DISTINGUISHED for loyalty, industry, and for manners which adorn and support the purest state of civilized society, animated with the feelings of men accustomed to the sweets of freedom, you were impelled, Americans, from principles of justice to yourselves and your posterity to resist the encroachments of British policy.

ATTACHMENT to constitutional rights, not a rage for innovation, stable not revolutionary prin­ciples dictated your resistance. In vain did you entreat, petition and remonstrate. You were com­pelled to arm. Friendless and unaided you en­tered the field against the veteran troops of a mighty nation supported by veteran auxiliaries. [Page 6] When thus engaged in the arduous conflict and thus unfriended, in presence of the Great Arbiter of nations, you solemnly pronounced your claim to Independence. You firmly resolved at every haz­ard to support it. This great effort the hostile measures of Britain imposed upon you. This glori­ously successful effort has been called a revolution; and the war on your part a revolutionary war, though by you undertaken and supported upon anti-revolutionary principles.

IN this all important contest, the Court of Versailles were not prevailed upon to assist you until a powerful and well appointed army, com­manded by an experienced and favourite general, were vanquished and made captive by the native valor of free-born Americans. Encouraged by this event, France ardently embraced the long wished for opportunity of humbling a formidable rival. With you, she entered into a defensive treaty. She furnished you succours by land and by sea. Her deranged treasury was exhausted by her naval and military exertions. At your solici­tation, she supplied you with money though al­most destitute of it herself. The favours and as­sistance you received from her were seasonable and important. They served to bring the contest [Page 7] to a more speedy issue, and probably lessened the expense of your own blood and treasure. The nature of our obligations to France for her assist­ance and those arising from our defensive treaty, may be ascertained by a very notable precedent.

FROM motives similar to those which prompt­ed her aid in our war with Britain, she assisted the Seven United Provinces to throw off the Spanish yoke. After a truce of twelve years be­tween Spain and the Provinces, Cardinal de Rich­lieu with true diplomatic skill persuaded the latter to enter into a treaty for the conquest and parti­tion of the Spanish Low Countries. Open and unsuspecting republicans, their animosity against Spain made them at first blind to the insidious designs of the French Court. They were at length roused to a sense of their real danger. The dictates of self preservation compelled them to withhold from France the supplies stipulated by treaty. Interest and duty obliged them in the face of this treaty to make a separate peace with Spain. The commissioners who concluded this peace and the Dutch patriots who advised and sup­ported it, were charged by the French minister with being bribed and corrupted by Spanish gold. A celebrated author who has written expressly [Page 8] upon the subject censures the French government and justifies the conduct of the United Provinces. In their behalf he dictates a remonstrance to France of the following tenor.^* "We shook off the Spanish yoke in order that we might be free. In this object you assisted us, on account of its ten­dency to humble an ambitious enemy who had long disturbed the repose of your provinces, and who had frequently invaded them. As your fa­vours to us in the assistance thus afforded were of a political nature, have the justice to require of us only a return in kind. Be satisfied with a politi­cal gratitude. If it gives you offence because we prefer the neighbourhood of the half conquered Spaniards to that of a nation rendered formidable by their contempt of danger and by their very services in our favour, you will then be to us what the Spaniards were heretofore. It will be­come our duty to hate you."

AN apology may be expected for this dull detail of facts and dry exposition of principles. But facts and principles tending to elucidate na­tional rights and duties, ought to be received with the force of novelty, and to make a deeper impres­sion because sanctioned by experience. The pecu­liar [Page 9] applicability of the subject to our own times recommends it to our particular attention.

IN support of the neutral policy adopted by the immortal WASHINGTON, and pursued by his able patriotic Successor, in refutation of pretended treaty obligations, and of idle claims of gratitude to France, we have here the written, deliberate opinion of a political writer of the first eminence. This writer was a Frenchman.

IF, however, reasoning from the nature of things we should not remove that scepticism in relation to the sinister views of France, which has been so frequently manifested since the revolution in that country; if some should yet maintain the generosity of the motives to our alliance which ac­tuated the magnanimous French monarch, still the proceedings in the Congress at Paris are suf­ficient to open the eyes of blindness and prejudice itself. Pursuant to the policy of Turgot, as display­ed in the secret memoirs^* of the French cabinet, Vergennes not only recommended the relinquish­ment of our fisheries, the nursery of our seamen; he even advised us to treat with Great-Britain without an express recognition of our Indepen­dence. To the disgrace of our annals, our Com­missioners [Page 10] were then enjoined by public authority to consult the French minister, and to be governed by his counsel. The firm and enlightened ADAMS and JAY revolted at the idea. And though assured by Vergennes, that Britain would never cede ei­ther of the two points, and though (to use a mild phraseology) meanly deserted by one of their col­leagues, our Commissioners succeeded to accom­plish the treaty of 1783.

UPON the attainment of peace, those of our countrymen, who with valor and success had fought the battles of freedom, retired from the tented field to the bosom of their friends and fam­ilies, unremunerated but by the proud conscious­ness of having deserved well of their country. Their modest Chief, accompanied by the grateful admiration of his countrymen, withdrew to the mild retreats of Mount Vernon. Of Timoleon and Paulus Emilius it is recorded, that they were so famous, equally for their virtues and success, as to leave it doubtful whether their great achievements were due to fortune, or to their own prudence and conduct. The character, the services, the virtues of WASHINGTON, are indelibly impressed upon the bleeding hearts of his surviv­ing fellow-citizens. In the attempt to portray [Page 11] them, the pencil of genius itself has despaired of doing him justice.

THE feebleness and inefficiency of the con­federated system, by which our national affairs were conducted during the war, were unfolded in all their impotence at the return of peace. Making due allowances for the burthens and ex­penses of an eight years war prosecuted too in a manner derogatory to the national character of our enemy, did plenty, did the encouragement of useful industry and commerce bear any pro­portion to the resources of our country? Instead of general regulations to embrace these important objects, each State was governed by a narrow, selfish policy; and under pretence of supporting her own trade and manufactures, carried on a commercial warfare with her sister States. In pursuit of this policy, some men of talents and distinction were so conspicuously active, as to ac­quire a degree of popularity, and an influence over their fellow-citizens, which a subsequent un­relenting opposition to our present national sys­tem has not yet wholly dispossessed them of.

HAD Congress been vested with adequate powers during the war, many serious inconve­niencies, experienced at its termination, would have been prevented. Our meritorious army [Page 12] would have received seasonable compensation. A more just apportionment of the burthens and expenses of the past eight years would have taken place between the States and amongst individuals.

THE humiliation we were exposed to, for years after peace, must have gratified those proud monarchs, who falsely viewed our contest as the conflict of Republicanism with Monarchy—False­ly viewed, because our object was to preserve and to perpetuate rights and immunities to which we had a constitutional claim, confirmed by pre­scription. We never entertained the mad project of revolutionizing the world. Fortunately for ourselves and for our posterity, we were unlet­tered in the mazy lore of modern philosophy. The belief of a Supreme Being, the practice of religious and moral duties, we never viewed as uncongenial with the nature of our civil and po­litical institutions. Nor were we such fanatics in philosophy to court hostility with a nation for a difference of creed in religion or politics. Oth­er nations might be governed by one or more despots, by a Consul or Directory. To us they were unimportant. If they interfered not with our rights, it was our duty and our policy not to intermeddle with their affairs.

[Page 13]FROM a very natural digression, which none but wild enthusiasts will frown at, I proceed to con­sider the estimation in which we were holden by European nations, when so much sunken in our own. Our foreign trade depended upon cur­tesy and the momentary caprice of a minister. Louis XVI. conducted in this respect with honor­able though not disinterested liberality. His pol­icy towards us was more beneficial than all the friendship and protestations of his unprincipled, short-lived successors. Hitherto their friendly proffers have been uniformly accompanied with every species of hostility.

THE continued though ineffectual efforts of our first Envoy to the Court of St. James to effect a commercial treaty with Great-Britain, prove how lightly she esteemed us. In plain language we were told, "you have not a national govern­ment capable of enforcing on your part the ob­servance of a treaty." Our separation from her doubtless mortified her pride. Our disunion and jealousies gratified it. Nor ought we to be sur­prized if, at this period, she anticipated a re-union. Here, my fellow-citizens, let us pause to reflect upon the perils of our political situation at this anxious crisis. We were distracted by jealousies and disunion. Public credit was destroyed. Ev­ery [Page 14] effort to revive it was fruitless. Opposition to its revival, if made by talents, was a sure road to popular favour. The public creditor was beg­gared by public default. Foreign creditors were pressing, without effect, for the payment of loans made when our all was at stake. This is but a faint sketch of the humiliating picture. We were apparently doomed to all the horrors of anarchy, to become a prey to each other, to become the vile dupes of foreign influence and intrigue.

THIS sad destiny, the Tutelary Genius of Amer­ica has hitherto averted. By her genial influence, a form of government was by the voice of the peo­ple adopted and established, upon "a consolidation of the union of the States." Upon its adoption depended "the prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps national existence, of the American people." The Constitution, thus adopted, evidenced their virtue and good sense, as it resulted "from a spirit of am­ity, and of that mutual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of our political situation ren­dered indispensible." This Constitution thus ap­proved of and adopted by the people of all the States, explicitly vested in the General Government all the attributes of National Sovereignty. It as expressly di­vested the State Governments of each and every of those attributes, and particularly prohibited their [Page 15] exercise of any act of National Jurisdiction. Thus was a radical cure provided for the many evils and disorders then experienced; and thus a preventive was furnished against the more serious ills with which we had been menaced.

