, debauched the hereditary, and corrupted the elective guardians of the people's rights, who have, in fact, eſtabliſhed an abſolute tyranny in Great-Britain and Ireland, and openly declared themſelves competent to bind the Coloniſts in all caſes whatſoever: I ſay indefinite dependance on ſuch a combination of uſurping innovators is evidently as dangerous to liberty, as fatal to civil and ſocial happineſs, as any one ſtep that could be propoſed, even by the deſtroyer of men. The utmoſt that the honeſt party in Great-Britain can do, is to warn us to avoid this dependance at all hazards? Does not even a Duke of Grafton declare the miniſterial meaſures illegal and dangerous? And ſhall America, no way connected with this adminiſtration, preſs our ſubmiſſion to ſuch meaſures, and reconciliation to the authors of them? Would not ſuch pigeon-hearted wretches equally forward the recal of the Stuart family, and the eſtabliſhment of Popery throughout Chriſtendom, did they conceive the party in favor of thoſe loyal meaſures the ſtrongeſt? Shame on the men who can court exemption from preſent trouble and expence, at the price of their own and poſterity's liberty! The honeſt party in England cannot wiſh for the reconciliation propoſed. It is as unſafe to them as to us, and they thoroughly apprehend it. What check have they now upon the crown, and what ſhadow of control can they pretend, when the crown can command fifteen or twenty millions a year, which they have nothing to ſay to? A proper proportion of our commerce is all that can benefit any good man in Britain or Ireland, and God forbid we ſhould be ſo cruel as to furniſh bad men with power to enſlave both Britain and America. Adminiſtration has now fairly diſſevered the dangerous tie: Execrated will he be by the lateſt poſterity who again joins the fatal co • d! But ſay the puling puſillanimous cowards, we ſhall be ſubject to a long and bloody war, if we declare independance. On the contrary, I affirm it the only ſtep that can bring the conteſt to a ſpeedy and happy iſſue. By declairing independance we place ourſelves on a footing for an equal negociation: Now we are called a pack of villainous rebels, who, like the St. Vincent Indians, can expect nothing more than a pardon for our lives, and the ſovereign favor, reſpecting freedom and property, to be at the King's will. Grant Almighty God that I may be numbered with the dead before that fable day dawn on North-America!

All Europe knows the illegal and inhuman treatment we have received from Britons. All Europe Wiſhes the haughty empreſs of the main reduced to a more humble deportment. After herſelf has thruſt her Colonies from her, the maritime powers cannot be ſuch idiots as to ſuffer her to reduce them to a more abſolute obedience of her dictates than they were heretofore obliged to yield. Does not the moſt ſuperficial politician know that while we profeſs ourſelves the ſubjects of Great-Britain, and yet hold arms againſt her, they have a right to treat us as rebels, and that according to the laws of nature and nations no other ſtate has a right to interfere in the diſpute? But on the other hand, on our declaration of independance, the maratime ſtates at leaſt will find it their intereſt, which always ſecures the queſtion of inclination, to protect a people who can be ſo advantageous to them. So that thoſe ſhort-ſighted politicians, who conclude that this ſtep will involve us in ſlaughter and devaſtation, may plainly perceive that no meaſure in our power will ſo naturally and effectually work our deliverance. The motion of a ſinger of the Grand Monarch would procure as gentle a temper in the Omnipotent Britiſh Miniſter as appeared in the Manilla ranſom and Falkland iſlands affairs. From without certainly we have every thing to hope, nothing to fear; from within, ſome tell us the Préſbyterians, if freed from the reſtraining power of Great-Britain, would over-run the peceable Quakers in this government. For my own part, I deſpiſe and deteſt the bickerings of ſectaries, and am apprehenſive of no trouble from that quarter, eſpecially while no peculiar honors nor emoluments are annexed to either. I heartily wiſh too many of the Quakers did not give cauſe of complaint, by endeavoring to counteract the meaſures of their fellow citizens for the common ſafety. If they profeſs themſelves only pilgrims here, let them walk through the men of this world without interfering with their actions on either ſide. If they would not pull down Kings, let them not ſupport tyrants; for whether they underſtand it or not, there is, and ever has been, an eſſential difference in the characters.

Finally, with M. De Vatell, I account a ſtate a moral perſon having an intereſt and will of its own, and I think that ſtate a monſter, whoſe prime mover has an intereſt and will, in direct oppoſition to its proſperity and ſecurity. This poſition has been ſo clearly demonſtrated in the pamphlet firſt mentioned in this eſſay, that I ſhall only add, if there are any arguments in favor of returning to a ſtate of dependance on Great-Britain, that is on the preſent Adminiſtration of Great-Britain, I could wiſh they were timely offered, that they may be ſoberly conſidered, before the cunning propoſals of the cabinet ſet all the timid, lazy and irreſolute members of the community into a clamor for peace at any rate.

CANDIDUS.

ADDITIONS TO COMMON SENSE. The Propriety of INDEPENDANCY.

TO acknowledge that the Creator formed Man for ſociety, and that ſociety cannot ſubſiſt without regulations, laws, and government; and at the ſame time to aſſert, that in ſpight of all human care to prevent it, every government will degenerate into a tyranny, is ſuch a daring blaſphemy of the divine attribute, that had I not heard it aſſerted, and acquieſced in as a truth, I could not have believed ſuch a poſition could have obtained in a civilized country! This monſtrous hypotheſis concludes that notwithſtanding the Deity had power enough to form ſuch admirable creatures as men and women, and fit them for enjoying of each other a thouſand ways, and tho' by means of the moſt exquiſite of thoſe enjoyments a race ſhould ariſe from them over which every power of rightful government muſt of neceſſity be exerciſed, yet juſt and rightful government is in reality utopian, imaginary, and impracticable! Did not God cloath the graſs, direct the wild Goat and provide for the Sparrow, I might more eaſily be perſuaded to ſuſpect his care of Man.

