THERE is no Nation, perhaps, on earth, whose history is so well known, or can be traced, in its progress, from its commencement to the present time, with so much precision, as that of our own. While the nations of Europe, retracing their footsteps, from their present grandeur and improvement, through the mazes of revolutions and conquests, back to the middle ages, lose themselves among feudal clans and gothic hordes; Americans, in their history, behold civilized, enlightened men laying the foundation of their empire—forming communities—instituting social regulations—erecting governments—resisting the encroachments of tyranny, and at length uniting their disjointed communities, under one general system of laws and government, wisely framed—happily administered, and effecting the great objects of social institutions, security of life, liberty, and property.

THE spectacle is altogether novel. Social man is exhibited, in a new attitude.

GOVERNMENT has here arisen, and grown up, from convenience, necessity, and experience, in the hands of men, well informed, and civilized. Government, thus instituted, amended, and confirmed, the result of long experience, must be salutary, and suited to the real necessities of society. Theories in government, framed in the closet, by the mere book philosopher, and ill adapted to the state of man, have rarely scourged any part of the United States.

EUROPEAN nations have conquered, and in their turn been conquered, and blended with each other. Hence perplexities, in tracing political events, to the variously complicated causes, which produced them. In our own country, events, in our political affairs, can be traced to their specific causes. How far the influence of the mother country extended, and how far our own choice and necessities had agency, in producing them, can be clearly ascertained.

OUR history is doubly interesting, in this point of view. Experiments have been made, within the compass of our knowledge—their effects are clear, and these results, alone, are properly denominated political wisdom.

IN tracing the history of our nation, we notice many critical periods—trying situations, and deliverances from danger. Passing over, with many others, the difficulties, which we encountered and surmounted, and the interesting scenes, through which we were carried, during our contest, with Great Britain; I shall confine myself to events, subsequent to that period.

IN all popular governments, there exists a perpetual struggle to produce, and to prevent revolutions. The wicked and aspiring, irritated by that neglect, to which their own characters destine them, clamour against good men, and public measures—stir up the jarring elements of faction—mount the storm, and direct it, to effect their revolutionary purposes. Good men counteract their pernicious projects, and restrain their ambition.

THAT the government be wisely framed, and faithfully administered, avails nothing. If real grievanances have 〈◊〉 existence, evil minds, ever bent on mischief, are ready to give currency to surmises, and reality to pretended abuses. The best men will be villified, and measures, eminently useful and salutary, will be opposed and decried.

THIS is the unavoidable condition of republican governments. The wicked, the turbulent, and the factious, "grow, with their growth, and strengthen, with their strength." The truth of this position, history, and universal experience attest. We may say further; our own particular experience proves it.

IT is with reluctance, I mention the name of that person, who fills a distinguished office in our government as the leader of that formidable faction, which menaces our government with a dreadful overthrow. I am well aware, that with caution, and not without the fullest evidence of wickedness, ought we to speak evil of the rulers of our people. But the truth ought not to be withheld. Our danger is too threatening, for us to remain silent and inactive. Yes—the man, who stands a fair candidate for the presidential chair, is, and ever has been opposed to that excellent Constitution, which has proved our national bulwark; and to that wise administration of our government, which has proved our political salvation.

THIS correspondent of MAZZEI, at that time, in France, plunging himself into all the mazes of modern philosophism, discovered, upon examining the constitution, insurmountable obstacles in it, against the introduction into his own country, of those newfangled doctrines, in the science of government, for which he had contracted so strong a predilection. His partizans, therefore, in this country, were immediately instructed to procure certain amendments to that instrument, which would have robbed the government of all energy, and deprived it of the power of selfpreservation.

BUT this champion of republicanism, does not stop with this first patriotic effort.

