ON this auspicious anniversary, conse­crated to the remembrance of those arduous struggles, which were the purchase of your In­dependence—a festival forever endeared to every free-born American, by the consideration of those numerous and painful sacrifices, which were necessary to obtain that independence; and of the state of servitude and debasement to which his country was destined in the dark cab­inet of her oppressor—to be constituted the or­gan, by which your minds are, for a few minutes, are to be recalled to a contemplation of any of the events which gave birth to your national sovereignty, or by which they are to review those of subsequent periods and of the present era, is an honour; to which, neither by my pro­fession, nor the course of studies to which my attention has been principally directed, had I [Page 4] courage to aspire. With what [...] prevailed upon myself to undertake the word as­signed me, by your committee, [...] I am to the practice of oratory, I need only ap­peal to the sensations, which, I am persuaded, at this moment, pervade each bosom, in this polite assembly, for complete illustration. This diffidence had proved insuperable, but for the consideration of that candour, that elevation of sentiment, which are so well known to charac­terize my indulgent auditors.

The theme of Independence has been amply and eloquently discussed—the bold achieve­ments, by which it was won, have been ingeni­ously recounted, both by orators and poets un­rivaled in the lists of fame—the fair prospects of future grandeur, opulence and refinement, to which, by an over-ruling Providence, the American empire seems destined, have been portrayed in colours the most animated and brilliant that creative fancy can devise:—These subjects have been echoed and re-echoed, with consummate art, on successive anniversaries from that august moment, when a few heaven-born patriots, animated by the ethereal essence of lib­erty, and conscious that they felt the sentiments of the whole American people, dared nobly to declare to an astonished world that themselves, that their country were free!

[Page 5]How feeble, how desperate then, my respect­ed fellow citizens, must be the efforts of a juve­nile pen to represent to your minds, with any rational hope of approbation, the dazzling scenes which preceded, accompanied and have since followed, and the beneficial effects of which I trust will long continue to follow the period, which we this day commemorate! A­mid the glowing images with which our subject every where abounds, how shall your orator se­lect such only as are appropriate to fill the pages of a hasty production? Shall he retrace the indescribable calamities of an incipient rev­olutionary war? Shall he tell you of a virtuous, but undisciplined yeomanry, goaded to resist­ance by the iron rod of oppression, gloriously relinquishing their peaceful firesides, and rally­ing round the standard of liberty in defence of their just rights? Would you be again remind­ed of the almost numberless feats of unparallel­ed bravery achieved by this same virtuous, but afterwards disciplined and war-instructed yeo­manry? Will you for a moment contemplate the veteran legions of Britain, confounded and dismayed, retreating with precipitation from their perilous enterprise of Lexington before an army of husbandmen. Will you review the en­sanguined heights of Charlestown be crimsoned with the blood of an invading, prostrate foe; [Page 6] while a sense of infringed rights inspired, in the breasts of Americans, that undaunted heroism, which disdained to yield till the means of fur­ther resistance were exhausted? Will you re­vert once more to that sublime spectacle, when those vaunting myrmidons of tyranny, who but a twelve month before were boasting with how inconsiderable a force the colonies might be subjugated, now, dreading the provoked ven­geance of an injured, an insulted people, retired ingloriously from the fair domains of your capital? Or, passing over events of less distin­guished magnitude, will you again behold the vanquished armies of Saratoga and Yorktown, in the sullen gloom of despair, depositing their arms and proud ensigns of war, as trophies to that valour, which they had dared to vilify?

These events, all important as they were at the time they transpired—important as they still are in the most luminous pages of your history, and which remote posterity will hear recounted with rapture, have nevertheless in some measure ceased to dazzle. Their glory has been eclipsed by the novelty, the brilliancy of subsequent oc­currencies. Still however in glancing our eyes over them, it becomes us, my fellow citizens, for a moment to pause, and in silent, but de­vout adoration, to venerate the counsels and conduct of that Omnipotent Architect, who, [Page 7] while he made the wrath of man to praise him, hath, by means so unheared of, erected a fair fabric of freedom on the ruins of despotism!!