I readily grant that the delegates of governmental power are too apt to conſider themſelves the poſſeſſors of it in their own right, and that they therefore take every means in their power to become the maſters in place of ſervants to their conſtituents; and that the people in all civilized countries have been too inattentive to the uſerpations of their rulers: But I conceive of no cauſe in the nature of things which ſo abſolutely counteracts the power of a wiſe, learned, and free community as to render it impoſſible for them to preſerve their liberty. The arguments brought from the condition of other ſtates, are by no means concluſive with reſpect to the North-American colonies. I am hold to aſſert, that ſuch a favourable combination of circumſtances as they are bleſſed with at this important conjuncture, never did take place among any people with whom hiſtory has made us acquainted. The moſt juſt and ſolid foundation of ſocial happineſs was laid in the firſt ſettlement of the Continent, the cultivation of the earth for the ſubſiſtance of its proprietor. Here was no feudal tenure from ſome military Lord; every cultivator being the lord of his own ſoil, and content with its produce, had no thoughts of encroaching upon and ſubjecting his neighbour to his abſolute dominion. Hence a handſome competency has enabled the bulk of the people to give their children ſuch an education as enables them to read, and become acquainted with the uſurpations of the deepeſt plotters of their ruin. The ſpirit of the people for obtaining this neceſſary information, is evident from the incredible number of news-papers and other periodical publications which they encourage, and the effect of ſuch inſtitutions never have been ſo great in any community, yet known, as in theſe pantaplebean (altogether Commons) colonies. How quickly the moſt important revolution of the fundamentals of our policy can pervade a continent, may be gueſſed at by the progreſs of the idea of Colonial Independancy in three weeks or a month at fartheſt! Surely thouſands and tens of thouſands of common farmers and tradeſmen muſt be better reaſoners than ſome of our trammelled juris conſultors, who to this hour feel a reluctance to part with the abominable chain, which remaining, in any ſhape whatever, tho' modified by all the wiſdom and caution of the greateſt men now living, muſt in a very little time drag the colonies into the moſt abject ſlavery. Many profeſs themſelves zealous for the liberties of America, yet declare an abhorrence of the idea of independancy on Great-Britain. If this be not a ſoleciſm, as abſurd and irreconcileable as ever wad obtruded on mankind, I know not the meaning of the term! Civil Liberty never was defined in ſtricter terms than an EXEMPTION from all controul, WITHOUT THE COMMUNITY, in which every qualified member has an equal voice. No American, as ſuch, has the ſhadow of incorporation with the government of Great-Britain; and in conſequence, if he receives the leaſt ſyllable of law from that quarter, he gives up his claim to the definitive exemption. if the ſticklers for dependance do not mean dependance for ſome certain laws, in the forming of which the Coloniſts have no voice at all, I do not yet underſtand them; and if they do mean that we ſhould admit the claim of any ſtate, or any part of the power of any ſtate, with which the democratic power of this ſtate is not incorporated, to give us law in any caſe whatever, they admit a fibre, which I muſt make free to tell them, will ſpeedily grown into an iron ſinew which neither themſelves nor poſterity will be able to endure or burſt aſunder. And further, it is not only the admiſſion of ſome poſſible law from a foreign power, that hurries a people into ſlavery; a meer negative power on acts for the repeal of grieveous laws will more ſlowly, but as certainly ſubvert liberty.

Again Mr. Hume's obſervation, [Perfect Commonwealth, p. 301.] that "the ſword being in the hands of a ſingle perſon who will always neglect to diſcipline the militia, in order to have the pretext to keep up a ſtanding army;" and the ſucceeding one, "that this is a mortal diſtemper in the Britiſh government of which it muſt, at laſt inevitably periſh," now ſo fatally confirmed, may be a ſufficient warning to the Colonies to beware of being again entangled with the yoke of bondage.

Many object to a Republican Government as impracticable in a large ſtate. "The contrary of this (ſays Hume, [Per. Com. 302.] ſeems evident. Tho' 'tis more difficult to form a Republican Government in an extenſive country than in a city; there is more facility, when once it is formed, of preſerving it ſteady and uniform, without tumult or faction, in the former then the latter. (Per. Com. 303.) In a large government which is modelled with maſterly ſkill, there is compaſs and room enough to refine the democracy from the lower people, who may be admitted into the firſt elections, or firſt concoction of the commonwealth; to the higher magiſtrates who direct all the motions. At the ſame time the parts are ſo diſtant and remote that 'tis very difficult either by intrigue, prejudice, or paſſion, to hurry them into meaſures againſt the public intereſt." Thus far Mr. Hume, whoſe plan for a perfect commonwealth, will ſpeedily be ſubmitted to public conſideration.

DEMOPHILUS.

A Review of the American Conteſt, with ſome Strictures on the King's Speech, and its conſequences. Addreſſed to all Parents, in the Thirteen United Colonies. By a Friend to Poſterity and Mankind.

NATURE inſtructs the brute creation to provide for, guard and protect their offspring until they are able to do for themſelves. The dam is never known to forſake her young while her care is neceſſary for their ſafety, nor to do any thing which would involve them in diſtreſs and difficulty. Man, who has this principle in common with brutes, is endowed with others yet more valuable, but which to him are abſolutely neceſſary, whereby he is taught to provide for the future welfare of his deſcendants and to guard them from the encroachments of that power which civil ſociety conſtitutes for its own ſafety; but which, through the depravity of human nature is often turned againſt it. There are few parents who do not make it their conſtant ſtudy and earneſt endeavour to leave ſome valuable inheritance to their children: few who have been ſo loſt to the feelings of nature and calls of parental affection, as to entail difficulty and diſtreſs on their children, when it was in their power to leave them a fair and eaſy inheritance. And yet it has ſo happened, that by an ill timed attachment to the preſent, without paying proper attention to the future, they have entailed miſery upon them by the very means which were deſigned to preſerve them from it.

It is now in your power to bequeath to your children the one or the other, and it becomes you to have an eye to them in all your proceedings. It is ſufficiently known to you, that riches in arbitrary ſtates are often the ruin of then poſſeſſors, and that ſecurity to property is abſolutely neceſſary to ſtamp their true value on wealth and poſſeſſions. He therefore, who wiſhes to leave his children in flouriſhing circumſtances ought to be a zealous friend to thoſe meaſures, and that plan of government which gives the greateſt ſecurity to property, and an active warm oppoſer of thoſe which leave it to the arbitrary diſpoſal of men, who find a greater advantage in making free with what does not belong to them, than in frugally uſing what is juſtly their own. Whig and Tory ſhould be out of the queſtion. Private pique, party faction and animoſity ought to ſubſide. He who thinks ſhould think for poſterity, and he who acts ſhould act for his children.

It is a great weakneſs to ſuffer our paſſions to take place of our reaſon and blindly to follow their dictates, though to our manifeſt hurt, rather than ſubject them to our better ſenſe. A falſe pride, which will not acknowledge an error though ever ſo evident, an obſtinate perſeverance in our own opinion without deigning to hear advice or inſtruction, and an unreaſonable attachment to party, have done much miſchief to mankind, and may yet do more if not carefully avoided. I have directed this paper to you in preference to others, becauſe your parental affection ſhould form more than a counterpoiſe to every falſe principle, which can influence the human mind where the intereſt of your offspring is at ſtake.

Our preſent conteſt is immenſely great, and every man muſt ſee that it will affect poſterity. Its conſequences cannot end with itſelf; but the lateſt generations muſt feel its effects. The great Ruler of the univerſe has permitted it for wiſe purpoſes and has called every one of us to act our part in it. It becomes us, therefore, laying aſide all former prejudices, partiality and party attachments, to act upon principles which will juſtify us to him who has aſſigned us our ſtations, and cauſe poſterity to bleſs the memory of their forefathers. We all agree in this, that Great-Britain is unjuſt and arbitrary, and we have hitherto principally differed in the mode of oppoſition, which ought to have been purſued. I ſpeak not to thoſe who think one way and talk another. They act upon ſuch baſe principles, that it is in vain to attempt to rouze in them any juſt or generous ſentiments. We have no inſtances of the converſion of avaricious or ambitious hypocrites, and it would be waſting time to uſe arguments to convince them. I direct myſelf to you who have ſincerity ſufficient to examine the principles on which you proceed, and honeſty enough to purſue that courſe of conduct which appears to be right, and ſo much affection for your children as to prefer their intereſt and happineſs to every other conſideration. For you I mean to throw together a few hints which may aſſiſt you in finally fixing a right choice.