LET us recollect the famous letter to MAZZEI.Whether this letter was written by Mr. JEFFERSON, is doubted by some. If I mistake not, it is little to the purpose, to say, he is following the example of WASHINGTON, in a case somewhat similar. The fact is, that, in the only material circumstance, the case is totally dissimilar. The charge against Gen. WASHINGTON, was for conduct, while in office—That, against Mr. JEFFERSON, for conduct, before. But, admitting, that Mr. JEFFERSON'S not disavowing this letter is no proof of his being the author; still, to me, the evidence is conclusive. Is it not morally impossible, that the great body of the Antifederalists, as well as federalists, should have mistaken Mr. JEFFERSON for the author? The Antifederalists, in general, consider him as holding the first rank in their party. Many of them have been on terms of intimate acquaintance with him. They know, with as much certainty, as he himself does, whether he wrote the letter, or not. If Mr. JEFFERSON were innocent, would these men have been so long silent? Would they not have stepped forward, and publicly vindicated his character from so heavy a charge? What are the leading features of it? They are the following—That "an Anglo-Monarchico-Aristocratic party has arisen in this country, who are endeavouring to wrest from us our dearbought liberties, and whose avowed object is to impose upon us the substance, as they have already given us the form of the British Constitution." Who are the men here stigmatized, with traitorous epithets, and who are about to wrest our liberties from us? They are the whole band of federalists, with WASHINGTON and ADAMS at their head, who were the original framers, and have been since the firm supporters of our constitution—by whose wisdom and patriotism, the machinations of our enemies have been frustrated, and a perpetual tide of prosperity has flowed in upon our country.

WE cannot mistake the meaning of the "substance," and the "form, of the British Constitution," which, WASHINGTON and ADAMS, and their supporters have endeavoured to impose upon us. The Federal Constitution, and the general principles, and measures of our government, are directly aimed at.

THE conclusion of this letter ought to be particularly noticed—"It is sufficient that we guard ourselves, and that we break the lillipution ties, by which they have bound us, in the first slumbers, which succeeded our labors." Can language be plainer? Can a deep rooted hatred to our constitution, and a premeditated design for its destruction be expressed in language more explicit? Yet this man has sworn to support this very constitution. Educated under the old wholesome notions of our religion, such a contradiction might perplex us; but an oath in the creed of a Jacobin Philosopher, is a mere "lillipution tie," which may be conscientiously violated.

THE constitution was adopted. Experience proved its utility and excellence.

BAFFLED in their attempts to effect its overthrow, the Antifederal chief and his followers, next, directed their efforts, and virulence, against the administration.

WHEN the French Revolution had begun to convulse the civilized world, the federal party descried its true nature and tendency. They saw that its principles, carried into effect, would ultimately prostrate every social establishment; and that it was the true policy, and interest of their country not to espouse its cause. The antifederal party, on the contrary, contended that the cause of the revolution, was the cause of liberty, and of the equal rights of man. Acts of partiality, towards France, the most glaring, were urged upon our government, which in their operation would, inevitably, have involved us in the quarrel. Mr. JEFFERSON arrived from Europe, and imported that system of war, against England, and alliance offensive, and defensive, with France, which was the great desideratum, with the Antifederalists.

WAR was proclaimed between France and England. As we then sustained extensive commercial, and political relations, with these two nations, what course of conduct should be adopted towards them, became a momentous question. The counsel of Mr. JEFFERSON was for war—that of Mr. HAMILTON for a firm neutrality. When the former perceived, that his counsel was likely to be rejected, he labored, to the utmost, to induce the President not to decide, himself, upon the question of neutrality; but to convene Congress, and refer the decision to them. WASHINGTON, ever directed by a guardian Providence, foresaw the hazards of such a reference. Warranted by the powers of his office, he made the decision.

THE proclamation of neutrality was issued. Chagrined at this odious measure, the war-party raised their clamors against it, from one end of the continent, to the other. The French minister Genet, who arrived soon after, remonstrated against it.

ANTIFEDERAL presses, and democratic societies leagued their efforts, and virulence against it. No expedient, which disappointed intrigue could devise, was omitted, for raising popular indignation against this proclamation, and for preparing Congress to reverse it.

