Biographical memoirs of the illustrious Gen. Geo: Washington, late president of the United States of America, &c. &c. Containing, a history of the principal events of his life, with extracts from his journals, speeches to Congress, and public addresses: : --Also-- a sketch of his private life.

Biographical memoirs of the illustrious Gen. Geo: Washington, late president of the United States of America, &c. &c. Containing, a history of the principal events of his life, with extracts from his journals, speeches to Congress, and public addresses: : --Also-- a sketch of his private life.

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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS OF GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. Late President of the United States, &c.

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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS OF GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. Late President of the United States, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON was born February 2nd. 1732, in the parish of Washington, in Westmoreland county, in the state of Virginia. His ancestors were possessed of property in England, near Cave, in the east riding of Yorkshire, which they sold, and came over to America, in the year 1657, and purchased lands in king George's county, Virginia. His father, Mr. Augustus Washington, was the second in decent after their emigration, and had a numerous offspring. He was possessed of large property, and of distinguished reputation. George was his third son, and the first fruit of his second marriage. He received his education from a private tutor, under, whom he acquired a knowledge of the latin language sufficient for the ordinary purposes [Page]of life, his mother-tongue grammatically, and the elements of mathematics, which he, in his rising years, carefully improved by practical experiments in topographical and military plans. When he was but ten years of age, his father died, and at fifteen he was entered a midshipman on board a British ship of war then stationed on the coast of Virginia. But after his baggage had been packed up for embarkation, the plan was abandoned in obedience to the calls of maternal affection. For several years after he quitted his tutor, the learning he had acquired was much improved by a disposition to study, and he particularly applied himself to the practical parts of surveying, a knowledge of which was then, as it is now, very important and necessary to men of landed property in every part of the American continent. His merits in this branch of knowledge, occasioned him being nominated Surveyor to a certain district in Virginia, an appointment rather [...]editable than lucrative; but which afforded him advantageous opportunities, particularly an acquaintance with the country, the properties of lands, and the situations and direction of creeks and rivers, and it enabled him to make a choice of some valuable tracts of land for subsequent purchase.

[Page] After his father died, the charge of the family devolved on his eldest brother, a young man of the most promising talents; who, at that time, was a captain under admiral Vernon, in the colonial troops, employed in the expedition against Carthagena; upon his return, having come into the possession of his patrimonial estates, in honour of his admiral, from whom he had received many civilities he named his new mansion Mount-Vernon. He was afterwards made adjutant-general of the militia of Virginia, but did not long survive, and on his demise (notwithstanding there were heirs of an elder branch, who possess a large share of the patrimony) the eldest son by the second marriage, inherited the part upon which that sent now stands, and a considerable landed property attached to it.

At the death of his brother, the vacant office of adjutant-general, was, in consequence of the encreased population and extensive limits of the colony, divided into three districts, and the future Hero of America, before he was twenty years of age, began his military career, by an appointment to the tank of major in that department.

In 1753, an event occurred, which called his abilities into more active public notice. [Page]The jealousies of the French and English governments were at their height. Encroachments were reported to have been made by the former from their settlements in Canada, on the frontier territories of the British colonies, along the rivers Ohio and de Boeuf, —Orders were received from England, by the governor and council of Virginia, to repel by force these encroachments; in consequence of which, lieutenant-governor Dinwiddie dispatched young major Washington, with plenary powers to ascertain the facts, treat with the Indians, and warn the French to de [...]t from the inroads they were making, in direct violation of the treaties then subsisting between the two crowns. This mission he performed with singular industry, intelligence and address.

The appointment of major Washington was deemed a circumstance somewhat extraordinary at that period; it was said that a youth unacquainted with the enlarged commerce of the world, unexperienced in political concerns, appeared to be unfit to be employed to conduct a negociation, wherein subjects of the greatest importance were involved: It was very true that the subjects were important, for they shortly after became the origin of a war between the two [Page]nations, which raged for many years, and extended throughout every part of the globe, and which ended in the final expulsion of the French from the continent.

But those who had formed such superfical notions of the major were in the end deceived by the success and abilities manifested through the whole transaction. This having been the first effort of that career which has terminated with so much splendor in history, and honour and happiness to himself and his country. It will be pleasing to peruse his journal, given in as a report of his proceedings to governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, on that occasion; it is highly illustrative of that activity and penetration which have signalized his character—On a more extensive theatre, at a subsequent period, we shall give it to our readers from an authentic source.

Major GEORGE WASHINGTON's JOURNAL, Sent by the Hon. Robert Dinwiddle, Esq. his Majesty's lieutenant governor, and commander in chief of Virginia, to the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio.

WEDNESDAY, October 31st, 1753.

I was commissioned and appointed by the [Page]Hon. Robert Dinwiddie, Esq. governor, &c. of Virginia, to visit and deliver a letter to the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio, and set out on the intended journey the same day: The next, I arrived at Fredericksburg, and engaged Mr. Jacob Vanbraam, to be my French interpreter; and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where we provided necessaries. From thence we went to Winchester, and got baggage, horses, &c. and from thence we pursued the new road to Wills Creek, where we arrived the 14th of November.

Here I engaged Mr Gist to pilot us out, and also hired four others as servitors. Barnaby Currin and John Mac Quire, Indian traders, Henry Steward, and William Jenkins; and in company with those persons left the inhabitants the next day.

The excessive rains and vast quantity of snow which had fallen, prevented our reaching Mr. Frazier's, an Indian trader at the mouth of Turtle Creek, on Monongahela river, till Thursday the 22d. We were informed here, that expresses had been sent a few days before to the traders down the river, to acquaint them with the French genere [...] death, and the return of the major [...] of the French army into winter quarters. [Page]The waters were quite impassable, without swimming our horses; which obliged us to get the loan of a canoe from Frazier, and to send Barnaby Currin, and Henry Stewart, down the Monongahela, with our baggage, to meet us at the forks of the Ohio, about ten miles, there to cross the Aligany *.

As I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in viewing the rivers, and the land in the Fork, which I think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers. The land at the point is 20 or 25 feet above the common surface of the water; and a considerable bottom of flat well-timbered land all around it, very convenient for building: The rivers are each a quarter of a mile, or more a cross, and run here very near at right angles: Aligany bearing N. E. and Monongahela S. E. The former of these two is a very rapid and swift running water; the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall.

About two miles from this on the South East side of the river, at the place where the Ohio company intended to erect a fort, lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares: We called upon him to invite him to council at the Loggs Town.

[Page] As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situation at the Forks, my curiosity led me to examine this more particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defence or advantages; especially the latter: For a fort at the Forks would be equally well situated on the Ohio, and have the entire command of the Monongahela; which runs up to our settlements, and is extremely well designed for water carriage, as it is of a deep still nature. Besides a fort at the Fork might be built at much lefs expense than at the other place.

Nature has well contrived this lower place for water defence; but the hill whereon it must stand being about a quarter of a mile in length, and then descending gradually on the land side, will render it difficult and very expensive, to make a sufficient fortification there. The whole flat upon the hill must be taken in, the side next the descent made extremely high, or else the hill itself cut away: Otherwise, the enemy may raise batteries within that distance without being exposed to a single shot from the fort.

Shingiss attended us to the Loggs Town, where we arrived between sun setting and dark, the 25th day after I left Williamsburg. [Page]We travelled over some extreme good and bad land, to get to this place.

As soon as I came into town, I went to Monakatoocha (as the half king was out at his hunting cabbin on little Beaver Creek, about 15 miles off) and informed him by John Davison my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messenger to the French general; and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the six nations, to acquaint them with it. I gave him a string of wampum, * and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the half king; which he promised to do by a runner in the morning, and for other sachems. I invited him and the other great men present, to my tent, where they stayed about an hour and returned.

According to the best observations I could make, Mr. Giff's new settlement (which we passed by) bears about W. N. W. 70 miles, from Wills Creek, Shanapins, or the Forks N. by W. or N. N. W. about 50 miles from that: and from thence to the Loggs Town, the course is nearly west about 18 or 20 miles: So that the whole distance, as we [Page]went and computed it, is at least 135 or 140 miles from our back inhabitants.

25th. Came to town four of ten Frenchmen who had deserted from a company at the Kuskuskas, which lies at the mouth of this river. I got the following account from them. They were sent from New-Orleans with 100 men, and 8 canoe loads of provisions to this place; where they expected to have met the same number of men, from the forts on this side of Lake Erie, to convoy them and the stores up, who were not arrived when they run off.

I enquired into the situation of the French, on the Missisippi, their number, and what forts they had built. They informed me, that there were four small forts between New-Orleans and the Black Islands, garrisoned with about 30 or 40 men, and a few small pieces in each: That at New Orleans, which is near the mouth of the Missisippi, there are 35 companies, of 40 men cach, with a pretty strong fort mounting 8 carriage guns; and at the Black Islands there are several companies and a fort with 6 guns. The Black Islands are about 130 leagues above the mouth of the Ohio, which is about 350 above New-Orleans. They also acquainted me, that there was a small pallisadoed [Page]fort on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Obaish, about 60 leagues from the Missisippi. The Obaish * heads near the west end of Lake Erie, and affords the communication between the French on Missisippi and those on the Lakes. These deserters came up from the lower Shannoah Town with one Brown, an Indian trader, and were going to Philadelphia.

About 3 o'clock this evening the half king came to town. I went up and invited him with Davison, privately, to my tent; and desired him to relate some of the particulars of his journey to the French commandant, and reception there. Also to give me an account of the ways and distance. He told me that the nearest and levellest way was now impasasable, by reason of many large meiry savannas; that we must be obliged to go by Venango, and should not get to the near fort under five or fix nights sleep, good travelling. When he went to the fort, he said he was received in a very stern manner by the late commander; who asked him very abruptly, what he had came about, and to declare his business: which he said he did in the following speech:—

[Page] "Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches; what your own mouths have declared. Fathers, you, in former days, set a silver bason before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it; to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another: And that if any such person should be sound to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge them with; and if I your father, should get foolish in my old days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others.

"Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns; and taking it away unknown to us, and by force.

"Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may dispatch to that place; for be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land, and not yours.

"Fathers, I desire you may hear me in civilness; it not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstrepetons. If you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers the English, we [Page]should not have been against your trading with us, as they do: But to come, Fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to.

"Fathers, both you and the English are white, we live in a country between; therefore, the land belongs to neither one nor the other: But the great Being above allowed it to be a place of residence for us; so fathers I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our brothers the English: For I will keep you at armslength. I lay this down as a trial for both, to see which will have the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with us. Our brothers the English have heard this, and I come now to tell it to you; for I am not afraid to discharge you off this land."

This he said was the substance of what he spoke to the general, who made this reply.

"Now, my child, I have heard your speech: You spoke first, but its my time to speak now. Where is my wampum that you took away, with the marks of towns in it? This wampum I do not know, which you have discharged me off the land with: But you need not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, for I will not hear you. I am not afraid of flies, or musquitoes, for Indians [Page]are such as those. I tell you, down that river I will go, and build upon it, according to my command. If the river was blocked up, I have forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my feet all that stand in opposition, together with their alliances; for my force is as the sand upon the sea-shore: Therefore, here is vour wampum, I fling it at you. Child you talk foolish; you say this land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail yours. I saw that land sooner than you did, before the Shannoahs and you were at war: Lead was the man who went down and took possession of that river: It is my land, and I will have it, let who will stand up for or say against it. I'll buy and sell with the English (mockingly.) If people will be ruled by me, they may expect kindness, but not else."

The hal [...] king told me he had enquired of the general after two Englishmen who were made prisoners, and received this answer:— "Child, you think it a very great hardship that I made prisoners of those two people at Venango. Don't concern yourself with it: We took and carried them to Canada, to get intelligence of what the English were doing in Virginia"

He informed me that they had built two [Page]forts, one on Lake Erie, and another on French Creek, near a small lake about f [...]teen miles asunder, and a large waggo [...]-road between: They are both built after the same model, but different in size; that on the lake the largest. He gave me a plan of them, of his own drawing.

The Indians enquired very particular after their brothers in Carolina jail.

They also asked what fort of a boy it was who was taken from the South Branch; for they were told by some Indians, that a party of French Indians had carried a white boy by Kuskuskas Town, towards the lakes.

November 26, 1753, we met in council, at the Long House, at about 9 o'clock, where I spake to them as follows:—

"Brothers, I have called you together in council, by order of your brother, the governor of Virginia, to acquaint you, that I am sent, with all possible dispatch, to visit, and deliver a letter to the French commandant, of very great importance to your brothers the English; and I dare say to you, their friends and allies.

"I was desired, brothers, by your brother, the governor, to call upon you, the sachems of the nations, t [...]orm you of it, and to ask your advice and assitance to proceed the nearest [Page]and best road to the French. You see brothers, I have gotten thus far on my journey

"His honour likewise desired me to apply to you for some of your young men, to conduct and provide provisions for us on our way; and be a safeguard against those French Indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. I have spoke this particularly to you, brothers, because his honour, our governor, treats you as good friends and allies; and holds you in great esteem. To confirm what I have said, I give this string of wampum."

After they had considered for some time on the above discourse, the half-king got up and spoke:— "Now my brother, in regard to what my brother the governor had desired me, I return you this answer.

"I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers and one people. We shall put heart in hand, and speak to our fathers the French concerning the speech they made to me: and you may depend that we will endeavour to be your guard.

"Brother, as you have asked my advice, I hope you will be ruled by it, and stay till I can provide a company to go with you. The French speech belt is not here. I have it to [Page]go for to my hunting cabbin: likewise the people whom I have ordered in are not yet come, nor cannot till the third night from this; till which time, brother, I must beg you to stay.

"I intend to send the guard of Mingos, Shannoahs, and Delawares, that our brothers may see the love and loyalty we bear them."

As I had orders to make all possible dispatch, and waiting here was very contrary to my inclination, I thanked him in the most suitable manner I could; and told him that my business required the greatest expedition, and would not admit of delay. He was not well pleased that I should offer to go before the time he had appointed, and told me that he could not consent to our going without a g [...]ard, for fear some accident should befal us, and draw a reflection upon him. Besides, says he, this is a matter of no small moment, and must not be entered into without due consideration: for now I intend to deliver up the French speech belt, and make the Shannoahs and Delawares do the same. And accordingly he gave orders to king Shingiss, who was present, to attend on Wednesday night with the wampum, and two men of their nation, to be in rea [...]ness to set out with us the next morning. As I sound It was impossible to get off [Page]without affronting them in the most egregious manner, I consented to stay.

I gave them back a string of wampum, which I met with at Mr. Frazier's, and which they sent with a speech to his honour the governor, to inform him, that three nations of French Indians, viz Chippoways, Ottoways, and Orundaks; had taken up the hatchet against the English; and desired them to repeat it over again: but this they postponed doing till they met in full council with the Shannoah and Delaware chiefs.

27th. Runners were dispatched very early for the Shannoah chiefs. The half-king set out himself to fetch the French speech belt from his hunting cabbin.

28th. He returned this evening, and came with Mon [...]katoocha, and two other sachems, to my tent; and begged (as they had complied with his honor the governor's request, in providing men, &c.) to know on what business we were going to the French? This was a question I all along expected, and had provided as satisfactory answers to, as I could, which allayed their curiosity a little.

Mon [...]katoocha informed me, that an Indian from Venango brought news, a few days ago, that the French had called all the Mingos, Delawares, &c. together at that place; [Page]and told them that they intended to have been down the river this fall, but the waters were growing cold, and the winter advancing, which obliged them to go into quarters; but that they might assuredly expect them in the spring, with a far greater number; and desired that they might be quite passive, and not to intermeddle, unless they had a mind to draw all their force upon them: for that they expected to sight the English three years (as they supposed there would be some attempts made to stop them) in which time they should conquer: but that if they should prove equally strong, they and the English, would join to cut them all off, and divide the land between them: that though they had lost their general, and some sew of their soldiers, yet there were men enough to reinforce them, and make them masters of the Ohio.

This speech, he said, was delivered to them by one captain Joncaire, their interpreter in chief, living at Venango, and a man of note in the army.

29th. The half king and Monokatoocha came very early and begged me to stay one day more; for netwithstanding they had used all the diligence in their power, the Shannoah chiefs had not brought the wampum they [...]r [...]red, but would certainly be in this night; if [Page]not, they would delay me no longer, but would send it after us as soon as they arrived. When I found them so pressing in their request, and knew that the returning of wampum was the abolishing of agreements, and giving this up, was shaking off all dependence upon the French. I consented to stay, as I believed an offence offered at this crisis, might be attended with greater ill consequence than another day's delay. They also informed me that Shingiss could not get in his men; and was prevented from coming himself by his wife's sickness, (I believe, by fear of the French) but that the wampum of that nation was lodged with Kustaloga one of their chiefs at Venango.

In the evening, late, they came again and acquainted me that the Shannoahs were not yet arrived, but that it should not retard the prosecution of our journey. He delivered in my hearing, the speeches that were to be made to the French by Jeskakake, one of their old chiefs which was giving up the belt the late commandant had asked for, and repeating near the same speech he himself had done before.

He also delivered a string of wampum to this chief who was sent by king Shingiss, to [Page]be given to Kustaloga, with orders to repair to the French, and deliver up the wampum.

He likewise gave a very large string of black and white wampum which was to be sent up immediately to the six nations, if the French refused to qu [...]t the land at this warning; which was the third and last time, and was the right of this Jeskakake to deliver.

30th. Last night the great men assembled at their council house, to consult further about this jonrney, and who were to go: the result of which was, that only three of their chiefs, with one of their best hunters, should be our convoy. The reason they gave for not sending more, after what had been proposed at council the 26th, was, that a greater number might give the French suspicions of some bad design, and cause them to be treated rudely: but I rather think they could not get their hunters in.

We set out about 9 o'clock with the half king, Jeskakake, White Thunder, and the Hunter; and travelled on the road to the Venango, where we arrived the 4th of December, without any thing remarkable happening, but a continued series of bad weather.

This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French Creek on Ohio; and [Page]lies near N. about sixty miles from the Loggs town, but more than seventy the way we were obliged to go.

We found the French colours hoisted at a house from which they had driven Mr. John Frazier, an English subject. I immediately repaired to it, to know where the commander resided. There were three officers, one of whom, captain Joncaire, informed me, that he had the command of the Ohio: but that there was a general officer at the near fort, where he advised me to apply for an answer. He invited us to sup with them; and treated us with the greatest complaisance.

The wine, as they dozed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation; and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely.

They told me, that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G—d they would do it: for that although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one; yet they knew, their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La Solle [Page]sixty years ago; and the rise of this expedi [...]ion is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they had heard of some families moving out in order thereto. From the best intelligence I could [...]get, there have been 1500 men on this sido Ontario Lake; but upon the death of the general, all were recalled to about six or seven hundred, who were left to garrison four forts, one hundred and fifty or thereabouts in each. The tirst of them is on French Creek, near a small Lake, about sixty miles from Venango, near N. N. W. The next lies on Lake Erie, where the greater part of their stores are kept, about fifteen miles from the other. From this it is one hundred and twenty miles to the carrying place, at the falls of Lake Erie, where there is a small fort; which they lodge their goods at, in bringing them from Montreal, the place whence all their stores come from. The next fort lies about twenty miles from this, on Ontario Lake. Between this fort and Montreal there are three others, the first of which is nearly opposite to the English fort Oswego. From the fort on Lake Erie to Montreal is about six hundred miles, which they say requires no more, if good weather, than four week's voyage, if they go in barks or large vessels, [Page]so that they may cross the lake: but if they come in can [...]es it will require five or six weeks, for they are obliged to keep under the shore.

5th. Rained excessively all day, which prevented our travelling. Captain Joncaire sent for the half king, as he had but just heard that he came with me: he affected to be much concerned that I did not make free to bring them in before. I excused it in the best manner I was capable, and told him, I did not think their company agreeable, as I had heard him say a good deal in dispraise of Indians in general. But another motive prevented me from bringing them into his company: I knew he was interpreter, and a person of very great influence among the Indians, and had lately used all possible means to draw them over to their interest; therefore I was desirous of giving no opportunity that could be avoided.

When they came in, there was great pleasure expressed at seeing them. He wondered how they could be so near without coming to visit him; made several trising presents; and applied liqour so fast, that they were soon rendered incapable of the business they came about, notwithstanding the caution which was given.

[Page] 6th. The half king came to my tent, quite sober, and insisted very much that I should stay and hear what he had to say to the French. I fain would have prevented his speaking any thing, till he came to the commandant; but could not prevail. He told me, that at this place a council fire was kindled, where all their business with those people was to be transacted: and that the management of the Indian affairs was left solely to monsieur Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issue of this, I agreed to stay: but sent our horses a little ways up French Greck, to rast over and encamp; which I knew would make it near night.

About ten o'clock they met in council. The king spoke much the same as he had before done to the general; and offered the French speech belt which had before been demanded with the marks of four towns on it, which monsieur Joncaire refused to receive; but desired him to carry it to the fort to the commander.

