WHEN we read and hear ſuch threatening predictions as this; and ſee our judges as at the firſt, and our counſellors and governors as at the beginning—equally wiſe and good; we are ready to bleſs ourſelves, and to ſay in our hearts, Theſe things ſhall not come upon us. That the whole of what is here foretold, has not yet come upon us, we have certainly great reaſon to bleſs God, and to congratulate one another▪ But it ſhould be remembered, that neither paſt mercies, nor preſent happy circumſtances, are any ſecurity againſt evils to come. Surpriſing changes in this fallen world, have ever been frequent, and are ſtill to be expected. Proſperity and adverſity, like ſunſhine and ſtorms, are wont to follow each other, almoſt in conſtant rotation. Communities, as well as individuals, that have been remarkably raiſed up, are often as wonderfully caſt down, in the providence of God, when moſt exalted. "He bleſſeth them alſo," it is ſaid,Pſalm cvii. 38, 39. "ſo that they are multiplied greatly, and ſuffereth not their cattle to decreaſe. Again they are miniſhed, and brought low, through oppreſſion, affliction and ſorrow."

OF ſuch viciſſitudes, the choſen people threatened in our text, was a ſtriking and an inſtructive example. This nation had long been favored, in regard to government, as well as religion, far beyond any other then on the earth. From its earlieſt infancy, it had been under the peculiar guardianſhip of heaven. "When Iſrael was a child," ſays the moſt High in Hoſea,Chap. xi. 1—4. "then I loved him, and called my ſon out of Egypt:—I taught Ephraim alſo to go, taking them by their arms: I drew them with cords of a man, with bands of love; and I was to them as they that take off the yoke."

THEY had been liberated from powerful oppreſſors, and cruel taſk-maſters, by the out-ſtretched arm of the Almighty. They had been led like a flock, through the Red Sea, and forty years in a moſt perilous, howling wilderneſs, by the hand of Moſes and Aaron. Under Joſhua, their great and beloved general, they had vanquiſhed mighty armies; and had obtained a peaceful ſettlement as a free and an independent people, in a land flowing with milk and honey.

HERE, when they forgat God their Saviour, who had done ſuch great things for them, and ſo many wonderous works before their eyes, he ſometimes left them to have no guide, overſeer or ruler; and ſuffered the Heathen around them, to make terrible inroads on their borders. Nevertheleſs, as often as they cried unto the Lord in their diſtreſſes, he raiſed them up judges—valiant, righteous men, to deliver them out of the hand of their enemies, and to adminiſter juſtice among them. Afterwards, becauſe of their uneaſineſs, and the hardneſs of their hearts, God gave them kings; and theſe, ſeveral of them, were very eminent for wiſdom and virtue. Nor was their happineſs, in this reſpect, yet at an end; for Iſaiah propheſied no later than the reign of Hezekiah; one of the moſt amiable and beſt of princes.

BUT, from the days of their fathers, they had gone away from God's ordinances; and now, it ſeems, the meaſure of their iniquities was almoſt full. A very awful decree of the holy One of Iſrael againſt them is therefore here announced. See the preceding context. "For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hoſts, doth take away from Jeruſalem, and from Judah, the ſtay and the ſtaff; the whole ſtay of bread, and the whole ſtay of water; the mighty man, and the man of war; the judge, and the prophet, and the prudent, and the ancient; the captain of fifty, and the honorable man, and the counſellor, and the cunning artificer, and the eloquent orator. And I will give children to be their princes," & c.

FROM my text, thus connected, the doctrine deducible, which will be our preſent ſubject, is this:

THAT to be under a weak government, is one of the greateſt calamities, ever ſent upon a people.

THIS, you obſerve, is here threatened together with drouth and famine in the extreme—a total want of bread and of water; as well as being bereaved of the moſt eminent men, in every neceſſary employment: and it is mentioned laſt, and moſt enlarged upon, as the conſummation of miſery.

BUT, after explaining the calamity deſigned, and ſome of the principal cauſes of it, I ſhall attend, more particularly, to the proof and illuſtration of this doctrine.

THERE are two ſenſes, in which government is ſaid to be weak: when it is unwiſe; and when it wants energy. The latter is the more extenſive ſignification of the phraſe; and it comprehends the former: this, therefore, is the ſenſe now to be conſidered. By a weak government will be meant, one that wants energy; whether through the weakneſs of thoſe by whom it is adminiſtered, or by any other means.

To mention, with a little enlargement, ſome of the moſt common cauſes of ſo great an evil, will not be foreign to the deſign of this anniverſary.

1. That the government of a nation or ſtate has not proper energy, may be the fault of its conſtitution. A form of government may be ſuch, that, unleſs the adminiſtration of it be arbitrary, it will neceſſarily be weak.

To give rulers all that power, and reſerve to the ſubjects all that liberty, which is beſt for the people, is a nice point; very difficult, I imagine, to be axactly hit, by the wiſeſt of men, and men the moſt diſintereſted. There is danger of erring, undoubtedly, on either hand; of abridging fredom, as well as of limiting authority, more than is for the greateſt general good—of adopting a conſtitution too deſpotic, as well as one too feeble. But when it is left to the people at large, what government they will be under, the error moſt to be apprehended, I believe, is on the ſide of inefficiency.

THE love of liberty is natural to all mankind; and even to birds, and four-footed animals, and creeping things. Of this celebrated virtue, we loſt nothing by the fall of our firſt parents. Every one, however depraved in other reſpects, wiſhes to be free—unboundedly free; to have none above him; to be his own ſubject, his own governor, his own judge. And when, for obtaining the advantages of ſocial union, individuals give up to the community, or to any conſtituted authorities, a power over their words and actions, their property and lives; they do it with great reluctance, and as ſparingly as poſſible.

To obſerve the extreme reluctance of ſome, OR ſuch occaſions—to ſee how ſtrenuouſly they will diſpute every inch of power, veſted any where, which might poſſibly be abuſed, or turned againſt themſelves; is apt to remind one of the cautious policy of certain ancient Pagans, deſcribed by Jeremiah, in regard to their gods. Not only would they have gods of their own making, and made of ſuch materials that they muſt needs be born, becauſe they could not go; but, as wooden gods could fall and might happen to fall upon the makers of them, or on their children, or valuable furniture; for full ſecurity, they faſtened them with nails and with hammers. "Be not afraid of them," ſays the prophet; "for they cannot do evil; neither alſo is it in them to do good."

CHECKS, unqueſtionably, there ought to be, on every department of a free government: But if ſuch checks be laid upon rulers, that the ruled are under no check at all, harmleſs, indeed, will ſuch rulers be; but altogether inſignificant. Theſe ſervants of the people, muſt have more power than the child, and the baſe, who proudly ſo call them; unleſs we would have them miſerable gods, or miniſters of God to us for good—their ſcripture titles. They muſt have authority to puniſh treaſonable lies againſt themſelves, as well as ſlanders againſt the meaneſt of their ſubjects; otherwiſe, who will be afraid of them? Or what protection can they afford?

2. THAT the government of a people is too weak, may be the fault of thoſe betruſted with its adminiſtration. It may be owing to their weakneſs; or to their indolence, or ſlowneſs in doing buſineſs; or to their exceſſive lenity; or to their not being of a virtuous character, or not paying a due attention to the ſtrict regularity of their own lives. Theſe particulars, ſuffer me curſorily to go over.