THE efforts of the friends of war, and their chief, were, however, unavailing. Congress approved the proclamation of the President; and the great body of the people discerned their true interest, in the preservation of peace. Thus, was our favored country rescued, from that infamy, and wretchedness, into which Jacobin counsel was hurrying her, headlong.

BUT behold, with astonishment, the unparralleled perseverance of the wicked. Disappointed in their designs of war, and in their opposition to the proclamation of neutrality, the Antifederalists labored, incessantly, in conjunction with the French Apostle of liberty, to reduce it to a mere nullity. Pretensions were brought forward, by the French Minister, which would eventually have prostrated our national sovereignty—placed us, under the guardianship of France, and involved us, immediately, in a war with England. And as no one can have forgotten, his patriotic labors were seconded, by the Antifederalists, to the utmost of their power.

WASHINGTON, again, foresaw the extent of the evil meditated against us. The pretensions of the rash, and insulting French minister, and his antifederal abettors, were manfully resisted. A system of national independence, and fair neutrality, was adopted—the peace of our country, was preserved—our national councils were saved from the ascendency of Jacobinism, and we were preserved from the scourge of those revolutionary principles, which leave naught in their train, but carnage and desolation.

FRUSTRATED in their designs against the government, and the administration, the Antifederalists waited, only for an occasion, to commence their attack, anew. In this, they were soon gratified, by the aggressions of England, on our trade. The passions of the multitude were excited—their indignation roused, and the war party confidently promised themselves, that they should shortly triumph, over the system of peace and neutrality. When popular passions were thus wrought up, to a pitch of frenzy, when popular clamors were, daily, increasing, through the country; WASHINGTON, endowed with uncommon foresight, and unequalled firmness, opposed himself to the threatening torrent—arrested its career, and gave the country time to recover, from its delirium.

MR. JAY was sent to England.—Our differences were amicably adjusted. Thus the war-party, recommending an immediate decision by the sword, were again defeated, and our country saved, not only from the horrors of war, but from being linked, with the awful, and bloody destinies of France.

WERE we not accustomed to the absurdities, of the Antigovernmental party, we might be surprised at the following.

WHEN England committed depredations on our trade—war! immediate war! with that haughty nation, was trumpeted, throughout the United States. But when our government had exhausted the means of conciliation, with France, and was told, by her vile rulers, that it must purchase peace, with tribute, and, pointing to the ruins of Venice, threatened us with her fate, should we refuse compliance with their wishes; this same heroic party, actually, recommended the tamest submission, and even opposed, and thwarted every vigorous measure, which was necessary to protect our commerce and to maintain our national independence.

IT may be useful to reflect, for a moment, upon the probable situation of our country, had the Antifederal Chief, and his party effected their designs of war against England, and an alliance offensive, and defensive, with France.

HORDES of Frenchmen would have infested our land. Their secret machinations would have paved the way, for the prostration of our government. Their fraternal embraces would have been, ultimately, to devour.

IN the sad catastrophe of Switzerland, let us read our own destiny. Feeble were the marshalled bands, which covered that country, with carnage and devastation; but legions of emissaries, with the siren song of liberty and equality, on their tongues, penetrated their councils—their armies, and even their cottages, to diffuse their poisonous tenets, and sow sedition.

LULLED into security, by that hypocritical cant of friendship, which is characteristic of the Gallic revolutionizers, her magistrates—her generals, and her citizens were secretly infected, with the frenzy of liberty, and revolution. Rent asunder by faction and discord, a handful of French Brigands, led by a savage, dignified, by the name of General, triumphed over veteran, and, hitherto, invincible armies; and Switzerland, till this time, the seat of every harmless amusement—the abode of innocence, contentment, virtue, and happiness, submits to the iron yoke of France—to the forces of that Nation, on whose standards, is inscribed "havoc, and spoil, and ruin, are my gain."

IN Belgium, Holland, Italy, and Germany, the disorganizing principles of France were the precursors of her Armies.

NATIONS have beheld, with astonishment, their impregnable fortresses surrendering, and their embattled legions submitting, to forces, comparatively, despicable. The intrigues of emissaries, corrupting their generals, and seducing their troops, have, alone, been able to explain the phenomenon.