A POLICY so liberal, so enlightened, so calcula­ted to diminish the influence of men whose popu­larity and title to public confidence had for their basis specious professions rather than sound politi­cal principles, popular appeals rather than public ser­vices, was sure to meet with their disapprobation. The sentiments of the people evidenced in favour of the Constitution at the time it was adopted, stifled for a moment the spirit of opposition, and compelled some of its opponents to give their voices in its favour. But I appeal to your sober recollec­tion, and to your present serious conviction, wheth­er that spirit has not burst forth with virulence against every important constitutional act of our national government.

WITH an affectation of regard for the officers and soldiers of our highly deserving "patriot army," these champions of State sovereignty in­veighed with bitterness against the sunding system, and urged the impracticable scheme of discrimina­tion.

[Page 16]WHEN neutrality was enjoined by proclama­tion, they censured the measure as inconsistent with our treaty obligations, and as the highest pitch of ingratitude to France, then in their view the great model of Republicanism.

WHEN in perfect consistency with our interest, with our dignity, and with good policy, an Envoy was dispatched to Great-Britain to demand repar­ation for her aggressions, they represented it as unmanly and dishonorable. Of every thing calcu­lated to provoke hostility they were the ready ad­vocates. In the true spirit of gasconade, they at­tempted to bully Great-Britain with commercial resolutions. They constantly opposed every meas­ure of defence, or of military preparation, tending to enforce the claims of our Envoy, or to express our own sensibility.

WHEN that instrument "pregnant with so much evil," the British treaty, was ratified by the Senate, and so honorably disclosed to the public by an honorable Senator, they made every exertion to mislead the minds of the people upon the sub­ject. A little modesty and reflection upon this occasion would have dictated on their part a dif­ferent line of conduct. In proportion as the trea­ty was unfavourable to the American interests, [Page 17] they should have considered themselves responsible for its defects. In proportion as a clamorous op­position prevails in our free government, we shall necessarily lose our influence when treating with any foreign nation. With deep regret I utter it, the affiliated societies of Genet were almost an overmatch for our constituted authorities, when Mr. JAY's nomination took place. Such mistaken principles then actuated many of our citizens, that had our territory, like that of the then free and happy cantons of Switzerland, been contig­uous to France, we should have shared their since wretched, remediless fate.

THE French government were soon advised of the strength of the treaty opposition. Happily for our country, they mistook the ebullitions of the moment for an invincible attachment to their disorganizing principles. In order to counte­nance the phalanx on whose support they de­pended, and to fulfil the predictions of some of our unworthy citizens, they commenced a pre­datory war upon our commerce. They insultingly told us, the motives of their conduct were to teach us respect for our neutral rights. They cen­sured our administration in every particular that had been urged by their supposed partizans.

[Page 18]THESE insults and outrages began to produce their natural effect upon an intelligent, high-spirited people. Our overweening attachment began to be superseded by manly resentment. This salutary effect was checked, and the cause of Jacobinism was promoted in our country by a na­tion, whose blood and treasure had been profusely expended to prevent its deleterious influence in Europe. The unwarrantable capture and con­demnation of our vessels in the British West-Indies justly exasperated Americans. This fresh aggression was disavowed by the British cabinet, and imputed to the mistakes and errors of sub­ordinate officers. Changing the source of the aggression neither diminished the responsibility of the British government, restored our property, nor softened our just resentment at the moment. But French depredations continuing, our minister to France not only unaccredited, but treated with a petulance unbecoming the dignity of any gov­ernment, three Envoys were appointed with full powers to adjust all matters of difference. The contumelious manner in which they were treated, the insidious attempts to persuade them to sacri­fice the dignity and interests of the United States, the public anxiety occasioned by the long delay and extra-official intercourse of one of those Envoys, [Page 19] are recent in your recollection. The indignation then kindled in every true American bosom ought not to cease to operate, until a real spirit of amity on the part of France shall in some meas­ure atone for her past outrages.

AFTER her repeated rejection of the Olive Branch, after experiencing from her new and aggravated hostilities, our government resolved upon the protection of our commerce. Our trad­ing vessels were suffered to arm. Public ships of force were equipped and commissioned to convoy our trade, and to capture the French vessels that annoyed it. The beneficial consequences that have resulted from these indispensible, though expensive measures, have been felt and recognized throughout the whole American nation. Millions have been saved by them from French rapacity; and the labours of the mechanic, the tradesman, the husbandman and the merchant, been essen­tially promoted. Yet these important measures, so promotive of our solid interests, were opposed violently by some of our citizens. If they were actuated by mistaken, not perverse principles, we ought to forgive them. But, until the desolating war, which convulses Europe to its centre, be terminated, we ought not to forget them; much less ought we to testify our gratitude for their [Page 20] patriotic services by electing them our Governors or Legislators.