7th. Monsieur La Force, commissary of the French stores, and three other soldiers, came over to accompany us up. We sound it extremely difficult to get the Indians off to-day, as every stratagem had been used to prevent their going up with me. I had last [Page]night left John Davison (the Indian interpreter) whom I had brought with me from town, and strictly charged him not to be out of their company, as I could not get them over to my tent: for they had some business with Kustaloga, chiefly to know the reason why he did not deliver up the French belt which he had in keeping: but I was obliged to send Mr. Gist over to-day to fetch them; which he did with great persuasion.

At twelve o'clock we set out for the fort, and were prevented from arriving there till the 11th, by excessive rains, snows, and bad travelling, through many mires and swamps. These we were obliged to pass, to avoid crossing the creek, which was impossible either by fording or rafting, the water was so high and rapid.

We passed over much good land since we left Venango, and through several extensive and very rich meadows; one of which, I believe, was near four miles in length, and considerably wide in some places.

12th. I prepared early to wait upon the commander, and was received and conducted to him by the second ossicer in command. I acquainted him with my business, and ossered my commission and letter: both of which he desired me to keep till the arrival of monsieur [Page]Raparti, captain, at the next fort, who was sent for, and expected every hour.

This commander is a knight of the military order of St. Lewis, and named Legardeur de St. Piere. He is an elderly gentleman, and has much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to take the command, immediately upon the death of the late general, and arrived here but about seven days before me.

At two o'clock the gentleman who was sent for arrived, when I offered the letter, &c. again; which they received, adjourned into a private apartment for the captain to translate, who understood a little English. After he had done it, the commander desired I would walk in, and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it; which I did.

13th. The chief ossicers retired, to hold a council of war; which gave me an opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and making what observations I could.

It is situated on the south, or west fork of French creek, near the water; and is almost surrounded by the creek, and a small branch of it which forms a kind of island. Four houses compose the sides. The bastions are made of piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at the top; with port holes cut for [Page]cannon and loop holes for the small arms to mounted in each bastion; and one piece of four pounds before the gate. In the bastions are a guard house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the commander's private store; round which are laid platforms for the cannon and men to stand on. There are several barracks without the fort for the soldiers' dwelling; covered, some with bark, and some with boards, made chiefly of logs. There are also several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, &c.

I could get no certain account of the number of men here; but according to the be judgment I could form, there are an hundred exclusive of ossicers, of which there are many. I also gave orders to the people who were with me, to take an exact account of the canoes which were hauled up to convey their sorces down in the spring. This they did, and told fifty of birch bark, and one hundred and seventy of pine; besides many others which were blocked out, in readiness to make.

14th. As the snow increased very fast, and our horses daily became weaker, I sent them off unloaded; under the care of Barnaby Currin, and two others, to make all convenient [Page]dispatch to Venango, and there wait our arrival, if there was a prospect of the river's freezing; if not, then to continue down to Shannapin's town, at the forks of the Ohio, and there to wait till we came to cross Aligany; intending myself to go down by water, as I had the offer of a canoe or two.

As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians' businefs, and prevent their returning with me; I endeavoured all that lay in my power to frustrate their schemes and hurry them on to execute their intended design. They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening, which at length was granted them, privately, with the commander and one or two other officers. The half king told me, that he offered the wampum to the commander, who evaded taking it, and made many fair promises of love and friendship; said he wanted to live in peace, and trade amicably with them, as a proof of which he would send some goods immediately down to the Loggs town for them. But I rather think the design of that is, to bring away all our straggling traders they meet with, as I privately understood they intended to carry an officer, &c. with them. And what rather confirms this opinion, I was enquiring of the commander, by what authority [Page]he had made prisoners of several of cur English subjects. He told me that the country belonging to them; no Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters; and that he had orders to make every one prisoner who attempted it on the Ohio, or the waters of it.

I enquired of captain Riparti about the boy who was carried by this place, as it was done while the command devolved on him between the death of the late general, and the arrival of the present. He acknowledged that a boy had been carried past; and that the Indians had two or three white men's scalps, (I was told by some of the Indians at Venango eight) but pretended to have forgotten the name of the place which the boy came from, and all the particularfacts, though he had questioned him for some hours, as they were carrying him past. I likewise enquired what they had done with John Trotter and James Mac Clocklin, two Pennsylvania traders, whom they had taken, with all their goods. They told me, that they had been sent to Canada, but were now returned home.

This evening I received an answer to his honour the governor's letter from the commandant.

[Page] 15th. The commandant ordered a plentiful store of liquor, provision, &c. to be put on board our canoe; and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which he could invent to set our own Indians at varience with us, to prevent their going until alter our departure. Presents, rewards, and every thing which could be suggested by him or his officers. I can³: say that ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety as I did in this affair: I saw that every stratagem which the most sruitful brain could invent, was practised, to win the half king to their interest; and that leaving him here was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. I went to the half king and press' [...] him in the strongest terms to go: he told me the commandant would not discharge him till the morning. I then went to the commandant, and desired him to do their business; and complained of ill treatment: For keeping them, as they were part of my company, was detaining me. This he promised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as he could. He protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the cause of their stay; though I soon found it out:—He had promised them a present of guns, &c. if they would wait till the morning. As I was very much press'd by the Indians to wait this day for [Page]them, I consented, on a promise, that nothing should hinder them in the morning.

16th. The Erench were not slack in their inventions to keep the Indians this day also: But as they were obligated according to promise, to give the present, they then endeavoured to try the power of l [...]quor; which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than this: but I urged and insisted with the king so closely upon his word, that he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged.

We had a tedious and very satiguing passage down the creek. Several times we ha [...] like to have been staved against the rocks; and many times were obliged all hands to get out and remain in the water half an hour [...] more, getting over the shoals. At one pla [...] the ice had lodged and made it impassable [...] water: therefore we were obliged to [...] out canoe across a n [...]ck of land, a quarter [...] a mile over. We did not reach V [...]nang [...]s [...] the 2nd, where we met with our horses.

This creek is extremely crooked, I da [...] say the distance between the fort and Venan go can't be less than 130 miles to follow the meanders.

2nd. When I got things ready to set of I [...]ent for the hal [...] king, to know whether [...] [Page]intended to go with us, or by water. He told me that White Thunder had hurt himself much, and was sick and unable to walk; therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe. As I sound he intended to stay here a day or two and knew that Monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme to set him against the English as he had besore done; I told him I hoped he would be guarded against his flattery, and let no fine speeches influence him in their favour. He desired I might not be concerned, for he knew the French too well, for any thing to engage him in their behalf; and that though he could not go down with us, he yet would endeavour to meet at the sorks with Joseph Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his honor the Governor. He told me he would order the young hunter to attend us, and get provision, &c. if wanted.

Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so heavy (as we were obliged to provide all the necessa [...]ies which the journey would require) that we doubted much their performing it: Therefore myself and others (except the drivers who were obliged to ride) gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the bag [...]age. I put myself in an Indian walking dress, and continued with [Page]them three days, till I found there was no probability of their getting home in any reasonable sonable time. The horses grew less able to travel every day; the cold increased very fast; and the roads were becoming much worst by a deep snow, continually freezing: Therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make report of my proceedings to his Honor the Governor, I determined to prosecute m [...] journey the nearest way through the woods on foot.

Accordingly I left Mr. Vanbraam in cha [...] of our baggage; with money and direction [...] to provide necessaries from place to place fo [...] themselves and horses, and to make the m [...] convenient dispatch in travelling.

I took my necessary papers; pulled off m [...] cloaths; and tied myself up in a ma [...]d coat. Then with gun in hand, and pack i [...] my back, in which were my paper, and previsions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, on Wednesday the 26th. The day following, just after we had passed [...] place called the Murdering Town, (when we intended to quit the path, and steer acro [...] the country for Shannapins Town) we tell [...] with a party of French Indians, who [...] laid in wait for us. One of them fired at [...] Gist or me, not 15 steps off, but fortuna [...] [Page]missed. We took this fellow into custody, and kept him until about 9 o'clock at night: Then let him go, and walked all the remaining part of the night without making any stop; that we might get the start, so far, as to be out of the reach of their pursuit next day, since we were well assured they would sollow our track as soon as it was light. The next day we continued travelling till quite dark, and got to the river about two miles above Shannapins. We expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about 50 yards from each shore: The ice I suppose had broken up above, for it was driving in vast quantities.

There was no way for getting over but on a rast: which we set about, but with one poor hatcher, and finished just after sun setting. This was a whole days work: We next got it launched, and went on board of it: Then set off. But before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice, in such a manner that we expected every moment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out my setting pole to stop the rast, that the ice might pass by; when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violenc [...] against the pole, that it jirked me out into ten feet water: But I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft logs. Notwithstanding [Page]withstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore; but were obliged, as we were near an isl nd, to quit out raft and make to it.

The cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his fingers, and some of his toes frozen; and the water was shut up so hard, that we found no difficulty in getting off the island, on the ice, in the morning; and went to Mr. F [...]azier's. We met here with twenty warriors who were going to the southward to war: But coming to a place upon the head of the great Kunnaway, where they found seven people killed and scalped (all but one woman with very light hair) they turned about and ran back for fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as the authors of the murder. They report that the bodies were lying about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten by hogs: By the marks which were left, they say they were French Indians of the Ottoway nation, &c. who did it.

As we intended to take horses here, and it required some time to find them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of the Yaughyaugh gane to visit Queen Alliquippa, who had expreded great co [...]rn that we passed her in going to the sort. I made hear a presont of a [Page]coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best present of the two.

Tuesday the Ist day of January, we left Mr. Frazier's house, and arrived at Mr. Gist's at Monongahela the 2d, where I bought a horse, saddle, &c. The 6th we met 17 horses loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the forks of Ohio, and the day after some familtes going out to settle: This day we arrived at Wills Creck, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. From the first day of December to the 15th, there was but one day in which it did not rain or snow incessantly; and throughout the whole journey we met with nothing but one continued series of cold wet weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings; especially after we had quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency of it.

On the 11th I got to Belvoir; where I stopped one day to take necessary rest; and then set out, and arrived in Williamsburg the 16th; when I waited on his honour the governor with the letter I had brought from the French commandant; and to give an account of the success of my proceedings. This I beg leave to do by oftering the foregoing narrative, as [Page]it contains the most remarkable occurrences which happened in my journey.

I hope what has been said will be sufficient to make your honour satisfied with my conduct; for that was my aim in undertaking the journey, and chief study throughout the prosecution of it.

With the hope of doing it, I, with infinite pleasure, subscribe myself,

Your Honour's most obedient, And very humble servant, G. WASHINGTON.

*

The Ohio and Alligany are the same river.

↵

*

A kind of Indian Money; also given as a present or mark of friendship.

↵

*

Or Wabash, written by the French, Quabach.

↵

On his return from this perilous embassy, with monsieur de St. Piere's answer, and his good success in the Indian negociations Maj. Washington was complimented with the thanks and approbation of his country. His Journal does great credit to his industry, attention, and judgment; and it has since proved of infinite service to those who have been doomed to traverse the same inhospitable tracts.

Governor Dinwiddie's letter to the French commandant and M. de St. Piere's answer were both published in the newspapers in London. The French commandants answer, only stated that he was on French ground, [Page]and by the order of his general to whom he was going to dispatch the governor's letter.

In 1754, the designs of the French becoming more manifest, and their movements more daring, orders were issued by administration for the colonies to arm and unite in one confederacy. The assembly of Virginia took the lead, by voting a sum of money for the public service, and raising a regiment for the protection of the frontiers of the colony. Of this corps, Mr. Fry, one of the professors of the college was appointed Colonel, and Major Washington received the commission of Lieutenant Colonel. Hut Colonel Fry died without ever having joined; and of course lest his regiment to the second in command. Colonel Washington began his march on the 2d. of April, from Alexandria, having under his command one hundred and fifty men. His orders were to march towards the Ohio, there to a [...]t captain Trent to build sorts, and defend the possessions of his majesty against the attempts and hostilities of the French. During his march he was joined by a small detachment under command of captain Stephens, and when he had proceeded as far as Wills-Creck, he received intelligence that captain Trent had been obliged to surrender the fort which he had [Page]erected between the Ohio and French creek, to a body of about eight hundred French, commanded by captain Contrecoeur; whereupon, Colonel Washington deeming it impracticable to march towards the fort without Fussi [...]ient force, thought it most prudent to proceed to open roads so as to pre-occupy the advantageous post at the consluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, which in his preceding Journal he recommends for 01 that purpose. He was to have been joined by a detachment of independent regulars from the southern colonies, together with some companies of Provincials from North Carolina and Maryland. But perceiving the necessity of expedition, and without waiting for their arrival, he commenced his march before they arrived; but, notwithstanding his precipitated advance, the French had already taken possession and erected a fortification, which they named fort Du Quesne, in honour of the marquis du Quesne, the French governor of Canada.

Colonel Washington accordingly proceeded on his march from Wills-Creek; bravely encountering all the obslecles and difficulties of an impervious wilderness, crossing mires, savannas and rivers. His men were some time, forced to ford rivers so deep as to [Page]take them up to the arm-pits; when he had proceeded as far as Turkyfoot, he received inforination that a party of French commanded by M. de Jumonville, were concealed within a short distance of his camp; whereupon, he secured his waggons and put himself in the best means of defence he was capable of, until he had learned the strength of the enemy, and the place where they were.

Having received from the Indians the necessary information, on the night of the 27th May, he set out with his men (except about forty, which was left to guard his ammunition, &c.) and a party of Indians, which the half king sent to his assistance, under a heavy rain, and a night dark as pitch, they travelled along a path scarcely broad enough for one man; they were sometimes fifteen or twenty minutes out of the path before they could come to it again, and so dark, that they would often strike one against another; all night they continued their ront, and in the morning about sun-rise, formed themselves for an engagement, marching one after another in the Indian manner, the enemy did not discover them until they were close upon them, when Colonel Washington's company sired, and was supported by Mr. Wager's; [Page]these two companies received the whole sire of the French, which lasted a quarter of an hour before the enemy was routed out. M. de Jumonville and nine others were killed, one wounded, and twenty one made prisoners. Among the prisoners was the celebrated woodsman, monsieur de la Force, commissary of the French stores, and two other officers. Only one of the whole party escaped. A Canadian, named Monceau, whose report of the action was such, as to impress upon the minds of the French, a belief that Colonel Washington's conduct was highly treacherous and dishonourable. The French account of this engagement is contained in a letter from M. de Contrecoeur to the marquis du Quesne, dated Fort du Quesne, May 23d. 1754. It states that M. de Jumonville set out with a small escort, charged with a written summons, in form of a letter, directed to the first English officer he should meet on the lands claimed by the French king, summoning him to withdraw his troops in peace from said territory, otherwise that they would repel force to force, desiring the English officer to return his answer by M. de Jumonville and to treat that officer with that distinction and respect which he deserved, that the deputy set out, and next morning found [Page]himself surrounded by a number of English and Indians, that the English quicky fired two vollies, which killed some soldiers, that M. Jumonville made a sign that he had a letter from his commander, whereupon the fire ceased, and the English surrounded the French officer, in order to hear it, that as he was reading the summons a second time, he was killed by a musket shot in the head, and, that, had it not been for the Indians, who rushed in between the French and the English, the former would have been all asladinated; that the Indians did not fire upon the French. This report was made the most of by the French, who impressed it upon the minds of the surrounding Indians, as a most shocking and base murder, perpetrated by the express command of Colonel Washington. But the following extract from Colonel Washington's Journal, of his proceedings given in to Governor Dinwiddie, places it in a quite different point of view, he states, via, "We were advanced pretty near to them as we thought, when they discovered us; whereupon, I ordered my company to fire, mine was supported by Mr. Wager's, and my company and his, received the whole fire or the French, during the greatest part of the [Page]action, which only lasted a quarter of an hour, before the enemy was routed.

"We killed Mr. de Jumonville, the commander of that Party, as also nine others; we wounded one, and made twenty-one prisoners, among whom were M. la Force, M. Drouillon, and two Cadets. The Indians scalped the dead, and took away most part of their arms, after which we marched on with the prisoners and the guard, to the Indian camp, where again I held a council with the Half-King; and there informed him that, the governor was desirous to see him, and was waiting for him at Winchester; he answered, that, he could not go just then, as his people were in too eminent a danger from the French, whom they had fallen upon; that he must send messenges to all the allied nations, in order to invite them to take up the Hatchet. He sent a young Delaware Indian to the Delaware Nation, and gave him also a French Scalp to carry to them. This young man desired to have a part of the presents which were allotted for them, but that the remaining part might be kept for another opportunity: He said he would go to his own family, and to several others, and would wait on them at Mr. Gist's, where he desired men and horses should be sent ready to bring them up to our [Page]camp. After this I marched on with the prisoners; They informed me that they had been font with a summons to order me to depart. A plausible pretence to discover our camp, and to obtain the knowledge of our forces and our situation! It was so clear that they were come to reconnoitre what we were, that I admired at their assurance, when they told me they were come as an Embassy; for their instructions mentioned that they should get what knowledge they could of the roads, rivers, and of all the country as far as Potowmack: And instead of c [...]ng as an Embassador, publicly, and in an open manner, they came secretly, and sought after the most hidden retreats, more like deserters than embassadors; in such retreats they encamped, and remained hid whole days together, and that, no more than five miles from us: from thence they sent spies to reconnoitre our camp; after this was done, they went back two miles, from whence the sent the two messengers spoken of in the instruction, to acquaint M. de Contrecoeur of the place we were at, and of our disposition, that he might send his detatchments to inforce the summons, as soon as i should be given.

"Besides, an embaslador has princely attendants; whereas this was only a simple [Page]petty French officer; an embassador has no need of spies, his character being always sacred: And seeing their intention was so good, why did they tarry two days, at five miles distance from us, without acquainting me with the summons, or, at least, with some, thing that related to the embasly? That alone would be sufficient to raise the greatest suspicions, we ought to do them the justice to say, that, as they wanted to hide themselves, they could not pick out better places than they had done.

"The summons was so insolent, and savoured the gasconade so much, that if it had been brought openly by two men, it would have been an immediate indulgence, to have suffered them to return.

"It was the opinien of the half king in this case, that their intentions were evil, and that it was a pure pretence; that they never intended to come tous but as onenies; and if we had been such fools as to let them go, they would never help us any more to take other Frenchmen.

"They say they called to us as soon as they had discovered us, which is an absolute falsehood, for, I was then marching at the head of the company going towards them, and can positively affirm, that, when they [Page]first saw us, they ran to their arms, without calling; as I must have heard them, had they so done."

From the French prisoners, Colonel Washington had intelligence, that the French forces on the Ohio consisted of upwards of one thousand regulars, and some hundreds of Indians. Upon this intelligence, and considering his little army which was somewhat reduced, and entirely insufficient to act offensive against the French and Indians, he fell back to a place known by the appellation of the Great Meadows, for the sake of forage and supplies. Here he built a temporary stockade, merely to cover his stores; it was from its fate called Fort Necessity. Colonel Washington was too sendi le of the advantages of Fort du Quesne, to abandon the idea of taking it. Ever since he lest Wills-creek, he had been indefatigable in his exertions to form the regiment, open roads, and gain the Indians over to the side of the English, as also to watch the operations of the French, and gain a knowledge of their sorts, situation, and forces, even as far as the lakes. He had wrote to the Governors of Pennsylvania and Maryland, requesting their aid in the augmentation of his army. He remained at Fort Necessity for the arrival of some expected [Page]succour from New York and Penasylvania, and remained un molested, until the July sollowing, when his small sorce, even after it was joined by captain M'Kay's regulars did not amount to four hundred effectives, was attacked by an army of French and Indians, computed to have been sixteen hundred strong, under the command of the Sieur de Villiers, the brother of M. de Jumonville. The chief intention of this campaign, the French officer acknowledged, was to revenge the assassination of his brother, and to hinder any establishments on the lands claimed by the king of France.

The Virginians sustained the attack of the enemy's whole force for several hours, and laid near two hundred of them dead in the field, when the French commander, discouraged by such determined resolution, proposed the less dangerous method of dislodging his enemy by a parly, which ended in a capitulation. It was stipulated, that Colonel Washington should march away with all the honours of war, and be allewed to carry off all his military stores, essects and baggage. This capitulation was violated from the ungovernable disposition of the Indians, whom the French commander could not restrain from plundering the provinclas on the outset [Page]of their march, and from making a considerable slaughter of men, cattle and horses. After this disaster the remains of the Virginia regiment returned to Alexandria to be recruitedand furnish with necessary supplies: During this period, the French redoubled their activity and deligence on the Ohio, and in other places, and Virginia who determined to send out a larger force, in the spring following, erected the forts Cumberland and London, and formed a camp at Wills-creek, in order to annoy the enemy on the Ohio. In these several services (particularly in the construction of forts) Colonel Washington was principally employed.