WRETCHED is the condition of every Nation, which has courted the fraternity of the Gallic Vandals. An alliance has been but another name for servitude. Subjugation, the most degrading—exactions the most insupportable, have invariably followed. Such would have been our inevitable fate, had the counsel of the Antifederal Chief and his party, prevailed. We should now, probably, be fighting the battles of the Atheist, and of the sworn foe to every virtuous establishment of the world. Our Sabbath would have become a French Decade.—Our Colleges, Academies, and schools, been filled with the sophisters of impiety and anarchy.—The Guillotine, erected at the corners of our streets, would, ere this time, have sacrificed, in hecatombs, the friends of order, of our constitution and government. But our Rulers, vigilent for the public welfare, defeated the machinations of the wicked—we escaped the fangs of the Tiger—we still are free, and may be happy.

TILL within a short period, the Antigovernmental party ardently wished, and strenuously endeavored to bring about war, with England—fraternity with France, and the subversion of our own Constitution and Government. Now, their plan is changed. Opposition, inseparable from the party, now assumes a different shape. War with England is not now the rage. The usurpation, and tyranny of BUONAPARTE, that great Apostle of liberty and equality, seem not to be altogether relished. Fraternity with France is, therefore, less sanguinely wished for.

BUT the long and deep laid plan of bringing about a totally new order of things, so far from being abandoned, is pursued, with increasing vigor.

THE opposition, made to our government, is not the mere accidental sally of the moment.—It has been long premeditated—it is unrelenting, and never to be relinquished, until the overthrow is complete.

PROOFS of this are in no measure wanting. Some of them, I have already adduced—others will be mentioned directly.

A REPRESENTATIVE government can stand, only by public confidence. The Despot, with an armed soldiery at his command, and leagued with those, whose interest, and importance depend upon his favor, may support his throne, though he wield an iron sceptre, and be detested by his subjects. But a government, dependent upon the suffrages of the people, will fall into disgrace, and vanish, like a shadow, if its officers be villified, and their measures rendered obnoxious.

THIS subject is well understood, by the Antifederal party. They have assumed the character of the friends of the people—the guardians of their rights. They have affected to take a middle station—to ward off the blows which threaten the people, and to lighten the burthens imposed, by government. They have represented our Rulers as sacrificing the interests of the people, and the welfare of our country, to their own pride, and ambition—of aspiring to monarchy, and even to despotism. Is there a single, important measure of our government, which they have not labored, industriously, to render unpopular, and odious? If their representations have any truth in them, our government is the wickedest, that ever scourged the world—is deserving of the execrations of mankind, and ought to be hooted from the Universe.

LET us be more particular. The debt of the United States is, now, about seventy millions of dollars. We are struck with surprise, upon reflecting, that our government has organized itself—assumed an immense debt, the price of our independence—suppressed two insurrections—purchased peace of the Barbary powers—redeemed our citizens from slavery—sustained an expensive Indian war—protected our frontiers—fortified our ports and harbors—created a very considerable navy—suffering, at the same time, immensely in the defection of our revenue, by the plundering of our commerce—still that our whole national debt is so comparatively inconsiderable. Yet, when it is thought necessary, for the good of the country, by its long tried friends, to make a small addition to it, although arrangements have been made, for its gradual diminution, it is made the rallying point of sedition, and popular clamor, by the Antifederal party. Is this unadulterated patriotism? Or the insidious cant of hypocrisy, designed to weaken confidence in the government, and to effect its overthrow?

THE expense of the navy has been another source, of violent declamation. Government, say its opposers, to the agricultural part of the community, is secretly sapping your interest, and drawing off your property, for which you have no adequate compensation. Multitudes have believed this sophistical rant, and government has been looked upon, with the eye of jealousy.

