THE period for a new election of a Citizen to admini­ster the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being con­sidered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I BEG you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the re­lation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imp [...]y, I am influenced by no dimi­nution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness: But am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

[Page 20]THE acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a defference for what appeared to be your de­sire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of affairs with foreign nations, and the una­nimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impel­led me to abandon the idea.

I REJOICE, that the state of your concerns external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty o [...] propriety: And am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

THE impressions with which I first undertook the ardu­ous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and ad­ministration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experi­ence in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and [Page 21] every day the increasing weight of years admonishes m [...] more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that if any circum­stances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

IN looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment o [...] that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved coun­try for the many honors it has conferred upon me; stil [...] more for the stedfast confidence with which it has sup­ported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoy­ed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by service▪ faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to our praise and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direc­tion, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometime dubious, vicissitudes of fortune, often discouraging in sit­uations, in which not unfrequently want of success has coun­tenanced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of you [...] support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundl [...] penetrated with this idea I shall carry it with me to m [...] grave, as a strong encitement to unceasing vows, tha [...] Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and brotherly affestion may b [...] [Page 22] perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its admin­istration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every na­tion which is yet a stranger to it.

HERE perhaps, I ought to stop. But solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only feel in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourage­ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on [...] former and not dissimilar occasion.

INTERWOVEN as is the love of liberty with every liga­ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is ne­ [...]essary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

THE unity of Government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a [Page 23] main pillar in the edifice of your real Independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) direct­ed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly esti­mate the immense value of your National Union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; ac­customing yourselves to think and speak of it as of the pal­ladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

FOR this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common coun­try, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your na­tional capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriot­ism, more than any appellation derived from local discrim­inations. With slight shades of difference you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. [Page 24] You have in a common cause fought and triumphed toge­ther; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dan­gers, sufferings and successes.

BUT these considerations however powerfully they ad­dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most com­manding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

THE North in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common govern­ment, finds in the production of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and pre­cious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated—and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and in­crease the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive im­provement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commo­dities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of still [Page 25] greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

WHILE then every part of our country thus feels an im­mediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combi­ned cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and ef­forts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security, from external danger, a less frequent in­terruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inestimable value! they must derive from union an exemp­tion from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied toge­ther by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter.—Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republi­can Liberty: In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

THESE considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the conti­nuance [Page 26] of the UNION as a primary object of a patriotic de­sire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere?—Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorised to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and a full expe­riment. With such powerful and obvious motives to the union, affecting all parts of our country, while experi­ment shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distruct the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our uni­on, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should be furnished for characterising parties, by Geogra­phical discriminations—Northern and Southern —Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endevour to ex­cite a belief, that there is real difference of local interest and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourself too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fra­ternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on his head: They have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unani­mous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicious [...] [Page 27] general government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Missisippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign re­lations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advan­tages on the UNION by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from their brethren, and con­nect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a gov­ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, how­ever strict between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they will inevitably experience the infractions and interrup­tions which all alliances in all times have experienced— Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of gov­ernment better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your com­mon concerns. This government, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting secu­rity with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties en­joined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But [Page 28] the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sa­credly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, presuppo­ses the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

ALL obstructions to the execution of the laws, all com­binations and associations, under whatever plausible char­acter, with the real design to direct, controul, counteract or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constitu­ted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental princi­ple, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force—to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of fac­tion rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modified by mu­tual interests.

HOWEVER combinations or associations of the above description, may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things, to become po­tent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; de­stroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them [...]o unjust dominion.

TOWARDS the preservation of your government, and [...]he permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite [Page 29] not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposi­tion to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care, the spirit of innovation upon its principles, how­ever specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of govern­ment, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country—that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the effi­cient management of your common interest, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensa­ble. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con­fine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranqui [...] enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I HAVE already intimated to you, the danger of partie [...] in the state, with particular reference to the founding o [...] them on geographical discriminations. Let me now tak [...] a more comprehensive view and warn you in the most sol­emn manner against the baneful effects of a spirit of party, generally.

[Page 30]THIS spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na­ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments— more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.

THE alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissen­tion, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism— But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, grad­ually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose [...]n the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later [...]he chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more for­ [...]unate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the [...]urposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Lib­ [...]rty.