No sooner had your degraded antagonist— no sooner had your traitorous ally acknowledged [...]our independence, than the resentful policy of the one, and the intriguing artifice of the other, were industriously and most insidiously employ­ed to undermine the foundations of that inde­pendence. They viewed with rival jealousy your increasing glory and importance. And each, emulous to advance her own power and opulence at the expense of yours, was eager to embrace any opportunity to effect her diabolical purposes. The one endeavoured, by the most consummate perfidy, to circumscribe your terri­torial limits—to abridge you of important local priviliges—to foment divisions—to disseminate feuds. The other, in open defiance of her sa­cred stipulations, retained possession of your for­tresses: and eventually instigated the too credu­lous savages to wield the hatchet on your de­fenceless frontiers.

(1) Amidst the perplexities occasioned by these vile machinations, it was also discovered that the compact, which, in times of general emergen­cy, had served in some measure, to concentrate the energies of the nation, was, in itself, radically defective. Power was wanting in the supreme [Page 8] council of state to enforce its own decrees. In consequence of which, the most salutary meas­ures, by being but partially observed, proved abortive. Anarchy, with all her frightful im­ages began again to erect her daring front.— Fraud, rapine and oppression, tolerated by legal forms, stalked forth, with undaunted mein, in one member of the confederacy: And in several others, the ineffable horrors of civil war had already begun to rage!

At this eventful crisis the sublime counsels, inculcated by the pre-eminent eloquence—of that sage, who alone "united all hearts," whose life was devoted to his country, and whose tomb is yet bedewed with her tears; your once beloved, still revered, and long to be lamented WASH­INGTON, recurred with persuasive and convin­cive energy to the minds of your political fathers. The propriety, as well as necessity of revising your national compact—of enlarging the pow­ers therein delegated—and of giving to it more consistency and effect, was clearly felt and dis­cerned. For this purpose, therefore, a general convention of the States was by them recom­mended.

But scarce had that convention met and commenced their labours, when it was discover­ed that, effectually to remedy the evils complain­ed of, a new and more systematic compact must [Page 9] be devised. Instead therefore of revising the articles of confederation, a complete constitu­tion of national government, as well as union was proposed.

This constitution you have since seen adopt­ed and finally ratified by conventions of the seve­ral states. You have witnessed the purity of prin­ciple on which it is founded by the salutary ef­fects, which have flown from its operation.— You have beheld public credit, which for a long time subsequent to the revolution, had waned to the lowest possible degree, and was on the point of total evanescence, suddenly restored and established on a sure base. You have seen agriculture rear her drooping head; and com­merce unfurl her whitening canvass in remotest regions of the globe.

These beatific effects you have witnessed emanating from the benign influence of your constitution under successive administrations. Nor has the disaffection of the prejudiced or misinformed among your own citizens, nor yet the more deadly enmity of foreign rivals been able to obstruct their progress.

Where in the history of nations shall we look for a parallel? When has it been recorded of a people, inhabiting a vast, but unsocial ter­ritory, of manners dissimilar, and of dispositions uncongenial, that in the hour of their coun­try's [Page 10] danger, their most inveterate local preju­dices were instantaneously forgotten? That each confederate member of the community, as if eager to rival the other in the sacrifices it should make, cheerfully came forward, and relinquish­ed those of its rights, which were discovered to be no longer tenable consistently with the general good? In what happy clime, remote from these peaceful shores, has such a people been known to exist; who, when their political com­pacts no longer ensured to them that security and convenience, which it is the end of all le­gitimate governments to afford, calmly convok­ed the wisdom of the nation; and without war, without carnage, without tumult; hav­ing the interest of the confederacy for their pole-star and that of the several parts of it for their compass, devised a new compact, so exact­ly correspondent to the circumstances and situ­ation of the whole, as that none should have any just cause of complaint? Or where, after devising such a compact and carrying it into operation, has it been attended, in so short a period, with such a train of public benefits? In vain should we search for the example in the records of antiquity—those of modern times af­ford none.

The republics of Greece indeed united, and for a time seemed to forget their local attach­ments, [Page 11] when threatened with invasion, but no sooner was the idea of danger removed, than they were again rivals, and again enemies. In­tent to aggrandize their own particular state, the rulers of each had no conception of a com­munity of interests. The effect of which blind policy proved the ultimate overthrow and ex­tinction, not only of the whole confederacy; but of the several members of which it was composed.

The Romans have been characterized as a magnanimous, an enterprizing, a virtuous peo­ple. The portrait I am not disposed to gainsay. Considered in the sense in which these terms are more frequently understood it is no doubt a true one. But contrasted with the American, there were no features in their government, which resembled yours; except that in the ages of their republic it was styled popular. Foun­ded on principles, consistent only with the spirit of conquest, almost the first achievement of their arms was an outrage on humanity, of which we have scarce a parallel, save in the re­cital of modern revolutions. The whole tenor of their history corresponds with this act of bar­barism. They traversed sea and land, and car­ried war and devastation into every country by them known. The power of their arms was felt and submitted to, in the regions, I had al­most [Page 12] said, of the torrid and of the frigid zones— on the banks of the Nile and of the Rubicon — on the shores of Britain and of Persia. But their government afforded neither protection or security to the frontier, nor tranquility to the interior, provinces. A constant collision of interests and factions, distracted and enfeebled her councils—a succession of civil feuds exhaust­ed her resources—till, grown too unwieldy a­broad, too weak, too indecisive in her measures, too luxurious, effeminate and corrupt in her manners at home, she became successively the prey of usurpation; and finally of the most frightful papal despotism. Of her it may with infinite propriety, be said; "Sic transit gloria mundi."

Shall we yet pursue our researches? Do you apprehend we should be any more success­ful in consulting the pages of modern, than of ancient history? No—my fellow citizens! As­tonishing as have been the scenes represented on the theatre of Europe within the last ten years—how much soever they may have excited the momentary exultation or applause of one, but the perpetual execration and abhorrence of all other nations; it is not from them that we are to borrow images, with which to com­pare our own government. Neither in principle nor administration should we be able to discover any resemblance.

[Page 13]In this political drama we have contempla­ted revolution rapidly succeeding revolution— constitutions and civil codes proposed to day, which, with tomorrow's dawn were to be anni­hilated—pacific and virtuous monarchs, precip­itated from their thrones, and doomed to lan­guish in inglorious exile, or await the tortures, of a barbarous execution—princes and nobles, driven from their native land to seek an asylum in foreign climes—their estates seized upon, and by the mockery of legislative decrees, convert­ed into means of extending the calamities of war. (2) We have contemplated further, the fa­thers of the christian church, the spiritual guides of a numerous, and, till late, a happy people, divested of their clerical functions, stripped of their wealth and privileges, their dignities and honours, and, as far as was in the power of a most subtle and deleterious philosophy, falsely so called, robbed of the confidence, esteem and affection of their parochial brethren. We have beheld Religion proscribed—the sacred Institu­tion of the Sabbath prostrated—and Virtue, in consequence, hovering on the extreme verge of a devoted country, ready to slit her final de­parture. We have seen Vice tolerated—Infi­delity triumphant—and Iniquity, in a thousand frightful forms, pervading the land. We have seen also this same devoted country, rent by [Page 14] factions and agitated by civil commotions, de­luged with the blood of her citizens, perishing on all sides by mobs, assassinations, and the guil­lotine. All these melancholy scenes have we witnessed, as in swift succession they have follow­ed each other, in support of a visionary system of Liberty and Equality.