In 1755, the British government sent to this county, General braddock, who was appointed to the command of all the troops and forces which were, or that should be raised in, or sent to, North America; he landed at Williamsburg, Virginia, in February, with two veteran regiments from Ireland, but sent his men up the Potomack to Alexandria, there to encamp until he was joined with the independent and provincial corps of America; with this army he was to penetrate through the country to fort Da Quesne (now fort Pitt) by the rout of Wills-creek to repel the French from the confines of the [Page]British settlements, and as no person was was better acquainted with the frontier country than Coloned Washington, and no one in the colony enjoyed so well established a military character, he was judged to be highly serviceable to General Braddock, but from a royal arrangement of rank, by which "no officer who did not immediately derive his commission from the king, could command one who did." Colonel Washington cheerfully relinquished his regiment and went as a [...] extra aid de camp into the family of General Braddock. In this capacity, at the battle of the Monongahela, on the oth of July, 1755, he attended that General, whose life was gallantly sacraficed in attempting to extricate his troops from the fatal ambuscade into which him over-weaning confidence had conducted them. Braddock had several horses shot under him, before he feli himself; and there was not as officer, whose duty obliged him to be on horse-back that day, excepting Colonel Washington, who was not either killed or wounded. This circumstance enabled him to display greater abilities in covering the retreat and saving the wreck of the army, than he could otherwise have done. As soon as he had secured their passage over the ford of the Monongahela, and found they were not pursued [Page]he hasted to concert measures for their further security with Colonel Dunbar, who had remained with the second division and heavy baggage at some distance in the rear. To effect this he travelled with two guides, all night, through an almost impervious wilderness, not withstanding the fatigues he had undergone in the day, and although he had so imperfectly recovered from sickness, that he was obliged in the morning to be supported with cushions on his horse. The public accounts in Britain and America were not parsimonious of applause for the essential service he had rendered on so trying an occasion.

Not long after this time, the regulation of rank, which had been so injurious to the colonial officers, was changed to their satisfaction, in consequence of the discontent of the officers, and the remonstrance of Colonel Washington; and the supreme power of Virginia, impressed with a due sense of his merits, gave him, in a new and extenfive commission, the command of all the troops raised and to be raised in that colony.

It would not comport with the intended brevity of this sketch, to mention in detail the plans he suggested or the system he pursued for desending the frontiers, until the year 1758, when he commanded the van brigade [Page]of General Forbe's army in the capture of Fort Du Quesne. A similar reason will preclude the recital of the personal hazards and atchievements which happened in the course of his service. The tranquility on the frontiers of the middle colonies having been restored by the success of this campaign, and the health of Colonel Washington having become extrentely debilitated by an inveterate pulmonary complaint, in 1759 he resigned his military appointment. Authentie documents are not wanting to shew the tender regret which the Virginia line expressed at parting with their commander, and the affectionate regard which he entertained for them.

Shortly after Colonel Washington's resignation, his health was gradually re-established and he, married Mrs. Custis *, an amiable young widow, said to have possessed a fortune of twenty thousand pounds starling (about 88,900 dollars) in her own right, besides her dower in one of the principal eslates in Virginia. With this lady Colonel Washington settled as a planter and farmer on his estate in Fairfax county, Virginia.

After some years he gave up planting tobacco, and went altogether into the farming [Page]business. He has raised seven thousand bushels of wheat, and ten thousand of Indian corn in one year. Although he has confined his own cultivation to this domestic tract of about mine thousand acres, yet he possesses excellent lands, in large quantities, in several other counties. His judgment in the quality of soils, his command of money to avail himself of purchases, and his occasional employment in early lise as a surveyor, gave him opportunities of making advantageous locations; many of which are much improved.

Aster he lest the army, until the year 1774, he thus cultivated the arts of peace. He was constantly a member of assembly, a magistrate of his county and a judge of the court, At this period he was appointed by the assembly of Virginia, in conformity with the universal wish of the people, to be one of their four delegates at the first General Congress of delegates from all the provinces, which net at Philadelphia on the 26th of October, 1774, and consilted of fisty-one members. It was with no small reluctance that he engaged again in the active scenes of life; and we incerely believe that no motives but such as spring from the most disinterested patriotism, sould have prevailed upon him to relinquish the most resined domestic pleasure, which it [Page]was ever in his power to command, and the great delight he took in farming and the improvement of his estate.

He was also appointed delegate to the Congress which assembled in 1775, in which in was at length determined, after every step t [...] wards an accommodation had failed, and every petition from America had been rejected, [...] repel by force the invasion from Great-Britain the eyes of the whole Continent were imme [...] diately turned upon Mr. Washington. With one common voice he was called forth to the defence of his country; and it is, perhaps his peculiar glory, that there was not a single inhabitant of these states, except himself, wh [...] did not approve the choice, and place th [...] firmest confidence in his integrity and abilities.

He arrived at Cambridge in New-England in July, 1775, and there took the suprent command of the army of the United colonies. Previous to this period, hostilities ha [...] actually commenced. On the 19th of April 1775, blood was first shed at the battle [...] Concord; and on the 16th of June following the memorable battle of Breed's hill, co [...] monly called Bunker's-hill was fought.

General Washington was received at the camp with that heart felt exultation, which [Page]superior merit alone can inspire, after having, in his progress through the several states, received every mark of affection and esteem, which they conceived were due to the man, whom the whole continent looked up to for safety and freedom.

The following address was presented to him on his accepting the supreme command of the army, by the Provincial Congress of New-York, viz.

ADDRESS, Presented to his excellency General Washington, by the provincial Congress of New-York.

May it please your excellency.

At a time when the most loyal of his majesty's subjects, from a regard to the laws and constitution, by which he sits on thethrone, feel themselves reduced to the unhappy necessity of taking up arms, to defend their dearest rights and privileges —while we deplore the calamities of this divided empire, we rejoice in the appointment of a gentleman, from whose abilities and virtue we are [Page]taught to expect both security and peace.

Confiding in you, sir, and in the worthy generals immediately under your command, we have the most flattering hopes of success in the glorious struggle for American liberty, and the fullest assurances, that, whenever this important contest shall be decided, by that fondest wish of each American soul, an accommodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit committed into your hands, and reassume the character of our worthiest citizen.

By order, P. V. B. LIVINGSTON, president.

New-York, June 26th, 1775.

GENERAL WASHINGTON'S ANSWER.

Gentlemen,

At the same time that with you I deplore the unhappy necessity of such an appointment, as that with which I am now honored, I cannot but feel sentiments [Page]of the highest gratitude, for this affecting instance of distinction and regard.

May your warmest wishes be realized in the success of America, at this important and interesting period; and be assured that every exertion of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be equally extended to the re-establishment of peace and harmony, between the mother country and these colonies; as to the fatal but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen; and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you in that happy hour, when the establishment of American liberty, or the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful and happy country.

G. WASHINGTON.

His conduct as a general and commander in chief is well known. He underwent many hardships, dangers and difficulties and con [Page]ducted his military operations with much skill and ability.

It would not comport with the intended brevity of the present memoirs, for us to particularize, all his transactions in the course of the revolutionary war, the impression which they made, is yet fresh in the mind of every citizen, they are also so intimately connected with the American revolution, a history of which will perhaps soon be presented to the public, from the modest pen of the hero himself, * which will, no doubt, place the whole in a more eminent point of view than has heretosore appeared.

But it is hoped, posterity will be taught, in what manner he transformed an undisciplined body of peasantry into a regular army of soldiers. Commentaries on his campaigns would undoubtedly be highly interesting and instructive to future generations. The conduct of his first campaign, in March, 1776, in compelling the British troops to abandon Boston, by a bloodless victory, will merit a minute narration. But a volume would scarcely contain the mortifications he [Page]experienced, and the hazards to which he was exposed in the years 1776 and 1777, in contending against the prowess of Britain, with an inadequate force. Her armies were far superior to his in number, well organized and disciplined, inured to a camp life, commanded by officers well experienced in military tacticks, and aided by powerful fleets, while his was composed of raw and undisciplined peasants, "just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life—unaccustomed to the din of arms—totally unacquainted with every kind of military skill,"—unsed to the subordination so essentially requisite in an army, and often in want of arms, amunition, cloaths, and even food; often exposed to the inclemency of the weather, in the most vigorous seasons, without tents or even a blanket, and discouraged by the want of regular pay. These circumstances fully account for the unsuccessful issue of his first campaigns.

The battle of Long-Island was fought in August, 1776; his army were driven from their posts by the British; above two thousand Americans fell on the field, and about half that number were taken prisoners. Fort Washington on York-Island, surrendered soon after, with two thousand prisoners: Desertion and sickness added to his misfortunes. [Page]His army, which, at the time Lord Howe landed on Long-Island, amounted to twenty-five thousand men, was now reduced to about one eighth part of the number.

The approach of winter happily checked the progress of the enemy. General Washington's perseverance and intrepidity, improved this circumstance into important advantages. At Trenton, on the morning of the twenty-sixth of December, he surprised a body of the enemy's troops, who, finding themselyes surrounded, without further resistance, agreed to lay down their arms.— Twenty-five ossicers, and nearly one thousand soldiers were made prisoners; while the American army had only four or five men wounded.

On the third of January following, at Princeton, he made another successful attempt, there he took three hundred prisoners. These enterprises cheered the drooping spirits of his men, and again added reputation to the American arms. He afterwards retired to Morristown, and remained during the winter, with an inferior force, but with superior skill, checking the enemy from any further encroachments in that part of the country. We shall not enter into a minute description of the various battles and skirmishes, [Page]in which he was personally engaged during the campa [...]gn of 1777. At the battle of Brandywine, he made a gallant resistance, but was at last forced to quit his ground with the loss of about twelve hundred men killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. At Germantown he was repulsed with the loss of six hundred killed or wounded, and about four hundred prisoners. He afterwards retired to winter quarters at Valley Forge. His army was at this time in a most miserable condition, marching, without stockings or shoes, over the frozen ground, their feet were so gashed, that their steps were marked with blood: Some hundreds of them were without blankets; and in this condition they were in the middle of winter, to sit down in a forest, and build buts for a shelter. The destitute situation of the American army at [...] times, was certainly a means of procrastinating the war; ostentimes it was upon the eve of dissolution, even mutinies have been the consequence, while want of success, prevented many of the soldiers from continuing longer than the period of their short enl [...] ments, and caused frequent desertion. Indeed, nothing but the good destiny and consummate prudence of the commander in chief, prevented want of success from producing [Page]want of confidence on the part of the public; for want of success is apt to lead to the adoption of pernicious counsels, through the levity of the people or the ambition of their demagogues. In the three succeeding years, the germ of discipline unfolded; and the resources of America having been called into co-operation with the land and naval armies of France, produced the glorious conclusion of the campaign in 1781. On the nineteenth of October that year, the army under command of General Washington, forced that of the enemy, the under command of Lord Cornwallis, t [...] make a final surrender; his land forces were made prisoners of war to congrefs; and the naval forces were given up to France. From this time, the gloom began to disappear from our political horizon, and the affairs of the union proceeded in a meliorating train, unti [...] a peace was most ably negociated by our a [...] bassadors in Europe, in 1783, by which thirteen of the American colonies were established as sovereign and independent states.

General Washington having never been is Europe, he could not possibly have se [...] much military service when the armies [...] Britain were sent to subdue America; y [...] still, for a variety of reasons, he was by much [Page]the most proper man on this continent, and probably any where else, to be placed at the head of an American Army. The very high estimation he stood in for integrity and honour, his engaging in the cause of his country from sentiment and a conviction of her wrongs, his moderation in politics, his extensive property, and his approved abilities as a commander, were motives which necessarily obliged the choice of America to fall upon him.

That nature had given him extraordinary military talents, will hardly be controverted by his most bitter enemies; and having been early actuated with a warm passion to serve his country in the military line, he has greatly improved them by unwearied industry, and a close application to the best writers upon tacticks, and by a more than common method and exactness; and, in reality, when it comes to be considered, that at first he only headed a body of men entirely unacquainted with military discipline or operations, somewhat ungovernable in temper, and who at best could only be stiled an alert and good militia, acting under very short enlistments, unclothed, unaccoutred, and at all times very ill supplied with ammunition and artillery; and that with such an army he [Page]withstood the ravages and progress of nearly forty thousand veteran troops, plentifully provided with every necessary article, commanded by the bravest officers in Europe, and supported by a very powerful navy which effectually prevented all movements by water; when, we say, all this comes to be impartially considered, we think we may venture to pronounce, that General Washington will be regarded by mankind as one of the greatest military ornaments of the present age, and that his name will command the veneration of the latest posterity.

No person, but those who had an opportunity of viewing the continental army, can form any adequate idea of its imperfect state when General Washington first assumed the command, nor was it without the most unwearied application and perseverance, which few men but him, could have undergone, that be was able to establish that discipline which ultimately aided his success. From the period he first assumed the command, mutil the final dissolution of the army, his care and anxiety for them continued. The army he considered his family; and aster the embarassments of the day, after the toil and satigues of a battle, we sind him stealing a portion of the time alloted for rest, devising means the [Page]most salutary, for their amelioration, at all times characterized with that economy and frugality which the national resources required.

The following extracts from his official letters to congress on this subject, are worthy of perusal; they do ample justice to his feelings, and must make a lasting impression in the hearts of his fellow soldiers, viz.

Extract from a letter from General Washington the honorable Congress, dated Cambridge, September 21, 1775.

"IT gives me great pain to be obliged to solicit the attention of the honorable Congress to the state of this army, in terms which imply the slightest apprehension of being neglected But my situation is inexpressibly distressing, to see the winter fast approaching upon a naked army; the time of their service within a few weeks of expiring; and no provision yet made for such important events. Added to these the military chest is totally exhausted: the pay master has not a single dollar in hand: the commissary general assures me he has strained his credit, for the subsistence of the army, to the utmost. The quarter-master-general is precisely in the same situation; and the greater part of the troops [Page]are in a state not far from mutiny, upon the deduction from their stated allowance. I know not to whom I am to impute this failure: but I am of opinion, if the evil is no immediately remedied, and more punctually observed in future, the army must absolutely break up. I hoped I had so fully expressed myself on this subject, (both by letter, and to those members of the congr [...]ss who honored the camp with a visit) that no disappoin [...]ment could possibly happen: I therefore hourly expected advice from the pay-master that he had received a freth supply, in addition to the hundred and seventy-two thousand dollars delivered him in August; and thought myself warranted to assure the public creditors that in a sew days they should be satisfied. But the delay has brought matters to such a crisis, as adr [...]its of no f [...]rther uncertain expectation. I have therefore sent off this express, with orders to make all possible dispatch. It is my most earnest request that he may be r [...] [...]rned with all possible expedition, unless the honourable Congress have already forwarded what is so indispensibly necessary."

I have the honor to be, &. G. W.

Camp

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LETTER From General Washington to the President of Congress.

New York, July 25, 1776.

SIR

"DISAGREEABLE as it is to me and unpleasing as it may be to Congress to multiply officers, I find myself under the unavoidable necessity of asking an increase of my aides-de-camp. The augmentation of my command, —the increase of my correspondance, —the orders to give, —the instructions to draw, —cut out more business than I am able to execute in time with propriety. The business of so many different departments centering with me, and by me to be handed on to Congress for their information, —added to the intercourse I am obliged to keep up with the adjacent States, —and incidental occurrences, —all of which require confidential and not hack writers to execute, —renders it impossible, in the present state of things, for my fam to discharge the several duties expected of me, with that precision and dispatch that I could with. What will it be then, when we come into a more active scene, and I am calied upon from twenty difterent places perhaps at the same instant?

[Page] "Congress will do me the justice to believe (I hope) that it is not my inclination or wish to run the contincut to any unnecessary expense; and those who better know me will not suspect that shew and parade can have any influence on my mind in this instance. A conviction of the necessity of it, for the regular discharge of the trust reposed in me, is the governing motive for the application; and, as such, is submitted to congress by,

Sir,

Your most obedient, &c. G. W."

Extract of a letter from General Washington, to the President of Congress.

New-York, Sept. 2, 1776.

SIR.

"AS my intelligence of late has been rather unfavorable, and would be received with anxiety and concern; peculiarly happy should I osteem myself, were it in my power at this time, to transmit such information to congress as would be more pleasing and agreeable to their wishes:—but, unfortunately for me, —unfortunately for them, —it is not.

"Our situation is truly distressing. The check our detachment sustained on the twenty-seventh ultimo, has dispirited t [...] great a [Page]proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, untractable, and impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone off, —in some instances, almost by whole regiments, by half ones, and by companies at a time. This circumstance, of itself, independent of others, when fronted by a well-appointed enemy superior in number to our whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable: but, when their example has infected another part of the army, —when their want of discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and government, have produced a like conduct but too common to the whole, and an entire disregard of that order and subordination necessary to the well-doing of an army, and which had been inculcated before, as well as the nature of our military establishment would admit of, —our condition is still more alarming: and with the deepest concern I am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the generality of the troops.

"All these circumstances fully confirm the opinion I ever entertained, and which I more than once in my letters took the liberty of [Page]mentioning to congress, that no dependence could be put in a militia, or other troops than those enlisted and embodied for a longer period than our regulations heretofore have prescribed. I am persuaded, and as fully convinced as I am of any one fact that has happened, that our liberties must of necessity be greatly hazarded if not entirely lost, if their defence is left to any but a permanent standing army, —I mean, one to exist during the war. Nor would the expense, incient to the support of such a body of troops as would be competent to almost every exigency, far exceed that which is daily incurred by calling in succour, and new enlistments, which, when effected, are not attended with any good consequences. Meo who have been free, and subject to no control, cannot been free, and subject to no control, cannot be reduced to order in an instant: and the privileges and exemptions they clain and will have, influence the conduct of others; and the aid derived from them is nearly counterbalanced by the disorder, irregularity and consusion they occasion.

"I cannot find that the bounty of ten dollars is likely to produce the desired effect, When men can get double that sum to engage for a month or two in the militia, and that militia frequently called out, it is hardly [Page]to be expected. The addition of land might have a considerable insluence on a permanent enlistment."

LETTER, From General Washington to the President of Congress.

Col. Morris's on the Heights of Haerlem, Sept. 24, 1776.

SIR,

"FROM the hours allotted to sleep, I will borrow a few moments to convey my thoughts on sundry important matters to congress. I shall offer them with the sincerity which ought to characterise a man of candor, and with the freedom which may be used in giving useful information, without incurring the imputation of presumption.

"We are now, as it were, upon the eve of another dissolution of our army. The remembrance of the difficulties which happened upon the occasion last year, the consequences which might have followed the change if proper advantages had been taken by the enemy, added to a knowledge of the present temper and situation of the troops, reflect but a gloomy prospect upon the appearances of things now, and fatisfy me beyond the possibility of d [...]ubt, that, unless some [Page]speedy and effectual measures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost.

"It is in vain to expect that any or more than a trifling part of this army will again engage in the service on the encouragement offered by congress, When men find that their townsmen and companions are receiving twenty, thirty, and more doliars, for a few months' service (which is truly the case, it cannot be expected, without using compulsion; and to force them into the ser [...]ce would answer no valuable purpose. When men are irritated, and the passions inslamed, they fly hastily and cheerfully to a [...]ms; but after the first emotions are over * * *, a soldier, reasoned with upon the goodness of the cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears you with patience, and acknowledges the truth of your observations, but adds, that it is of no more importance to him than others. The officer makes you the same reply, with this further remark, that his pay will not support him, and he cannot ruin himself and tamily to serve his country, when every member of the community is equally interested and benefined by his labours. * * *

"It becomes evidently clear then, that, as this contest is not likely to be the work of a [Page]day, —as the war must be carried on systematically, —and to do it you must have good officers, —there are, in my judgment, no other possible means to obtain them but by establishing your army upon a permanent footing, and giving your ossicers good pay. This will induce gentlemen and men of character to engage: and, till the bulk of your officers are composed of such persons as are actuated by principles of honor and a spirit of enterprise, you have little to expect from them. They ought to have such allowances as will enable them to live like and support the characters of gentlemen. * * * Besides, something is due to the man who puts his life in [your] hands, hazards his health, and forsakes the sweets of domestic enjoyment. Why a captain in the continental service thould receive no more than five th [...]ilings currency per day for performing the same duties that an officer of the same rank in the British service receives ten [...]hillings ste [...]ling for, I never could concerve, especially when the latter is provided with every nece [...]a [...]y he requires upon the best terms, and the former can scarce procure th [...]m at any rate. There is nothing that gives a m [...]n consequence and renders him fit for comm [...]nd, like a support that renders him [Page]independent of every body but the state he serves.

"With respect to the men, nothing but a good bounty can obtain them upon a permanent [...]ft [...]blishment; and for no shorter time than the continuance of the war, ought they to be engaged; as facts incontestibly prove that the difficulty and cost of enlistments incr [...]se with time. When the army was first [...] at Cambridge, I am persuaded that the men might have been got, without a b [...]unty, for the war. After this they began to see that the contest was not likely to end so speedily as was imagined, and to feel their consequence by remarking, that, to get in the militia in the course of the last year, many towns were induced to give them a bounty

"Foresecing the evils resuiting from this, and the destructive consequences which unavoidably would follow short en [...]ments, I took the liberty in a long letter (date not now recollected, as my letter book is not bere) to recommend the e [...]listments for and during the war, assigning such reasons for it as experience has since convinced me were well founded. At that time, twenty dollars would, I am per [...]ded, have engaged the men for this term. But it will not do to look book: and if the present opportunity is sipped, I am persuaded [Page]that twelve months more will m [...]rease our difficulties four-fold. I shall therefore take the freedom of giving it as my opinion, that a good bounty be immediately oftered, anded by the proffer of at least a hunched or a hunadred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clo [...]es and blanket to each non-commissioned officer and seldier; as I have good authority for saying, that, however high the men's pay may appear, it is barely sufficient, in the present scarcity and dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in clothes, much less aftord support to their families.