WITHOUT looking forward to an extremity of this [...]ind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of [...]ght) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of [...]arty are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a [...]ise people to discourage and restrain it.

IT serves always to distract the Public Councils and en­ [...]eble the Public Administration. It agitates the commu­ [...]ity with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the [...]nimosity of one part against another, foments occasionally [...]ot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influ­ [...]nce and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the [...]overnment itself through the channels of party passions. [...]hus the policy and will of one country are subjected to [...]e policy and will of another.

[Page 31]THERE is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty.—This within certain limits is probably true, and in governments of a monarchial cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.—From their natural tend­ency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion [...]o mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, least instead of warming it should consume.

IT is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of the political power; by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constitut­ing each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own [Page 32] eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particu­lar wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates—But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed—The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any par­tial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

OF all the dispositions and habits which lead to polit­ical prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.—A volume could not trace all their connections with private and pub­lic felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of in­vestigation in Courts of Justice?—And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded of the in­fluence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, [...]eason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.

IT is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne­ [...]essary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free gov­ernment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with [Page 33] indiffere [...]e upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

PROMOTE, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In pro­portion as the structure of a government gives force to pub­lic opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be en­lightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit—One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expence by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely dis­bursements to prepare for dangers, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it. Avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to dis­charge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occa­sioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the bur­then which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is ne­cessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the pay­ment of debts there must be revenue—that to have reve­nue there must be taxes—and none can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant—that the intrinsic embarrassment inseperable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties)— ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

[Page 34]OBSERVE good faith and justice towards all nations— cultivate peace and harmony with all—Religion and mo­rality enjoins this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, en­lightened, and (at no distant period) a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary ad­vantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the perma­nent felicity of a nation with Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which enobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

IN the execution of such a plan, nothing is more es­sential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in the place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated.—The nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when acci­dental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.

HENCE frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and re­sentment, sometimes impels to war the government, con­trary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts [Page 35] through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes per­haps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another induces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favor­ite nations facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no common interest exists, and infu­sing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal pri­vileges are witheld:—And it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popu­larity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, o [...] a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compli­ances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachment [...] are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and inde­pendent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of se­duction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe th [...] public councils; such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satllite of the latter.

[Page 36]AGAINST the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I con­jure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.—But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign na­tion, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Re­al patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

THE great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign na­tions is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfil­led with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be enga­ged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essen­tially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities.

OUR detached situation, invites and enables us to pur­sue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we [Page 37] may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respect­ed; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, shall counsel.

WHY forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Eu­rope, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of Eu­ropean ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or caprice?

'TIS our true policy to steer clear of permanent allian­ces, with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it: for let me not be under­stood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engage­ments. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best poli­cy. I repeat it therefore, let those engagements be ob­served in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

TAKING care always to keep ourselves, by suitable es­tablishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emer­gencies.

HARMONY, liberal intercourse with all nations, are re­commended by policy, humanity and interest. But eve [...] our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartia [...] hand; neither sending or granting exclusive favors or preferences—consulting the natural course of things; diffusin [...] and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed in order to give trade a stable course to define the rights [...] our merchants▪ and to enable the government to suppo [...] [...] [Page 38] them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that pre­sent circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but tem­porary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience or circumstances shall dictate; con­stantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another: that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nom­inal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to ex­pect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish—that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked [...]he destiny of nations: But if I may even flatter myself, [...]hat they may be productive of some partial benefits, some [...]ccasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mis­ [...]hiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures [...]f pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recom­ense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they [...]ave been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have [...]een guided by the principles which have been delineated, [...]e public records and other evidences of my conduct must [...]itness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance [Page 39] of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed my­self to be guided by them.

IN relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d April, 1795, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, unin­fluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

AFTER deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take and was bound in duty and interest to take a neutral po­sition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend on me, to maintain it with moderation.

THE considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding o [...] the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any o [...] the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

THE duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which i [...] is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

THE inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recen [...] institutions, and to progress without interruption, to tha [...] degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary t [...] give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes

THOUGH in reviewing the incidents of my administration, [Page 40] I am unconscious of intentional error: I am neverthe­less too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as my­self must soon be to the mansions of rest.

RELYING on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with plea­sing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good [...]aws under a free government—the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers.