GREAT and interesting events have ever been considered, as meriting a particular memorial. It has not been uncommon, to perpetuate such a memorial, by the institution and observation of an­nual rites and festivals.—The messengers which God sent to the Hebrews, his ancient covenant peo­ple, very frequently called their attention, to great and signal national events; as appears from the sa­cred writings. How frequently did they recapitu­late, the various deliverances which that people had experienced? A recollection of such events was con­sidered, as being eminently calculated to solemnize the minds of the people, and to render them sensi­ble of their obligations to Jehovah. This is without doubt, the use which is to be made of the signal in­terpositions of Divine Providence, in favor of a people.

[Page 4]ALTHOUGH the propriety of joy and festivity, at the remembrance of great and interesting events, cannot be questioned; yet, it is a truth ever to be insisted on, that, on such occasions, our hearts should be above all, impressed with a sense of the agency of God, and our indebtedness to his bounty and liberality.

THE Independence of the United States of A­merica, or their transition from being a distant and dependant branch of the British Empire, to a state of absolute independence, and being admitted to rank with the nations of the earth, is an epoch of such importance, as has obtained an annual celebra­tion in the various capitals, and in a multitude of less conspicuous towns, throughout the United States.

IN a commemoration of this great event, we seem to be more than countenanced by the inspired wri­tings. Though it may be and probably is true, that the seasons which have been consecrated to that de­sign, have been too much absorbed in such mirth and gaiety as have not been sufficiently regulated by religious views and considerations.

IN the passage of scripture which has been read, you observe, that Moses calls up the attention of the Hebrews, to the important period and event of their being formed into a distinct nation—taken out of the midst of another nation, by great temptations, (or trials) by signs, by wonders, by war, by a mighty hand, and by an out-stretched arm. There is, in this, an undoubted reference to the deliverance of the Israelites, from Egyptian bondage, under which they had groaned for a long time; and their being made a distinct and independent people, no lon­ger subject to the control and mandates of an Egyp­tian king. Moses lays a particular emphasis on this, as being a very singular event, which claimed a par­ticular remembrance, and demanded the highest ad­miration. Hath God assayed to go and take him a nation, from the midst of another nation, accord­ing [Page 5] to all that the Lord thy God did for you in E­gypt! &c. As if he had said, this is a strange and memorable event;—an event which ought so to im­press you minds, as never to be forgotten by you.

IN the American revolution, we have a repetition of the same wonderful interposition of Divine Prov­idence. Although the colonies, which now compose the United States, were at a distance from the seat of the British government, yet I need not inform this audience, that we were considered as being under its control; and the British parliament claimed a right to make laws for the colonies, which were binding, in all cases whatsoever. And it is well known, that they extended their authority so far, as to tax us at pleasure, for the purpose of raising a revenue. It is very true, that we were not reduced into a state of such complete bondage as the Israelites were in E­gypt; yet, it is equally true, that a principle was advanced, by the British parliament, which, if pur­sued to its full length, must have terminated, in the same servitude and ignominious bondage.—It was that principle which alarmed the fears and aroused the apprehensions of the people. It was a view of its consequences, and a determination never to submit to them, that called forth the patriots of America to arms, and supported them in the arduous con­flicts which ensued. It was at this time, and under circumstances so similar in kind, to those of the Is­raelites in Egypt, when they were taken to be a na­tion, that the Supreme Being took the United States, and raised them up to a state of independ­ence. And, as the Egyptian nation, from out of which God took the Hebrews was great and power­ful, so it was as to the nation from which the United States were taken.—The resources of Great-Britain were astonishingly great—her navy rendered her mis­tress of the seas, and the most powerful nations on earth, trembled at her military prowess.

OUR deliverance and national independence took place, like that of the Hebrews, by temptations, by [Page 6] signs, by wonders, by war, by a mighty hand and an out-stretched arm. The conflicts which were endured were unspeakably great—the wonderful interpositions of providence were numerous and singular. The event is of so late a date, that the various occur­rences which took place are now fresh in your mem­ories, and need not an enumeration.