"If this oncoura [...]ement then is given to the men, and such pay allowed the officers as will induce gentlement of character and liberal sentiments to engage, and proper care and precation used in the nomination (having more regard to the characters of persons than the number of men they can enlist,) we thould in a little time have an army able to cope with any that can be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials to form one out of. But while the only merit an officer possosses is his ability to raise men, while those men consider and treat him as an equal, and (in the character of an officer) regard him no more than a broomssick, being mixed together as one common herd, no order nor discipline can [Page]prevail; nor will the officer ever meet with that respect which is essentially necessary to due subordination.

"To place any dependence upon militis, is assuredly resting upon a broken staff, —men just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life, —unaccustomed to the din of arms, — totally unacquainted with every kind of military skill; which being followed by a want of confidence in themselves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, disciplined, and appointed, superior in knowledge, and superior in arms, makes them timid and ready to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sudden change in their manner of living (particularly in the lodging) brings on sickness [...] many, impatience in all, and such an unconquerable desire of returning to their respective homes, that it not only produces shameful and scandalous desertions among themselves, but infuses the like spirit into others.

"Again; men accustomed to unbounded freedom and no control, cannot brook the restraint which is indispensably necessary to the good order and government of an army; without which, licentiousness and every kind of disorder triumphantly reign. To bring men to a proper degree of subordination is not the work of a day, a month, or even a [Page]year: and unhappily for us and the cause we are engaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring to establish in the army under my immediate command, is in a manner done away, by having such a mixture of troops as have been called together within these few months.

"Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regulations of war are for the government of an army, the militia (those properly so called; for of these we have two sorts, the six-months-men, and those sent in as a temporary aid) do not think themselves subject to them, and therefore take liberties which the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy: jealousy begets dissatisfactions; and these by degrees ripen into mutiny, keeping the whole army in a confused and disordered state, —rendering the time of those who wish to see regularity and good order prevail, more unhappy than words can describe. Besides this, such repeated changes ta [...]e place, that all arrangement is set at nought, and the constant fluctuation of things deranges every plan as fast as adopted.

"These, sir, congress may be assured, are but a small part of the inconveniences which might be enumerated, and attributed to militia: but there is one that merits particular [Page]attention, and that is the expense. [...] Certai [...] I am, that it would be cheaper to keep si [...] or an hundred thousand in constant pay than to depend upon half the number, and supply the other half occasionally by militia. The time the latter are in pay before and after they are in camp, aslembling and marching, —the waste of ammunition, the consumption of stores, which, in spite of every resolution or requisition of congress, they must be furnished with, or sent home, —added to other incidental expenses consequent upon their coming and conduct in camp, surpasses all idea and destroys every kind of regularity and economy which you could establish among fixed and settled troops, and will, in my opinion, prove (if the scheme is adhered to) the ruin of our cause.

"The jealousies of a standing army, and the evils to be apprehended from one, are [...] mote, and, in my judgment, situated and circumstanced as we are, not at all to be dreaded: but the consequence of wanting one, according to my ideas formed from the present view of things, is certain and inevitable ruin. For, if I was called upon to declare upon oath, whether the militia have been most serviceable or hurtful upon the whole, I should subscribe to the latter. I do not mean [Page]by this, however, to arraign the conduct of congress: in so doing, I should equally condemn my own measures, if I did not my judgment: but experience, which is the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly and decifively reprobates the practice of trusting to militia, that no man who regards order, regularity and economy, or who has any regard to his own honor, character, or peace of mind, will risk them upon this issue.***

"An army formed of good officers, moves like clock-work: but there is no situation on earth less enviable nor more distressing than that person's who is at the head of troops who are regardless of order and discipline, and who are unprovided with almost every necessary. In a word, the difficulties which have forever surrounded me since I have been in the service, and kept my mind constantly upon the stretch, —the wounds which my feelings (as an officer) have received by a thousand things which have happened contrary to my expectation and wishes, ***—added to a consciousness of my inability to govern an army composed of such discordant parts, and under such a variety of intricate and perplexing circumstances, —induce not only a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it will be [Page]impossible (unless there is a thorought chan [...] in our military system) for me to conduct ma [...] ters in such a manner as to give satisfaction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished for.

"Before I conclude, I must apologize [...] the liberties taken in this letter, and for the blots and scratchings therein, not having time to give it more correctly. With tru [...] I can add, that, with every sentiment of [...] spect and esteem, I am yours and the congress most obedient, &c.

G. W.

LETTER, From General Washington to the Commi [...] of Congress, on a visit to the Camp.

Camp at the Clové July 19, 1777

GENTLEMEN,

"THE little notice I had of your coming to the army, and the shortness of yo [...] stay in camp, will more than probably occasion the omission of many matters which [...] right ought to be laid before you; and the interruption which my thoughts constan [...] meet by a variety of occurrences, must [...] logize for the crude and indigested manner [...] which they are offered.

[Page] "The completion of the continental regiments is a matter of such infinite importance, that I think no means should be left unessayed to accomplish it. Draughting, where the powers of government are adequate, would be the speediest and most effectual: but if it should be thought unadviseable to attempt this mode, —next to it I would recommend that the business of recruiting should be taken entirely out of the hands of the officers of the army, and that each State should appoint some person of known activity (one for instance, who has been a good under-sheriff) in each county or township, not only to recruit, but to apprehend deserters: these persons to be liberally rewarded for each recruit, and deserter whom they shall deliver, at stated periods and places, to officers appointed to receive, discipline, and march them to the army, —none of these recruiters to have the smallest power to act out of their own districts, but to be absolutely fixed to them.

"A mode of this kind would, in my humble opinion, be less burthen some to the public than the present, —prevent the idle habits which recruiting officers contract, not only injurious to themselves, but to others, —the [Page]most effectual means which can be devised or the recovery of deserters, —the surest way of keeping your regiments of equal strength, and of making the duty more equal in the detail of it: in a word, many valuable advantages would result from it, whilst I can suggest but one reason against it, —and that, (fully satisfied I am) when weighed in the scale of interest, will not operate, —I mean, the keeping so many officers in camp, who might be spared from the duties of the field till the regiments are stronger than at present. The sixteen additional regiments labor under such disadvantages in some states, as to render the interposition of congress, in some shape or other, indispensably necessary.

"With respect to food, considering we are in such an extensive and abundant country, no army was ever worse supplied than ours, with many essential articles of it. Our soldiers, the greatest part of last campaign and the whole of this, have scarcely tasted any kind of vegetables, —had but little salt;— and vinegar, which would have been a tolerable substitute for vegetables, they have been in a great measure strangers to. Neither have they been provided with proper drink: beer or cider seldom comes within the verge of the camp, and rum in much too small quantities. [Page]Thus, to devouring large quantities of animal food, untempered by vegetables or vinegar, or by any kind of drink but water, —and eating indifferent bread, (but for this last, a remedy is provided)—are to be ascribed the many putrid diseases incident to the army, and the lamentable mortality that attended us last campaign. If these evils can be remedied, the expense and trouble ought not to be obstacles. Though some kinds of vegetables are not to be had, others are, which, together with sour krout and vinegar, might easily be had, if proper persons acquainted with the business were employed therein.

"Soap is another article in great demand, the continental allowance is too small: and, dear as every necessary of life is now got, a soldier's pay will not enable him to purchase; by which means his consequent dirtiness adds not a little to the diseases of the army.

"I have no reason to accuse the clothier-general of inattention to his department; and therefore, as his supplies are incompetent to the wants of the army. I am to suppose his resources are unequal. Ought not each state then to be called upon to draw such supplies from the country manufactories, as can be afforded? particularly of shoes, stockings, shirts and blankets, —articles indispensably necessary [Page]and of which scarce too many can be provided:—in the mean while every provision to be making, for clothing the troops uniformly and warm in the winter. It is a maxim which needs no illustration, that nothing can be of more importance in an army, than the clothing and feeding it well. On these the health, comfort and spirits of the soldiers essentially depend; and it is a melancholy fact, that the American army are miserably defective in both these respects. The distress most of them are in for want of clothing is painful to humanity, dispiriting to themselves, and discouraging to every officer. It makes every pretention to the preservation of cleanliness impossible, exposes them to a variety of disorders, and abates or destroys that military pride without which nothing can be expected from any army,

"The consequence of giving rank indiscriminately is much to be dreaded: great dissatisfaction has already arisen on account, of bestowing this on officers in the civil departments of the army, on the inserior staff, waggon-master, &c. who, by custom, propriety, and every other motive, are excluded from it in all well-regulated armies. The too great liberality practised in this respect will destroy the pride of rank where it [Page]ought to exist, and will not only render it cheap, but contemptible. It is the policy of all armies to make it valued and respected, as a stimulus to emulation, and an incitement to bold and gallant undertakings: it must be very unadviseable therefore, in our infant state of war, to adopt novel customs to bring it it into discredit—which must and will be the consequence of making it too common, besides the disgust it creates in others.

"An auditor of accounts, to be constantly with the army, is absolutely requisite. It is absolutely impossible for me, crowded as I am with other business, to examine and adjust the numerous complex accounts of the army with that correctness the public have a right to expect, before warrants pass for payment; and, without doing it, great impositions may follow. The provision for making regimental pay-masters regulate all regimental accounts is altogether incompetent to the end proposed from it: for these men being appointed generally agreeable to the recommen lation of the field officers of the regiments they belong to—associating constantly with the officers of their corps, and in a great measure under their control—cannot be considered as sufficiently uninfluenced; nor [Page]are auditors at a distance from the army [...] much use, as it would require a delay not admissable, to send accounts to them to audit before they were passed and paid in consequence of warrants from the commander in chief of the army.

"A good geographer, to survey the ro [...] and take sketches of the country where the army is to act, would be extremely useful, and might be attended with exceeding valuable consequences. He might with propriety have the chief direction of the guides, and must have a head to procure, govern, and pay them. If such a person should be appoved of, I would beg leave to recommend Mr. Robert Erskine, who is thoroughly skilled in this business, has already assisted us in making maps of the country, and has (as I am informed) uniformly supported the character of a fast friend to America.

"A small travelling press, to follow headquarters, would be productive of many eminent advantages. I would enable us to give speedy and exact information of any military transactions that take place, with proper comments upon them, and thereby frustrate the pernicious tendency of fal [...]od and misrepresentation, which in my opinion, of whatever complexion they may be, are, in the [Page]main, detrimental to our cause. If the people had a channel of intelligence, that, from its usual authenticity, they could look up to with confidence, they might often be preserved from that despondency which they are apt to fall into from the exaggerated pictures our enemies and their emissaries among us commonly draw of any misfortunes we meet with, —and from that diffidence of truths favorable to us, which they must naturally feel from the frequent deception they are exposed to, by the extravagant colourings our friends often give to our successes. It would also be very useful to dispatch business in camp, being the most expeditious means of taking copies of orders or other matters that require to be dispersed, and would save a good deal in returns and other papers we are often obliged to get printed in Philadelphia. An ingenious man, to accompany this press, and be employed wholy in writing for it, might render it singularly beneficial.

"I am exceedingly embarrassed how to dispose of the French officers in general, but more especially the artillery officers, who are come out under the sanction of a compact. I can think of no other way than that of forming a separate corps of them, and draughting men from the whole line to compose that [Page]corps: but even this will be attended with many disagreable effects; among others this is not the least, that officers will think themselves much injured to have the men they have had the trouble of raising, taken from them and given to others. There is something in this which is discouraging, and breaks the spirit of a good officer, who prides himself in having a full and complete corps.

"A doubt has arisen, whether a person who belongs to any of the United States of America, and who owed allegiance to any of the said states, —that went to the enemy sometime past, and since that time has been lurking about any of the fortifications, or about any of the encampments of the armies of the United States, plundering and driving off cattle to the enemy, recruiting for them, or committing any other atrocious crime or who is appointed an officer in the enemy's army, —can be tried by a general court-martial, under the resolution of congress of the twenty-first of August, 1776, and punished as a spy.

I have the honor to be, &c. G. W.

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Correspondence between GENERAL WASHINGTON and GENERAL GAGE, respecting the bad treatment of prisoners,

Letter from his excellency General Washington to General Gage.

Head Quarters, Cambridge Aug. 11, 1775.

SIR,

"I understand that the officers, engaged in the cause of liberty and their country, who by the fourtune of war, have fallen into your hands, have been thrown indiscriminately into a common jail, appropriated for felons—that no consideration has been had for those of the most respectable rank, when languishing with wounds and sickness—that some of them have been even amputated in this unworthy situation.

"Let your opinion, sir, of the principle which actuates them, be what it may, they suppose they act from the noblest of all principles, a love of freedom and their country. But political opinions, I conceive, are foreign to this point, The obligations arising from the right of humanity and claims of rank, are universally binding and extensive, except in case of retaliation. These I should have hoped, would have dictated a more tender treatment of those individuals, whom [Page]chance or war had put in your power. Nor can I forbear suggesting its fatal tendency to widen that unhappy breach, which you, and those ministers under whom you act, have repeatedly declared you wish to seeforever closed.

"My duty now makes it necessary to sp. prise you, that for the future, I shall regular my conduct towards those gentlemen of your army, who are, or may be in our possession, exactly by the rule you shall observe towards those of ours who may be in your custody.

"If severity and hardship mark the line of your conduct (painful as it may be to me) your prisoners will feel its effects; but I kindness and humanity are shewn to ours, I shall, with pleasure, consider those in our hands, only as unfortunate, and they shall receive from me that treatment to which the unfortunate are ever entitled.

"I beg to be favoured with an answer as soon as possible, and am, sir,

Your very humble servant, G. WASHINGTON.

His excellency General GAGE.

ANSWER.

Boston, August 13, 1775.

SIR,

"TO the glory of civilized nations, humanity and war have been compatible; and [Page]compassion to the subdued is become almost a general system.

"Britons, ever pre-eminent in mercy; have outgone common examples, and overlooked the criminal in the captive. Upon these principles, your prisoners, whose lives, by the laws of the land, are destined to the cord, have hitherto been treated with care and kindness, and more comfortably lodged, than the king's troops, in the hospitals; indiscriminately, it is true, for I acknowledge no rank that is not derived from the king.

"My intelligence from your army would justify severe recrimination, I understand there are some of the king's faithful subjects, taken some time since by the rebels, labouring like negro slaves, to gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the wretched alternative, to perish by famine, or take arms against their king and country. Those, who have made the treatment of the prisoners in my hands, or of your other friends in Boston, a pretence for such measures, found barbarity upon salshood.

"I would willingly hope, sir, that the sentiments of liberality, which I have always believed you to possess, will be exerted to correct their misdoings. Be temperate in political disquisitions, give free operation to truth, [Page]and punish those who deceive and misrepresent; and not only the effects, but the causes of this unhappy conflict will soon be removed.

"Should those, under whose usurped authority you act, control such a disposition, and dare to call severity retaliation, to God, who knows all hearts, be the appeal for the dreadful consequences. I trust, that British soldiers, asserting the rights of the state, the laws of the land, the being of the constitution, will meet all events with becoming fortitude. They will court victory with the spirit their cause inspires, and from the same motive will sind the patience of martyrs under misfortune.

"Till I read your insinuations in regard to ministers, I conceived that I had acted under the king; whose wishes it is true, as well as those of his ministers, and of every honest man, have been to see this unhappy breach forever closed; but unfortunately for both countries, those, who have long since projected the present crisis, and influence the councils of America, have views very distant from accommodation. I am, sir,

Your most obedient humble servant, THOMAS GAGE.

George Washington, Esq.

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REPLY.

Head Quarters, Cambridge. August 19, 1775.

SIR.

"I addressed you on the 11th instant in terms which gave the fairest scope for the exercise of that humanity and politeness, which were supposed to form a part of your character. I remonstrated with you on the unworthy treatment snewn to the officers and citizens of America, whom the fortune of war, chance, or a mistaken confidence, had thrown into your hands.

"Whether British or American mercy, fortitude, and patience, are most pre-eminent, —whether our virtuous citizens, whom the hand of tyranny has forced into arms, to defend their wives, heir children, and their property, or the mercenary instruments of lawless domination, avarice and revenge, best deserve the appellation of rebels, and the punishment of that cord, which your affected clemency has forborn to inflict—whether the authority under which I act, is usurped, or sounded on the genuine principles of liberty, were altogether foreign to the subject. I purposely avoided all political disquisition, nor shall I now avail myself of those advantages, which the sacred cause of my country, [Page]of liberty, and human nature, give me over you; much less shall I stoop to retort any invective. But the intelligence, you say you have received from our army, requires a reply. I have taken time, sir, to make a strict enquiry, and find that it has not the least foundation in truth. Not only your officers and soldiers have been treated with a tenderness due to fellow-citizens and brethren, but even those execrable paracides, whose councils and aid have deluged their country with blood, have been protected from the fury of a justly enraged people. Far from compelling or permitting their assistance, I am embarrassed with the numbers who croud to our camp, animated with the purest principles of virtue and love of their country. You advise me to give free operation to truth; to punish misrepresentation and falshood. If experience stamps value upon counsel, yours must have a weight which few can claim. You best can tell, how far the convulsion, which has brought such ruin on both countries, and shaken the mighty empire of Britain to its foundation, may be traced to these malignant causes.

"You affect, sir, to despise all rank, not derived from the same source with your own. I cannot conceive one more honorable, than [Page]that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power.— Far from making it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas, would comprehend and respect it.

"What may have been the ministerial views which have precipitated the present crisis, Lexington, Concord, and Charlestown, can best declare. May that God, to whom you then appealed, judge between America and you. Under his providence, those who influence the councils of America, and all the other inhabitants of the united colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are determined to hand down to posterity, those just and invaluable privileges which they received from their ancestors.

"I shall now, sir, close my correspondence with you, perhaps for ever. If your officers, our prisoners, receive a treatment from me, different from what I wished to shew them, they and you will remember the occasion of it.

I am, sir, Your very humble servant, G. WASHINGTON.

General Gage.

[Page] The preceeding letters, will ever convey to the world, a sufficient testimony of the attention and care, which, at all times, General Washington extended to the soldiers under his command. The whole of his official letters, are uniformly characterized with those tender and sympathetic pictures, which the appearance of real want in others impress on a lively and feeling mind, and which was the best calculated to rouse in the minds of congress, a sense of the sufferings of those who were sacrificing their ease, and risking their lives to establish the independence of their country—observe the extreme modesty which he assumes, when he requests for himself, even an cid de camp, which the multiplicity of his cares rendered essential, contrast it with that freedom with which he delivers his opinion on other subjects which regard the comfort of his fellow soldiers only—and with the manly language in which he addresses General Gage, for his ill treatment to those whom the misfortunes of war placed in his power—Then we behold the citizen—the General.

To those ungrateful few, who, stimulated by malice, have heretofore endeavored to sully his honor and military reputation, and to impress upon the public mind, the ungenerous [Page]idea, that he was instrumental to the shedding of innocent bload, and infli [...]ing wanton cruelty upon the prisoners of the enemy, we recommend a perusal of his letters to congress upon that subject, there they will sind him combating the idea with the language of reason, and censuring the inhumane practice. The [...] of the American war, have uniformly represented the case of Major Andrè, as an [...] inhuman murder, on the part of American. On this occasion General Washington sac [...]ed his own feelings, to the "necessities of inexorable justice." The sentence was pronounced with much hesitation, and at its execution he was seen to shed tears.—Nor is it necessary for us to remind them of his fortitude to withstand the threats, or virtue to scorn the bribes, of the emmisaries of the British Cabinet, for one uniform principle of prudence and wisdom seems to have regulated every transaction of his life.

When General Washington received the joyful intelligence of peace, he expressed himself to the army who had accompanied him through the dangers, to [...]s and difficulties of this glorious struggle in the following address,

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ORDERS, Issued by General Washington, to the army.

Head-Quarters, April 18, 1783.

THE Commander in Chief orders the cessation of hostilities between the United States of America and the King of Great-Britain, to be publickly proclaimed to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at the new building: and that the proclaimation which will be communicated herewith be read to-morrow evening at the head of every regiment and corps of the army; after which the chaplains, with the several brigades will render thanks to the Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his over-ruling the wrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations.

"Although the proclamation before alluded to extends only to the prohibition of hostilities, and not to the annunciation of a general peace, yet it must afford the most rational and sincere satisfaction to every benevolent mind, as it puts a period to a long and doubtful contest, stops the effusion of human blood, opens the prospect to a more splendid scene, and, like another morning star, promises the approach of brighter day than hath hitherto illuminated the Westen [Page]hemisphere. On such a happy day, which is the harbinger of peace, a day which completes the eighth year of the war, it would be ingratitude not to rejoice; it would be insensibility not to participate in the general felicity.