WHEN we consider the difficulty of forming a Constitution of government for five millions of freemen, scattered over an immense territory, of different habits, accustomed to different laws and usages, of strong local prejudices, naturally jealous of the governors even of their own choice, we could not rationally expect our national govern­ment to be administered without opposition.

WHEN we reflect that it scarcely began to operate before the fascinating jargon of modern French principles were propagated throughout our country, we are struck with admiration of the virtues and intelligence of our countrymen.

WHEN we review the wanton provocations to hostility which we have received, as well from Great-Britain as from France, though not in equal degree, we feel a pride, as Americans, in the prudence, moderation, wisdom and sound policy of our National Administration.

WHEN we contemplate the consequences which have resulted from our Independence, and from the operation of our national government, which alone can support it, gratitude to Heaven compels us to ascribe to the God of our fore­fathers [Page 21] the innumerable blessings we enjoy as a people.

IF we contrast the gloomy period between 1783 and 1788 with the brightening prospect which our existing national system has continued to develop, we shall find abundant reason to re­vere its wisdom and efficacy, to persist in its sup­port, and to pursue the steady policy by which it has been directed. Notwithstanding the depreda­tions we have suffered externally; although a mortal pestilence has repeatedly ravaged our cities; and although two unprovoked rebellions have enormously augmented our expenditures; yet our public credit stands upon an unshaken basis, our commerce has extended, our manufac­tures have advanced, our agriculture is improved, our wealth and population have increased in an unparalleled manner. Such have hitherto been the happy results of our wise national policy. But in the apprehension of some good men, clouds and darkness await us.

WE hear gloomy predictions of the probable consequences of our mission to France, as respects our interior and foreign concerns. Should a free intercourse now take place between her and us, it is feared that her former partizans in our country will supplant in the public confidence its [Page 22] long-tried, stedfast friends, and materially change its policy. It is to be hoped that the understand­ing and virtue of Americans will prevent so great a public calamity. We are induced to cherish this hope, when we reflect that even in those parts of our Commonwealth most disaffected to our na­tional policy, opposition candidates are studious to disavow any partiality to France, and loudly to vaunt of their federalism, the better to support their pretensions to public confidence. With re­spect to our foreign concerns, it is apprehended that an adjustment with France during the European contest will excite the enmity of Britain. Let us not, by opposing our administration, or by pre­dicting the hostility of Britain, invite it. If we remain true to ourselves, and continue to place a manly confidence in our national government and administration, we shall have no reason to dread the frowns or hostility of any nation, however po­tent; more especially of a nation that is generally governed by wise maxims of policy, and that has so lately denounced to the world the unprincipled interference of France in the affairs of other na­tions. Be the consequences of the mission favora­ble or otherwise, it has been adopted by constitu­tional authority, and as good citizens we are pledg­ed to abide the issue.

[Page 23]THE future destiny of the American empire depends upon the constancy, intelligence and vir­tue of the American people. To render it truly great and glorious, they must continue cordially and constitutionally to support our national gov­ernment, renouncing the absurd, destructive, un­constitutional doctrine of State sovereignty.

The pernicious influence of foreign incendiaries must be controlled by Alien Acts. The tongue of foul slander against our public functionaries must be curbed by wholesome Sedition Acts. To the honor of my native countrymen be it spoken, few indeed of them have been convicted of sedi­tion. The operation of the act against this dan­gerous crime has been chiefly confined to the pun­ishment of foreign renegadoes. This circumstance alone proves its expediency. The constitutionality of both acts remains unimpeached, maugre the elaborate report to the Virginia Legislature, drawn by the misdirected pen of the specious Madison. Had such salutary laws been adopted by the free republics of Greece, neither the emissaries nor the gold of Philip would have sapped their free­dom.

THE situation of our territory, from north to south embraced by the ocean, the abundance and the variety of its productions, the industry [Page 24] and hardy enterprize of its inhabitants, direct our destiny as a commercial people. Dear-bought ex­perience instructs us, that we can look to our­selves alone for the protection of our commerce. We have witnessed the operation upon neutrals of the jus gentium, as recognized by great maritime nations, who are never neutrals themselves when any maritime power is a belligerent. We have witnessed how little favorable to the rights of neu­trality are the opinions of their learned judges and civilians. Hence we see the absolute necessity of a respectable naval establishment,^† not for the purposes of foreign conquest or of annoyance to the trade of other nations, but solely for the pro­tection of our own.

"Let us observe good faith and justice to­wards all nations; let us cultivate peace and har­mony with all," as far as we can consistently do it; let us pursue a steady system of policy, without which no nation can become respectable; let us respect ourselves and our own institutions, and we shall not fail to command the respect of for­eign nations.