IN the case of the Hebrews, God qualified and raised up Moses, as the leader of his people; whose wisdom and integrity, under the direction of Jeho­vah, conducted the Hebrews, through the stormy period of their national birth. In like manner, God raised up a WASHINGTON, whose memory will al­ways be precious to the friends of the revolution; and qualified him, as a leader and commander of the American armies, through the bloody and ardu­ous contest for national independence.

THE birth of nations is an event, which Moses the leader of God's ancient covenant people consid­ered, as being worthy of a commemoration. We at once see it to be such, as the Hebrews are respect­ed. Their deliverance from the hand of Pharaoh, and being put into the enjoyment of liberty and na­tional independence, was considered as an event of such a magnitude, as to be commemorated from generation to generation. The design of the insti­tution of the passover was, to commemorate this great and interesting event. Hence, this direction was given, at the time of its institution. "And thou shalt shew thy son, in that day, saying, this is done because of that which the Lord did unto me, when I came forth out of Egypt. And it shall be for a sign unto thee upon thine hand, and for a memorial between thine eyes, that the law may be in thy mouth; for, with a strong hand, hath the Lord brought thee out of Egypt. Thou shalt, therefore, keep this ordinance from year to year." Whoever takes a view of the revolution which has terminated in the independence of the United States, will see the same [Page 7] reason, in kind, why its citizens should perpetuate the memory of that important event.

AS to American Independence, it became an ob­object of consequence, at the very time in which it took place. It is very probable, indeed, that in any future period, it would not have been brought about. America, at the time of the commence­ment of the revolution, had become an object of such consequence, that it provoked the jealousy and tempted the rapacity of the mother country. It was then that Great-Britain thought it safe, to assert those claims, which she meant ever after, to make the rule of her administrations. It was then, that the weakness, pusillanimity, and dependant feelings of the Americans were thought to be such, as would induce them to admit the extraordinary claims of the British parliament, and to give a convenient oppor­tunity for establishing a precedent, which would for­ever rivet the chains of slavery and secure the subjec­tion of the several colonies.—But that time, which was considered as so favorable to Great-Britain, was the very time in which those claims ought to have been made, had our particular interest been alone considered.

IT is true, indeed, that the numbers, strength, and experience of the Americans were such, as in human view, were inadequate to a successful resist­ance, when compared with the numbers, strength, and experience of Great-Britain; yet, perhaps, no time could have been more favorable. At that time, the minds of Americans were in full vigor. They were not depressed by habitual slavery. It is proba­ble, they would never have had the same sensibility, and been fired with the same zeal and intrepidity, in defence of their natural rights in any future period. They would, in all probability, have been less united, and consequently more feeble in resisting such claims, had they been more gradually introduced, or de­layed but for a few years.—The attack was made, when the Americans had just arrived to a state of [Page 8] such maturity, as most sensibly to feel for independ­ence.

THERE are a few, who, at this time in the day, affect to believe, that it would have been as well, if not better, if America had still continued in a state of dependence on Great-Britain. But must not the minds of such be greatly misinformed, re­lative to the state of the two countries; and the policy which would certainly dictate the measures of Great-Britain?—Had she not claimed such powers, as if exercised, must forever drain America, of all the profits which arise from commerce and industry? Had she a right to tax us at pleasure, without our consent; and would she have been wanting in put­ting the plenitude of her power into exercise? Was she not loaded with a most enormous debt—a debt which would be uniformly increasing, and would ever afford a pretext for the most wanton and ex­travagant exercise of such power? And would it not be always found, extremely convenient, to al­leviate her own burthens by increasing the burthens of Americans?

INDEPENDENCE was not only important in its na­ture, but the time when it was declared was of all periods the most advantageous; as it was a time, when we were better united for such a struggle, and were disposed to make a more manly and obstinate resistance to external acts of oppression, than, per­haps, at any other period.

THE advantages arising to us, from a state of in­dependence appear, not merely in our having esca­ped the miseries and calamities arising from being subjected to a foreign administration, which must ever have made it an object to drain us of our wealth and to keep us in a state of servility; but, also, in our having it in our power to regulate our own con­cerns—to take the advantages arising from our own industry and commerce—to nourish and cherish in­ternal peace, without being necessitated to embroil [Page 9] ourselves in the quarrels, and to suffer from the en­emies of other nations.