The Britiſh adminiſtration began its attacks on our liberties with a ſtamp act, but meeting with ſtrong oppoſition they thought fit to repeal it. This act threw the colonies into ſtrong convulſions, and we rejoiced exceedingly on its repeal, and fondly hoped that we would enjoy future tranquility. But we were miſtaken. They never intended to relinquiſh the deſign, but only to change their ground, that which they firſt pitched upon not ſeeming tenable. An American revenue granted by a Britiſh Parliament was the object, and they never loſt ſight of it; for they ſoon renewed their attacks upon principles which they thought more favourable to their intentions; but meeting with as little ſucceſs in that, as in the preceding attempt, they ſuſpended their meaſures for a time, in, hopes of lulling us into a careleſs ſecurity. They accordingly once more returned to the charge, and endeavoured to effect by cunning and artifice what they had heretofore attempted in vain on every other peaceable plan. This not ſucceeding, they were reduced to their laſt ſhift of bullying and force; and this they reſolved upon. They levied armies, appointed Generals of reputation to command, and ſent them amongſt us, we may know their commiſſion by their conduct; for after abuſing, brow-beating and inſulting, after ſtarving and tarring and feathering, after offering every poſſible injury which a free people could bear, without obtaining their ends, and every other meaſure failing, they drew the ſword, and at once reduced us to the dire alternative of ſubmitting to their illegal claims of juriſdiction, or entering into the bloody conteſt. Like men determined to be free we choſe the latter. It now reſts on the laſt argument, an argument which finally ſettles all controverſies of a like nature. The plan of operation is now opened, and they who ſtand to it with the moſt ſteady perſeverance muſt finally ſucceed. This is the decree of providence in all caſes, he that perſevereth unto the end ſhall be ſaved. We have, by the bleſſing of God, effectually baffled all their former attempts; but if we fail in this, all our former victories will only ſerve to make our fall the more conſpicuous and terrible.

I will not enquire what would have been the efficacy of any heretofore recommended, but untried means. The worſt that can has happened, and it is with it we have now to deal; to relinquiſh it on our part, would be to give up the matter, for however any means might once have done, cowardice alone would now deſert the field, and ſlavery muſt be the inevitable conſequence.

I do not wonder that war ſits heavy on us, and that we are ſomewhat reſtleſs and uneaſy; but I ſhall be ſurprized, if we, who have ſo long and ſo ſuceſsfully oppoſed tyranny and oppreſſion ſhould all on a ſudden loſe every deſire of retaining our liberties. I am forced into this remark by the artful, cunning and deſigning manner in which ſome men talk of a reconciliation with Great Britain; and the bug-bears they conjure up to frighten the timid, irreſolute and ignorant, from a ſteady proſecution of thoſe means, which alone can help us in our preſent circumſtances. Facts bear evidence from the beginning of the conteſt that every ſcheme they ever recommended has, upon trial, proved inadequate to the end for which it was intended; yet they proceed. Beware of ſuch men, they love neither their country, nor their liberties, ſo much as ſomething elſe.

There are many I doubt not who are denominated Tories by the more zealous Whigs, who in their hearts wiſh ſucceſs to our meaſures, tho' they maybe chagrined becauſe thoſe they propoſed did not go down with the people; theſe are uniform, open, and not very dangerous; but there are others, who under the cloke of friendſhip for the cauſe, harbour the bittereſt rancour and malice in their hearts. Theſe talk favourably in general, though their diſcourſes moſtly terminate with a doubt, ſuſpicion, or but, which give thoſe with whom they converſe, reaſon to dread ſome hidden deſign, or approaching evil, which moſt men have not properly attended to. They artfully recal your attention to a certain period, when all was peace and quietneſs, and by pathetically lamenting the unhappy alteration, endeavour to impreſs your minds with an opinion that all our troubles aroſe from ourſelves. They carefully avoid mentioning the iniquitous meaſures of the Britiſh government which produced them, and by keeping thoſe out of ſight, they gradually lead the unwary into the belief, that the men who have been moſt active on the preſent occaſion in oppoſing the tyrannical proceedings of Great-Britain, and who have hazarded their all in defence of their country, have been actuated by ſiniſter motives in all they have done. If every man who hears ſuch inſinuations were to aſk thoſe who caſt them out, what meaſures have not the men they condemn tried at one time or another to avoid the preſent conteſt, and ſave our liberties? What advantages they can reap by a ſucceſsful end of it, which every other freeman on the continent will not reap equally with them? And in an unſucceſsful cloſe of it, all will allow they muſt be the greateſt ſufferers. Their lives muſt go, let who will elſe eſcape. Theſe queſtions might recal them to facts, and theſe facts would enable men to judge aright.

Honeſty could not ſtand the force of a few pertinent queſtions, but theſe men have taken their leave of it, and like Manaſſeh of old, have ſold themſelves to do wickedly. Were it not ſo, could it be poſſible for them in the face of the ſun, to charge all our troubles on the New-England Preſbyterians, troubles which originally began and have all along been kept up by a wicked adminiſtration and a venal parliament. To make them the hatchers of miſchiefs occaſioned by unconſtitutional acts of parliament, and the only fomenters of our juſt oppoſition with a Pennſylvanian Quaker, a Maryland and a Virginian Churchman did more to effect than all the other men on the continent put together, is cruelty in the extreme. My heart bleeds when I think of ſuch men; who would fell the whole continent and all the blood on it for private advantage, and with whom a few thouſand, guineas with a title would be eſteemed an equivalent for the lives, liberty and property of the freemen of a colony. May that God who ſees how little they can gain, it ſucceſsful, open their eyes and turn their hearts, e'er they be convinced by fatal experience, that he who purchaſes the whole world at the price of his ſoul, is a very unwiſe dealer, and makes but a poor bargain in the end. if the calls of virtue, the precepts of religion, and dictates of patriotiſm cannot awaken them to a ſenſe of their duty, yet Norfolk might open their eyes. But let them do as they pleaſe, we ought to act wiſely. If we do not make ſuch a ſettlement now as will ſecure the privileges we contend for to poſterity, we entail either ſlavery or a civil war on our children. This is certain, let what will be doubtful. Look round you then, view your offsprings and tell me, are you willing to leave them ſuch a legacy? Do not trifle on this occaſion, all your other legacies muſt derive their true value from the part you now take in this conteſt. Thintk not that the God who charges him with worſe than infidelity who provides not for his own, and thoſe of his houſhold, will juſtify you in returning to the ſtate you were in when our troubles began, and thereby delivering over your offspring to the miſchievous machinations of at power that from the beginning has ſet right, juſtice, and mercy at defiance, and in all her deliberations conſidered nothing but her ability to execute.

Look to the year 1763, that happy period, as many ſo fondly call it, and ſee what ſafety there is to America in ſuch a ſituation. Lord North has ſaid, If that is all they want, we are agreed; and the ſaying pleaſes many of you. His Lordſhip, like others, who have learned wiſdom by experience, wiſhes to have all to begin again, believing that he could more eaſily effect his purpoſe by other means than thoſe he is at preſent purſuing. Swallow the bait and you are undone forever.