"The Commander in chief, far from endeavouring to stifle the felings of joy in his own bosom, offers his most cordial congratulations on the occasion to all the ossicers of every denomination; to all the troops of the United States in general; and in particular to those gallant and persevering men who had resolved to defend the rights of their invaded country, so long as the war should continue. For these are the man who ought to be considered as the pride and boast of the American army; and who crowned with well earned laurels, may soon withdraw from the field of glory to the more tranquil walks of civil life. While the Commander in Chief recollects the almost, infinite variety of scenes through which we have past, with a mixture of pleasure, astonishment, and gratitude; while he contemplates the prespects before us with rapture, he cannot help wishing that all the brave men, of whatever condition they may be, who have shared the toils and dangers of effecting this glorious revolution; of [Page]rescuing millions from the hand of oppression, and of laying the foundation of a great empire, might be impressed with a proper idea of the dignified part they have been called to act, under the smiles of Providence, on the stage of human affairs; for happy, thrice happy! shall they be pronounced hereafter, who have contributed any thing, who have performed the meanest office in erecting this stupendous FABRICK OF FREEDOM AND EMPIRE on the broad basis of independency; who have assisted in protecting the rights of human nature, and established an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions.— The glorious task for which we first flew to arms being accomplished—the liberties of our country being fully acknowledged and firmly secured by the smiles of Heaven on the purity of our cause, and the honest exertions of a feeble people, determined to be free, against a powerful nation, disposed to oppress them; and the character of those who have persevered through every extretnity of hardship, suffering, and danger, being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of the patriot army; nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect unvarying consistency of character through the very last act, to close the drama with applause; and [Page]to retire from the military theatre with the same approbation of angels and men which have crowned all their former virtuous actions. For this purpose no disorder or licentiousness must be tolerated.—Every considerate and well disposed soldier must remember it will be absolutely necessary to wait with patience until peace shall be declared, or congress shall be enabled to take proper measures for the security of the public stores, &c. As soon as these arrangements shall be made, the General is confident, there will be no delay in discharging, with every mark of distinction and honor, all the men in [...]isted for the war, who will then have faithfully performed their engagements with the public. The General has already interested himself in their behalf, and he thinks he need not repeat the assurance of his diposition to be useful to them on the present, and every other proper occasion. In the mean time, he is determined that no military neglects or excesses shall go unpunished while he retains the command of the army.

"The Adjutant-General will have such working parties detached, to assist in making the preparations for a ge [...]al rejoicing, as the chief Engineer with the army shall call for; and the Quarter-Master-General will, without delay, procure such a number of discharges [Page]charges to be printed as will be sufficient for all the men in [...]isted for the war—he will please to apply to head-quarters for the form—An extra ration of liquor to be issued to every man to-morrow to drink, "Perpetual Peace and Happiness to the United States of America."

The following resolutions were passed by Congress, on the 7th of August, 1783, viz.

§

BY THE UNITED STATES, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED.

"Resolved unanimously, Ten States being present: "THAT an Equestrian Statue of General Washington be erected at the place where the residence of Congress shall be established: "Resolved, That the statue be of bronze, the General to be represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head inci [...]l [...]d in a laurel wreath: the statue to be supported by a marble pedestal, on which are to be represented, in basso relievo, the following principal events of the war, in which General Washington commanded in person, viz. The Evacuation of Beston—The Capture of the Hessians at Trenton—The Battle of Princeton—The [Page]action of Monmouth—and the surrender of York. On the upper part of the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows: "The United States in Congress assembled, ordered this statue to be erected in the year of our Lord, 1783, in honour of George Washington, the illustrious commander in chief of the armies of the United States of America, during the war, which vindicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty and independence."

"Resolved, That a statue conformable to the above plan, be executed by the best [...] in Europe, under the superintendence of the Minister of the United States at the Court of Versailles, and that money to defray the expence of the same, be furnished from the Treasury of the United States.

"Resolved, That the Secretary of Congress transmit to the Minister of the United States at the Court of Ver [...]ailles, the best resemblance of General Washington that can be procured for the purpose of having the above statue erected, together with the si [...]est description of the events which are to be the subject of the basso relievo."

On the 26th of August 1783, General Washington, at the request of congress, proceeded to Princetown where the congress was [Page]then sitting, and being introduced by two members, the President addressed him as follows, viz.

§

SIR,

"CONGRESS feel particular pleasure in seeing your Excellency, and in congratulating you on the success of a war in which you have acted so conspicuous a part: "It has been the singular happiness of the United States, that during a war so long, so dangerous and so important, Providence has been graciously pleased to preserve the life of a general, who has merited and possessed the uninterrupted confidence and affection of his fellow-citizens. In other nations many have performed services for which they have deserved and received the thanks of the public; but to you, sir, peculiar praise is due, your services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the freedom and independence of your country; they deserve the grateful acknowledgements of a free and independent nation: those acknowledgements congress have the satisfaction of expressing to your Excellency.

"Hostilities have now ceased, but your country still needs your services; she wishes to avail herself on your talents in forming the a [...]gements which will be necessary for her [Page]in the time of peace; for this reason your attendance at Congress has been requested. A Committee is appointed to confer with your Excellency and to receive your assistiance in preparing and adjusting plans relative to those important objects."

To which his Excellency made the following REPLY.

§

Mr. President,

I AM too sensible of the honourable reception I have now experienced, not to be penetrated with the deepest feelings of gratitude.

"Notwithstanding Congress appear to estimate the value of my life beyond any services I have been able to render the United States, yet I must be permitted to consider the wisdom and unanimity of our national councils, the firmness of our citizens, and the patience and bravery of our troops, which have produced so happy a termination of the war, as the most conspicuous effect of the Divine interposition and the surest presage of our future happiness.

"Highly gratified by the favourable sentiments which Congress are pleased to express of my past conduct, and amply rewarded by the confidence and affection of my fellow-citizens, [Page]citizens, I cannot hesitate to contribute my best endeavours towards the establishment of the national security in whatever manner the sovereign power may think proper to direct, until the ratification of the defiritive treaty of peace, or the final evacuation of our country by the British forces; after either of which events, I shall ask permission to retire to the peacesul shade of private life.

"Perhaps, Sir, no occasion may offer more suitable than the present to express my humble thanks to God, and my grateful acknowledgments to my country, for the great and uniform support I have received in every vicissitude of fortune, and for the many distinguished honours which Congress have been pleased to confer upon me in the course of the war."

After the final conclusion of the peace in 1783, a proclamation was issued by Congress, October 18th, directing the discharge of the army—whereupon General Washington, before he resigned his important charge, delivered the following elegant and pathetic farewell address, to the officers and soldiers, under his command, viz.

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General Washington's farewell orders to the armies of the United States.

Rocky-Hill, near Princeton, November 2, 1783.

The United States in congress assembled, after giving the most honorable testimony to the federal armies, and presenting them with the thanks of their country, for their long, eminent, and faithful services—having thought proper, by their proclamation, bearing date the 18th of October last, to discharge such part of the troops as were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on furlough to retire from service, from and after to-morrow, which proclamation having been communicated in the public papers for the information and government of all concerned; it only remains for the commander in chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the United States (however widely dispersed the individuals who composed [Page]them may be) and to bid them an affectionate —a long farewell.

But before the commander in chief takes his final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight review of the past—he will then take the liberty of exploring, with his military friends, their future prospects, of advising the general line of conduct which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued; and he will conclude the address, by expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced from thern, in the performance of an arduous office.

A contemplation of the complete attainment, at a period earlier than could have been expected, of the object for which we contended, against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. The difadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, [Page]can never be forgotten. The singular interpositions of providence in our feeble condition, were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving; while the unparalled perseverance of the armies of the United States, through almost every posfible suffering and discouragement, for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle.

It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this address, to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to describe the distresses, which, in several insyances, have resulted from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigors of an inclement season; nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. Every American officer and soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances which may have occurred by the recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no inglorious part, [Page]and the astonishing events of which he has been a witness; events which have seldom, if ever before taken place on the stage of human action, nor can they probably ever happen again. For who has before seen a disciplined army formed at once from such raw materials? Who that was not a witness, could imagine, that the most violent local prejudices would cease so soon, and that men who came from the different parts of the continent, strongly disposed, by the habits of education, to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one patriotic band of brothers? or who that was not on the spot, can trace the steps, by which such a wondcrful revolution has been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils?

It is universally acknowledged tha [...] the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the consirmation of our independence and soverei [...]ty, [...] exceed the power of deseription: and [Page]shall not the brave men who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war to the sield of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which have been obtained? In such a republic, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labours? In such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of the soil will unsold to industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers, who are actuaredby the spirit of adventure, the sisheries will afford ample and profitable employment; and the extensive and fertile regions of the west will yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond of domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal independence. Nor is it pos [...] to conceive that any one of the United States will prefor a national bankruptcy, and a dissolution of the union, to a complance with the requisitions of congress [Page]and the payment of its just debts—so that the ossicers and soldiers may expect confiderable assistance, in recommencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to them from the public, which must and will most inevitably be paid.

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of any of the good people of the states, it is earnestly recommended to all the troops, that, with strong attachment to the union, they should carry with them into [...] seciety the most conciliating dirpositions; and that they should prove themselves not less virtuous and usesul as citizens, than they have been persevering and victorious as soldiers. What though there should be some envious individuals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the public has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit, yet let such unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance [Page]of intemperate conduct—let in be remembered, that the unbiassed voice of the free citizens of the United S [...]tes has promised the just reward, and given the merited applause; let it be known and remembered, that the reputation of the federal armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence, and let a consciousness of their atchievements and fame still incite the men who composed them, to honorable actions, under the persuasion, that the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valour, perseverance and enterprize, were in the field. Every one may rest assured that much, very much of the future happiness of the officers and men, will depend upon the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by them, when they are mingled with the great body of the community. And although the general has so frequently given it as his opinion, in the most public and explic [Page]manner, that unless the principles of the federal government were properly supported, and the powers of the union increased, the honour, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost for ever: yet he cannot help repeating on this occafion so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every ossicer and soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best endeavours, to those of his worthy fellow citizens, towards effecting these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends.

The commander in chief conceives little is now wanting to enable the solddier to change his military character into that of the citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behavour, which has generally distinguished, not only the army under his immediate command, but the different detachments and separate armies, through the course of [Page]the war. From their good sense and prudence he anticipates the happiest consequences —and while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion which renders their services in the field no longer n [...]essary, he wishes to express the strong obligations he feels himself under. for the assistance he has received from every class, [...]din e [...]ery instance. He presents his thanks in the most serious and affectionate manner to the general officers, as well for their counsel on many interesting occasions, as for their ardour in promoting the success of the plans he had adopted; to the commandants of regiments and corps, and to the other officers, for their great zeal and attention in carrying his orders promptly into execution; to the staff, for their alacrity and exactness in performing the duties of their several departments; and to the non-commissioned offices and private soldiers, for their extraordinary patience in suffering as well as their invincible fortitude in action [Page]to the various branches of the army, the general takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare professions were in his power, that he was really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself, however, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him, has been done. And being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time of the military character—and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honour to command—he can only again offer, in their behalf, his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of heaven's favours, both here and hereafter, attend those, who under the divine auspices have secured innumerable blessings for others! With these wishes, and this benediction, [Page]the commander in chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn —and the military scene to him will be closed for ever.

E. Hand, adj. gen.

To the preceding address the officers of the part of the army remaining on the banks of the Hudson, returned a suitable answer; they thank [...]d the commander in chief for the communication of his affectionate assurances of his inviolable [...]nment and friendship; they assared his Excellency that although as yet his endeavours to ensure to the armies the just reward of their services, had failed of success, they were convinced that it had arisen from causes which it was not in his power to control, and thould the contemplated measure never be attained, that their patriotism should still remain unthaken: they were happy in the opportunity of congratulating his Excellency on the certain conclusion of the Desinitive Treaty of Peace, assuring him that, relieved at last from long suspense, their warm [...]st with was to return to the bosom of their country, to resume the character of citizens; and that it should be their highest ambition to become [Page]useful ones. To his Excellency, they were convinced that this great event must be peculiarly pleasing; because, while at the head of the armies, urged by patriotic virtues and magnanimity, he persevered, under the pressure of every possible difficulty and discouragement, in the pursuit of the great objects of the war— the freedom and safety of his country;—his heart panted for the tranquil enjoyments of peace. They concluded with sincere prayers to God, long to bestow happiness to their commander, and that when he quits the stage of human life, he may receive from the UNERRING JUDGE, the rewards of valour exerted to save the oppressed, of patriotism and disinterested virtue.

On the 25th of November, 1783, New-York was evacuated by the British army; same day the American troops marched in and took possession of the city, after which General Washington and the governor made their public entry. The arrangement and whole conduct of the march, with the tranquility which succeeded it through the day and night, was admirable! and the grateful citizens, feeling the most affectionate impressions from the elegant and efficient disposition which prevailed through the whole event, on their returning from exile, addressed his Excellency [Page]the commander in-chief in behalf of themselves and their suffering brethren, looking up to him with unusual joy, they welcomed him to the city, long torn from the [...] by the hand of oppression, but which by his wisdom, under the guidance of Providence, had again been rendered the seat of pence and freedom, they assured him that they should preserve to the last, their gratitude for his services and veneration for his character, and required him "to accept of their sincere and earnest wi [...]hes, that he may long enjoy that calm domestic felicity, which he had so generously sacrificed; that the cries of injured liberty may never more interrupt his repose; and that his happiness may be equal to his virtues."

Previous to General Washington's leaving New-York, on the 6th of December, the principal officers of the army then in the city, assembled at Frances' [...]avern, to take a final leave of their illustrious and much loved commander. The passions of human nature were never more tenderly agitated than in this interesting scene. His Excellency having silled a glass of wine, thus addressed his brave fellow soldiers:— "With a heart full of love and gra [...]de I now take leave of you: I most d [...]tly wish[Page]that your latter days may be prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and bonourable."

These words produced extreme sensibility on both sides, they were answered by warm expressions, and servent wishes, from the gentlemen of the army, whose truly pathetic seelings it is not in our power to convey to the reader. Soon after this scene was closed the Governor, the council and citizens of the first distinction waited on the General, and in terms the most affectionate, took their leave— The corps of Light Insantry was drawn up in a line, and the Commander in Chief passed through them, on his way to White-hall where he embarked in his barge for Powles Hook from whence he proceeded to Philadelphia, where he made a short s [...]ay. Here he delivered to the Comptroller of the public Treasury an account of the expenditure of all the public money which he had received duling the war, by which it appeared, that the who'e sum which had gone through his hands only amounted to fourteen thousand four hundred and seventy-nine pounds, eighteen shillings and nine-pence sterling, about sixty-four thousand three hundred and fifty dollars, nearly one handred and fifty dollars per week.

[Page]

From Philadelphia he proceeded to Annapolis where the Congress was then sitting, and having obtained leave, he terminated his military career, and resigued his commission on the 23d of December, upon this occasion he delivered the following short and pathetic address, viz.

General Washington's Address to Congress, on the resignation of bis Commission.

Mr. President,

"THE great events, on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country.

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation—I resign, with satisfaction, the appointment I accepted with dissidence, [Page]a diffidence in my abilities to accomplice so arduous a task, which, however, was superceded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of Heaven.

"The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations: and my gratitude for the in [...]erpontion of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest.

"While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice to my own fcelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family, should be more for [...] [...] permit me, sir, to recommend in particular those who have continued [...] the service to the present [...] [Page]as worthy the favorable notice and patronage of congress.

"I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping.

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action; and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life.

G. WASHINGTON.

City of Annapolis, Dec. 23, 1783.

Answer of Congress,

SIR,

"THE United States in congress assembled, receive, with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities under which [Page]you have led their troops with success, through a perilous and doubtful war.

"Called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge before it had sor [...]ned alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a government to support you.

"You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power, through all disasters and changes; you have, by the love and confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity; you have persevered, till these United States, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been enabled under a just Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety and independence; on which happy event, we sincerely join you in congratulations.

"Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world—having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict, [Page]and to those who feel oppression— you retire from the great theatre of action, with the blessings of your fellow-citizens; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command: it will continue to animate remotest ages. We feel, with you, our obligations to the army in general, and will particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential officers, who have attenden your person to this affecting moment.

"We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation; and for you, we address to him our carnest prayers, that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his care; that your days may be happy as they have been illustrions; and that he will finally give you that reward which this world cannot give."

[Page] With these becoming sentiments, General Wathington retired from the toils of war [...] enjoy in private the rural pleasures of Mount Vernon, carrying with him the thanks and blessings of a grateful people, emulating the example of the virtuous Roman General, * who, victorious, left the tented field, covered with honour, and withdrew from public life.

No person, who had not the advantage of being picsent when he received the intelligence of peace, and who did not accompany him to his domestic retirement, can describe the relief which that joyful event brought to his labouring mind, or the supreme satisfaction with which he withdrew to private life. From his triumphal entry into New York, upon the evacuation of that city by the British army, to his arrival at Mount Vernon, after the resignation of his commission to Congress, festive crowds impeded his passage through all the populous towns, the devotion of a whole people pursued him with pravers to Heaven for blessings on his head, while their gratitude sought the most expressive language of manisesting itself to him, as their cournon father and benefactor. When he became a private citizen he had the unusual felicity to find that his native state was among [Page]the most zealous in doing justice to his merits; and that stronger demonstrations of affecti [...]nate esteem (it possible) were given by the citizens of his neighbourhood, than by any other description of men on the continent As he always refused to accept of any pecuniary compensation for his public services, or provision for the augmented expenses which he must have shcurred in consequence of his public employment, no salary was ever annexed by congress to his important command, and he only drew weekly for the expenses of his public table and other necessary demands, although proposals have been made in the most delicate manner, particularly by the states of Virginia and Pennsylvania. His conduct in this particular is noble and magnanimous, and exhibits to the world an undeniable evidence of self disinterestedness, of the purity of his his motives and integrity of his heart. His answer to the Governor of Virginia declining the acceptance of a present from that state, is, so characteristic of his whole public conduct, that we are induced to give it in his own words, and we are convinced it will prove acceptable to his admirers.

[Page]

LETTER, From his excellency General Washington, to the Governor of Virginia, declining the acceptance of fifty shares in the companies for opening the navigation of James and Patomac rivers, which had been vested in him by act of the legislature of that commonwealth, as a small acknowledgement of his merits and services.

"Your excellency having been pleased to transmit me a copy of the act appropriating to my benefit, certain shares in the companies for opening the navigation of James and Patomac rivers. I take the liberty of returning to the assembly, through your hands, the profound and grateful acknowledgements, inspired by so signal a mark of their benesicent intenrions towards me. I beg you, sir, to ass-ure them, that I am filled on this occasion, with every sentiment which can flow from a heart, warm with love for my country—sensible to every token of its approbation and affection, and solicitous to testify, in every instance, [Page]a respectful submission to its wishes. With these sentiments in my bosom, I need not dwell on the anxiety I feel, in being obliged in this instance to decline a favor, which is rendered no less flattering by the manner in which it is conveyed, than it is affectionate in itself. In explaining this obligation. I pass over a comparison of my endeavours in the public service, with the many honorable testimonies of approbation, which have already so far over-rated and over-paid them—reciting one consideration only, which supercedes the necessity of recurring to every other. When I was first called to the station with which I was honored during the late conslict for our liberties; to the diffidence which I had so many reasons to feel in accepting it, I thought it my duty to join A FIRM RESOLUTION TO SHUT MY HAND AGAINST EVERY PECUNIARY RECOMPENSE. To this resolution I have inviolably adhered; and from this resolution (if I had [Page]the inclination,) I do not consider myself at liberty to depart. Whilst I repeat, therefore, my fervent acknowledgments to the legislature for their very kind sentiments and intentions in my favour, and at the same time beg them to be persuaded that a remembrance of this singular proof of their goodness towards me, will never cease to cherish returns of the warmest affection and gratitude; I must pray that their act, so far as it has for its object my personal emolument, may not have its effect. But if it should please the general astembly to permit me to turn the destination of the fund vested in me, from my private emolument to objects of a public nature, it will be my study, in selecting these, to prove the sincerity of my gratitude, by preferring such as may appear most subservient to the enlightened and patriotic views of the legislature. I am, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

[Page] Upon this request, the legislature of Virginia, repealed so much of the act referred to as related to the vesting the above-mentioned shares in General Washington and heirs, and enacted that the shares and profits accruing therefrom, should stand appropriated to such objects of a public nature as his Excellency should direct and appoint. Sometime afterwards, General Washington applied these shares of the canal company to the erection and establishment of two seminaries of learning in Virginia, which were accomplished under his immediate direction.