Yet, not confined to the country in which they originated, we have viewed their deadly influence extending first to approximate, and then to remote countries. Following the pro­gress of her arms, we have every where witnes­sed the subversion of long established legitimate governments; and the imposition of her own base-begotten institutions. Every vile artifice and intrigue, which her boasted diplomatic skill could invent—might I not say, which was capa­ble of being devised in the dark conclave of fallen angels? have we seen practised, with unparalleled impudence and effrontery; with intent to excite divisions and alienate the minds of people from their governors. Public faith and the faith of treaties, solemnly plighted, af­ter lulling to security the objects of her rapacity, have been perfidiously sacrificed. Alliances have been formed, but the more effectually to enslave and oppress; alluring her intended vic­tims, by presenting them the olive branch with one hand, while the other was secretly drawing, [Page 15] from its concealed scabbard, a murderous poin­ard! Exactions, requisitions, and contributions have been indiscriminately levied and demand­ed, both from her allied and her subjugated vassals to their utmost ability to pay. In fine, cities have been sacked—their wealth and the treasure of provinces, rifled and dissipated— their statues and painting, with every production of the Fine Arts, plundered and transported— their defenceless inhabitants wantonly massacred! Innocence, shrinking from the ruthless embrace of brutal ravishers, has been publicly violated— infants, torn from the palpitating breasts of fran­tic mothers, impaled on halberts!!!

At the recital of these enormities what bo­som is there in this assembly, that does not thrill with inexpressible horror? What eye, that does not flash with indignation? What countenance, that does not redden with anger?

Let us turn our agonizing view from a pic­ture, whose every feature is disgusting! Let us draw a veil before atrocities, which must perpe­tually blacken the annals of the eighteenth cen­tury! Withdrawing our incautious feet from scenes of slaughter and death, let us tread lightly over the ashes of millions of wretched victims, who have been immolated at the shrine of polit­ical fanaticism! And while we indulge the tear of sympathy for the miseries to which so many [Page 16] of our unfortunate species are doomed, let us with hearts impassioned with gratitude at our own exemption from these miseries, once more revisit our Columbia's tranquil land.

Hail, happy America! Remote from the scenes of terror and dismay, of desolation and distress, which agitate three fourths of the globe, it is thy highly distinguished lot to yield an asy­lum to the fair goddess of Peace, long since ban­ished from the shores of Europe, of Asia, and of Africa! Independence has on thy borders erec­ted her waving banner; and Liberty, Justice and Plenty sport in her train! No imperious consul dares here usurp thy well defined, well guarded sovereignty; no tyrannising directory, to abolish thy legislative councils, or impose commands on thy judges. Thy national, as well as local, constitutions were composed by sages, nurtured in thine own bosom; renowned for piety and wisdom, and of tried and unshaken patriotism. They were the offspring of pa­tient deliberation, of close investigation and of veteran talents. Not imposed upon thee by the hand of a conquering General, they were received by thy free and enlightened choice; after maturely examining their several merits; and balancing every argument, whether for, or against them.

In these barriers of civil and social rights, [Page 17] the only rational ideas of that liberty or equality, which ever did, or ever can subsist among man­kind are asserted and maintained—liberty foun­ded on law—equality on obligation. A liberty, wherein each citizen, while he is free to pursue the various occupations, employments, or avo­cations; whether for interest, instruction, amuse­ment, or pleasure; to which, by inclination or circumstances he is adapted, is bound by the laws to respect, and carefully to avoid in­fringing the equal liberty of his fellow citizen: A liberty, wherein each enjoys the equal right of opinion and belief, without any human res­traint, in matters of religion, science and gov­ernment; and of publishing his sentiments to the world, so that they be not repugnant to the freedom, safety or reputation of others: A lib­erty, which secures to each equally the right of maintaining the integrity of his person and fame; and of enjoying, without molestation, the fruits of his honest industry: A liberty, which affords equal indemnity to all in case of aggression: and, in fine, a liberty which yields even to aggressors themselves; and to those, who may be suspected of being aggressors, the equal right of a hearing and investigation be­fore their peers: but a liberty, which does not extend impunity to guilt, nor protection to its violators. Recognising these principles, [Page 18] founded in the immutable laws of nature, our constitutions have hitherto proved a sure guar­antee of the liberty, which they afford. They seem also to presage that this guarantee will be perpetual.