Can any man in his ſenſes believe, that he who has ſo long, and ſo invariably purſued his point againſt the ſenſe of the beſt men in the nation, will finally deſert his maſter's moſt favourite ſcheme ſo eaſily? Has he uttered a ſingle ſyllable that can make the moſt credulous believe that he is convinced of the injuſtice of his conduct? He confeſſes he was deceived; but wherein lay the deception: In believing that fewer troops would effect a ſubmiſſion than he is now convinced muſt be employed. Here lay the deception he complains of, and he is therefore determined to ſend his terms with ſuch an armed force; as he expects will frighten you into a compliance. Does this look like the conduct of one who deſigns to relinquiſh his claims? Were he or his maſter ſenſible of the injuſtice of their proceedings & the wrongs they have done us, they would both ſpeak a very different language. Why does he call you rebels? Why call in foreign troops to his aid? Why does his maſter lament ſo pathetically, that the extenſive operations of the war he means to carry on againſt you, will exhauſt his funds and increaſe the public debts, while he has not a ſingle tear to ſhed, not a groan, nor as much as a ſigh for all the blood he has already ſpilt, and yet means to ſpill, if he wiſhes to allow you ſecurity to your privileges? Oh! George! The day thou utteredſt that ſentiment in the face of the ſun, thou gaveſt up all title to humanity. Among the many unavoidable ill conſequences of this rebellion, none affects me more ſenſibly, ſays the King. than the extraordinary burthen it muſt create to my faithful ſubjects, "Moſt humane Prince! moſt pious Sovereign! moſt affectionate father of thy people! an addition to thy Britiſh ſubjects burthens to obtain a moſt unrighteous purpoſe of thy own, affects thee in order to reconcile them to the bearing of it; but to ſpill the blood of thy oppreſſed American ſubjects diſturbs not thy guiltleſs conſcience! Let me tell thee, O King, that there is a God who ſees through the veil that covers thy deceit, and who hears the cry of the needy, and regards the prayer of the diſtreſſed, who will recompence vengeance on the wicked, though ſupported by the power of Great Britain. Our weakneſs is ſufficient in his hands for the purpoſe. If thine and thy miniſters intentions are not evil againſt us, why didſt thou not hearken to the repeated prayers of thy diſtreſſed ſubjects in America? why doſt thou not recal thy troops, repeal the acts, indemnify us for what we have ſuffered, and offer any further ſecurity to our rights, which we may think neceſſary? Thou beganeſt the attack and this is thy duty; beſides, thou haſt an obedient parliament, which diſputes not thy will, and all this is in thy power, and in no one's elſe." Had the King made a ſpeech to the houſe recommending theſe things, he would have given unequivocal proof of his honeſt intentions, and it might juſtly be termed gracious. But who can truſt a Prince, who while he ſpeaks the language of peace and humanity with his lips, has nothing but cruelty and war in his conduct. The man who does, may have the innocence of the dove, but he cannot be poſſeſſed or the wiſdom of the ſerpent. I conclude by entreating you, that as you love your children, and their happineſs, you never deſert your preſent oppoſition, until you obtain ſuch a plan of conſtitutional vigour, as ſhall put it at all times in your power to ſecure yourſelves, and your deſcendants from tyrannical encroachments. This you never had, nor never can have on the plan of your former dependance. Remember, I call the Deity to witneſs, that I have warned you againſt deſtroying your offspring, and prayed you to be on your guard againſt the ſnares of the inſidious. May he who acts from a principle of humanity and benevolence to mankind, finally meet with ſucceſs, and may the ſchemes of hypocrites be blaſted.

A Friend to poſterity and Mankind.

To the Right Honourable Lord DARTMOUTH Secretary of State for AMERICA. Philadelphia, Jan. 1, 1776. My Lord,

YOU are the miniſter of the American department. You have the character of a religious man, a rare virtue in a modern ſtateſman. It has become my duty and intereſt to addreſs you, on the preſent circumſtances of affairs in America. I know the Americans well; their ſtrongeſt and ruling paſſion was their affection to their mother country; the honour, the glory of Great Britain they eſteemed as their greateſt happineſs; a large portion of the ſame affection remains; nothing but repeated injuries and injuſtice could have leſſened it. My Lord from a wanton and avaricious exercise of power, the miniſtry of Great Britain have heaped injuries on the heads of the Americans, that no one period of hiſtory can parellel.

The practice of the Egyptians in ſmothering the children of the Iſraelites in the birth, the ſwords of Cortez and Pizarro, who ſlew millions of innocent Mixicans and Peruvians, the dreadful famine brought by the Eaſt India Company upon the poor Eaſt-Indians muſt all be brought into one ſcale, to ſerve as any ſort of balance to the ſyſtem of deſolation, that you and your brother miniſters, are meditating and daily practiſing againſt the unhappy people of North America.

The elements, which the providence of God hath given for all his creatures, you have the preſumption to deprive them of, Fire, ſword, famine, and deſolation, ſhew the vicinity of your fleets and armies; children and ſervants are animated to riſe and ſlaughter their benefactors. No ſpecies of cruelty, which the wit or malice of man or devils could adviſe, but are practiſed againſt the Americans.

Do you believe in God, my Lord, and direct theſe things? Do you believe that God made America as well as Great Britain? If you do, ponder, conſider well, what anſwer you will give if you eſcape puniſhment in this world, when you come to be queſtioned before the Throne of God, for the deſtruction you have made of his creatures, the work of his hands, to whom he granted life and liberty, earth, air and water equally as to yourſelf; and yet preſumptuous man, you have dared to counteract his providence! Have you conſcience my Lord? If you have, I would not for the empire of a thouſand worlds be Lord Dartmouth? But, my Lord, it is not to awaken your conſcience only that I write you this letter: the flame of civil war, by your management, hath extended far and wide in America; battles have been fought, numbers have been ſlain, and priſoners taken on both ſides; the Americans have in their poſſeſſion ten for one, and among them many men of rank, Preſcot, Preſton, Stopford and others; they are all treated with tenderneſs and regard, while the priſoners you have taken are treated with ſeverity, carried to England in irons, there, as it is ſaid, to be tried, and of courſe condemned and executed, or in other words, under form of law murdered!

My Lord, if there be any thing on earth or in heaven that you reſpect, avoid that rock—You have Col. Allen, Capt. Martindale and ſome other priſoners—the hour that it is known here that any of thoſe priſoners are executed, the priſoners here will be ſacrificed—nay more, every Engliſh and Scots adherent;—dread ſhun, and for ever abandon ſuch murderous intentions.—The cries and vengeance of all the relations of thoſe whole blood ſhall be ſhed in this manner will ſurround you, death and horror will be your conſtant companions, and the torments of the damned, even on earth, will await you.

My Lord, this is but the beginning of ſorrows. Take in good part what I write. It is truth, and intended for the benefit of Britain and America.

AN ENGLISH AMERICAN.