General Washington having retired from all public employment, now assumed the character of a private gentleman, he employed himself in improving his farms and plantation, and in cultivating the arts of peace.— But in this retreat of happiness and rural simplicity he was not sussered long to remain, it was too soon for the father of America to leave his insant care, his well tried virtues were generally and justly known to his fellowcitizens, and their confidence in his judgment, experience and disinterested patriotism, was universal even to enthusiasm. Four years had not expired from the period at which he resigned his military command, when the voice of his country again called [Page]him to its service—in the year 1787, he was elected a delegate to the federal convention which met at Philadelphia to form the new constitution, and was chosen president thereof. Whatever difference of sentiment there might have been amongst the citizens with regard to the principle, structure, or adoption of the new constitution, there appeared but one sentiment as to the man who should sit at the helm of its administration. General Washington, after the adoption of the federal constitution, was, on the 6th of April, 1789, unanimously elected President of the United States—whereupon the citizens testified with becoming joy, their confidence and approbation at his appointment to the office of chief magistrate, and innumerable addresses reiterated his praise from every part of the union.

His triumphal entry into Philadelphia on his way to New-York, the seat of government, to assume the duties of his important office, merit a minute description, Early on the morning of the 20th of April, his Excellency Thomas Mifflin, Esq. governor of the state, the Hon. Richard Peters, Esq. speaker of the legislature of the state, the old city troop of horse, and another troop from the city commanded by captain Bingham, waited the arrival of their beloved Washington, at [Page]the line between the states of Pennsylvania and Delaware, to which place they had proceeded on the evening before.

After paying him the tribute of military honor due to his rank and exalted character, by proper salutes and otherwise, they escorted him into Chester, where they breakfasted, and rested a couple of hours.

This great and worthy man, finding he could not posiibly elude the parade which necessarily must attend manifestations of joy and affection, when displayed by a grateful people, to their patriot benefactor, ordered his carriages into the rear of the whole line, and mounted an elegant horse, accompanied by the venerable patriot Charles Thomson, Esq. and his former aid-de-camp, the celebrated Colonel Humphries; both of whom were also on horse-back.

On their way to the city, they were joined by detachments from the Chester and Philadelphia troops of horse, and also by a number of respectable citizens, at whose head was the worthy citizen and soldier, his Excellency Arthur St. Clair, Esq. governor of the Western Territory. Thus they proceeded to Gray's ferry, on Schuylkill; observing the strictest order and regularity during the march. But here such a scene presented itself, that [Page]even the pencil of a Raphael could not delineate.

The bridge was highly decorated with laurel and other evergreens, by Mr. Gray, the ingenious Mr. Peale, and others, and in such a style as to display uncommon taste in these gentlemen. At each end there were erected magnificent arches, composed of lanrel, emblematical of the ancient triumphal arches, used by the Romans, and on each side of the bridge, a laurel shrubbery, which seemed to challenge even nature herself, for simplicity, ease and elegance. And as our beloved WASHINGTON passed the bridge, a lad, beautifully ornamented with sprigs of laurel, assisted by certain machinery, let drop, above the hero's head, unperceived by him, a civic crown of laurel. There was also a very elegant display of variegated flags on each side of the bridge, as well as other places, which alternately caught the eye, and filled the spectator's soul with admiration and delight.

But who can describe the heart-felt congratulations of more than twenty thousand free citizens, who lined every fence, field, and avenue between the bridge and city? The aged sire, the venerable matron, the blooming virgin, and the ruddy youth, were all emulous in their plaudits—nay the lisping [Page]infant did not withhold its innocent smile of praise and approbation.

In short, all classes and descriptions of citizens discovered (and they felt what they discovered) the most undisguised attachment and unbounded zeal for their dear chief, and I may add, under God, the Saviour of their country. Not all the pomp of majesty, not even imperial dignity itself, surrounded with its usual splendor and magnificence, could equal this interesting scene.

On approaching near the city, our illustrious chief was highly gratified with a further military display of intantry, and artillery, who joined in the procession, and thousands of freemon, whose hearts burned with patriotic fire, also fell into the ranks, almost every square they marched, until the column swelled beyond credibility itself, and having conducted the man of their hearts to the city tavern, he was introduced to a very grand and plentiful banquet, which was prepared for him by the citizens. At dinner, thirteen patriotic toasts were drank. The pleasures and testivity of the day being over, they were succeeded by a handsome display of fire-works in the evening; this may give a faint idea of this glorious procession, and of the universal [Page]joy which inspired every heart upon this in teresting, this important occasion.

Having arrived at the seat of government he delivered the following inaugural address to both houses of Congress, viz.

Inaugural Address of the President of the United States to both bouses of Congress.

Gentlemen,

"Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties, than that, of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the fourteenth day of the present month: on the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predeliction, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years: a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions [Page]in health, to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust, to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence, one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own desiciencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver, is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance, by which it might be affected. All I dare hope, is, that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens—and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as [Page]disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me—my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated.

"Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station—it would be peculiarly improper to omit in the first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who precides in the councils of nations, — and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every instrument, employed in its administration, to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and [Page]private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some tokens of providential agency. And in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their United government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflexions, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves [Page]too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking, that there are none under the influence of which, the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.

"By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the president "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject, farther than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which [Page]adorn the characters selected to devise and to adopt them. In these honourable qualifications. I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments—no separate views—nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of free government, be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire: since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims [Page]of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity: since we ought to be no less persuaded, that the propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which heaven itself hath ordained: and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.

"Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations [Page]on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confiderce in your discernment and pursuit of the public good: for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience; a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.

"To the preceding observations, I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the house of representatives. It concerns myself, and therefore will be as brief as possible. when I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on [Page]the eve of an arduous struggle for in liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty, required that I should renounce every pecuniary comperisation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed. And being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments, which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favor the American people, [Page]with opportunities for deliberating in perfect [...]anquility, and dispositions for deciding with unparalled unanimity on a form of government, for the security of their union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this government must depend.

G. WASHINGTON.

The first session of congress, under the new constitution, continued their sittings from the 4th of March until the 29th of September, their attention was chiefly directed towards the establishment of various regulations for the restoration of the public credit of the United States, and other objects of political economy. During the period of the session, the President resided at New-York, sanctioning the proceedings of the legislature, and otherwise organizing the federal government. Shortly after the riting of congress, he made [...] tour to the states of Connecticut, Massachusetts, [Page]setts, and N. Hampshire, attended by Messrs. Lear and Jackson, his secretaries. In every part of the country through which he passed, the citizens embraced the opportunity of personally testifying their esteem and respect of the man of their choice, in whose character, whatever is great and good—whatever dignifies and adorns human nature, are so happily united. All that a grateful people could pay, was paid, whenever he approached a town or village, the roads were lined with citizens to hail him welcome, —the military escorted him from place to place. Particularly to relate all the grateful testimonials which were paid him during this visit, is impossible from their number. If our limits would permit, a description of the manner in which he was received at Boston would be particularly interesting; nor can we specify the numerous congratulatory addresses which were presented him. But no particular circumstance gave him more pleasure, during his whole tour, than the plain and hearty manner in which Mr. Northey, the chairman of the selectmen at Salem received him. This gentleman is of the society of Friends, and when the President was presented to the selectmen, Mr. Northey being covered, took him by the hand and said, "Friend Washington, [Page]we are glad to see thee, and in behalf of the inhabitants, bid thee a hearty welcome to Salem."

On his arrival at Newburyport, the following incident occurred, a poor old soldier, naned Cotton, who was with him in the memorable battle on the Ohio, when Braddock was defeated, requested, and was admitted into the room where the President was, —on the soldier's asking "how Major Washington lid?" the President immediately recollected his person, and rising from his chair, took him by the hand, and tenderly enquired into the scenes of his life, and present circumstances, "I thank God," answered the soldier, "that I have an opportunity of seeing my old commander once more, I have seen him in adverfity, and now seeing him in glory, I can go home and die contented." The next morning, he came again to take leave of the President, who gave him a guinea, which he accepted he said, "merely as a token in remembrance of his commander," and which he wore pendent on his bosom, declaring that nothing earthly should separate it from him.

While General Washington was President of the United States, the following circumstance, which does honor to his humanity occurred. One Reuben Rouzy, of Virginia, [Page]owed him about a thousand pounds; one of the President's agents brought a suit for the money, judgment was obtained, and execution issued against the body of the defendant, who was taken to goal. He had a considerable landed property, but this kind of property, cannot be sold in Virginia for debts, unless at the discretion of the person. He had a large family, and preserred lying in goal to selling his land, for the sake of his children. —Some of his acquaintance hinted to him, that probably General Washington did not know any thing of the proceeding, and it might be well to send him a petition, with a statement of the circumstances. He did so, and the very next post from Philadelphia, after his petition arrived, brought him a releasement, with a severe reprimand on the agent for acting in such a cruel manner without consent. Poor Rouzy was, in consequence, restored to his family and happiness, who never laid down their heads at night, without offering their prayers to Heaven for our much beloved WASHINGTON.

On the 4th of January 1790, congress held their second session at New-York. The President opened it with a speech, he congratulated them on the savorable prospects which the public affairs then assumed; the accestion of [Page]the state of North-Carolina to the Union, the rising credit and respectability of the country, and the concord, peace and plenty with which they were blessed: he directed their attention towards the making provision for the common defence, assuring them that "to be prepared for war, is one of the most effectual means of preseving peace, and that a free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined;" he recommended the protection of the Western and Southern frontiers against the depredations of the hostile Indians; the establishment of intercourse with other nations; the framing of an uniform law for the naturalization of foreigners; the importance of uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures throughout the Union; the advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; the encouragement of exertions of skill, and genius, and to facilitate the intercourse between the distant parts of the country, by a due attention to the post-ostice and post-roads. He particularly recommended the promotion of science and literature, as the surest basis of public happiness, and best means of securing a free constitution, by teaching the people to know and to value their rights, to discern and provide against innovations of them, to distinguish [Page]between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority, to descriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherrishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. He informed them that he had directed the papers and estimates to be laid before them, which were necessary to convey to them, that information of the state of the Union, which it was his duty to afford. He concluded by assuring them, that "He should derive great satisfaction, from a co-operation with them, in the pleasing, though arduous task, of ins [...]ring to their fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient government."

This session continued their sittings until the 12th of August following; in that month the President negotiated a treaty of Peace and friendship between the United States and the Creek nation of Indians; the ceremony took place at New-York, on the 30th of September. The same year General Harmar, with 320 United States troops and 1, 133 militia, gave battle to the Miami Indians, by whom he was defeated with the loss of 183 men killed, and 31 wounded; about 100 or upwards of the Indians were killed. The [Page]Miami village containing about 100 Log houses or wigwams, with 20,000 bushels of corn, was destroyed.

The third session of Congress met on the 6th of December 1790, and rose on the 3d of March following; their deliberations were chiefly directed towards the regulation of commerce, further improvement of the judicial system, and making provision for the appointment of consuls in foreign countries. The state of Kentucky was admitted into the Union as a distinct state, and a loan was negociated with the states of Holland.

The Indian war continued on the frontier of the states. During the summer of 1791, General Scott surprised the Wabash towns, he killed about thirty Indians, took fisty prisoners and brought with him two hundred horses loaded with peltry and other articles of plunder, with the loss of three men only. The attention of the President during the period of this Congress, was chiefly directed towards the adoption of measures for the protection of the froutiers, and establishment of commerce.

On the 24th of October 1791, the second Congress commenced their first session, the President as usual opened the session by a speech to both houses, he began by remarking [Page]the abundance of the preceding harvest, the progressive state of agriculture, manufactures, commerce and navigation, and the general and happy effects which had been produced by the revival of public and private confidence, to which the laws of the United States had so eminently contributed. He mentioned the plan laid down for conciliating the friendship of the Indians; the basis of which was a strict adherence to the dictates of justice and humanity. The act for laying a duty on distilled spirits, had been, he said, attended with some difficulty, from the want of experience in the Federal government, to make the proper arrangements, and, in some parts of the union, there had been a misconception of its provisions; but he entertained no doubt that the discontent produced from it would be removed by a proper explanation of the law. The President next observed, that, agreeable to several acts on that subject, a district of ten miles square, for the permanent seat of the government of the United States, had been fixed upon, and announced by proclamation; that the district comprehended lands on both sides of the Patowmac, and the towns of Alexandria and Georgetown; that a city had accordingly been laid out, and that there was every reason to expect [Page]a due progress in the buildings. He also informed the two houses that a census of the inhabitants of the United States, had been almost compleated, and afforded the pleasing assurance that the present population bordered upon four millions of persons, that a further loan of two millions and an half of florins had been compleated in Holland upon terms similar to the last, and that another loan for six millions of florins had been set on foot. He concluded by recommending to their particular attention, the supporting of the militia on an effective plan; the administration of the post-office, the extention and improvement of the post roads, the necessity for a public mint, an uniformity of weights and measures, and a provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the United States.

This session continued their deliberations, until the 8th of May, 1792, when they adjourned till the first Monday of November following. During their session and adjournment, there was no remarkable or important event, a series of massacres, were, as formerly committed on the frontiers, the hopes expressed by the President, of being able to accommodate the disputes with the Indians, did not prove successful. On the 4th of November, 1791, the United States army under [Page]the command of General St. Clair was attacked by surprise, within fifteen miles of the Miami village; the contest lasted for four hours, when the Indians became victorious, the retreat of the Americans was accomplished with the loss of forty-six officers, six hundred privates, eight pieces of artillery and their whole baggage. In this battle, it is said, that twelve hundred Canadians fought under the disguise of Indians. The attention of the Executive during this period, was also engaged in devising modes to reconcile the citizens in some districts of the union to the law, enacted for the purpose of collecting a certain duty o [...] spirits, distilled within the United States, in [...]ome of the provinces, particularly the weste [...]n parts of Pennsylvania, where a regular and formidable opposition began to manifest itself, in consequence of which, the special interposition of the President was deemed advisable. He issued a proclamation, recommending a compliance with the laws, and warning the citizens against all unlawful proceedings and combinations, having a tendency to obstruct the same.

The second Congress met again in November 1792. The President opened the session with a speech, the greatest part of which respected the unfortunate endeavours to terminate [Page]the Indian hostilities. He informed Congress of the opposition which had been manifested to the excise law, and recommended a revision of the judiciary system. He further observed, that three loans had been negociated for the use of the United States, one at Antwerp, and two at Amsterdam, each for three millions of florins, on very reasonable terms, which afforded a pleasing evidence of the increasing credit of the new government. On the 2d of March 1793, this session adjourned.

Heretofore the prosperity of the United States met with little or no interruption, except from the hostility of the Indians. The attention of the executive was chiefly directed to the establishment of those measures which the organization of the infant republic rendered necessary. Th [...] extension of commerce and the disputes of the European powers, rendered it necessary for the United States to send and receive, ministers and agents, for the better regulation of affairs.

This necessary measure created troubles and perplexities hitherto unknown to the executive of the United States. On the 8th of April, 1793 Citizen Genet arrived at Charleston, as minister plenipotentiary from the executive of France to the President of the United States. On the 2 [...]d of the same month [Page]the President issued a proclamation enjoining the citizens of the United States to a strict neutrality, in the contest between the maritime powers, and threatening prosecution to all who should infringe the same. The public approbation of this wise measure, for the preservation of the public tranquility, was manifested in numerous addresses to the President, thanking him In warm terms for his attention to the interest of the citizens—many however were offended at the measure, as they conceived that it implied a deficiency of respect and gratitude to the republic of France, to whom the United States were highly indebted for their independence. Genet arrived in Philadelphia, the seat of government, on the 17th of May. The conduct of this minister is perhaps unexampled in diplomatic history. It was not until the publication of the proclamation of the President enjoining neutrality, that the government first heard of his arrival, and even then, they were only informed through the medium of the news-papers, about a fortnight after his arrival; instead of presenting his credentials to the President, he began to assume a conduct, imprudent and unbecoming, he undertook to authorise the fitting out of armed vessels, he enlisted citizens and others, and gave commissions [Page]to cruise and commit hostilities against the vessels of England and other nations at war with France, but who were at the same time at peace with the United States. These vessels had actually taken prizes, brought them into American ports, where the consuls of France held courts of admiralty, tried, condemned, and authorised their sale as legal prizes. These proceedings, in opposition to the peace of the United States, were instantly complained of by Mr. Hammond the British Minister—Thus were the seeds of future controversy planted. The government of the United States interfered, and in some cases overruled the proceedings of both the British and French as illegal, remonstrances were exhibited to the President from both sides, which created a series of diplomatic correspondence. A new source of discontent on the part of the French now arose, Genet demanded with some abruptness, money from the Treasury of the United States in part payment of their debt to France with which the American government found it inconvenient to comply. This state of diplomatic hostility could not be expected to hold out long without coming to a crisis. Accordingly on the 16th of August the President ordered Mr. Jesterson the secretary of state to address [Page]a letter to Mr. Morris the American Ambassador in France, soliciting the republic to recall their Minister. In the mean time Citizen Duplaine, Vice consul for the republic of France, in the port of Boston, having committed sundry encroachments on the laws of the United States, the President in consequence thereof, suspended his powers.

The term for which General Washington was elected President having expired, he was again re-elected to the same office. On the 2d of December, 1793, the third congress commenced their first session. The President, in his speech to both houses expressed a respectful sense of the confidence that he enjoyed, in being again called, by the suffrage of his fellow-citizens, to the office of chief magistrate. He recited the measures which he had adopted to avoid a rupture with any of the powers at war, and to insure to the citizens of the United States, the rights of neutrality. He further recommended to congress, the necessity of placing the country in a state of defence; that while the United States fulfilled their duties to the rest of the world, they may likewise exact the fulfillment of the like duties towards them. He informed them of the means which had been pursued for conciliating the dispositions of [Page]the Indians, and recommended to congress to make provision for the establishment of commerce with the Indian nations, as the best means of securing their interest, and rendering their tranquility permanent; he concluded by recommending a repeal of the tax on the transportation of public prints, as they contained the best means of informing the minds, and securing the affections of their constituents;—he afterwards, by a special message, informed the house of representatives, "that although the government of the French nation, had generally manifested a friendly disposition to the U. States, yet the person unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary, had breathed nothing of the friendly disposition of the nation which sent him; his proceedings had uniformly tended "to involve us in war abroad, and discord and anarchy at home." He hoped that the French government would not long suffer the United States to remain exposed to the action of a person, who had so little respected the mutual dispositions of the two countries. Soon after this period, this minister was recalled, his conduct having been unequivocally disapproved of. About this period the commerce of the United States, began to suffer greatly, from the depredations of the [Page]British, under pretence of their being loaded with French property—it also suffered from the piracy of privateers, who, for the most part disclaiming justice altogether, seized both vessels and cargo, and disposed of the same for their own use; a considerable number of American vessels were likewise captured in the Western Ocean by the Algerine corsairs. These subjects were assumed by congress, and many modes were proposed for the purpose of putting a stop to the unwarrantable excesses. A bill was passed, to provide a naval armament against the Algerines. On the 25th of March, a motion was made in the house of representatives, assented to by the senate, and signed by the President, laying an embargo for 30 days on all vessels bound to foreign ports, this embargo was afterwards continued until the 25th of May. The President was empowered to raise an additional corps of artillery-men for the purpose of garrisoning the fortifications for the defence of the sea-coasts; he was also authorized to call on the executives of the different states, to take effectual measures for organizing eighty thousand effective militia.

On the 19th of May, intelligence was received from the territory N. W. of the river Ohio, stating the hardships which the citizens [Page]of that territory sustained from the hostile disposition of the Cherobee Indians; the massacre of two hundred people, and the loss of two thousand horses, formed a part of the list of their disasters. On the 20th of May the President, by a message, informed the house of representatives, that there had been some danger of hostilities against the territories of Spain, in the neighbourhood of the United States, that the governor of Kentucky had indicated, that he would make no exertions to prevent the expulsion of the Spaniards from the banks of the Mississippi, as he had found them a perfidious and worthless people, constantly exciting the Indians to murder the settlers in that quarter.

During this session of congress, many important laws were enacted. The act assigning to the Marquis de la Fayette, the sum of 24,424 dollars, for his services during the war, being the pay of a major general; and the act forbidding American citizens or foreigners residing in the United States, under severe penalties, from being concerned in the slave trade, does great honor to the legislature. On the 9th of June, 1794 this session adjourned.

In 1794, during the recess of congress, the attention of the President of the United [Page]States, was called to suppress an insurrection, which began to assume a very formidable aspect. It was confined to the western parts of the state of Pennsylvania. The outlines of it are as follows, viz. During the year 1790, the congress of the United States found it necessary "t lay and collect excises." This mode of taxation, discordant to the genius of the citizens, in many parts of the Union, met with considerable opposition, which however, was gradually banished by reason and patriotism, excepting in the four western counties of Pennsylvania, where a prejudice still remained, and produced symtoms of not and violence. The disaffection was at first vented in general complaints— certain associations were formed to prevent the operation of the laws, and the excise officers received some marks of contempt and rudeness. These associations held public meetings, and published their resolutions.— Besides the excise law, they censured several other acts of the federal government, as the exorbitant salaries of office, the institution of a national bank, the interest of the public debt &c.

On the 6th of September, 1791, the collector of the revenue for that district, was seized by a party, armed and in disguise; they [Page]tarred and feathered him, cut off his hair and committed other acts of violence, legal process was therefore issued against the offenders; but the insurgents prevented the marshall from serving them, they fired upon him, arrested, and for sometime detained him as a [...] prisoner, a number of similar outrages were committed. The President, the ever watchful guardian of the constitution, beheld with sorrow, these excesses, he sought and weighed what was best to be done in this momentous crisis, he beheld the judiciary stripped of its capacity to enforce the laws, and crimes, which reached to the very existence of social order, perpetrated without control; the friends of government insulted, and that constitution violated, which he had made a sacred vow to protect;—he beheld with abhorrence the idea, of "arraying citizen against citizen," until every lenient measure should be exhausted. He issued proclamations exhorting the rioters to desist from such disorderly proceedings, he recommended obedience to the laws, he appointed commissioners to repair to the scene of insurrection, authorized them to confer with the insurgents, to state to them his sensations, to assure them that it was his earnest with to avoid a resort to coercion, he even offered them pardon, on [...] it [...] [Page]receiving satisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws.

These lenient measures did not produce [...] good effects that should have been expe [...]. The President therefore deemed it prudent [...] resort to military force.—Fiste [...] thousand militia were put in motion, their number intimidated the insurgents [...] thus the insurrection was quelled without the effusion of blood some of the ringleaders were apprehended and brought to trial—one of them was found guilty of high treason and condemned to suffer, but was pardoned by the President.—Indeed, the same goodness of [...]ispontion [...] ted the President from the beginning to [...] termination of this licentious invasion of the laws, notwithstanding there are in the United States, certain discontented, invidious individuals, who wish to stigmatize-every act of the Executive with opprobium.

In November, 1794, the third congre [...] held their second session, at Philadelphia.— The President began his speech with a history of the opposition which had been manifested to the constitution and laws of the United States and of the means which he had pursued to suppress it, the alacrity which the militia, and others who volunteered their service displayed, exhibited, he said, "to the [Page]highest advantage, the value of republican [...]ernment; to behold the most and [...]east [...]lthy of our citizens, standing in the same [...] as private soldiers, pre-eminently [...] by being the army of the constitution; undeterred by a march of three hundred miles, over rugged mountains, by [...] approach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement." He recommended to congress to re-imburse the officers of government and other citizens, who had [...] losses, for their generous exertions for up holding the constitution and laws, "the amount," he said, "would not be great; and on [...]ture emergencies, the government would be imply repaid by the influence of an example, [...] [...]e who incurs a loss in its defence shall and a recompense in its liberality." The intelligence from the army of General Wayne, acting against the hostile Indians N. W. of the Ohio, he said, afforded a happy presage to the military operations, that they had damped the ardour and obstinacy of the savages.— Yet, although the power of the United States to punish them, could not be questioned, that he was not unwilling to cement a lasting peace, upon terms of equity and good neighbourhood, —he recommended the adoption of [...] definitive plan for the redemption of the public debt, and in subsequent communications [Page]tions, he transmitted to them, certain papers relative to the intercourse of the United States with foreign nations, —they announced to congress and to the world, his unremitting exertions to cultivate peace with all the world, to observe treaties with good faith, to check deviations from the line of impartiality, and to explain and correct what was misapprehended o [...] appeared injurious.

Ever since the formal ratification of the treaties of peace between the United States and Great Britain, numerous causes of complaint has existed on the part of both comtries respecting its fulfillment. The history of the nature, progress, and final termination of these disputes, will form a very interesting part in the history of the political and diplomatic character of President Washington, — but the bounds which we have assigned to the present sketch, prevents us from entering fully upon the subject: the ground of complaint on both sides, was disputed in 1792, in a correspondence, between Mr. Jesserson, secretary of state, and Mr. Hammond, the envoy of Britain, in their letters, the reciproc [...]l complaints are stated with cando [...], p [...]rl [...]icuity, and completeness: to support their respective at [...]nts, they bring forward on each side, a large body of illustrations and authorities, [Page]which are highly interesting. This correspondence was published by congress in 1794. The arguments of Mr. Jesserson appeared to have contained unanswerable weight, as no reply or explanation were ever made to them, although requested by him—Affairs remained in this state of suspense until June 1793, when the British, in consequence of their hostilities with France, issued orders to the commanders of their vessels, to stop all neutral vessels carrying provisions to any port in that republic; ships attempting to enter any French port, blockaded by the English, were to be condemned, both vessel and cargo, whatever it may consist of: the order contained a limited exception in favour of Denmark and Sweden, but in the execution of it, the rights of America were entirely disregarded. This matter produced a diplomatic discussion between the ministers of the two countries, both at London and Philadelphia: their correspondence produced a mutual with on both sides to establish a treaty of commerce, and a friendly adjustment of all complaints. The President of the United States, accordingly nominated Mr. John Jay, chief judge of the United States, as an Envoy extraordinary to the court of London. After a short passage, Mr. Jay arrived in [Page]London, where he met with a polite reception, and negociated the Treaty of Peac [...], Commerce and Navigation, which at present exists between the two countries.

The Treaty arrived in Philadelphia in March 1795, it was shortly after submit [...]ed to the Senate for their consent, they retu [...]ned it to the President on the 24th of June, and advised the condi [...]ional ratification thereof. About the 30th of the same month it was submitted to the public through the medium of the newspapers. It now became the general topic of conversation, it was placed [...] all the different points of view of which it was susceptible, and in many of which i [...] could not admit.

It met with great opposition, addresses and resolutions were received from all the con [...] mercial towns of the union; some advising in ratification, others disapproving of it in tote. This opposition was viewed by the President in a very serious light, he reconsidered the subject and weighed all the arguments which had been advanced against it; his own opinion was not in favour of it, but he did not wish to differ from the Senate, and thought that it would be better to ratify it in the manner they had advised; to this measure he was also induced, as Mr. Jay had asserted [Page]"that no better terms could possibly be obtained; and that obstinacy in rejecting the [...]lement, might be serious." The President therefore assented and ratifications [...] exchanged, with the suspension of the most [...]i [...]ctionable article.

This transaction is perhaps the most unfor [...]ate that occurred to his [...]ency during [...]e whole period of [...] Presidency. Tho [...]e apposed to the t [...]a [...]y did not sail to load him with reproach, no stone was left unturned that could impress upon the minds of the citizens goss falshoods—such as, that the treaty [...]tained no reciprocal advantages, that the [...]nefits were all on the side of Britain, that their rights were not only neg [...]c [...], but ab [...]utely sold, that it was made [...] the design of oppressing the French, and contrary to [...]ry principle of gratitude and [...]und po [...]cy. The [...]st session of the fourth Congress [...] Philadelphia, in December, 1795. The [...]sident in a speech [...]med them that ne [...]c [...]ations were on foor for the adju [...]tment of [...]irs with the hostile Indians, and also with the Dey and Regency of Algiers, that he had received assurances of a spee [...]y and fati [...] factory conclution of the negociations with Spain, that with the advice of the Se [...]a [...]e he had ratified a treaty with Britain, upon a condition [Page]which excepts part of one article. He recommended a review of the military establishment and to make provision for garrisoning and securing the western posts which were to be delivered up by the British. He informed them that a state of the finance and appropriations necessary for the ensuing year would be laid before them, as also statements relative to the mint, progress in providing materials for building frigates, state of fortifications, and military magazines, &c. He concluded with a recommendation of temperate discussion and mutual forbearance in subjects where a difference of opinion may be apt to arise.

A warm and lengthy discussion took place in the House of Representatives relative to the British treaty. Bo [...] [...]les of the question were ably supported, few subjects had eve [...] come before the House, upon which so many members delivered their sentiments. On the 24th of March, 1796, they came to a resolution, requesting the President to lay before, the House, a copy of the instructions to Mr. Jay, together with his correspondence a [...] other documents relative to that treaty. To which request, the President gave a positive refusal, he assured the H [...]n [...]e, that he had always endeavoured to harmonize with the [Page]other branches of the government, and that he had never withheld any information which the constitution enjoined him to give. But that the nature of foreign negociations required caution and secrecy, that all the papers relative thereto had been laid before the Senate, that the Constitution empowered him to make treaties with the consent of that body, but that it would establish a dangerous precedent to admit a right in the House of Representatives to demand and have all papers respecting negociations with foreign powers, after the treaties were finally concluded and ratified, and the assent of that house not necessary to their validity.

We d [...]em it unnecessary to enter into a history of the differences with the Republic of France, as they are not yet terminated, and are so recent as to be generally remembered, suffice it to observe, that during the whole period in which General Washington sat at the helm of public affairs, his whole conduct has uni [...]ormly exhibited moderation and prudence, magnanimity and firmness, wisdom and virtue.

The period of General Washington's second election to the office of Chief Magistrate being nearly expired, he put on a determined resolution to retire from the public, [Page]and enjoy his declining vears in private life. Upon this momentous occasion—resigning a charge which he at first accepted through his enthusiasm for the principles of rational liberty, he was impressed with the purest wishes for the suture happiness of that republic, which he had devoted the early, the mature, and a portion of his declining years to establish. And as a testimony of pure regard, he published the following masterly address to his fellow citizens.

ADDRESS. Of his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq. President of the United States, announcing his intention of retiring from all public employment.

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. Friends and Fellow-Citizens,

THE period of a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is [Page]to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, esp [...]ly as it may conduce to a more d [...]stinct [...] ex [...]ression of the public voice, [...] I should now apprise you of the [...]eso [...]ution I have former, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be ma [...].

I beg you, at the same time to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations apperta [...]ing to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuan [...] hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have [Page]been an uniform sacrifice of inclinati [...] to the opi [...] of [...] and to a deference for [...] to be your [...] I con [...]try [...]oped, that it wo [...]l [...] have [...] ea [...] in my power, consistently with motives, which I [...] not at [...]berty [...] di [...]egard, to return to that retire [...] [...] from which I had been rel [...]ctantly draw [...]. The strength of my [...]clination to this, previous to the l [...]st election, had even led to the p [...] paration of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the the [...] perplexed and critical posture of our a [...] fairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons enti [...]led to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that the sta [...]e of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination in [...]mpatible with the sentiment of duty [...] or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever pa [...]ality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances [Page]of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstance have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite [Page]me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast considence with which is has supported [...]; and for the opportunies I have thence enjoyed of [...]nifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, tho' in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have refulted to our country fro [...] these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every [...]ection, were liable to mistead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, —vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, —in situations in which not unfrequently [Page]want of success has countenanced the spirit of critici [...]- [...]e constancy of your support [...] the essential prop of the efforts, and a [...] of the plans by which they [...] [...]ected.

—Profoundly penetrated [...] this idea, if shall carry [...] with me to [...] grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, That heaven may continue to you the [...]hoi [...]st t [...]ens of its benificence—That your union and brotherly affection may [...]e perpetu [...]l—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its admi [...]istration in every department may be [...]amped with wisdom and virtue—That, in fine, the happiness, of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of mis blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

[Page] Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the approhension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion li [...] the present, to offer to your so [...]e [...] contemplations, and to recommend to your frequent review, some [...]entiments, which are the result of much reflection of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to [...]e all important to [...] permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see [...] them the dismterested warnings o [...] parting friend, who can possibily [...] no personal motive to bias his cou [...]. Nor can I forget, as an encouragente [...] to it, your indulgent reception of m [...] sentiments on a former and not dissimila [...] occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or coufirm the attachment.

[Page] The unity of government which con [...]utes you one people, [...] now [...]ar to you. It is justly so; for it is [...]ain pillar in the edisice of your real [...]lependence, the support of [...] tran [...]lity at home, your peace abroad; [...] your safety, of your prosperity; of [...] very liberty which you so highly [...]. But as it is easy to foresee, that [...] different causes and from different [...]rters, much [...] will be taken, [...]ny artifices employed to weaken in [...] minds the conviction of this truth; [...]is is the point in your political for [...] against which the batteries of in [...]al, and external enemies will be [...] constantly and actively (though [...] covertly and insidiously) directed, [...] of infinite moment, that you should [...]perly estimate the immense value of [...]r national union, to your collective [...] individual happiness; that you [...]ould cherish a cordial habitual and im [...]veable attachment to it; accustorn [...] yourselves to think and speak of it [Page]as of the Palladi [...]n of [...] safety and prosperity; watching for [...] preservation with jealo [...] [...] discountenancing whatever may [...]gest even a susp [...]ion that it can in an [...] be abandone [...] and [...]gnan [...] [...] ning upon the first [...] attempt [...] country from the [...] the sacred [...]ties which [...] the various parts.

For this you have every in du [...] or sympa [...]y and interest. [...]itizens [...]y birth or choice, of a common coun [...], that country has a right to concent [...] your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your [...] tional capacity, must always exa [...] [...] just pride of patriotism, more than [...] appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same [...]eligion, manners, habits and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumhed together: the Independ [...]ce [Page]and Liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprize and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds us particular navigation invigorated; [Page]—and while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which inself is unequally adapted.—The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home.—The West derives from the East, supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. —Any other ten [...]re by which the West [...]an hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate [Page]strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to sind in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations;—and what is of inestimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently asslict neighbouring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sussicient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and embitter.—Hence like wise they will avoid the necessity of those over-grown military establishments, which under any form of government [Page]are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty; in this sense, it is that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire.—Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a [...]phere?—Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorised to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective sub-divisions, with afford a happy issue to the experiment. Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our [Page]country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotisin of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterising parties by Geographical discriminations—"Northern and Southern —Atlantic and Western;" whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts, You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other, those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western [Page]country have lately had an useful lesson on this head: they have seen, in the negociation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of the policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic states unfriendly to their interests in regard of the MISSISIPPI: they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards consirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the UNION by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

[Page] To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable.—No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amenment, has a just claim to your con [...] dence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, [Page]acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitution of Government—But, the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with real design to direct, controul, counteract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the constitute [...] authorities are destructive of this fundamen [...]al principe, and of satal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force —to put in the place of the delegated [Page]will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprizing minority of the community; and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become po [...]t engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be [...] subvert the power of the peopl [...], [...] [...]us [...]rp for themselves the rein [...] [...] government; destroying afterw [...] the very engines which have listed [...]m to unjust dominion.

Towards the [...]reservation of your Government, and the permanency of [Page]your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles however specious the pretexts.—One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of Governments, as of other human institutions— that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country— that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interest, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour [Page]as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is indeed little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and so maintam all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have al [...]y intimated to you, the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under disserent shapes [Page]in all governments more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly then worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. —But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which generally result, g [...]a [...]u [...]lly incline the minds of men to f [...]ck se [...]urity and repose in the absolute power of an individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own el [...]vation, on the ruins of public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless [Page]ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public counsels, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties [...] free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of [Page]a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands an uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of their powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, [Page]and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just esrimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of recip [...]ocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in a way which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by [Page]which free governments are destroyed. The precedent [...]ust always greatly overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benesit which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports—In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these sirmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. [Page]Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

' [...]is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding [Page]the occasions of expense by cultivating peace: but remembering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbutsements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate.

To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue: that to have revenue, there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised that are not more or less inconvenient and unplcasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from [Page]the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for the spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations: cultivate peace and harmony with all: religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it?— Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation [Page]with its virtue? The experiment at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.— Alas! is it rendered impossible by i [...] vices!

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that in the place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and untractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.

[Page] Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests.—The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement [Page]or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: And it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the enlightened and independent patriot. How many [Page]opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the other.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see the danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even to second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may [Page]resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct [...] us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.—Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations or collisions of her friendships, or enmities.

[Page] Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance: when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerant nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit ou [...] own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or caprice?

[Page] 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it: for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony and liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course [Page]of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing, eftablishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. 'Tis [Page]an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations: But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to, to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude of your welsare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles that they have been delineated, the public records and other evidences [Page]of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of you Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness.

[Page] The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerant powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligations which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to se [...]tle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary [Page]to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error: I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me che hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to us service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the natural soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, with [Page]out alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government—the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, 17th September, 1796.

On the 7th of December, 1796, President Washington delivered his last speech to the representatives of the people at the opening of the second session of the fourth Congress, we regret that our contracted limits will not permit of inserting it verbatim. In this address he communicates information respecting the measures taken for carrying into effect treaties with the Indian nations, Great-Britain, Spa [...], and Algiers. He likewise informs, that measures are in operatian for effecting treatics with the Regencies of Tunis and Tripoli. He wishes the United States to lock to the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a [...]vy; so that a suture [Page]war of Europe may not find our commerce in the same unprotected state in which it was found by the present.

He then proceeds to recommend the establithment of certain branches of manufacture on public account; particularly those which are of a nature essential to the furnishing and equipping of the public sorce in time of war.

He judiciously, recommends the in [...]tion of a Board of Agriculture, con [...]d o [...] proper characters, charged with [...] and diffusing information, an [...] [...], by premiums and [...]mall pecuniary aids, to encourag [...] [...]nd assist a spirit of discovery and impr [...]ment, Experience has p [...]ved this to be a cheap instrument of immense national benefit. He then recalis the attention of Congress, to a subject, he had before proposed to their consideration, the expediency of establishing a national university, and also a military a [...]ademy. He points out as monves to the institution of a national universits, th [...] a [...] lation of the principles, opnions, and manners of our countrymen, by the common education of a portion of our youth from every quarter, and remarks that the more homogencous our citizens can be made in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect [Page]of permanent union: and that a primary object should be the education of our youth in the science of GOVERNMENT. In a republic, what species of knowledge can be equally important? and what duty can be more pressing on its Legislature, than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country?

The institution of a military academy, he also observes, is recommended by cogent reasons. However pacific, says he, the general policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge, for emergencies.

The following important paragraph is verbatim, "The compensations to the officers of the United States, in various instance, and in none more than in respect to the most important stations, appear to call for legislative revision. The consequences of a defective provision are of serious import to the government. If private wealth is to supply the defect of public contribution, it will greatly contract the sphere, within which the selection of character for office is to be made, and will proportionably diminish the probability of a choice of men able, as well as upright. Besides, that it would be repugnant to the [Page]vital principles of our government, virtually to exclude from public trusts, talents and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth".

The President then expresses his regret at the unpleasant circumstances which have occurred relative to the French republic; his ardent wish being to maintain cordial harmony, as far as is consistent with the rights and honour of our country.

The House of Representatives he informed, that the revenues of the United States continue in a state of progressive improvement: and are invited to take such further measures as will ascertain, to our country, the speedy extinguishment of the public debt.

He then concluded his address to both houses of congress, in the following words, "My solicitude to see the militia of the United States placed on an efficient establishment, has been so often and so ardently expressed, that I shall but barely recall the subject to your view, on the present occasion; at the same time, I shall submit to your enquiry, whether our harbours are yet sufficiently secured".

"The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period, when the administration [Page]of the present form of government commenced; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you, and my country, on the success of the experiment; nor to repeat my fervent prayer to the Supreme Ruler of the Universte, and Sovereign Arbi [...]r of Nations, that his providential care, may still be extended to the United States;—that the virtue and happiness of [...] may be preserved [...] that the [...] which they have [...] for the pro [...]tion of their liberties [...] [...]erpetual.

On [...] the 4th of March 1797, John [...], Esq. who was elec [...] the succ [...]ssor of President Washington, at [...]nded the S [...]n [...]te and Representatives of the United States, and took his oath of office, according to the directions of the constitution. The ceremony afforded a spectacle of high satisfaction and delight to enery genuine republican. To behold a fellow-citizen, raised by the voice of the people, to be the first magistrate of a free nation, and to behold at the same time George Washington, who lately filled the pre [...]tial chair, attending the inauguration of his successor in office, as a private citi [...]n, beautifully exemplisying the sublime simplicity and excellence of republican government.

[Page] The last official act of President Washington, is a letter to the Secretary of State, dated March 3, 1797. It respects certain forged letters, which were published in the years 1777 and 1796, and obtruded on the public as his. They were published at the two most critical periods of his life, with the view of striking at the integrity of his motives, of wounding his character, and of deceiving the people. At the conclusion, therefore of his public employments, he deemed it a duty which he owed to himself, to his country, and to truth, to detail the circumstances, and solemnly to declare, that the letters (the dates of which he recites) are a base forgery, were never written by him, and that he never saw or heard of them, until they appeared in print. During the period in which he held the supreme command of the army, and his civil administration, the purity of his own mind prevented him from contradicting the falshood by any public declaration, but upon his retiring to private life, and not knowing how soon a more serious event might take place, he made this public declaration, and requested that it might be deposited in the office of the department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity.

[Page] On the and of March, 1797, General Washington took farewell of all public employment, and lost Philadelphia for his esmte at Mount Vernon; in every town through which he passed on his way, he received the grateful and affectionate addresses, which were, so justly due to his merits from an etlightened and grateful people.

Having thus amply deseribed the august Washington in his, public character and official capacity, suffer, [...]s for a moment to follow him in private, and take a view of him in the character of a plain citi [...]n in his rural residence at Mount Vernon.