WHEN the rulers of a land are children; whether in underſtanding, or in firmneſs and ſtability of mind, we are not certainly to expect that the reins of government will be guided with diſcretion, and held with ſufficient force. To govern well, at leaſt in the higher and more difficult offices, conſiderable theoretic knowledge, ſome experience, and more than common natural powers, are altogether neceſſary. And ſo is that degree of courage and inflexibility, which will enable a man to maintain his poſt, and to perſevere in what appears to him the plain path of duty; unmoved by noiſy oppoſition—undaunted by popular clamor—undiſmayed by imminent danger.

To ſupport an efficient government, rulers muſt likewiſe be men of vigilance and activity. "He that ruleth," ſays an Apoſtle,Rom. xii. 8. "with diligence." And of Jeroboam it was ſaid,1 Kings XI. 28. "Solomon, ſeeing the young man that he was induſtrious, he made him ruler over all the charge of the houſe of Joſeph". A commonwealth, under 〈◊〉 ſuperintendency of indolent men, will reſemble the field of the ſlothful which we read of, that was "all grown over with thorns; the face of it covered with nettles, and the ſtone wall thereof broken down". Or, though rulers be not "ſlothful in buſineſs;" they may be ſo ſlow in tranſacting it, and in bringing any thing to a termination, as very much to lower the tone, and defeat the ſalutary deſigns, of civil government. When courts of juſtice are ſo dilatory in their deciſions, and ſuch endleſs evaſions, and reviews, are admitted; that a man had better loſe almoſt any debt or damage, than commence a legal proceſs for a recovery, the protection of law muſt be lamentably weak.

EXCESSIVE lenity, will have a ſimilar effect. Mercy, is indeed an amiable attribute; to paſs over a tranſgreſſion, is ſaid to be the glory of a man; and being ready to forgive, is a duty much inculcated in the word of God: But in one who ſuſtains any place of authority, whether that of a parent, or maſter, or civil magiſtrate; lenity and indulgence may be carried farther than is the glory o • duty of a man; unleſs it be his duty and glory to▪ have no government. Should rulers remit crimes, or paſs them over without condemnation, when the public good, or righting an injured individual, requires their puniſhment; merciful they might be, but not as our Father in Heaven is merciful.

LIBERALITY to the poor, out of one's own proper goods, is a capital chriſtian virtue; but of the property of other people, judges and law-givers, may poſſibly be over liberal. The perſon • even of the poor, are not to be reſpected in judgment. Making proviſion by law, for ſupporting ſuch as are unable to ſupport themſelves, is doubtleſs very commendable; but why thoſe who happen to be the creditors of the poor; who have helped them much already, and ſuffered much by their ſlackneſs and breach of promiſe, ſhould be ſtill obliged to loſe ten times more for their relief, or for the relief of their families, than others equally able, it is not eaſy to conceive. And ſhould courts of law, or courts of equity, cancel the debts of men, whenever they plead a preſent incapacity to pay them, whether ſuch clemency might not too much weaken government, as a ſecurity to every one in his rightful claims, may be a queſtion. Indeed, in any caſe, to give an inſolvent debtor a final diſcharge from all he owes, without the conſent of his creditors, looks like giving him a licence to be an unrighteous man. For can it ever be right, or can any court under heaven make it right, for a man not to pay his promiſed debts, for value received, when now he has money enough, becauſe once, the payment of th •• was not in the power of his hands.

THUS to exonerate of a heavy load of old debts, one deeply inſolvent, is neceſſary, it will be ſaid; as without this he could have no courage to commence buſineſs anew. And, no doubt, ſuch expected exoneration, will be a mighty encouragement to extravagant adventurers, who have nothing to loſe, ſince, by running the greateſt hazards, with the ſlendereſt chance of immenſe gain, they riſk only the property of others. If ſucceſsful, the profit is their own; if unſucceſsful, the loſs is their neighbour's. But if the tendency of being thus merciful, were much better than it is; or the urgency for it far greater; would it not be doing evil that good may come. "He that ruleth over men muſt be juſt"2 Sam. xxiii. 3. The laws of truth and righteouſneſs, are not noſes of wax; to be bent any way, as will ſuit preſent convenience. It is dangerous to break down, or break over, the fixed barrier of eternal juſtice, on any pretence of temporary neceſſity.

ONE way more was hinted, in which thoſe who govern, may weaken government; and that is, by being men of a vicious character; or by not paying a due attention to the ſtrict regularity of their own lives. Indeed, "a wicked ruler" is often ſtrong, and fierce, and active, as "a roaring lion and a ranging bear;" but rarely for the benefit of "the poor people." He will not be eager to pluck the ſpoil out of the mouth of the fraudulent villain, or the violent oppreſſor; unleſs that he may get it into his own. Nor will authority, in the hands of libertine men, however it may terrify, be much revered. When the makers or judges of laws, are themſelves notorious breakers of them, or of the laws of heaven, government will neceſſarily fall into contempt. It is alſo to be obſerved, that advancing to poſts of honor, men of looſe principles and morals, gives reputation to licentiouſneſs, and ſtamps it as the current faſhion. Their example will encourage evil doers, more than all the puniſhments they are likely to inflict, will be a terror to them. "The wicked walk on every ſide when the vileſt men are exalted."Pſalm xii. 8.

BUT rulers may be far from being the vileſt men, they may be very good men; and yet, by an incautious conformity to common practices, ſuppoſed to be innocent, they may too much countenance ſome things which are of very hurtful tendency. Permit me to inſtance in one particular. "It is not for kings," we read, "to drink wine, nor for princes ſtrong drink."Prov. xxxi. 4. And certainly, it is not for the lower claſſes to drink ſo much of theſe as many of them do, if they regard their health, or competence, or peace. I ſelect this inſtance, becauſe it is directly pertinent to the main ſubject in hand. Nothing is a greater weakener of government—nothing makes the multitude more heady and high-minded—nothing raiſes oftener or louder, the cry of liberty and equality—nothing more emboldens and inflames that little member, which boaſteth great things, and ſetteth on fire the whole courſe of nature—nothing, in a word, makes men more incapable of governing themſelves, or of being governed, than ſtrong drink. Now, if rulers drink, though not to drunkenneſs; not ſo as quite to "forget the law," or greatly to "pervert the judgment of any;" if they only drink as much as is very univerſally cuſtomary, in polite circles, on great occaſions; though they do not hurt themſelves, they may too much ſanction that which will hurt their inferiors. That divine injunction, "Thou ſhalt not follow a multitude to do evil,"Exod. xxiii. 2. lies with peculiar weight on civil rulers, as well as religious teachers. They, more than others, are under obligation to lead the multitude, in whatſoever things are ſober, wife and good. They, of all men, are bound in duty to abſtain from all appearance of any thing, which, improved upon by bungling eager imitators, might grow into a practice pernicious to ſociety. Nor ſhould it be forgotten, that every deviation from rectitude of conduct, leſſens the dignity, and lowers the authority of greatmen. "Dead flies cauſe the ointment of theapothecary to ſend forth a ſtinking favor: ſo doth a little folly, him that is in reputation for wiſdom and honor."Eccl. x. 1. But,

3. THAT weakneſs of government which is a calamity to any people, is often principally the fault of the people themſelves. It may be owing to their negligence, or to their caprice and folly, in the choice of their rulers; or it may be owing to their ill-treatment of them when choſen. A government moſt excellent in its conſtitution, and moſt wiſe, juſt and firm, in its adminiſtration, may be enervated, or rendered inadequate, by the ungovernableneſs of the people: By their revilings and ſlanders—their haughtineſs and inſolence—their factions and tumults. David once ſaid, "I am this day weak, though anointed king; and theſe men, the ſons of Zeruiah, are too hard for me."2 Sam. iii. 39.

NOR muſt it be omitted, that, beſides the immediate natural cauſes of a weak government, the irreligion, or general wickedneſs of a people, may be its procuring cauſe, as a judgment of heaven. "The moſt High ruleth in the" nations of men; "and giveth" the dominion over them, "to whom ſoever he will."Dan. iv. 32. "For promotion cometh neither from the eaſt, nor from the weſt, nor from the ſouth; but God is the judge; he putteth down one, and ſetteth up another."Pſal. lxxv. 6, 7. When the ways of a people pleaſe the Lord—when they fear Him, and work righteouſneſs; among other bleſſings, he gives them good governors, under whoſe able and equitable adminiſtration, they lead quiet and peaceable lives. On the contrary, when they forget Him, neglect his worſhip, and diſregard his word; among other modes of puniſhment, he takes away their wiſe and faithful magiſtrates, and gives them weak or wicked ones in their ſtead; or leaves them to trample all authority under foot. This was the cauſe of the calamities threatened in our text and context. See the eighth verſe, which concludes the paragraph. "For Jeruſalem is ruined, and Judah is fallen; becauſe their tongue and their doings are againſt the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory."

LET us now attend, as was propoſed, to the proof and illuſtration of the doctrine laid down: That, of all the calamities ever ſent upon a people, being under a weak government, is one of the moſt deplorable.

IT is ſaid,Eccl. x. 16. "Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child." It is alſo aſked,Pſal. xi. 3. "If the foundations be deſtroyed, what can the righteous do?" And if we conſider the matter, it may eaſily be ſeen, that the people of all characters, and not merely the righteous among them, muſt be in a very wretched condition, ſhould government be overturned, or have no coercive force.

FIRST; an expoſedneſs to all manner of mutual injuries, without redreſs, is one obvious evil thence ariſing. The people ſhall be oppreſſed, every one by another, and every one by his neighbour.

"SURELY oppreſſion maketh a wiſe man mad," is an obſervation of the royal preacher.Eccl. vii. 7. And many are the accounts in hiſtory, of oppreſſion's having had this effect on a multitude of men, the wiſe among the fooliſh. How often have whole nations raved and raged, like the fierceſt of animals, under the operation of the hydrophobia, at only a diſtant apprenſion of this terrible evil?

I AM ſenſible, it is the dread of oppreſſion from government, and not of being oppreſſed one by another, through the want or weakneſs of it, that uſually occaſions this rage, and theſe ravings. The people are ten times more apt to be afraid of having heavy burdens and grievous reſtraints laid upon them, by the beſt men in power, than of any thing they might be in danger of ſuffering from their equals, however wicked, and however unreſtrained. But what can be the reaſon of this? Is it becauſe there is not really as much miſchief to be feared, from individual, as from public oppreſſion? From the oppreſſions of the many, as of the few? From the unrighteouſneſs of millions, let looſe, as from that of one man, or a ſmall number of men?

THIS, certainly, is not the caſe; this cannot be the reaſon. When there is no law, and every one does what he thinks fit, without fear of puniſhment, the people, I believe, have ever been, and are ever likely to be, much more unhappy than even under a very deſpotic and oppreſſive government.

WHAT then is the reaſon? Why are the people, whoſe voice is ſaid to be the voice of God, ſo much more ready to ſound and take an alarm, when threatened with the latter, than with the former of theſe evils? Why are they ſo loud and tumultuous, when their liberties are thought to be in any danger; and ſo quiet and eaſy, when government is rudely attacked, and ready to be overthrown? Why is the ſhock of terror ſo much greater and more univerſal, at the remoteſt proſpect of tyranny, than at the neareſt, and moſt evident approximation to total anarchy?—There may be ſeveral reaſons.

ONE, probably, is; when the people are oppreſſed by each other, their ſufferings are ſeparately felt: Whereas, oppreſſion from the higher powers falls upon all in a body. In the former caſe, every one bears his own different burdens; and divided complaints, though bitter, make but a confuſed and feeble murmur: in the latter caſe, all feel or fear the ſame; all voices, therefore, are united in one tremendous cry.

ANOTHER reaſon may be; under oppreſſion from government, often no other way of relief is ſeen, than popular combinations and inſurrections; but when injuries are done us by individuals, becauſe there is no government to reſtrain them, a remedy is always near and obvious. If every one is oppreſſed, every one can be an oppreſſor. If a man's neighbours all bite and devour him, he can bite and devour all his neighbours. Hence, a diſſolution of government, inſtead of being univerſally deprecated, appears to many, "A conſummation devoutly to be wiſhed."

BUT there is another cauſe of the wonderful phenomenon I am accounting for, more influential perhaps with the moſt, than both the forementioned. It is owing to charity. A kind of charity, not the excluſive glory of modern times; but entirely peculiar to fallen creatures. A kind of charity, which covers a multitude of our own ſins, from our own ſight. A kind of charity which always begins, and ends, at home; though often extenſive in its circuits. From this boaſted charity, we are ever inclined to hope all things, and believe all things, in favour of any number, or claſs, or order of beings, in which we ourſelves are included. Thus men, naturally think of mankind, more highly than they ought to think. Frenchmen, of the French: Britons, of the Britiſh: Americans, of the people of America: Thoſe of every ſtate and town, of their own ſtate's men and town's men; and men of every calling, of their brethren of the ſame occupation, collectively conſidered. In like manner, the common people, think the common people exceedingly honeſt, harmleſs, and virtuous; while of thoſe in power, though of their own chooſing, and juſt choſen out of all the people, they have not near ſo favorable an opinion. That the people ſhould have too much liberty, therefore, they are not at all afraid: that rulers will not have checks enough upon them, is all their fear.

THIS beam, of ſelfiſh liberality of ſentiment, it may be impoſſible for us to caſt wholly out of our eye: But that, round the edges of it, we may get ſome glimpſe of real human nature; I know of no better way than to look upon mankind one by one; or in circles not including ourſelves. Let us then think of other nations; other ſtates; other towns, and neighbourhoods; or of particular perſons among our neareſt neighbours. In this ſeparate view, let us ſearch and look; let us impartially examine characters.—Where do we find a great predominance of the innocent inoffenſive people▪ Where do we find a nation, or ſtate, or town, or ſociety, except our own, ſo very virtuous? Where do we find many individuals, beſides ourſelves, ſo juſt and true, temperate and chaſte, meek and merciful; ſo free from coveteouſneſs, pride, envy, revenge, and every unfriendly paſſion, that we could live ſafely among them, were they at full liberty from all the reſtraints of law and government?

INDEED, how great an alteration this would make, in the apparent characters of moſt men, it is difficult to conceive, without the trial. A very partial trial of it, for a ſhort time, ſome of us have once ſeen; when it was made lawful to diſcharge pecuniary obligations, at the rate of a tenth, a twentieth, and even a fiftieth, of the real value juſtly due. We then had a convincing evidence, that the external juſtice of our common honeſt people, is owing to the expected compulſion of civil law, much more than to uprightneſs of heart, or feelings of conſcience, or any dread of a higher tribunal. From this ſpecimen, and from the ſacred ſtory of the behaviour of the men of Benjamin, relative to the Levite from mount Ephraim, when "there was no king in Iſrael; and every one did that which was right in his own eyes;" we may have ſome faint idea of the horrid ſcenes of unrighteouſneſs, lewdneſs and cruelty, that would every where be acted, were it not for the fear of temporal puniſhment. From all that we have read of the deſtruction of mankind by one another, when ever they are at liberty; and from recent indiſputable information of the ſhocking ſtate of things, where government has been overturned; we may well believe that the ſcripture accounts of the depravity of men, are no exaggeration. Not even the following: "Their throat is an open ſepulchre; with their tongues they have uſed deceit; the poiſon of aſps is under their lips; whoſe mouth is full of curſing and bitterneſs; their feet are ſwift to ſhed blood. Deſtruction and miſery are in their ways, and the way of peace have they not known."Rom. iii. 13—17.

But if this be a true portrait of fallen men, when left to themſelves, how much are we indebted to the reſtraint laid upon them, for the little peace we enjoy? And may we not well be convinced, that all the terror of the civil ſword, in the moſt faithful and ſkilful hands, will not be more than enough to reſtrain from iniquity, ſuch a race of beings, ſo that they may dwell together, not in unity, as brethren, but with any tolerable ſafety? Eſpecially if, as is added to finiſh the above picture, "There is no fear of God before their eyes?" And that this laſt trait, is ſtill a part of the character of many, is abundantly evident, both from their avowed principles and open practices, Now this being the caſe, that while the hearts of men are fully ſet in them to do evil, they have no fear of the God of heaven to reſtrain them; were it not for the dread of gods on earth, our civil rulers, what ſecurity ſhould we have, for our names, or property, or lives? If we had no other evil to apprehend, from weakneſs of government, than only this, of lying open to all manner of mutual oppreſſions, ſlander, frauds and violences; it would, even then, be evidently one of the greateſt calamities that could befal a people.

BUT a ſecond evil, ſome what diſtinct, and worthy of ſome notice, is ſuggeſted in our text: No one in a ſubordinate ſtation would keep his proper place, or treat his ſuperiors with ſuitable reſpect. The child ſhall behave himſelf proudly againſt the ancient, and the baſe againſt the honorable.

SOLOMON ſays, "There is an evil which I have ſeen under the ſun, as an error that proceedeth from the ruler: Folly is ſet in great dignity, and the rich in low place. I have ſeen ſervants riding upon horſes, and princes walking as ſervants upon the earth."Eccl. x. 5, 6, 7. When authority fails, or is obſtructed, at the fountain head, its remoteſt ſtreams muſt, in a little time, run low. If parents will not obey magiſtrates, children will be diſobedient to parents; if maſters refuſe ſubjection to the higher powers, their ſervants and apprentices will ſoon pay as little regard to their injunctions. Thus this evil proceedeth from the ruler; or from his not being able to rule. And a ſerious evil it certainly is. By ſuperiors, in every degree, it will ſoon be very ſenſibly felt. They will have none to fear them, none to honor them, none over whom they can have any command. Inferiors, of the very loweſt grade, may exult, for a while, in ſuch aeras of freedom; and think them glorious times. But even to theſe—to the child and the baſe, this turning of things upſide down, generally proves fatal in the end. Being under no control, they ſpend their time in idleneſs; waſte their ſubſtance, if they have any, in riotous living; have recourſe to pilfering, gambling, and every hazardous expedient, to ſupport their extravagances, and by various fooliſh and hurtful practices, ſoon plunge themſelves into irrecoverable wretchedneſs and ruin.

THERE is yet a third capital evil, ariſing from too weak a government, which, though not mentioned in our text, ſhould be briefly noticed, when treating of this ſubject at large. A community in ſuch a ſituation, will be able to make little defence againſt a foreign enemy. Like the people of Laiſh, who had no magiſtrate in the land to put them to ſhame in any thing; they will be an eaſy prey to any handful of enterpriſing invaders. No reſources can be drawn forth—no navies furniſhed—no armies raiſed and ſupplied—no fortifications erected and garriſoned, without energy in government. What Solomon ſays of a man that has no rule over his own ſpirit, holds equally true of an ungoverned nation: it "is as a city that is broken down, and without walls."

THE doctrine, I conceive, needs no farther illuſtration or proof. It only remains, that I endeavor to point out ſome uſeful inferences from it, applicable to our own times, and to the preſent occaſion.

1. THE holy ſcriptures may hence be vindicated, in their being ſo much on the ſide of government; and no more favorable to the inſurrection of inferiors.

ON theſe topics, it muſt be acknowledged, the ſpirit of the goſpel, as well as of the old teſtament, is ſomewhat different from the ſpirit that worketh in the children of diſobedience, among whom we have all had our converſation. Our Saviour "went about doing good, and healing all that were oppreſſed of the devil;" but under the politcal oppreſſions of the Jews, his countrymen, he ſeemed not much to ſympathize with them. When it hurt their conſciences to pay tribute to a foreign power, and they aſked him whether it were lawful; his anſwer was, "Render to Caeſar, the things that are Caeſar's, and to God, the things that are God's." He conſtantly preached peace, meekneſs, humility and ſubmiſſion. His apoſtles in like manner, taught children to obey and honor their parents: and ſervants to be "ſubject to their own maſters, with all fear; not only to the good and gentle, but alſo to the froward." And, inſtead of animating their numerous proſelytes, at Crete, at Rome, and all over the world, to riſe in arms againſt theſe rulers of the earth who were their unrighteous and unmerciful perſecutors; they would have them "put in mind to be ſubject to principalities and powers, to obey magiſtrates:Tit. iii. 1. they exhorted them to "ſubmit themſelves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's ſake;"a Pet. ii. 13. and told them, "Whoſoever reſiſteth the power, reſiſteth the ordinance of God; and they that reſiſt ſhall receive to themſelves damnation."Rom. xiii. 2.

AT this diſtance of time, and after ſo many revolutions, ſuch paſſages as theſe may ſeem hard ſayings, to ſome good ſoldiers, even of Jeſus Chriſt. No wonder that the inculcators of ſo much poverty of ſpirit, ſhould be rejected with ſcorn, and treated with ſcurrility, in this "age of reaſon." We are not to wonder, were there no other cauſe, that infidelity ſhould exceedingly increaſe, in theſe times of "illumination."

To the ſpiritually minded Chriſtian, however, it will readily occur, in favour of the author and finiſher of our faith, and his firſt miniſters, that the great object they had in view, was to ſave the ſouls of men; and that, teaching them to be meek and lowly in heart, poor in ſpirit, and contented in whatſoever ſtate they were, was better adapted to this deſign; than filling the heads of inferiors with exalted notions of the equal "rights of man;" inflaming their hearts with pride and angry paſſions; and throwing families into envying and ſtrife, and nations into the convulſions of civil war; till every one can be as free as the freeſt, and as high as the higheſt.