OUR independence merits a most grateful memo­rial on account of the many great and distinguish­ing interpositions of Divine Providence in the es­tablishment of it. I barely mention this, as time will not permit me, so much as to name the many singular interpositions of providence of this nature. Besides, it is presumed they must occur to many of your minds on the slightest recollection.

I PROCEED, therefore, to observe further, that our national independence deserves to be had in re­membrance, on account of the excellent civil con­stitution which has been bestowed on us. Of all the civil constitutions which have been formed by the wisdom of man, perhaps, no one has ever been adopted, which is so well calculated to render a peo­ple prosperous and happy, as that of the United States.—A constitution, which, on the one hand, secures so much liberty to the subject, and at the same time contains such energy, and provides such powerful checks against abuses of every kind. The constitution of Great-Britain has been much admi­red and loaded with encomiums, as the constituted powers contained in it, are so equally balanced and guarded. But, after admitting every thing which can be fairly said of the English constitution, it is presumed, the wisdom which dictated that of the United States must be far superior. The checks which it provides against abuses and usurpations, are much more extensive and effectual, than can be pretended in the former case. There is, indeed, in the constituent parts of them, a great similarity. By the British constitution, there are three distinct branches in the national legislature; as King, Lords, and Commons. In the national legislature of the U­nited States, there are the same distinct branches, the President, Senate, and Representatives. But in the former, the King and the Lords are hereditary and en­tirely [Page 10] independent. By the constitution of the United States, on the contrary, every branch of our na­tional legislature is elective. The men who compose them can be in office, but for a short time, without being re-elected. Each branch of the legislature is under the influence of the strongest checks, and hol­den by the most forcible ties to faithfulness. Their reign is so temporary, as that the opportunity to form and execute schemes of corruption is very lim­ited. The natural propensity of the human mind, to distinction and eminence, will form a powerful check against such measures as are injurious to the people; and will impel to such as are calculated to secure and promote their real interests. As long as the people of the United States are well informed and virtuous, so long they will be free, and their government uncorrupted. It is in their power, to remedy the evils, arising from having wicked and designing men at the head of government—they can lift up and pull down at pleasure. If government be not wisely administered, the fault must be in the people; for the frequent election of every branch of the national legislature, if wisely executed, is a sufficient remedy to all the mischiefs arising from a corrupt administration. In this respect, our national constitution stands gloriously distinguished from that of Great-Britain; and, American liberty is more extensive, and much better secured than that of the English. Besides, should experience point out any necessary alterations, they may be made, with as much facility as the safety of the community will admit. This is one consideration which renders our independence eminently worthy of a most joyful commemoration.

THE peace and happiness, which the people of the United States have enjoyed, further shows, why we should joyfully commemorate the era of our na­tional independence.

REPUBLICAN governments have generally, if not universally, been stormy and tempestuous. This ob­servation [Page 11] is justified, by the history of former repub­lics. And there is a sufficient cause for it. Where a government is free and elections frequent, there is abundant opportunity for demagogues to prac­tise their arts on electors—to raise cabals—sow the seeds of dissentions, and to keep the public mind in a state of fermentation. But, the United States, since the establishment of their independence, have been, on the whole, the most happy people—have enjoyed the greatest share of national happiness, which has ever been experienced by the nations of the earth. Some little convulsions have formerly risen, but our government, although so favorable to liberty, has, still, sufficient energy to put a period to them.

FROM the time of the establishment of our na­tional government, till the commencement of hostil­ities, between rival nations in Europe, union and harmony, peace and friendship have extended thro' the nation; and every tide has brought in our ships, laden with the riches of foreign climes.

SINCE that period, our internal peace has been, to a considerable degree interrupted. This, how­ever, has not originated from any defect in our na­tional government. Foreign politics and intrigues— the dissemination of principles, which are unfriendly to morality and every kind of government that has force and energy, have been the origin of our na­tional divisions. It is not indeed, unnatural to sup­pose, that the attachments and antipathies, which existed in the minds of the citizens of the United States, should have produced a temporary division. The minds of the people having been irritated, at the violent measures which had been taken by Great-Britain, and having, in a time of distress, experi­enced the aid of France her competitor; and, be­sides, considering the avowed pretensions of France in favor of human liberty, it is not very surprising, that some, in the ardor of enthusiasm, should have nourished a partiality in her favor. But, since, in [Page 12] the progress of events, it has become so obvious, that her governing maxim has been, to "divide and conquer"—to separate people from their government; and have laid the ax at the root of religion and mo­rality, as well as to all kinds of government, repub­lican and monarchical, it is high time to beware—to turn our attention to the support of our own gov­ernment, and to combine our whole force in its de­fence. There is now so much light, concerning the principles and object of the French administration, that an advocate for it, can hardly be considered, in a more favorable point of light, than as being an enemy to all government and order, both civil and religious.

THE evils we have experienced, as has been ob­served, have arisen from external circumstances and measures; not from the nature and constitution of our own government. While the attention of the citizens of the United States was confined, to their own affairs and internal concerns, they were emi­nently prosperous and happy. And it is presumed, their happiness would have been continued to this day, had they not listened to foreign intrigues; and could have been pleased, with a government which had energy, as well as a regard to equal and rational liberty.

ANOTHER consideration, which further illustrates the propriety of commemorating our national inde­pendence is, the advantages we are now under to be a happy and prosperous people. It is true, there is no government however wisely constituted and ad­ministered, but what may be inadequate to the pur­pose of rendering a people happy. Such may be the jealousies and biasses, lusts and passions of men, that nothing can render them happy;—the best measures and most direct means may be baffled, by the unrea­sonable prejudices and passions of men. Neverthe­less, in the United States, we have the fairest chance for happiness, arising from our situation, natural ad­vantages and civil constitution, of all people in the [Page 13] world; if we are only faithful to cultivate and im­prove them.

THE enlargement of territory, can never be an object of pursuit, if our desires are kept within the limits of moderation. The extent of the United States is sufficient, to render them one of the greatest nations on earth. Their natural advantages and re­sources, taking into consideration, all those articles which are necessary for support and defence are equalled, perhaps, by no nation in the world. The necessaries of life are produced in great plenty. The articles which are necessary for defence—such as for naval equipments—all the implements of war, in­cluding arms and ammunition, are within our reach, without having recourse to distant countries.

SUCH is our civil constitution, that the security of liberty, property and every natural right, is left at the election of the people; so far as will consist with a proper degree of energy in government. Our rulers, or those who stand at the head of our national government, will be just such men as we are pleased to elect.—That we have and ever shall have, men of talents and abilities to legislate and govern, we have no reason to doubt. And it will be our own fault, if we have not such men at helm. Our danger arises from sloth and inattention on one hand, and from prejudices and lusts on the other. It is in the power of the people, to have just such men and just such an administration as they please. If electors are without information, and will give in their suffrages at random—if they will suffer them­selves to be wheedled by designing men and artful demagogues, they may forge their own chains and rivet them. But, it is in their power, with proper care, to secure to themselves a government and ad­ministration, which will render them prosperous and happy. And, what further can we expect or desire?

FINALLY; I would just observe, as another rea­son for the annual commemoration of our national independence, that it exhibits to the world, a public [Page 14] evidence and testimony, that the people do approve of their own government, and will unite in the sup­port and defence of it.—The establishment of such an idea, is of great importance at all times, and es­pecially at the present time. It is a fact, which can­not be reasonably doubted, that the hostile measures which the French Directory have been pursuing, rel­ative to the United States, have been grounded on a presumption, that we are a divided people—that there is a prevailing opposition to our own government. Indeed, we can hardly be surprised, that such con­clusions should be formed; for it has certainly been the principal business, of some distinguished char­acters, to foment and increase divisions—to disaffect the minds of people and to blow the trumpet of se­dition.—As the hostile measures of France, have proceeded from such an apprehension, it becomes important, that we manifest, in every proper way, our attachment to our own government, and pursue every measure, which will evidence our union, and exhibit a determination to support it. And, the an­nual commemoration of our independence, is one way, in which our attachment to our own govern­ment may be properly manifested. It is true, that men, who are disaffected and are under the influ­ence of Jacobinic principles, may unite in such a cel­ebration, merely as a cloak, to secure themselves from the resentments of the true friends of govern­ment. But, such hypocritical conduct, is founded on the idea, that such a commemoration of our in­dependence, carries the appearance of union and friendship to government.—As all the hopes of France, which is the only nation that, at present, is disposed to make war upon us, are grounded on a supposed existence of a prevailing dissatisfaction to our government, so it is important, that we unite in giving every testimony of our approbation of it and determination to support it.

