The speech of a general officer in the House of Commons, February 20th, 1775.

The speech of a general officer in the House of Commons, February 20th, 1775.

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IN a Committee of the whole House upon the American Papers, February 20th, 1775, Lord North made the following Motion:

"That it is the opinion of this Committee, that when the Governor, Council, and Assembly, or General Court, of any of his Majesty's Provinces, or Colonies in America, shall propose to make provision, according to the condition, circumstances, and situation of each Province or Colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defence; (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the General Assembly of such Province or Colony, and to be disposable by Parliament) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government, and the administration of justice, in such Province or Colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved of by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such Province or Colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, or to impose any further duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to levy or impose, for the regulation of Commerce, the net produce of duties last mentioned, to be carried to the account of each Province or Colony respectively."

[Page] In the course of the debate upon the report of this resolution Major General Burgoyne spoke in substance as follows:

MR. SPEAKER,

FROM the time I have been under orders to serve in America, I have thought it an unbecoming part to give my voice as a judge in any American question, this upon your paper only excepted. But having taken some share in the debates of last year, which have been misrepresented, and having appeared in some divisions this year, before I had any knowledge or suspicion of my destination, I anxiously wish to take this occasion to explain the motives upon which I have invariably acted: and notwithstanding the exhausted state of the debate, I rise with confidence in the House, that they will give that indulgence to my situation, which I should have little claim to upon any other pretensions.

Sir, I think an explanation the more necessary, because, both without doors and within, allusions and references are making continually to the sentiments of those who are to act in the military department, a very important, but very unenviable lot.

In some of the licentious prints of the times, there have not been wanting suggestions to the Public, that a sanguinary Minister had chosen the Generals best fitted by their inclinations to carry havock and destruction through the continent of America: Within these walls we have been treated very differently, indeed; we have found an attention, a respect, a favor of opinion and of expression, that has imprinted upon my mind, and I am persuaded equally upon the minds of my colleagues, a sincere satisfaction and a deep sense of gratitude to Gentlemen on all sides of the House.—But still, Sir, I have observed, through the course of the debate▪ an opinion to prevail, that a great latitude of orders is to be given; and that, in acting under [Page] such latitude, we shall be influenced by the speeches we hear in this place, some of which are supposed to convey the most inflammatory ideas others, ideas of the most humiliating concession.

I do not know, Sir, that any such latitude will be given—at least it will hardly extend to my inferior station. The utmost merit I shall be able to claim, in this expedition, will probably be, that of an attentive, an assidious, circumscribed obedience. But I can speak with confidence of those under whom I am to leave this country, as well as of the high and respectable officer who now commands in America; such men will not want the oratory of this House to give a due tone to their spirit or humanity.

A noble sentiment fell from an honourable Gentleman* in my eye—"That bravery and compassion were associate virtues."—May they remain blended on the minds of every military man in America!—Let the persuasion uniformly prevail, that upon a review of our conduct hereafter; by our dispassionate and impartial countrymen, our bravery will be judged by the test of our compassion.—Should we inevitably be made the instruments of punishment, let every action of the unhappy conflict be directed and marked by that temper, which ever ought to discriminate the correction of the state, from the sudden and impetuous impulse of passion and revenge.—But with these principles at the heart of every soldier—and there they will be—for there is a charm in the very wanderings and dreams of liberty that disarms an Englishman's anger—with these principles at the heart, care must be taken, that the honour, the ascendancy, the impression of the British arms be not insulted or diminished in the hands of those to whom they are intrusted: and while we remember, we are contending against fellow subjects and brothers, it must not be forgot we [Page] are contending in the crisis, and for the fate, of the British empire.

An honourable young member* on the other side, who has entered into the army with a zeal that justly entitles him to the esteem of every officer, and whose parliamentary spirit and talents have this day proved him a most valuable acquisition to this House—asked early in the dabate—Whether it could be supposed, those Americans who denied the authority of British Legislature, would accept the mode of Taxation proposed by these resolutions? I believe they will not, and I differ with him so far upon this occasion as to say, I do not like the resolutions the worse upon that account. While they hold out conciliation to those who wish to return to obedience and fidelity and must be accepted by all rational men and well intentioned subjects, the refusal of them will be as explicitly and decisively declaratory, as any manifesto could express, of the principles upon which they act who continue to resist, and it puts the dispute upon clear ground.

Sir, in foreign war, the conscience of the quarrel belongs to the State alone. the soldier draws his sword with alacrity; the cause in which he engages rests between God and his Prince; and he wants no other excitements to this duty, than such as the glory of his Country, personal honour, and just ambition will suggest. In civil discord (without inquiring casuitically whether in any or in what possible case a military servant of the Crown can be justified, in declining a service to which he is legally commanded) I believe a consideration of the cause will find its way to the breast of every conscientious man, and in the execution of his duty he will feel sorrow and remorse on one side, or satisfaction and inward comfort on the other, according to the private judgment he entertains.—I perceive gentlemen on every side the house acknowledge [Page] the truth of this general observation.—off, I shall be astonished if any gentleman denies the particular application of it.—Is there a man in England—I am confident there is not an officer or soldier in the King's service, who does not think the Parliamentary rights of Great Britain a cause to fight for, to bleed and die for? Sir, I will assert, that the professed advocates of America have never ventured to meet this argument fairly—They have always shifted it to collateral inquiries, accusation, recrimination, and examination of the measures by which we have been led into our present dilemma. Sir, past errors may be great and manifest, every administration for ten years past may have had their share.—It is not my present purpose to justify any—Inquries may be very proper at a proper time; but, as a Member of Parliament, I hold myself indispensably called upon, to take up the question upon this important Now, this unparalleled moment in the English History, when we tamely suffer Government to be suspended—when we fit here the mere shadow of authority—the phantom of a Parliament, assembling only to lament the substance we have lost, and to propose and subtilise questions of our own impotency.

Sir, another method of evading a debate upon the true merits of this question, has been to confound the understanding. Ingenious men will run changes upon real and virtual representation; external and internal taxes; revenue and regulation; till one's head grows dizzy with distinctions, and the most gross absurdities and contradictions become for a moment specious: but it is not in rhethoric or sophistry to argue the great rational majority of the people of England, out of the plain, simple proposition which is contained in the declaratory act of the sixth of the present King.—The reason of the nation has been long convinced—the trial now only is, whether we have spirit to support our conviction—Sir, if the whole body of the Kingdom does not rouse at this alarm, and shake off that torpitude under which our public spirit has long shamefully languished [Page] —if every class and distinction of men do not join in this great cause—if our merchants and manufacturers do not in one instance take example from the Americans, and render it glorious by adapting it to a better cause—if they do not feel insult and affront in the suspicion, that while one country dares the interruption of commerce to effectuate her chimerical claims, the other will not exert equal fortitude to vindicate her fundamental rights—if this be our wretched state—I agree, that the sooner a formal surrender is made, the better; let Great Britain revert to her primitive insignificancy in the map of the world, and the Congress of Philadelphia be the Legislature to dispense the blessings of Empire—Let us spare the blood of our subjects, let us spare the treasures of the state, but let us, at the same time, confess, we are no more a people.

Sir, after this avowal of my principles, it might be thought, that I sought the situation in which I am going to be employed—I publickly declare I did not seek it.—I will take leave to say on the part of my colleagues, it was sought by none of us—but it was accepted with that submission which is due from servants of the Crown, and with that sense of gratitude to his Majesty, which the importance of the trust required.—I feel an additional call of gratitude on my own part, for the honor my name receives in being classed with those of the distinguished officers to whom I have alluded.

I will trespass no longer upon the time of the House. With the sentiments I have expressed, I take leave of all American questions, with these sentiments I shall take leave of my country; I shall endeavour to maintain them in arguments, if admitted to any intercourse in America; I shall enforce them to the best of my power, if called upon to act in the line of my profession—conscientiously covinced, that upon the due support of them both here and on the other side the Atlantic, the existence of this country and constitution, directly, emphatically, and conclusively, depends.

FINIS.

Notes

*

Colonel Barre.

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*

Mr. Ackland.

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THE SPEECH OF A GENERAL OFFICER IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, February 20th, 1775.

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Title statement

The speech of a general officer in the House of Commons, February 20th, 1775.

Burgoyne, John, 1722-1792.

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2007-10.

ID [DLPS]

N32516

ID [TCP]

N32516

ID [STC]

Shipton 42784

ID [NOTIS]

APZ0861

ID [IMAGE-SET]

42784

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99038495

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 42784.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N32516)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 42784)

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— The speech of a general officer in the House of Commons, February 20th, 1775., Burgoyne, John, 1722-1792., Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons..

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8 p. ; (8vo)

s.n.,. [Boston? :: 1775?]. (Attributed to John Burgoyne by Adams.) (Place of publication suggested by Adams, q.v.)

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