BUT, leaving things eternal out of the queſtion; according to the ſubject to which we have now been attending, if the preachers and penmen of the New-Teſtament had aimed only to promote the temporal happineſs, of only the lower claſſes of mankind, they would have done wiſely in writing and preaching, on the duties of ſubordination, exactly as they did. Never can there be peace on earth, or any ſafety among men, while children are allowed to riſe up againſt their parents, ſervants againſt their maſters, and ſubjects againſt their civil rulers, whenever they think differently from them, or diſlike their government. Thus to make the child, the governor of his governors, and the baſe, the judge of his judges, is the certain way to endleſs confuſion, in all human ſocieties.

2. IF the doctrine inſiſted on be true, it follows, that a ready ſubmiſſion to all thoſe burdens which are neceſſary for the ſupport of good government, and for national defence, is the wiſdom, as well as duty of any people.

THE apoſtle to the Romans, having ſaid, "The powers that be are ordained of God;" having obſerved that the benevolent end of their ordination was the good of the people; and, on theſe grounds, having enjoined ſubjection to them, he adds; "For this cauſe pay ye tribute alſo: for they are God's miniſters, attending continually upon this very thing."

PUBLIC expenſes are apt to appear to many, exceſſively high: but, perhaps, they do not well conſider the real occaſion there is for great expenditures, in a nation or ſtate of any magnitude.

IN order to the ſupport of good government, many rulers, of high and low degree, are abſolutely neceſſary. And it is neceſſary that thoſe who occupy the higher offices, ſhould be men of ſuperior knowledge, and uncommon natural abilities: ſuch knowledge as is not eaſily acquired, and ſuch abilities as might procure them a plentiful income in other occupations. If the bramble, or the ſhrub oak, were adequate to rule over the trees, a cheap government might be expected; but if the vine, the fig-tree, and the olive-tree, muſt be promoted; we are not to think that theſe will leave their rich fruits; their ſweetneſs, and fatneſs, without a ſuitable compenſation.—Beſides, rulers of high rank, muſt be at no inconſiderable expenſe, to ſupport the proper dignity of their ſtations. It is alſo to be taken into the account, that the duties of thoſe who rule well, and attend continually upon this very thing, are not only exceedingly laborious, but that ſome parts of the eſſential ſervices they have to render muſt be very diſagreeable; if they have any compaſſionate ſenſibility. The execution of deſerved vengeance, is ſaid to be God's ſtrange work; as being, in itſelf, moſt oppoſite to One whoſe nature is love, and who delighteth in mercy. And, doubtleſs, that puniſhment of evil doers, for which earthly rulers are appointed, and which the public good requires, muſt be really painful to the feelings of humanity; more painful, in many caſes, than the amputation of limbs, and other high operations in ſurgery, for which, on that account, as well as becauſe of the ſuperior ſkill and great care requiſite, an ample fee to the operator is thought reaſonable. Moreover; thoſe who ſtand in elevated ſtations, are the marks of obloquy, and expoſed to many danger, much more than men on the level ground of private life. All theſe things well weighed, the equitable reward of governors, and the neceſſary coſt of ſupporting good government, muſt be no inconſiderable burden on the people.

IN order to national defence, againſt hoſtilities from abroad, ſtill heavier expenſes are often indiſpenſible. In perilous times, there muſt be armies and fleets, forts and garriſons. At the firſt out ſet, more eſpecially, when all theſe things are to be new-created, to a people unuſed to ſuch vaſt expenditures, they will naturally appear enormous; and very eaſily may a popular clamor be raiſed againſt them. It is poſſible, indeed, that more may be laid out in theſe ways, many times, than the public exigences require; but of this, few of the complainers are competent to judge. A nation that has an extended coaſt, and an extenſive commerce to defend, had better be at immenſe charges for the ſecurity of theſe, than lie open to thoſe ſpoliations and invaſions, to which, without arming, when all the world is at war, they might inevitably be expoſed.

To provide both for the internal and external ſafety of a numerous people, the burdens laid upon them muſt often be heavy. Theſe are evils to be lamented; but in the preſent ſtate of mankind, they are neceſſary for the prevention of far greater evils; and ſhould therefore be ſubmitted to, without murmuring.

3. THE preceding obſervations may ſuggeſt to us, ſome peculiar advantages of a republican form of government.This inference was paſſed over in the delivery.

UNDER every form, there muſt be orders and degrees; ſome muſt bear rule, and others be ſubject to tribute. Under every form, there will be duties, impoſts, exciſes, and perhaps direct taxation. All for •• of government, however, are not equal. Much advantage hath the republican, many ways.

ONE advantage is, that the people may always have good rulers, unleſs it be their own fault. Under a monarchy, or an ariſtocracy, let the body of the people be ever ſo virtuous, and ever ſo vigilant, they may have children for their princes, and babes to rule over them. When power is hereditary, in kings or nobles, not only is there a riſk of having the higheſt ſeats of government filled by minors; but, if this ſhould not happen, the hazard is great, that thoſe who inherit the firſt offices of government, will frequently be men of not much knowledge, or of not much virtue. But in elective governments, where the people at large are the electors, and eſpecially where the elections are frequent, they may always have wiſe and faithful men in all places of authority; if ſuch are to be found, and if ſuch they chooſe.

IT may next be obſerved; that in republican governments, there is the leaſt occaſion for illegal aſſociations, or popular tumults, to obtain a redreſs of grievances. If there be any mal-adminiſtration, or any fault in the conſtitution, a remedy is provided, without diſturbing the public peace.

ANOTHER advantage muſt not be forgotten, which is very great: under this free form of government, the intereſts of rulers and ſubjects are ſo blended—ſo the ſame, that the former cannot oppreſs the latter, without equally oppreſſing themſelves. In an abſolute monarchy, the king; and in an ariſtocracy, the nobles, may "bind heavy burdens, and lay them on men's ſhoulders," without being obliged to "touch them themſelves with one of their fingers:" but in democracies, the higheſt magiſtrates are ſubject to the ſame laws, the ſame duties, the ſame taxes, which they impoſe upon others. At leaſt. thoſe who this year bear rule, the next election may be under law, under tribute. This is a great ſecurity againſt their decreeing unrighteous decrees, and writing grievous things.

LASTLY; repreſentative rulers feel themſelves ſo dependent on the people, for their continuance in office, that they are not likely to grow haughty and unreaſonably over-bearing, as thoſe naturally will, who have no ſuch dependence.

THESE are ſome of the peculiar advantages of a republican government. But then, it is to be well remembered, that the beſt things may become the worſt for us, by being abuſed. To render democratic governments ſtable and happy, it is highly neceſſary that the people ſhould be wiſe; virtuous, peaceable, and eaſily governed. For want of theſe requiſites, republics have often been, like "man that is born of a woman, of few days, and full of trouble."

4. IN the more particular application of our ſubject, we are naturally led to a view and conviction, of our own mercies, and privileges, and proſpects, and duties.

THAT the paſt mercies of Heaven towards this country, have been ſingularly great, every pious obſerver will be ready devoutly to acknowledge. I have reference, chiefly, to political mercies; or thoſe which relate to civil liberty and government. Hardly another inſtance can be found, I believe, in all hiſtory, of a people's enjoying both theſe bleſſings jointly, in ſo high a degree, for ſo great a length of time, as they have been enjoyed by ſeveral of theſe united ſtates; and by this ſtate, in particular. The people of Connecticut, from the beginning, have invariably choſen their chief magiſtrates, and general aſſembly; and they have had a ſucceſſion of good governors far beyond the common lot of mankind. Our "officers have been peace, and our exactors righteouſneſs," with as few exceptions, perhaps, as ever were known in any part of the world.