Obſervations on LORD NORTH'S Conciliatory PLAN.

I CANNOT recal an idea to my mind more amazingly abſurd and ſtupid than the idea of Lord North's ſecond attempt to gull the Coloniſts into a belief of his inclination to hold out to them terms of a ſafe and amicable reconciliation with Great Britain. No one is ignorant that the Americans have offered every thing that can poſſibly be deviſed to bury the injurious & enſlaving claim of adminiſtration, in perpetual oblivion, and leave matters on the ſame footing they were before the pretence was held up. Thoſe generous propoſals, however often repeated, have as often been rejected with an inſolent contempt, and yet the profound politician tells his oponents in the Britiſh Houſe of Commons, that he is heartily inclined to a reconciliation with the Colonies, and willing to put them in the ſituation they ſo paſſionately deſire; that is, ſays he, to a courtier demanding explanation, in a ſtate of abſolute dependance on the Britiſh Parliament in all caſes whatſoever; for, ſays his Lordſhip, they were unqueſtionably thus dependant in 1763. Had his Lordſhip entirely forgot the ſucceſs of his former experiment, perhaps a trial of the ſame wretched trick over again, might have appeared leſs rediculous. I may indeed ſay, leſs inſulting to the loweſt underſtanding. I would aſk the moſt credulous votary for making up the diſpute, what poſſible grounds they perceive to found their expectation of a permanent reconciliation upon? Has any thing lately turned up, which has indicated a change of diſpoſition in the Prince or his favorites? Can a majority, which have been ſecured from one ſeven years to another, by pure force of corruption, be depended on to remain firm to a ſlaughtering, plundering and deſolating court, and ſhare the deteſtation of preſent and future ages, for mere nothing? Has the court reſolved to caſt Bernard, Hutchinſon and daughter, Richardſon the Murderer, crazy John Malcom, and Richardſon the recent volunteer, out on the common? I tell you, nay! You have a freſh inſtance of the firmneſs of the cabinet, in adding another three thouſand pound penſioner to the liſt, in conjuncture, when all mankind will confeſs there is need of ſaving. Theſe burthenſome penſions muſt come from ſome part of the dominions! If Great-Britain and Ireland have conceived ſuch a mortal hatred to America, that they can hug her moſt inveterate enemies in their boſoms, and vote them ſuch munificent rewards for drawing her into ſo deſtructive a civil war, we cannot be ſafe in the power of ſuch enemies. If they abound in reſources as largely as Mr. Wedderburne and others boaſt they do, let them ceaſe complaining of their poverty, and contentedly diſcharge their own national debt, rather than go on augmenting is by their efforts to ſaddle it, with an unlimited penſion liſt, on America. Does the nation bear the weight of the preſent unnatural quarrel with America on other terms, than a firm aſſurance of the Court, that millions of leading men's dependant's ſhall be provided for in America, for whom places can by no means be found at home. Is not the very genius of the people of Great-Britain and Ireland corrupted, inſomuch, that the views of young fellows of education, or any connection with men of note, are altogether ſet on public money? Can our peaceable men indulge a gleam of hope, that this humour will alter, or that youths, bred in idleneſs and diſſipation, will become induſtrious and diſintereſted patriots? If not, they muſt then be ſo weak as to conceit, that miniſters will become leſs fond of fingering the public money, and ſecuring themſelves in places of power and profit by means of it; indeed, that they will become more honeſt and ſaving of the national money than thoſe the conſtitution has appointed as a check upon them. It is no wonder they tell of ſending a formidable fleet and army to bring over their terms of reconciliation, when they are in no one article different from the terms they firſt aimed to impoſe. Had the miniſter, or more properly the obſtinate author of all our troubles, had the remoteſt idea of favouring us with a government of laws, which had any reſpect to the ſecurity of our lives and properties, he had long ſince granted with a good grace, petitions, made and repeated with the moſt dutiful and perſevering affection, which aſked for nothing more! Sed aut Caeſar aut nullus, ſeems the unalterable determination of the man, who ſoothed our already elated expectations, by an inaugural declaration, that he gloried in the name of Briton, at that time, a diſtinctive characteriſtic of the patrons of univerſal liberty. If therefore the whole body of the governing, and influential part of the governed in Great Britain, be unalterably ſet upon extorting tribute from the Colonies; and the better to ſecure the collection of it, claims right to impoſe the laws, and executors of thoſe laws, dependant only on themſelves for appointment, continuance and ſupport; and all theſe to be extended at their ſole pleaſure, it may readily be determined in what condition, the abſolutely paſſive ſubjects of ſuch an unnatural uſurpation would quickly be. It is evident they have concluded on two things, viz. to make a bold puſh for our entire ſubjection, as their ends would be thereby more readily anſwered; but that being found impracticable, we are to be tried with negociation, in which all the craft, duplicity and punic faith of adminiſtration is to be expected. Pray God it may be wiſely and firmly guarded againſt! The worthy and honourable John Collins, Eſq; of New-Port, Rhode Iſland, on the arrival of Lord North's laſt conciliatory plan, obſerved, that notwithſtanding the expoſure of his large ſtate, to whatever depredations the enemy ſaw fit to make upon it, he was more concerned for the probable ſucceſs of their arts than arms. Had the Americans in general the wiſdom and firmneſs of that gentleman matters would not have come to the preſent melancholy lengths we find them. However, in the great and general plan of him who putteth down and ſetteth up ſtates, this is doubtleſs an indiſpenſible part, and therefore not to be complained of; but it has amazed me to contemplate the numerous inſtances of diſappointment our enemies have met with, in every plot they have laid for our deſtruction. How did Bernard and Hutchinſon flatter themſelves with the number of friends they had in ſeveral towns of the Maſſachuſetts, and thought that a very trifling force, from the other ſide of the water, added to their minions, dependants and expectants, would cruſh a little turbulent faction, who diſturbed their darling meaſures? Certainly men intoxicated with a luſt of abſolute power found ſomething in the appearance of things to tole them on to an object ſo grateful to their fondeſt wiſhes; otherwiſe they would have been contented to augment and confirm their power by ſuch unperceived degrees that the happy days, many tell us we have enjoyed under a continual invading uſurpation, would not yet have been ſo ſenſibly interrupted. No leſs has the ſo often extolled Gov. Try on been diſappointed in his benevolent intentions reſpecting New-York. His band on Long Iſland, and on the eaſt ſide of Hudſon's river, with Sir John Johnſon among his vaſſals, and the Indians, gave him great hopes of having matters in a fine train before the invincible armada arrived in the ſpring; inſtead of which, it is probable the active General Lee will ſo fortify that place, that all the force they can ſend againſt it, will be inſufficient to reduce it. Dunmore, with all his wanton ravage, has done little more than exaſperate the Virginians, and convinced that brave colony, that they can be formidable to ſavages on the eaſt, as well as weſt ſide of their dominion. Carleton's Canadians, make no ſuch figure in the harrangues of the penſioner, as they did laſt year; and in caſe foreigners are to be procured to be poured in upon us, the greateſt oppoſers of our total ſeparation from Britain acknowledge, they would then no longer defer a declaration of independancy, and application to other powers for their protection. To this the whole ſcene appears rapidly advancing, in my view, as haſtily as infinite wiſdom thinks proper to conduct it; and if this be his moſt gracious deſign, he will work, and none ſhall hinder. Amen, Beneficent Jehovah! Amen. Sic ſperat.