The virt [...]ous simplicity which distinguished the pri [...] life of General Washington, tho'less known than the dazzling splendor of his military activements, is not less edisying in example, or worthy the attention of his countrymen. The conspicuous character he has acted on the theatre of human affair, the uniform dignity with which he sustained his part amidst difficuties of the most discour aging nature, and the glory of having arrived through them at the hour of triumph, have made many official and literary persons, on both sides of the ocean, ambitious of a correspondence with him. These correspondencies unavoidably engrossed a great, portion of his [Page]time; and the communications contained in them, comb [...]ed with the numerous periodical publications and news-papers which he perused, rendered him as it were, the focus of political intelligence for the new world. Nor were his conversations with well informed men less conducive to bring him acquainted with the various events which happened in the different countries of the globe. Every foreigner of distinction who travelled in America made it a point to visit him. Members of Congress and other dignified personages did not pass his house without calling to pay their respects. As another source of information it may be mentioned, that many literary productions were sent to him annually by their authors in Europe; and that there is scarcely one work written in America on any art, science, or subject, which did not seek his protection, or which was not offered to him as a token of gratitude. Mechanical inventions were frequently submitted to him for his approbation, and natural curiosities presented to him for his investigation. But the multiplicity of epistolary applications, often on the remains of some business which happened when he was in office, sometimes on subjects foreign to his situation, frivolous in their nature, and intended merely to gratify [Page]the vanity of the writers by drawing answers from him, were truly distressing and almost incredible. His benignity in answering, perhaps increased the number. Did he not husband every moment to the best advantage, it would not have been in his power to notice the vast variety of subjects that claimed his attention.

In his manner of living he was extremely regular, temperate and industrious. He rose winter and summer at the dawn of day, generally read or wrote sometime before breakfast: breakfasted about seven o'clock on Indian hoe-cake and tea, and often rode immediately to his different farms, and remained with his labourers till a little after two o'clock, when he returned; at three he dined, commonly on a single dish, and drank from half a pint to a pint of Madeira wine, this, with one small dish of tea which he took half an hour before the setting of the sun, constituted his whole sustenance till the next day. His table, however, was always furnished with elegance and exuberance, but was void of pomp: and whether he had company or not, he remained an hour at table in familiar conversation.—His temper was of a serious cast, and his countenance carried the impression of thoughtfulness; yet he perfectly [Page]relished a pleasant story, an unaffected sally of wit, or a burlesque description. After dinner he applied himself to business and about nine retired to rest; but when he had company he politely attended upon them till they wished to withdraw.—Agriculture was his favourite employment, he made observations on the pro [...]uce of lands, and endeavoured to throw new light upon the business of the farmer; linen and woolen cloaths were manufactured under his roof, and order and economy were established in all his departments both within and without doors.— Mrs. Washington presided over the whole, and united to the qualities of an excellent farmer's wife, that simple dignity which ought to characterise a woman whose husband has acted so distinguished a part on the public theatre.—Such is the history of the private life of this great character.

In 1798, the unparalleled treatment which the American ministers received at Paris from the republic of France, left little ground to hope for any amicable accommodation with that republic, in consequence of which, the military forces of the United States were greatly augmented, and the President, with the advice of the Senate, appointed George Washington, Lieutenant General and [Page]commander in chief of all the armies raised or to be raised by the United States, this wise 02 and judicious appointment was attended with the happiest effect, the virtue of a general so well experienced in war, established the national dignity and independence, and inspired the citizens with enthusiasm. On receiving the appointment, the General expressed a wish that it had fallen upon a man less advanced in years, and better qualified to encounter the vicissitudes of war, he recurred to his determination of closing his life in retirement and peace, but the conduct of the directory of France towards our country, he said "excited in his breast corresponding sentiments with the rest of his countrymen," in consequence of which, he accepted the appointment with this reserve, that, "he should not be called into the field, until the army was in a situation to require his presence, or it became indispensable by the urgency of circumstances," he informed the President, "he could not accept of any emolument annexed to the appointment, before entering into a situation to incur expence."

He held this command, and contributed his advice and assistance towards the arrangement and organization of the army until the 14th of December, 1799, when it pleased [Page]Divine Providence to remove him from this life—he was in his 68th year, and in the enjoyment of perfect health, the disorder of which he died was an inflamatory sore throat, which proceeded from a slight cold.

"On Friday, the 13th, he rode out to one of his plantations, and was much wet by the rain, on returning He was taken with the croup that night; but from humanity to his servants and tenderness to his physician, very unfortunately declined sending for medical aid, until day-light on Saturday morning.

"Before Dr. Craik arrived at Mount Vernon, the General had been bled by one of his overseers. The doctor repeated the same immediately; to whom the General observed, "he had sent for him too late;" and seemed to have a presentiment of his dissolution, Doctors Dick and Brown also attended.

"As his respiration became difficult, he said calmly, "doctors, I die hard" But notwithstanding the excrutiating agonies of his violent disease, he tranquilly asked several questions during the evening. About fifteen minutes before he died (which was between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night, the 14th of December) he said to Doctor Craik "doctor, what is the clock? how long am I to continue in this situation?" The doctor answered, [Page] "Not long sir?" He then rejoined with the firmest countenance imaginable, "I 02 have no fear, doctor, to die."

Mrs. Washington was at the bed side with his family, and a number of domestics in the room. He would not wound their sensibility by taking a formal leave of any one.—At last his breathing grew shorter, —be closed his eyes and mouth with his own hands, and expired! —Thus did the last moments of this venerable man correspond with the whole tenor of his well spent life. He died with perfect resignation to the will of Heaven, and in full possession of his reason, not a groan or complaint escaped him!

His body was entombed, with solemn honours and funeral pomp, in the family vault, upon the estate of Mount Vernon, attended by the clergy, military, masonic brethren, and a numerous concourse of citizens.

The melancholy intelligence of the death of General Washington, was every where received throughout the United States, with sensations of sorrow and regret; the houses of Congress for a period adjourned; they condoled with the President of the United States, on the loss our country had sustained in the death of her worthiest citizen, they went into mourning, and requested the President [Page]to issue his proclamation, recommending the citizens throughout the Union, to wear black crape on the lest arm for thirty days; all the state assemblies followed the example: orders were issued from the war office, navy department, &c. requesting the officers to wear crape on the left arm for six months, and the vossels of the navy to put on mourning for one week, by wearing their colours half mast high

Orders were issued by the direction of the President of the United States, announcing to the army the death of its beloved chief, and requested the military honours therein, specifying to be paid at the several stations of the army.

The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, enacted "that a marble monument be erected in the capitol in the city of Washington, to the memory of Gen. Washington; and that his family be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it— and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great military and political events of his life. That there be a funeral procession, and a public oration delivered on the occasion. To the above resolution Mrs. Washington assented, sacrifing her private wishes and individual feelings to the public [Page]will. The public procession took place in Philadelphia on thursday December the 26th, the ceremony was judiciously conducted; perhaps there never was a greater display of public mourning, solemnity and respect, exhibited in the western hemisphere; the arrangements united every description of public and private character, civil and military; the funeral service, adapted with great felicity to the occasion, was pronounced by Bishop White, the deceased being of the episcopal church, after which, General Lee, who was appointed by Congress for that purpose, delivered the funeral oration—we shall [...] attempt a report of this admirable eulogium, of which the public are already possessed, convinced that it would suffer by the attempt.

Having pursued this distinguished man throughout his public life and in his private retreat, it only now remains that we describe his person, which bears a very great analogy to the qualifications of his mind.

General Washington was a tall well made man, rather large boned, and had a tolerable genteel address: his features were manly and bold, his eyes of a bluish cast and very lively; his hair a deep brown, his face rather long and marked with the small pox; his complexion sun burnt and without much colour, [Page]and his countenance sensible, composed, and thoughtful; there was a remarkable air of dignity about him, with a striking degree of gracefulness: He had an excellent understanding without much quickness; was strictly just, vigilant, and generous; an affectionate husband, a faithful friend, a father to the deserving; gentle in his manners, in temper rather reserved; a total stranger to religious prejudices, which have so often excited Christians of one denomination to cut the throats of those of another; in his morals irreproachable; he was never known to exceed the bounds of the most rigid temperance: in a word, all his friends and acquaintance universally allow that no man ever united in his own person, a more perfect alliance of the virtues of a philosopher with the talents of a statesman and a general. Condour, sincerity, affability and simplicity seem to have been the striking features of his character. The best portraits ever taken of him, are those painted by the ingenious Mr. Stewart of Germantown, and the best engraving is the large mezotinto done by Mr. Savage of Philadelphia.

Such is the life and character of the man to whom America intrusted her important cause, and she has had every reason to be satisfied with her choice; and most ungrateful would [Page]she be to the Great Disposer of human events, were she not to render him unremitting thanks for having provided her with such a citizen at such a crisis.

Most nations have been favoured with some patriotic deliverer—The Israelites had their Moses; Rome had her Camillus; Greece her Leonidas; Sweden her Gustavus; and England her Hampdens, her Russels, and her Sydneys—but these illustrious heroes, tho' successful in preserving and defending, did not, like Washington, form or establish empires, which will, in all probability, be the refuge or asylum of virtue, banished from Europe by luxury and corruption.

[Page]

ABSTRACT Of the LAST WILL & TESTAMENT of GEN. GEO: WASHINGTON.

I GEORGE WASHINGTON, citizen of the U. States, do declare this my last Will and Testament, revoking all others, — first, All my debts are to be punctually and speedily paid, and the legacies herein bequeathed, are to be discharged in the manner directed.

Item. To my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington, I bequeath my whole estate real and personal, during her life, except such parts thereof as are hereafter otherwise disposed of.—My improved lot in Alexandria, I give to her and her heirs forever, as also my houshold and kitchen furniture, with the liquors and groceries, which may be on hand at the time of my decease.

Item. Upon the decease of my wife, I defire, that all the slaves which I hold of my own right, shall receive their freedom; but the aged and infirm, who are unable to support themselves, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live, and such of the children as have no parents, or whose parents are unable or unwilling to provide for [Page]them, shall be bound by the court until they arrive at the age of 25 years, upon conditions that they shall be taught to read, write, and be brought up to some useful occupation; I expressly forbid the sale, or transportation out of the state, of any of them, on any pretence whatsoever; and I do solemnly enjoin my executors to see this clause respecting slaves religiously fulfilled.—To my Mullatto man, William, I give immediate freedom, and an annuity of 30 dollars during his life, or if he chooses to remain in the situation he now is, he shall be allowed the cloaths and victuals he has been accustomed to receive, and the above 30 dollars beside, "and this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the revolutionary war.

Item. To the Trustees of the Academy of Alexandria, I bequeath 4000 dollars, or, in other words, twenty of my shares in the bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a free school, for the education of orphans and poor children; the interest or dividend only, to be applied—this is in lieu of an annuity of £50, which I have for some years past, paid towards the support of this institution.

Item. The fifty shares in the Potomac Canal company, which I accepted of upon particular terms, * from the legislature of Virginia, [Page]as a recompense for my services during the revolutionary war, and for having suggested the advantages which the community would derive from an extension of inland navigation under legislative patronage, I bequeath in perpetuity towards the endowment of a National University, to be established within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the general government; and until such seminary is established, the profits arising from these shares, shall be laid out in the purchase of stock in the bank of Columbia, or some other bank, until a sum adequate to the object be obtained.

Item. My hundred shares in the James River company, I have given, and now confirm, in perpetuity to the use of Liberty Hall Academy, Virginia.

Item. I forever release the estate, &c. of my deceased brother Samuel Washington, from the payment of the money (upwards of £1000) which is due to me for lands which I sold to Philip Pendleton, who assigned the same to my brother, who by agreement was to pay me:—And wherereas two sons of my said brother Samuel, named Geo: S. Washington, and Lawrence A. Washington, came under my protection, and occasioned advances on my part for their education at college, &c. for board, cloathing, and other incidental [Page]expenses, to the amount of near 5000 dols, which it may be inconvenient for them, or the estate to refund, for which reasons I do hereby acquit them and the estate from the payment thereof.

Item. The ballance due me from the estate of Bartholomew Dandridge, deceased (my wife's brother) amounting, in 1795, to £425, I release and acquit, and the 33 negroes, formerly belonging to said estate, but who were sold on execution, and purchased on my account, and by me, suffered to remain in possession of Mary his widow, together with their increase, shall continue in her possession during her life, without any compensation; but at her death, all who are aged 40 years, or upwards, shall receive their freedom, all under that age, and upwards of 16, shall serve seven years longer, and then be free, and all under 16 years shall serve until they are 25 years, and then be free.

Item. Charles Carter, who married my niece Betty Lewis, shall receive from my executors, a sufficient title to the lots in Fredericksburgh, which he had of me.

Item. To my nephew, Wm. A. Washington, I bequeath lot No. 265 in the town of Manchester, my tenth of certain lots in the city and vicinity of Richmond, as also lot No. 139 in the town of Edinburgh, Virginia.

[Page] Item. To my nepnew Bushrod Washington, I give and bequeath all the papers in my possession, which relate to my civil and military administration of the affairs of this country—I leave to him also, such of my private papers as are worth preserving; and at the decease of my wise, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and bequeath my library of books and pamphlets of every kind.

Item. Having sold certain lands which I possessed in Pennsylvania, and New-York, my share in Great Dismal Swamp, and a tract in the county of Gloucester, withholding the titles until the consideration money should be paid, also, having leased and conditionally sold, all my lands on the Great Kanhawa, and a tract upon Difficult Run, whenever these contracts are fulfilled, the money shall be vested in Bank stock, the interest whereof I give to my wife during her life, but the stock itself shall be subject to the distribution hereafter willed.

Item. To the Earl of Buchan I re-commit "the box made of the oak that sheltered the great Sir William Wallace after the battle of Falkirk"—presented to me by his lordship, in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a request "to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the man in my country, who [Page]should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced [...]im to send it to me." Whether easy or nor to select the man who might comport with his lordship's opinion in this respect, is not for me to say; but conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the re-commitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design of the Goldsmith's company of Edinburgh, who presented it to him, and, at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me— I bequeath the same to his lordship; and, in case of his decease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished honour of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favourable sentiments with which he accompanied it.

Item, To my brother, Charles Washington, I bequeath the gold Leaded cane left me by Dr. Franklin in his will. To the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, Laurence Washington, and Robert Washington, of Chotanck, I give my other two gold headed canes, having my arms engraved on them; and to each (as they will be useful where they live) I leave one of the spy-glasses, which constituted port of my equipage during the late war. To my compatriot in arms and old and intimate friend, Dr. Craik, [Page]I give my bureau (or as the cabinet makers call it, tambour secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage to my study. To Dr. David Stuart I give my large shaving and dressing table, and my telescope. To the Rev. now Bryan Lord Fairfax, I give a bible in three large folio volumes, with notes, presented to me by the Rt. Rev. Thomas Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man. To Gen. de la Fayette I give a pair of finely wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy during the revolutionary war. To my sisters-in-law, Hannah Washington and Mildred Washington— to my friends Elenor Stuart, Hannah Washington of Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington of Hayfield, I give, each, a mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. These bequests are not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as mementos of my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear I give the use of the farm which he now holds free from rent during his life. To Sally B. Haynie (a distant relation of mine) I give and bequeath three hundred dollars. To Sarah Green, daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, and to Ann Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased, I give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to me; each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of [Page]my nephews, Wm. A. Washington, Geo: Lewis, Geo: S. Washington, Bushrod Washington 02 and Sam. Washington, I give one of the swords or cutteaux of which I may die possessed: and they are to choose in the order they are named. These swords are accompanied with an injunction not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self defence, or in defence of their country and its rights; and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof.

Item. To my nephew Bushrod Washington, and his heirs, I bequeath all that part of Mount Vernon, included within the following limits [here the criginal will describes the boundaries] containing upwards of 4000 acres, with the mansion house, and all other improvements: secondly, To Geo: F. Washington, and Lawrence A. Washington, and their heirs, to be equally divided between them, I give my estate of Little Hunting Creek, lying on the Potomac, containing 2027 acres, with all the improvements thereon: thirdly, I bequeath to Laurence Lewis and his wife, and their heirs, all the residue of Mount Vernon, containing about 2000 acres, together with the mill, distillery, and other improvements: fourthly, I bequeath to Geo: Washington Park Custis, the grandson of my [Page]wife, my tract on four mile run, containing 1200 acres, and my entire square, No. 21 in the city of Washington.

[The residue of his estate real and personal, the General requests to be sold by his executors to the best advantage, and the monies arrising therefrom to be divided into twenty-three equal parts which he bequeaths equally, to his own and to his wife's relations, specifying [...]eir names.]

The [...]mily Vault at Mount Vernon, requiring repairs, and being improperly situated, I desire that a new one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built on the ground which is marked out—in which my remains, with those of my deceased relations (now in the old vault) and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be deposited. And it is my express desire, that my corps may be interred in a private manner, without parade or funeral oration.

Lastly, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington, my nephews Wm. Augustine Washington, Bushrod Washington, Geo: S. Washington, Samuel Washington, and Laurence Lewis, and my ward, Geo: Washington P. Custis, (when he shall have arrived at the age of 20 years) executrix & executors of this WILL and TESTAMENT.

*

See page 132.

↵

[Page] [The original will is of the General's own hand writing, his name is subscribed to every page of it, he consulted no professional character in the construction of it, and he accompanies every item. with remarks and explanations of the meaning and design of them. it is dated July 9th, 1799, and 24th year of the independence of the U. States of America. Annexed to the will is a schedule of the property directed to be sol [...] with a moderate valuation of their worth of which the following is an abstract, viz.

| acres. |  | dollars.
Lands in Virginia, | 21,230 | worth | 222,320
Do. Gr. Kanhawa, | 13,341 | — | 200,000
Do. Maryland, | 1,119 | — | 9,829
Do. Pennsylvania, | 234 | — | 1,404
Do. N. York, about, | 1,000 | — | 6,000
Do. N. W. Territory, | 3,051 | — | 15,251
Do. Kentucky, | 5,000 | — | 10,000
Lots and houses in the city of Washington, |  |  | 19,132
Do. in Alexandria, |  |  | 4,000
Do. in Winchester, |  |  | 400
Do. in Bath, |  |  | 800
United States Stock, |  |  | 6,246
Potomac Company, 24 Shares, |  |  | 10,666
|  |  | 506,047

[Page]

| dollars.
brought forward, | 506,047
James River Company, 5 Shares, | 500
Bank of Columbia, 170 Shares, | 6,800
Bank of Alexandria, 5 Shares, | 1,000
Live Stock, | 15,653
| Dollars 530,000

Moun [...] [...]non we understand may be valued [...] of dollars.]

FINIS.

Notes

*

General and Mrs. Washington were both born in the same year.

↵

*

We learn that General Washington has lest, in his legacy to Judge Washington, a History of the American Revolution, written by himself, accompanied with all the important documents.

↵

*

Cincinnatus

↵

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS Gen. Geo: Washington, LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, &c. &c.

CONTAINING, A History of the principal Events of his Life, with Extracts from his Journals, Speeches to Congress, and Public Addresses: —ALSO— A Sketch of his Private Life.

PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED BY CHARLESS & RALSTON. 1800.

§

§

[Page]

Copy right secured according to Law.

§

§

[Page]

THE general outlines of the following sketch, was first published in the year 1798, in the Philadelphia Monthly Magazine. Since that period the ILLUSTRIOUS HERO, PATRIOT and STATESMAN is no more.—In the Sudden, Mournful and unexpected event, America will long bewail the loss of her ablest protector and most disinterested friend. While the sensations of the Citizens of the United States, are lively and patheticly pictured in the general expressions of sorrow, gratefull Eulogium, and Monuments to the memory of the illustrious Deceased, already immortalized by his virtue and achievements; it was thought that a [Page]short History of the principle events of his life could not fail to prove acceptible. Under this impression the following Memoir is republished, accompanied with very considerable aditions, and in a form more convenient and agreeable. Although it is perhaps the fullest History of the Life of the General which has yet appeared, the Editor is far from appreciating in it, the idea of a Complete Biography.—It will require time to unfold, and ability to record, the History of the life of his Excellency, in a manner worthy of his character, and but few are to be found who are capable of the task.

Moyamensing, Feb. 1800.

THOMAS CONDIE.

Information about this book

Title statement

Biographical memoirs of the illustrious Gen. Geo: Washington, late president of the United States of America, &c. &c. Containing, a history of the principal events of his life, with extracts from his journals, speeches to Congress, and public addresses: : --Also-- a sketch of his private life.

Condie, Thomas, 1775?-1814.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2009-04.

ID [DLPS]

N27939

ID [TCP]

N27939

ID [STC]

Evans 37222

ID [NOTIS]

APX2528

ID [IMAGE-SET]

37222

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99019263

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This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 37222.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N27939)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 37222)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 37222)

Source

— Biographical memoirs of the illustrious Gen. Geo: Washington, late president of the United States of America, &c. &c. Containing, a history of the principal events of his life, with extracts from his journals, speeches to Congress, and public addresses: : --Also-- a sketch of his private life., Condie, Thomas, 1775?-1814..

Extent

[2], ii, [1], 6-243, [1] p. ; 15 cm. (18mo)

Printed by Charless & Ralston.,. Philadelphia: :: 1800.. (The preface, signed by Condie, notes that these materials were previously published as a series of articles in the Philadelphia monthly magazine, 1798.)

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