OR, if we confine the retroſpect, within the compaſs of the laſt five and twenty years; and extend it to the whole union, how wonderful have been the ſalvations granted us! In this period, we have paſſed through the Red Sea of a revolutionary war; in which our then friends and coadjutors, aſſaying to follow us, as moſt who ever attempted it before us, have been drowned. Here, quite contrary to what uſually happens, on ſuch occaſions, we had guides eminent for prudence, ſtability, coolneſs, and unconquerable perſeverance. And one, ſuper-eminent for all thoſe; by the integrity of whoſe heart, and the ſkilfulneſs of whoſe hands, we were led like a flock, in ſafety, far ſurpaſſing all rational expectation. We have alſo paſſed, afterwards, thro the howling wilderneſs of an almoſt national anarchy: where were pits, and ſcorpions, and fiery flying ſerpents. Here again, our great men, with the greateſt of all at their head, in a general convention, formed and recommended our preſent admirable conſtitution. And our wiſeſt counſellors and moſt eloquent orators, in every ſtate, ſtraining every nerve, procured its adoption; whereby we were ſaved, when on the brink of diſſolution. That ſuch men were raiſed up, and put forward, in theſe times of need; and their way made proſperous; was certainly "the Lord's doing, and ought to be marvellous in our eyes," In either of theſe perils, "it was of the Lord's mercies that we were not conſumed."

AND as paſt mercies, ſo our preſent privileges, are ſingular, and ſuch as deſerve a very grateful acknowledgment. While many other nations are ſuffering the ravages of a moſt furious war, ſtill likely to be carried on with redoubled rage; we enjoy the ineſtimable bleſſings of peace. While moſt other nations are under the dominion of hereditary kings and nobles, ſuch as they happen to be born and educated, whether virtuous or vicious, wiſe men or fools; we have rulers from the higheſt to the loweſt, of our own election. While one other nation, great and highly civilized, after ſwimming in ſeas of blood for eight years, and after nearly as many revolutions, in a violent conteſt for liberty and equality, has at laſt, nothing more of either than the empty name, we poſſeſs the reality of both, as far as is conſiſtent with any order or ſafety.

OUR national expenſes are neceſſarily great: but the burden of them is laid, as much as poſſible, on thoſe moſt able to bear it; among whom, the impoſers, being of the richer claſs, have taken a large proportion on themſelves. In the nation, and in this ſtate, the policy of government, certainly, is not to "grind the face of the poor." The mildneſs and gentleneſs of our adminiſtration, it appears to me, is generally very great; and, in regard to its wiſdom and firmneſs, conſidering the times, I think it deſerving of much applauſe. Reſpecting rulers, certainly our condition, hitherto, is far different from that deſcribed and threatened in our text.

SUCH have been our mercies; ſuch are our privileges. What then are our proſpects?—Not altogether fair and promiſing, after all. As in the bleſſings of heaven, and the abuſe of theſe bleſſings, there is a ſtriking reſemblance between us, and the land of Judah and inhabitants of Jeruſalem, at the time of this prophecy, to which we have been attending; ſo, in the ſequel, it is poſſible there may be a ſimilitude. Our mountain is not yet ſo ſtrong, that we have reaſon, from any quarter, to ſay in our proſperity, we ſhall never be moved.

SOME may flatter themſelves, that, although other republics have frequently been tumultuous, and of ſhort continuance; ours will be peaceful and permanent, becauſe of the greater knowledge and virtue of the people.

IT is true, in this part of the union at leaſt, "We know that we all have knowledge." But, I doubt, we have more of the "knowledge which puffeth up," than of that knowledge which promiſes "ſtability of times." It is true, we have the light of the goſpel; and were we diſpoſed to be guided by this light, we need not fear the fate of ancient republics, that were bewildered in Pagan darkneſs. But, in matters relative to government and ſubordination; too many chooſe to take their inſtructions from Heathen philoſophy, rather than from the oracles of God. And as the knowledge, ſo the virtue, of even this happy country, exceedingly wants to be Chriſtianized. It is true, our "charity aboundeth:" but I am afraid we have not much of that charity which is "the bond of perfectneſs, or the bond of peace."

PERHAPS ſome good people are ready to think, we may ſafely "truſt in God; who hath delivered, and doth deliver, that he will yet deliver us." And had we rendered according to the benefits done us, indeed, we might thus ſecurely truſt. But has this been the caſe? On the contrary, have we not ſinned more and more, ſince the almoſt miraculous deliverances granted us? Has not the worſhip of God been neglected; his day and name been prophaned, his laws tranſgreſſed, and his goſpel deſpiſed and rejected, of late years, more than ever? Have not infidelity, and all manner of looſe principles, and immoral practices, abounded in all parts of the land, ſince the revolution, and our happy independence, more than at any former period?—Shall we then "lean upon the Lord, and ſay, Is not the Lord among us? no evil can come upon us?"Micah iii. 11. Jer. ii. 25. Or ſhall we think, "Becauſe we are innocent, ſurely his anger ſhall turn from us?" His ancient covenant people thus leaned, and thus ſaid, in times of their greateſt degeneracy; but what were the anſwers of God to them?Amos iii. 2. Jer. v. 9. You only have I known, of all the families of the earth; therefore will I puniſh you for all your iniquities." And, "ſhall I not viſit for theſe things? ſhall not my ſoul be avenged on ſuch a nation as this?"

WHEN we read ſuch ſolemn divine admonitions as theſe, and conſider our own ways and doings, can we confidently expect the continued ſmiles and protection of the holy governor of the world? Inſtead of this, may not our fleſh well tremble for fear of him? Have we not reaſon to be afraid of his avenging judgments?

AND has he not already begun to teſtify his righteous diſpleaſure againſt us, in ſome terrible inſtances? For ſeveral years paſt, our capital towns and cities have been ſorely viſited with a waſting peſtilence; little, if at all known before, in theſe parts. And now, very lately, a moſt awful breach has been made upon us; and of the very ſame kind threatened in our context to Jeruſalem and Judah. For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hoſts, hath taken away from America, the STAY and the STAFF:—the MIGHTY MAN, and the MAN OF WAR. The judge, and the PRUDENT, and the ancient: The CAPTAIN of all our armies, and our MOST HONORABLE MAN. All theſe, in one; by a ſudden and ſurpriſing ſtroke, hath the Lord taken away. The man who "fought for us, and adventured his life for, and delivered us." The man who gave ſyſtem to our diſtracted affairs; united our broken confederacy; and long guided our difficult courſe, between the whirlpools of European wars. The man, but for whom, very poſſibly, we ſhould now have been wretched, conquered, rebel colonies; inſtead of triumphant, free, independent ſtates; and but for whom, afterwards, we might have been as a roap of ſand, inſtead of a ſtrong united nation:—The man to whom we are thus indebted—on whom we were thus dependent, IS NO MORE.