Do we not, in all the instances, before us, perceive, in these constitutions characteristics clearly distinct from those of every other nation which we have contemplated? Distinct from those of Greece, in guarantying to each state her sovereignty and independence in all matters of local concern, or which respect the social intercourse of citizen with citizen; while the United States only are sovereign in all mat­ter of more general concern—in those, which relate to foreign intercourse, to measures for pub­lic defence, to peace and war, to trade, navi­gation and commerce? Distinct from those of Rome, in that the Roman established hereditary honors and privileges, whereby those citizens only, who were of patrician descent, were for a long time eligible to offices—that an arbitrary and oppressive power was given to creditors over their unfortunate debtors—that hers main­tained the right of conquest, and in effect arri­ved at the summit of her political glory, by means subversive of every principle of civil as well as moral right? Distinct also from both the Greecian and Roman codes, in providing [Page 19] for an equal and full representation of every part of the community in the legislative assemblies; and in separating, defining, and limiting the several powers of government; so that while the legislative, executive and judiciary depart­ments are mutual checks upon each other against any undue use or abuse of power, each is restricted from exercising the functions of the other? And distinct from those of France—in that, while they are one in principle and indivisi­ble in energy and purity, they are yet both local and federal—that they afford security to every citizen against all unreasonable restrictions of his liberty; all oppressive requisitions of person­al service or of property; all cruel and unjust imprisonments, and still more unjust and tyran­ical executions, on mere suspicion, without any sufficient evidence of criminality, and with scarce the form of a trial—that, founded on princi­ples established in the nature of man, they do not, for the sake of levelling all distinctions in society, authorize one class of citizens to fatten on the spoils of another class to whom fortune has been somewhat more propitious—that, content with securing happiness and freedom to the territory, which they particularly embrace, they do not tolerate principles, which aim at the prostration and overthrow of every other gov­ernment—that being in their nature sacred, as [Page 20] constituting the bulwark of our liberties, they are two much revered by the whole American people to suffer any daring usurper to rescind, modify or abridge them? But time would fail me; your patience would be exhausted, ere I could enumerate half the instances in which, our free constitutions vary from those heteroge­neous, those short-lived codes, which have suc­cessively sprung from the ashes and been sacri­ficed on the tombs of each other, in that "hot bed of revolution."

We do not however contend that these con­stitutions are perfect, or without fault. No human device bears this stamp. If, neverthe­less, they have fewer faults, fewer imperfections, and those of less pernicious tendency, than the constitutions of any other nation or country; if notwithstanding some defects, which in them­selves are inessential, the great, fundamental principles on which they are established are con­sistent with the nature and obligations of society —if notwithstanding some features, which may be thought to border on asperity, their general complexion is lenient and mild: if on the whole, they are the best adapted to secure the peace, happiness and independence of our country of any that, in the circumstances of the times, could have been devised, ought they not to ex­cite the confidence, affection and zealous sup­port [Page 21] of every real patriot? How prompt should such citizens be, if not to forget, at least to overlook, their imperfections; to strengthen every defect; and, by a ready and cheerful submission of individual to the general will, to lessen the effect and moderate the tendency of every asperity? Opposition would then subside; the virulence of party spirit soon die away; and the odious terms federalist and jacobin be no more heard. (3)

It was in the original plan of this discourse, here to have dilated on the administration of our government; but the extent, to which the magnitude of events, already contemplated, have led our meditations; together with the shortness of the notice allowed for previous pre­paration, will oblige us, on this topic to be concise.