SINCERUS.

COMMON SENSE. APPENDIX TO COMMON SENSE. The neceſſity of INDEPENDANCY.

SINCE the publication of the firſt edition of this pamphlet, or rather on the ſame day on which it came out, the King's Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the ſpirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more ſeaſonable juncture, or a more neceſſary time. The bloody mindedneſs of the one ſhew the neceſſity of purſuing the doctrine of the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech, inſtead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance.

Ceremony, and even ſilence, from whatever motive they may ariſe, have a hurtful tendency, when they give the leaſt degree of countenance to baſe and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as being a piece of finiſhed villainy, deſerved, and ſtill deſerves, a general execration, both by the Congreſs and the people. Yet, as the domeſtic tranquility of a nation, depends greatly on the chaſtity of what may properly be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to paſs ſome things over in ſilent diſdain, than to make uſe of ſuch new methods of diſlike, as might introduce the leaſt inovation, on that guardian of our peace and ſafety. And perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech hath not, before now, ſuffered a public execution. The ſpeech if it may be called one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel againſt the truth, the common good, and the exiſtence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering up human ſacrifices, to the pride of tyrants. But this general maſſacre of mankind, is one of the privileges, and the certain conſequence of king's; for as nature knows them not, they know not her, and although they are beings of our 〈◊〉 creating they know not us, and are become the gods of their creators. The ſpeech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us at no loſs: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, that he, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored Indian, is leſs a ſavage than the King of Britain.

Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining Jeſuitical piece, fallaciouſly called, "The addreſs of the people of England, to the Inhabitants of America," hath, perhaps, from a vain ſuppoſition, that the people here went to be frightened at the pomp and deſcription of a king giving, (though very unwiſely on his part) the real character of the preſent one: "But," ſays the writer, "if you are inclined to pay compliments to an adminiſtration which we do not complain of, (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp act, it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince by whoſe NOD ALONE, they were 〈…〉 any thing." This is toryiſm with a witneſs! 〈…〉 even without a maſk: And he who 〈…〉 and digeſt ſuch doctrine, hath forfeit. 〈…〉 to rationality—an apoſtate from the 〈…〉 , and ought to be conſidered—as one, 〈…〉 not only given up the proper dignity of 〈…〉 ſunk himſelf beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawl through the world like a worm.

However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either ſays or does; he hath wickedly broken though every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conſcience beneath his feet; and by a ſteady and conſtitutional ſpirit of inſolence and cruelty, procured for himſelf an univerſal hatred. It is now the intereſt of America to provide for herſelf. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to ſupport a power, who is become a reproach to the names of men and chriſtians, YE, whoſe office it is to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatſoever ſect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wiſh to preſerve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye muſt in ſecret wiſh a ſeperation—But leaving the moral part to private reflection, I ſhall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads:

Firſt, That it is the intereſt of America, to be ſeperated from Britain.

Secondly; Which is the eaſieſt and moſt practicable plan, reconciliation or independance? with ſome occaſional remarks.

In ſupport of the firſt, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of ſome of the ableſt and moſt experienced men on this continent; and whoſe ſentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly known. It is in reality a ſelf evident poſition: For no nation, in a ſtate of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and ſettered in its legiſlative powers, can ever arrive at at any material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although the progreſs which ſhe hath made, ſtands unparalleled in the hiſtory of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what ſhe would be capable of arriving at, had ſhe, as ſhe ought to have, the legiſlative powers in her own hands. England, is at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were ſhe to accompliſh it; and the continent heſitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce, and not the conqueſt of America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great meaſure continue, were the countries as independant of each other as France and Spain; becauſe in many articles, neither can go to a better market But it is the independance of this country on Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all other truths diſcovered by neceſſity, will appear clearer and ſtronger every day.

Firſt. Becauſe it will come to that one time or other.

Secondly. Becauſe the longer it is delayed, the harder, it will be to accompliſh.

I have frequently amuſed myſelf both in public and private companies, with ſilently remarking the ſpecious errors of thoſe who ſpeak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the following ſeems the moſt general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence, inſtead of now, the Continent would have been more able to have ſhaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military ability at this time, ariſes from the experience gained in the laſt war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent would not, by that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and we, or thoſe who may ſucceed us, would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this ſingle poſition, cloſely attended to, will unanſwerably prove, that the preſent time is preferable to all others: The argument turns thus: At the concluſion of the laſt war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we ſhould have numbers, without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, muſt be ſome particular point between the two extremes, in which a ſufficiency of the former remains, and a proper encreaſe of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the preſent time.

The reader will pardon this digreſſion, as it does not properly come under the head I firſt ſet out with, and to which I again return by the following poſition, viz.

Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and ſhe to remain the governing and ſovereign power of America, (which as matters are now circumſtanced, is giving up the point entirely) we ſhall deprive ourſelves of the very means of ſinking the debt we have, or may contract. The value of the back lands, which ſome of the provinces are clandeſtinely deprived of, by the unjuſt extention of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds ſterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty five millions, Pennſylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one penny ſterling per acre, to two millions yearly.

It is by the ſale of thoſe lands, that the debt may be ſunk, without burthen to any, and the quit-rent reſerved thereon, will always leſſen, and in time will wholly ſupport the yearly expence of government. It matters not now long the debt is in paying, ſo that the lands when ſold, be applied to the diſcharge of it, and for the execution of which, the Congreſs for the time being, will be the continental truſtees.

I proceed now to the ſecond head, viz. Which is the eaſieſt and moſt practicable plan, Reconciliation or Independance; with ſome occaſional remarks.

He who takes nature for his guide, is not eaſily beaten out of his argument, and on that ground, I anſwer generally, That independance being a ſingle ſimple line, contained within ourſelves; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly, perplexed and complicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the anſwer without a doubt.

The preſent ſtate of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflection. Without law, without government, without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courteſy. Held together by an unexampled concurrence of ſentiment, which, is nevertheleſs ſubject to change, and which, every ſecret enemy is endeavouring to diſſolve. Our preſent condition, is, Legiſlation without law; wiſdom without a plan; a conſtitution without a name; and, what is ſtrangely aſtoniſhing, perfect Independance contending for dependance. The inſtance is without a precedent; the caſe never exiſted before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property of no man is ſecure in the preſent unbraced ſyſtem of things. The mind of the multitude is left at random, and ſeeing no fixed object before them, they purſue ſuch as fancy or opinion ſtarts. Nothing is criminal; there is no ſuch thing as treaſon; wherefore, every one thinks himſelf at liberty to act as he pleaſes. The Tories would not have dared to aſſemble offenſively had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the ſtate. A line of diſtinction ſhould be drawn, between Engliſh ſoldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in arms. The firſt are priſoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head.