WHAT farther public calamities the ſudden deceaſe of this great Saviour of his country may portend, God only knows. We have reaſon to apprehend, that as he was ever proſperous in life, ſo his death, for him, was favorably timed; that he was taken out of the way of evils to come; great evils coming on a land moſt dear to him; which he could only have ſeen, to his inexpreſſible ſorrow of heart, without being able to prevent. This leſſon, however, we are plainly and moſt impreſſively taught, by a Providence which has clothed a continent in mourning; that Gods on earth muſt die like men. Pſal. lxxxii. 6, 7. Eccl. viii. 8. That "no man hath power over the ſpirit, to retain the ſpirit; neither hath he power in the day of death; and there is no diſcharge in that war." We have many great and good men, yet ſpared to us; nor are we without one, at the head of our national government, who, I preſume, has the high veneration of the beſt judges, and their cordial prayers that he may long live; and long fill the important ſtation which he now poſſeſſes. But his breath is in his noſtrils; and ſo is the breath of every other man, moſt accounted of; in the nation, or in the ſtate, Nor is natural death, the only way whereby our remaining firm pillars, may be removed.

AND if we conſider the ſpirit that now worketh, well may we be apprehenſive of unhappy changes; and of all the evils threatened in our text. Some of theſe, we already experience. Though God hath not given children to be our princes, nor many bad men, we hope, to rule over us; yet the people are oppreſſed one by another, in a degree, I believe, beyond what has been uſual heretofore. And certainly it is a remarkable day, for the child's behaving himſelf proudly againſt the ancient, and the baſe againſt the honorable. Nor is this to be wondered at. Of ſuch ſcenes as we have lately paſſed through, it is the natural conſequence. In revolutionary times, all expreſſions of reſpect are wont to be laid aſide, or the application of them reverſed. The great leſſons inculcated on youth, inſtead of modeſty, dutifulneſs and ſubordination; are boldneſs, ſelf-ſufficiency, and ſelf-importance. Children, too young to read the bible, or to be taught their catechiſm, are mounted on the ſtage, to act the orator, the patriot and politician: while the parents, the aged and the wiſe, ſit or ſtand around in low place, wonder and applaud. Brutus and Caſſius, ( • ot Jeſus nor Paul, Peter nor John,) are the great models and inſtructors, of the riſing generation of Chriſtians. Such things as theſe, we have ſeen; and the effects of them, we ſtill ſadly feel. Habits of ſubordination, always painful to human pride; when once effaced, or much weakened, are not eaſily reſtored. On the other hand, habits of haughtineſs and diſobedience, always congenial to the human heart; when once imbibed, naturally increaſe to more ungovernableneſs. One point of freedom gained, another is ſtruggled for with the greater ardor. Licentiouſneſs, like the grave, never ſays, "It is enough."

IN this ſtate, though not near ſo free as ſome, great liberties are enjoyed. We have liberty to do every thing that we ought; and a great many things that we ought not. In matters of religion, our liberties are almoſt unbounded. We may ſell, buy and read, what books we pleaſe: the beſt, or the moſt atheiſtical and blaſphemous. We may worſhip what god we chooſe: a juſt God, or one who has no juſtice for men to fear. Every creature, has equal liberty to preach the goſpel: and to preach what goſpel he thinks proper. Thoſe who perſuade men by the terrors of the Lord, to ſtand in awe, and not ſin; and thoſe who embolden men in all manner of iniquity, by aſſurances of no wrath to come, have equal encouragement. Any people may make the firmeſt legal contract for the ſupport of what miniſter they will; and any number, or all of them, may break it when they will.—In civil matters, our liberty is a little more circumſcribed; yet, in theſe, we have a good deal of elbow-room, to do wrong, as well as right. We may honor all men, or defame the moſt dignified and worthy characters. We may ſpeak the truth, or aſſert and propagate falſehoods. Men may fulfil their promiſes, or not fulfil them; pay their debts, or never pay them, without any reſtraint, or much danger of compulſion. All theſe liberties, and a thouſand others, if not explicitly by law allowed; are taken, very freely by many, in their worſt latitude; and taken with impunity, in a multitude of inſtances.

YET, with all this, numbers among ourſelves, and much greater numbers in the freer ſtates, it is ſaid, are not ſatisfied; but are ſtriving, by calumnies, and by intrigues, for new revolutions ſtill further to weaken government. That ſome men might wiſh to have their own hands and tongues at greater liberty, provided their neighbours and enemies could be kept faſt bound, may eaſily be conceived: but how any man, on the leaſt ſober reflection, ſhould be willing that all others ſhould be under leſs reſtraint than they now are, appears almoſt inconceivable. One would have thought, that the tragedy ſo long exhibited on the great European theatre of confuſion, and eſpecially the laſt ſcene; muſt have opened the eyes of the moſt blind; and obliged them to ſee, that overturning and overturning, with a view to break all bonds of ſociety aſunder, is not the way to public happineſs, or perſonal ſafety. Nevertheleſs, this ſeems not to have been the caſe. A majority of the people, however, it may be preſumed, are convinced, that our greateſt immediate danger, is of having too little government, not too little liberty.

NOR are our duties, if we have this conviction, hard to be underſtood. Were we in earneſt diſpoſed, to ſtand in the ways, and ſee, and aſk for the old paths, where is the good way? And would we walk therein, reſt might be found; and the threatened evils now ſpoken of, be prevented.

IF we would not have the child behave himſelf proudly againſt the ancient, and the baſe againſt the honorable, greater attention ſhould be paid to the ſchooling and government of the riſing generation. Some attempt towards a reform in this matter has already been made, under the auſpices of the general aſſembly: and, as far as I have had opportunity to obſerve, it has been attended with encouraging effects. It is neceſſary that thoſe juſt weaned from the breaſt, ſhould have line upon line, and precept upon precept; and it is of importance what thoſe lines and precepts are. Little ones ſhould be learnt their letters, at leaſt; if not a few lines of the New-Teſtament, before they are learnt to be Grecian and Roman orators and patriots. They ſhould be learnt a little modeſty, and a little manners, before they are learnt to govern the nation. They ſhould be made good children, before we attempt to make them great men.

IF our legiſlators would prevent our being oppreſſed every one by another, the old and good way is, to have a code of laws, as ſhort and plain as poſſible, and ſuitably inforced. Obſolete laws; and laws the only tendency of which is to evade, or needleſsly delay, the operation of juſtice; I ſhould think, ought to be repealed. And certainly great care ſhould be taken, by the appointment of capable and faithful judiciary and informing officers, that the laws unrepealed be duly executed.

IF our judges of courts, would keep us from oppreſſing, or being oppreſſed, they ſhould cauſe "judgment to run down as waters, and righteouſneſs as a mighty ſtream." They ſhould ſee that the old complaint in Iſaiah;Chap. lix. 14. Judgment is turned away backward, and juſtice ſtandeth afar off; truth is fallen in the ſtreet, and equity cannot enter," be not applicable to ourſelves. They ſhould ſee, if poſſible, that their judgment ſeats be not environed with ſo high piles of voluminous fortifications, and ſuch numerous garriſons, armed at all points, and able to defend any thing, that right can hardly be obtained, in the plaineſt cauſe, without a ſiege, as long, and as coſtly, as the ſiege of Troy.

IF the freemen—the fountain of power, would ſtrengthen government, or guard againſt its being farther weakened; they ſhould be very punctual in attending their legal meetings, and very careful for whom they give in their ſuffrages, as members of Aſſembly, or of Congreſs. They ſhould ſee that they do not vote for weak men, however honeſt; nor for vicious men, however capable; nor for intriguing men, who are crowding themſelves forward by every popular artifice: who underſtand perfectly all the duties and faults of their ſuperiors, but ſee no beam in their own eye, and never mind their own buſineſs. Men of real abilities, are generally unaſſuming and ſelf-diffident. Men ſenſible of the difficulties and reſponſibility of important poſts of truſt, are generally backward to undertake them. Men reſtleſs where they are, and troubleſome to thoſe above them, are generally haughty and overbearing, if advanced to higher ſtations. Nor ſhould the freemen be too much given to change; unleſs they mean to weaken government. Bad men, if in office, cannot be too ſoon turned out; but thoſe who have ruled well, ought not to be dropped, merely that every man may have his turn; nor merely to ſhow the great power of the people, and to keep their ſervants, who govern them, more in fear of them.