The most prominent features exhibited in every department of our admistration, as it res­pects our foreign relations, are a love of national justice, a strict observance of treaties, and an ar­dent desire to preserve peace with all nations. These sentiments correspond with the nature of our constitution; and are perfectly consistent with the exercise of that liberty which we have endeavoured to explain. Subordinate to these has been every measure relative to foreign inter­course. It was these considerations, which dic­tated [Page 22] the policy of taking a neutral position on the commencement of hostilities between our European neighbors; and which have since prompted that uniform and persevering adher­ence to the same policy. Still however, in a war that was to be prosecuted with so much zeal and animosity, it was not to be expected, that we should be able to maintain that position, without great firmness and constant exertion. It was therefore necessary, while we gave the surest demonstrations of the sincerity of our wishes for peace, to convince all nations, that we were determined to vindicate our neutral rights; and that, sooner than relinquish the smallest of them, an appeal to the last resort would be pre­ferred. Hence, while negociations were going forward with a nation, which was first to in­fringe those rights, and while the event of those negociations was then problematical, resulted the necessity of strengthening our sea-coast—of systematizing our militia, and of replenishing our magazines with military stores. And when, after an amicable adjustment of all matters in controversy with this nation, aggression from a source least to be expected, had now become more daring and frequent; when the success of negociation, a second time resorted to, had be­gun to be despaired of; and an enormous trib­ute was proposed, not as the price of redress, [Page 23] but of permission to prefer our remonstrance; hence also resulted the necessity of annulling our political connection with a perfidious ally—of interdicting the commercial intercourse of our citizens with her; of permitting our mer­chantmen to arm in their own defence; of au­thorizing reprisals and recaptures; of equipping a naval force; of providing by law for the remo­val of inimical aliens—of recognizing by legis­tive sanction the constitutional and common-law right of punishing the authors of libellous publications—of again revising our military system—and of embodying an army.

That these measures, originating in the love of peace, were dictated by the soundest policy, time has already attested, in the happy effects, which have been the immediate consequence.

While our shores were thought to be desti­tute of means or the spirit to repel invasion; while our flag was unprotected, our merchant­men defenceless; while it was believed that our citizens, disaffected with the present measures, were divided in sentiment and might be made the pliant tools of foreign incendiaries and disor­ganizers; while our councils and executive departments were supposed to be filled with men, who, being the dupes of faction, might be in­fluenced to abandon the important interests of their country; and, charmed with the syren [Page 24] sounds of liberté-égalité, to dance at the dulcet notes of Ca-Ira; the tone of our late ally be­came haughty and imperious. She spurned at our overtures for negociation; and nothing on our part, short of unconditional submission, could satisfy her unbounded thirst for sway! But when her illusive dreams were dispelled, when she discovered the integrity and firmness of every governmental department, and the real attachment of the great body of citizens to their government, however a few might have been seduced from their loyalty by her arts; when she saw with what promptitude and alacrity defen­sive measures would be adopted; how changed her demeanour! Instead of being now the supplicators for redress; instead of beholding our envoys spurned with indignity from a directorial audi­ence; instead of having our ears stunned with the humiliating term tribute; the olive is extended to our view. We are invited to renew our com­mission for negociating. Our messengers of peace are received and honoured, as those of a magnanimous people, determined still to be free! Our flag is revered and respected. The American eagle soars triumphant on the ocean. And the thunder of our navy is heard with awe. Blest also with the brightening prospect of continuing peace, we again behold our patriotic soldiers retiring from the field of war to that of agricul­ture; [Page 25] not indeed as formerly, grown veteran in service and scarred with glory; but crowned with the applauses of their fellow citizens, and rich in the thanks of their country, for the zeal with which they rallied to her standard in an hour of supposed danger.

While these pacific, but at the same time spirit­ed, measures respecting our transatlantic connec­tions have been unremittingly pursued; a sys­tem of the mildest and most disinterested policy has distinguished the various measures which have been adopted respecting our savage neigh­bours. Several of these tribes had been duped into war with the United States. But on dis­covering their deception, and perceiving at length more distinctly our true policy, they rea­dily embraced the terms of pacification, which were offered them. They are now protected in the quiet possession of their legal territory. The useful arts are gradually progressing among them. And their more necessary wants are sup­plied from the public treasury.

Nor has our interior administration been less distinguished; on the one hand, by mildness; by energy and firmness, on the other. Twice have combinations of deluded citizens, instiga­ted no doubt by the restless spirit of evil minded foreigners, been found in arms, to oppose the operation of certain legislative acts, which, [Page 26] through misrepresentation, had been conceived, by them, to be oppressive. Twice have the dar­ing factions been quelled, and the citizens re­claimed to a sense of duty, by decisive measures, without the effusion of blood. The chiefs of the treason, after being arraigned, convicted and sentenced to merited punishment, have, in both instances, received again their forfeited lives at the lenient hand of our executive.

Great as have been our national expenses; accumulated, as the demands upon our treasury, in consequence of the defensive operations, which have been deemed expedient; unequaled, as the depredations on our marine; yet so well conducted have been our fiscal arrangements, that the resources of government have proved fully adequate to every demand; while at the same time, we are happy to remark, a gradual diminution of the public debt has been effected: and this indeed without the aid of any unusual or oppressive taxes. Add to all that has been said, that the liberal arts have been duly en­couraged—to the sciences, a fostering influence, extended—and the authors of useful inventions, amply rewarded.

Such, my fellow citizens, is the govern­ment of your choice. Such are some of the numerous blessings, which you derive from it. However imperfect the outline, which we have [Page 27] endeavoured to trace; how inferior soever to the great original; do we not discover in it ex­cellencies sufficient to draw forth our profound­est veneration? to excite our warmest love? to lead us fervently to supplicate the great Au­thor of all civil society, that we may be allowed to transmit it, as the noblest inheritance to pos­terity? and that it may be preserved, in perfect purity, unadulterated by the leprous embrace of foreign Cupidity—unassayed by the cancerous tooth of domestic Disunion, coeval with the most distant periods of time? To this end let us pur­sue the only means, which can ensure to it sta­bility or duration. Let us endeavour, all in our power, to cement the bonds of federal union and concord. Let us add our firm support to ever constitutional measure. Let us resist every dangerous innovation. Let us withdraw every devotion—every blind attachment to foreign nations. Let us learn to think, act and speak as Americans only; as a people, who are con­scious of their independence. And while we conduct with strictest justice towards all na­tions, let us, with heart and hand, oppose every usurpation or unwarrantable influence, which may be grasped at by any. Let us learn, from the examples, which are constantly exhibited to our view, to place no confidence—no reliance on their friendship, abstracted from their interest, [Page 28] or their ambition. Finally, let us pursue with ever steadfast perseverance, the measures, which, in great wisdom, have been adopted to promote the extention and general diffusion of the arts, of science and of virtue; assured, that an enligh­tened, a virtuous, can never be an enslaved, people.

Then shall Peace with ever new, with ever radiant charms, continue to smile around us.— Our shores shall then be the abode of Happiness and Contentment. The fig-tree shall not then cease to blossom, nor fruit to be in the vine; the labour of the olive shall not [...], nor the field withhold its increase; the flocks shall not be cut off from the folds, nor the herds from the stalls.—But the wolf and the lamb shall then feed together; our deserts shall become fertile fields; our wildernesses, blossom as the rose; and, at no distant era, our western horizon, be skirted with cities, wherein thousands and tens of thousands, through a long succession of ages, shall rise up and pronounce our government blessed.