Notwithſtanding our wiſdom, there is a viſible feebleneſs in ſome of our proceedings, which gives encouragement to diffentions. The Continental Belt is too looſely buckled. And if ſomething is not done in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we ſhall fall into a ſtate, in which, neither Reconciliation nor Independance will be practicable. The king and his worthleſs adherents are got at the old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers, who will be buſy in ſpreading ſpecious falſehoods. The artful and hypocritical letter, which appeared a few months ago, in two of the New-York papers, and likewiſe in two others, is an evidence, that there are men who want either judgement or honeſty.

It is eaſy getting into holes and corners, and talking of reconciliation: But do ſuch men ſeriouſly conſider, how difficult the talk is, and how dangerous it may prove, ſhould the Continent divide thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of men, whoſe ſituation and circumſtances, as well as their own, are to be conſidered therein. Do they put themſelves in the place of the ſufferer, 〈…〉 already gone, and of the ſoldier, who hath 〈…〉 for the defence of his country. If their 〈…〉 moderation be ſuited to their own private 〈…〉 only, regardleſs of others, the event will convince them, that "they are reckoning without their hoſt."

Put us, ſay ſome, upon the footing we were on in ſixty-three: To which I anſwer, the requeſt is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will ſhe propoſe it; but it were, and even ſhould be granted, I aſk, as a reaſonable queſtion. By what means is ſuch a corrupt and faith ſo court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, nay, even the preſent may hereafter repeat the obligation, on the pretence of its being violently obtained, or unwiſely granted; and in that caſe, Where is our redreſs?— No going to law with nations; cannon are the barriſters of crowns; and the ſword, not of juſtice, but of war, decides the ſuit. To be on the footing of ſixty-three, it is not ſufficient, that the laws only be put on the ſame ſtate, but that our circumſtances, likewiſe be put on the ſame ſtate; our burnt and deſtroyed towns repaired or built up, our private loſſes made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) diſcharged, otherwiſe, we ſhall be millions worſe, than we were at that enviable period. Such a requeſt, had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heart and ſoul of the Continent, but now it is too late. "The Rubicon is paſſed."

Beſides the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary law, ſeems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce the obedience thereto. The object, on either ſide, doth not juſtify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable, to be caſt away on ſuch trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our perſons; the deſtruction of our property by an armed force; the invaſion of our country by fire and ſword, which conſcientiouſly qualifies the uſe of arms: And the inſtant, in which ſuch a mode of defence became neceſſary, all ſubjection to Britain ought to have ceaſed; and the independancy of America, ſhould have been conſidered, as dating its aera from, and publiſhed by, the firſt musket that was fired againſt her. This line is a line of conſiſtency; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors.

I ſhall conclude theſe remarks, with the following timely and well intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be affected; and that one of thoſe three, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congreſs; by a military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our ſoldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reaſonable men; vertue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the firſt of thoſe means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the nobleſt pureſt conſtitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A ſituation, ſimilar to the preſent, hath not happened ſince the days of Noah until now. The birth day of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The reflection is awful and in this point of view, how trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavillings, of a few weak or intereſted men appear, when weighed againſt the buſineſs of a world.

Should we neglect the preſent favorable and inviting period, and an independance be hereafter effected by other means, we muſt charge the conſequence to ourſelves, or to thoſe rather, whoſe narrow and prejudiced ſouls, are habitually oppoſing the meaſure, without either inquiring or reflecting. There are reaſons to be given in ſupport of independance, which men ſhould rather privately think of, than be publickly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we ſhall be independant or not, but, anxious to accompliſh it on a farm, ſecure, and honorable baſis, and uncaſtly rather that it is not yet began upon. Every day convinces us of its neceſſity. Even the To ••• (if ſuch beings yet remain among us) ſhould, of all men, be the moſt ſolicitous to promote it; for as the appointment of committees at firſt, protected them from popular rage, ſo, a wiſe and well eſtabliſhed form of government, will be the only certain means of continuing it ſecurely to them. Wherefore, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wiſh for Independance.

In ſhort, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us together. We ſhall then ſee our object, and our ears will be legally ſhut againſt the ſchemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. We ſhall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for there is reaſon to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be leſs hurt by treating with the American ſtates for terms of peace, than with thoſe, whom ſhe denominates, "rebellious ſubjects," for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conqueſt, and our backwardneſs tends only to prolong the war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redreſs of our grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redreſſing them ourſelves, and then offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reaſonable part in England, will be ſtill with us; becauſe, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if this offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to.

On theſe grounds I reſt the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be oppoſed. Wherefore inſtead of gazing at each other with ſuſpicious or doubtful curioſity, let each of us hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendſhip, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion ſhall bury in forgetfulneſs every former diſſention Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among us, than thoſe of a good citizen, an open and reſolute friend, and a virtuous ſupporter of the rights of mankind and of the free and independant ſtates of America.

To the Repreſentatives of the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, or to ſo many of them as were concerned in publiſhing a late piece, entitled The ANCIENT TESTIMONY and PRINCIPLES of the People called QUAKERS renewed, with Reſpect to the KING and GOVERNMENT, and touching the COMMOTIONS now prevailing in theſe and other parts of AMERICA, addreſſed to the People in General.

THE Writer of this, is one of thoſe few, who never diſhonors religion either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatſoever. To God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the ſcore of religion. Wherefore, this epiſtle is not ſo properly addreſſed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the profeſſed Quietude of your Principles inſtruct you not to meddle with.

As you have, without a proper authority for ſo doing, put yourſelves in the place of the whole body of the Quakers, ſo, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourſelves, is under the neceſſity, of putting himſelf in the place of all thoſe, who, approve the very writings and principles, againſt which, your teſtimony is directed: And he hath choſen this ſingular ſituation, in order, that you might diſcover in him that preſumption of character which you cannot ſee in yourſelves. For neither he nor you can have any claim or title to Political Repreſentation.

When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they ſtumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have managed your teſtimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you, it is, nevertheleſs, a a jumble of good and bad put unwiſely together, and the concluſion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjuſt.

The two firſt pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you credit for, and expect the ſame civility from you, becauſe the love and deſire of peace is not confined to Quakeriſm, it is the natural, as well as, the religious wiſh of all denominations of men. And on this ground, as men laboring to eſtabliſh an Independant Conſtitution of our own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. Our plan is peace forever. We are tired of contention with Britain, and can ſee no real end to it but in a final ſeparation. We act conſiſtently, becauſe for the ſake of introducing an endleſs and uninterupted peace, do we bear the evils and burthens of the preſent day. We are endeavoring, and will ſteadily continue to endeavour, to ſeperate and diſſolve a connection which hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal cauſe of future miſchiefs to both countries.

We ſight neither for revenge nor conqueſt; neither from pride nor paſſion; we are not inſulting the world with our fleets and armies, nor ravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath the ſhade of our own vines are we attacked; in our own houſes, and on our own lands, is the violence committed againſt us. We view our enemies in the character of Highwaymen and Houſe-breakers, and having no defence for ourſelves in the civil law, are obliged to puniſh them by the military one, and apply the ſword, in the very caſe, where you have before now applied the halter—Perhaps we feel for the ruined and inſulted ſufferers in all and every part of the Continent, with a degree of tenderneſs which hath not yet made its way into ſome of your boſoms. But be ye ſure that ye miſtake not the cauſe and ground of your teſtimony. Call not coldneſs of ſoul, religion; nor put the Bigot in the place of the Chriſtian.