THE miniſters of the goſpel, are thought to have no concern with the temporal happineſs of mankind: doubtleſs, the good way for them, whether the old way or not, is to confine themſelves very much to their ſpiritual vocation. Doubtleſs their principal buſineſs is, to ſave the ſouls of thoſe who hear them. But in order to this, they muſt warn all, of that "wrath of God which is revealed from heaven, againſt all ungodlineſs and unrighteouſneſs of men," They muſt "convert ſinners from the error of their ways," or they cannot "ſave their ſouls from death." They muſt teach their converts to "obſerve all things whatſoever Chriſt hath commanded," by himſelf or his Apoſtles; or they cannot make them "meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the ſaints in light." And among theſe inſtructions, teaching them to "obey thoſe who have the rule over them, and to be cautious how they ſpeak evil of dignities, muſt not be omitted. Miniſters muſt not "ſhun to declare all the counſel of God," both to rulers and ſubjects, if they would be "pure from the blood of all men." In a word, they wuſt do what in them lies to make all their hearers good Chriſtians; for without this they can never get them to heaven; and they need do no more, to make them peaceable and orderly members of ſociety on earth. Thus far, and in this manner, Aaron may ſtill ſupport the hand of Moſes, in miniſtering to the temporal good of men, even in a conſiſtency with the modern line of ſeparation drawn between them.

LASTLY; all, of every order, if they would do their part to prevent all the evils threatened in our text and context, from coming upon us, as the righteous judgments of Heaven, muſt ſee that their tongues and their doings are not againſt the Lord. Never can we rationally hope that God will be at peace with us, unleſs we treat his laws and ordinances with greater attention and reſpect. Unleſs we ceaſe to do evil, and learn to do well; unleſs ſome check be put to thoſe looſe principles, and licentious practices, which have over-flowed all our cities, and towns, and villages.

THE old paths, then, and the good way, to which we muſt return, and in which we muſt walk, would we find reſt, are plain before us.

BUT, it is to be feared, the voice of a majority may now be, as it was in the days of Jeremiah: We will not walk therein. Both from the ſigns of the times, and from ſeveral predictions of ſcripture, I think the probability is, that things are not about to alter for the better, but for the worſe. Mankind ſeem yet combining, and "taking counſel together, againſt the Lord, and againſt his anointed, ſaying, Let us break their bands aſunder, and caſt away their cords from us;" and God ſeems remarkably leaving them to ſtrong deluſions, to believe ſtrange lies. He ſeems determined to let them go on, and try the boaſted experiment of liberty and revolutions, to the uttermoſt: deſigning, it may be ſuppoſed, to have a more convictive diſcovery exhibited, than has ever yet been given, of the madneſs in the heart of the ſons of men, before the general regeneration of the world. The unclean ſpirits, predicted to come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beaſt, and out of the mouth of the falſe prophet, as repreſented in the viſion of John; appear evidently to have gone forth over all the earth, and to have been exceedingly buſy and ſucceſsful, in raiſing and training up their forces for the battle of that great day of God Almighty;Rev. xvi. 13, 14. which, according to the common calculation of expoſitors, is now only commencing. Whether we turn our eyes to the word of prophecy, or to the aſpects of providence, we have reaſon to be very apprehenſive, that "this darkneſs" is yet for a while, to "cover the earth, and groſs darkneſs the people,"Iſa. ix. 2. in a greater and greater degree, before the expected reign of light and truth, righteouſneſs and peace.

NEVERTHELESS, let not good men deſpond: nor let them relax their exertions to repel, as long and as extenſively as they can, the prevalence of error, irreligion and wretchedneſs. Mightier is He that is with them, than all that are againſt them. When it is aſked in the eleventh Pſalm: "If the foundations be deſtroyed, what can the righteous do?" the anſwer is ſhort, but very emphatical and abundantly ſufficient: "The LORD is in his holy temple; the LORD's throne is in heaven. Elſewhere, the Pſalmiſt, adoring the power and wiſdom of the Moſt High, ſays, "Surely the wrath of man ſhall praiſe thee; the remainder of the wrath ſhalt thou reſtrain."Pſal. lxxvi. 10. It is often ſaid, "Chriſt is able to ſupport his own church and miniſters, without the aid of human laws." This is doubtleſs true, it is alſo true, that Chriſt is able to take care of his church, and to bring the many ſons given him to glory, without any miniſters at all. And equally true is it, that God is able to govern the nations, without the help of earthly rulers. But, from theſe premiſes, the conſequence will not follow, without hard drawing, that men may innocently and ſafely neglect exerting the power they have, for the ſupport, either of good goverment, or of uncorrupted Chriſtianity. "Thoſe that walk in pride, God is able to abaſe;" but is there therefore nothing hazardous, nor wrong, in thus walking? A curſe was once denounced, on them who "came not to the help of the Lord, againſt the mighty; though the Lord helped himſelf, without their aſſiſtance. But the foregoing truths, however they may have been perverted to the countenancing of human negligence in the cauſe of God or Chriſt, are matter of juſt conſolation to the pious and good, when they walk in darkneſs and have no light: when they ſee little probability that their utmoſt efforts for the ſupport of order, or of undefiled religion, will have any effect.

THERE will always be ſome, and ſome that ought to be leaders and teachers, whoſe policy it is, to turn with the times; to ſwim with the tide, and ſwing with the vibrating pendulum of popular opinion. Who will trim their way to ſeek love; and "become all things to all men, if by all means they may ſave" themſelves. But a ſteadfaſt adherence to truth and duty, however great the apparent danger, is the only way of real ſafety. He who thus "loſes his life, ſhall ſave it;" and he ſhall loſe his life who would ſave it," by deſerting his poſt, or hiding himſelf under refuges of falſehood, when evil is foreſeen. "The fearful and unbelieving, ſhall have their part" at laſt, in the ſame lake with bolder tranſgreſſors. "The fear of man bringeth a ſnare; but whoſo putteth his truſt in the Lord ſhall be ſafe"Prov. xxix. 25. For the encouragement of good men, in perilous times, and particularly of good rulers, it is written: "He that walketh righteouſly, and ſpeaketh uprightly; he that deſpiſeth the gain of oppreſſions, that ſhaketh his hands from holding of bribes, that ſtoppeth his ears from, hearing of blood, and ſhutteth his eyes from ſeeing evil; he ſhall dwell on high; his place of defence ſhall be the munitions of rocks: bread ſhall be given him, his waters ſhall be ſure,"Iſa. xxxiii. 15, 16. On theſe grounds is the exhortation in Iſaiah, a few chapters after our text,Chap. viii. 12, 13. with which I ſhall conclude. "Say ye not, A confederacy, to all them to whom this people ſhall ſay, A confederacy: neither fear ye their fear, nor be afraid. Sanctify the LORD of hoſts himſelf; and let him be your fear, and let Him be your dread."