HAD the counsel of the Antifederal party prevailed, we should have been utterly defenceless, and wretched.—Our harbors unfortified—our vessels unarmed—not a single frigate to protect our commerce, nor our coasts—our trade annihilated—our citizens captivated and imprisoned—our revenue from imports reduced to a pittance.—To supply which heavy taxes must have been imposed upon the people.—The factious would have had recourse to arms.—Civil commotions, and war, with all its attendant horrors, must, inevitably, have followed.

ANOTHER instrument, artfully used, by the Antifederalists, to rouse popular indignation, against the government, is the Alien and Sedition laws. Clamors, of tyranny—cramping genius—infringing the liberty of the press, have been echoed through the country. "But can shackles, thrown upon the calumniator, and venomous writer, give concern to the lover of truth, to the honest writer? Against laws prohibiting poignards, will any rebel but the assassin?"

WHAT can be the object of these men, in rendering these laws obnoxious? Are they insensible of their necessity, to prevent those awful changes, and revolutions, in which, the want of confidence, in our Rulers, will, inevitably, involve us? It is easily explained. It is a part of that deep laid plan, of opposition, and warfare, which has been long waged, against our constitution and government.

I WILL now come directly 〈◊〉 your feelings—tothose things, which involve your dearest interests. Mr. SEDGWICK will not be taxed, with ignorance, nor with want of discernment. It is his opinion, as it is of other members of Congress, just returning from the seat of government, that it is now a question, whether the federal or antifederal party is the strongest.

MR. SEDGWICK thus proceeds: "Suspicions have been created, against our government, the effects of which, have become extensive and alarming. Your danger, which is great, though not desperate, I have thought it my duty to proclaim to you. God grant, that I may be mistaken, in the magnitude of this danger. But I do most solemnly declare, that my conviction is perfect, that it cannot be averted, but by being more extensively known, than at present, in this part of the United States."

CAN we possibly discredit this representation? Would such a man, in such a manner, sound the alarm of danger, if our prospects were those of peace, and safety?

THE momentous crisis has probably, now arrived, which will decide the fate of our country. Should a majority, of the State Legislatures, and a majority, of Congress, still remain 〈◊〉 and Mr. ADAMS, or Mr. PINKNEY be chosen to the presidency, we may, still, enjoy tranquility, and all the blessings, which have, heretofore, resulted from our social, civil, and religious institutions. But should Jacobinism gain the ascendency; let every man arm himself, not only to defend his property, his wife, and children, but to secure his own life, from the dagger of his Jacobin neighbor. Let him prepare himself, not for a war of honor, nor of conquest, but of passions—of bitter animosities, and cruel revenge.

NEWYORK, and Pennsylvania are, rapidly, falling into the Jacobin scale. Several of the States are, decidedly, Jacobin. Virginia has, audaciously, passed resolves, disapproving of the laws of Congress. Proofs have passed in review, before us, of a fixed design to prostrate our government, and that it is now, unrelentingly, pursued. Men▪ who have, carefully, noticed Jacobin operations, have proclaimed our danger. By an avowal of Jacobin themselves, saving our country, and saving our government, are widely different. And will Federalists still slumber? Will they amuse themselves, with hopes of safety, while combustion is enkindling, under their habitations? Let them wake to their duty—defend our social institutions—support men of integrity, and tried virtue, and vindicate our constitution and government, against the machinations, and calumnies of Jacobins. Our enemies are artful, active, and persevering. We cannot hope for safety, but by similar activity, and vigilance. Should we become disunited—insensible to our situation, and heedless of our danger, while the Jacobins are secretly ripening their plots; the knell of revolution will soon startle us, from our lethargy.

THE war, of elements, convulsing the solid globe, strikes us, with consternation. Far more direful, is the war of fiery passions. Dreadful will be the collision, of the two great parties, in the United States.

LET the friends of peace, and social happiness, be again exhorted, to stand at their posts, and, in firm union, support our Federal Government, lest they lament, too late, their remissness, and blindness to their danger.

MAY the Ruler of the Universe save us, from the horrors of a civil contest; and from that terrible inundation of miseries, which the tide of Jacobin revolutions, has spread through every country over which, it has rolled its crimson waves.