O ye partial miniſters of your own acknowledged principles. If the bearing arms be ſinful, the firſt going to war muſt be more ſo, by all the difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye really preach from conſcience, and mean not to make a political hobby-horſe of your religion, convince the world thereof by proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they likewiſe bear arm. Give us proof of your ſincerity by publiſhing it at St. James's, to the Commanders in chief at Boſton, to the Admirals and Captains who are piratically ravaging our coaſts, and to all the murdering miſcreants who are acting in authority under Him whom ye profeſs to ſerve. Had ye the honeſt ſoul of Thou haſt taſted of proſperity and adverſity; thou knoweſt what it to be baniſhed thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, and ſet upon the throne; and being oppreſſed thou haſt reaſon to know how hateful the oppreſſor is both to God and man; If after all theſe warnings and advertiſements, thou doſt not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy diſtreſs, and give up thyſelf to follow luſt and vanity, ſurely great will be thy condemnation.—Againſt which ſnare, as well as the temptation of thoſe who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil, the moſt excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyſelf to that light of Chriſt which ſhineth in thy conſcience, and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor ſuffer thee to be as eaſe is thy ſins. Barclay's Addreſs to Charles II. BARCLAY, ye would preach repentance to your king; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his ſins, and warn him of eternal ruin. Ye would not ſpend your partial invectives againſt the injured and inſulted only, but, like faithful miniſters, would cry aloud and ſpare none. Say not that ye are perſecuted, neither endeavour to make us the authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourſelves; for we teſtify unto all men, that we do not complain againſt you becauſe ye are Quakers, but becauſe ye pretend to be and are not Quakers.

Alas! it ſeems by the particular tendency of ſome part of your teſtimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all ſin was reduced to, and comprehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that by the people only. Ye appear to us to have miſtaken party for conſcience; becauſe the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity: And it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended ſcruples; becauſe, we ſee them made by the ſame men, who, in the very inſtant that they are exclaiming againſt the mammon of this world, are nevertheleſs hunting after it with a ſtep as ſteady as Time, and an appetite as keen as Death.

The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of your teſtimony, that, when a man's ways pleaſe the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him; is very unwiſely choſen on your part; becauſe, it amounts to a proof, that the king's ways (whom ye are ſo deſirous of ſupporting) do not pleaſe the Lord, otherwiſe, his reign would be in peace.

I now proceed to the latter part of your teſtimony and that, for which all the foregoing ſeems only an introduction, viz.

"It hath ever been our judgment and principle, ſince we were called to profeſs the light of Chriſt Jeſus, manifeſted in our conſciences unto this day, that the ſetting up and putting down kings and governments, is God's peculiar prerogative; for cauſes beſt known to himſelf: And that it is not our buſineſs to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor to be buſy-bodies above our ſtation, much leſs to plot and contrive the ruin or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, and ſafety of our nation, and good of all men: That we may live a peaceable and quiet life, in all godlineſs and honeſty; under the goverment which God is pleaſed to ſet over us"—If theſe are really your principles why do you not abide by them? Why do you not leave that, which ye call God's Work, to be managed by himſelf? Theſe very principles inſtruct you to wait with patience and humility, for the event of all public meaſures, and to receive that event as the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what occaſion is there for your political teſtimony if you fully believe what it contains? And the very publiſhing it proves, that either, ye do not believe what ye profeſs, or have not virtue enough to practice what ye believe.

The principles of Quakeriſm have a direct tendency to make a man the quiet and inoffenſive ſubject of any, and every government which is ſet over him And if the ſetting up and putting down of kings and governments is God's peculiar prerogative, he moſt certainly will not be robbed thereof by us; wherefore, the principle itſelf leads you to approve of every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings as beings his work. Oliver Cromwell thanks you. Charles, then, died not by the hands of man; and ſhould the preſent proud Imitator of him, come to the ſame untimely end, the writers and publiſhers of the teſtimony, are bound by the doctrine it contains, to applaud the fact. Kings are not taken away by miracles, neither are changes in governments brought about by any other means than ſuch as are common and human; and ſuch as we are now uſing. Even the diſperſion of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was effected by arms. Wherefore, as ye refuſe to be the means on one ſide, ye ought not to be meddlers on the other; but to wait the iſſue in ſilence? and unleſs ye can produce divine authority, to prove, that the Almighty who hath created and placed this new world at the greateſt diſtance it could poſſibly ſtand, eaſt and weſt, from every part of the old, doth, nevertheleſs, diſapprove of its being independant of the corrupt and abandoned court of Britain, unleſs I ſay, ye can ſhew this, how can ye on the ground of your principles, juſtify the exciting and ſtirring up the people firmly to unite in the abhorrence of all ſuch writings, and meaſures, as evidence a deſire and deſign to break off the happy connexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great-Britain, and our juſt and neceſſary ſubordination to the king, and thoſe who are lawfully placed in authority under him. What a ſlap of the face is here! The men, who in the very paragragh before, have quietly and paſſively reſigned up the ordering, altering, and diſpoſal of kings and governments, into the hands of God, are now recalling their principles, and putting in for a ſhare of the buſineſs. Is it poſſible, that the concluſion, which is here juſtly quoted, can any ways follow from the doctrine laid down? The inconſiſtency is too glaring not to be ſeen; the abſurdity too great not to be laughed at; and ſuch as could only have been made by thoſe, whole underſtandings were darkened by the narrow and crabbed ſpirit of a deſpairing political party; for ye are not to be conſidered as the whole body of the Quakers, but only as a factional and fractional part thereof.

Here ends the examination of your teſtimony; (which, I call upon no man to abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to which I ſubjoin the following remark; That the ſetting up and putting down of kings, moſt certainly mean, the making him a king, who is yet not ſo, and the making him no king who is already one. And pray what hath this to do in the preſent caſe? We neither mean to ſet up nor to pull down, neither to make nor to unmake, but to have nothing to do with them. Wherefore, your teſtimony in whatever light it is viewed ſerves only to diſhonor your judgment, and for many other reaſons had better have been let alone than publiſhed.

Firſt, Becauſe it tends to the decreaſe and reproach of all religion whatever, and is of the utmoſt danger to ſociety, to make it a party in political diſputes.

Secondly, Becauſe it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom diſavow the publiſhing political teſtimonies, as being concerned therein and approvers thereof.

Thirdly, Becauſe it hath a tendency to undo that Continental harmony and friendſhip which yourſelves by your late liberal and charatable donations hath lent a hand to eſtabliſh; and the preſervation of which, is of the utmoſt conſequence to us all.

And here without anger or reſentment I bid you farewel. Sincerely wiſhing, that as men and chriſtians, ye may always fully and uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right; and be, in your turn, the means of ſecuring it to others; but that the example which ye have unwiſely ſet, of mingling religion with politics, may be diſavowed and reprobated by every inhabitant of America.

FINIS