I SHALL now close, with a remark or two, aris­ing from the foregoing observations.

[Page 15]FIRST. It becomes us, on this anniversary, to offer to the Supreme Being, our most fervent and devout acknowledgments.

I PRESUME, I am speaking to an audience, which consists of such persons, as believe in a universal providence; or, that God has the disposal of all events. The sacred scriptures teach us, with great explicitness, that the agency of God is concerned, in the rise and fall of nations. Moses, when speak­ing of the deliverance of the Israelites from Egyp­tian bondage, and their being made an independent nation, ascribes it to the agency of God.—The dis­posing hand of God is as visible, in taking the Unit­ed States, "from the midst of another nation," and raising them to a state of independence, as it was in the case of the Israelites! It is true, that nothing of a miraculous nature occurred; yet the hand of God was as visible in the American revolution, as in the other case. No human calculations could have ascertained, the result of the conflict, between Great-Britain and the colonies, which now compose the United States. These observations might be illus­trated, by having recourse to many facts, which are now fresh in the memories of the elder part of this audience.—But omitting them, we are taught, from the sacred scriptures, to view such events, as the ef­fect of God's providential government. We ought, therefore, in a solemn and religious manner, to ac­knowledge God, and ascribe the glory of all our de­liverances to him.

AS to the great revolution, which took place rel­ative to the Israelites, in raising them from a state of servitude to independence, Moses observes, in the words after our text, "Unto thee it was shewed, that thou mightest know, that the Lord he is God; there is none else besides him. Out of heaven he made thee to hear his voice, that he might instruct thee."—Let us then, on this occasion, make our devout and religious acknowledgments to God. Let us acknowledge his agency and disposing hand. [Page 16] While we rejoice, let it be ultimately in God. May our joy be of a religious nature.

GOD has some great and important designs in the event, which has made such a revolution in American affairs, besides raising us to consideration among earthly kingdoms. He is constantly prosecuting, his great and glorious purposes. Let us give glory to him, and ascribe to him all power. Let us ever feel our dependence upon him; and esteem his favor to be life and his loving kindness to be better than life.

FINALLY; Let us unite in the defence of our na­tional independence and government.

OUR independence is a rich and inestimable in­heritance, which the Supreme Governor of the world has bequeathed to us; and it has been secured, not only at the expense of great treasure, but of much blood. Our national constitution and govern­ment, are eminently calculated, to render us singu­larly happy. They are founded on the wisdom and experience of ages; and may still be amended, if, on trial, they are found to be deficient. It is true, the government of the United States has energy; and it is one of the most idle dreams, which ever en­tered the head of the most extravagant enthusiast, that a government, without energy, would ever an­swer the purposes of society.

THE professed respect, which is paid to our na­tional independence, by the annual celebration of the day, on which, the Congress of the United States had the fortitude and heroism to make the declaration, is an implicit acknowledgment of its im­portance and of our determination to defend it.

THAT attempts have been made, to alienate the minds of the citizens of the United States, from the general government—That the demoralizing and disorganizing sentiments, which have spread over so great a part of Europe, and proved so destructive to the human race, have been disseminated in these States, and the most assiduous attempts made to fo­ment divisions and raise cabals, against the general [Page 17] government, will not admit of a rational doubt. Divide and conquer, has been the object, which has been invariably pursued, by the French government. Whoever attends to their professions and arrets, res­pecting the United States, and compares them with the measures which were pursued with Switzerland, and terminated in the destruction of the Helvetic Un­ion, will see their perfect similarity; till their pro­gress was arrested, by the manly measures which have been taken by our general government, for the defence and security of our independence. Take a critical view of the measures, which were adopted and invariably pursued, by the French Directory, and which issued in the ruin of Switzerland, as rep­resented in the history of Mallet Du Pan, and you will see, we have a loud call to set up a double watch, and to summon up the most invincible reso­lution, in support of our independence. Our great object ought to be, to strengthen and support our own government, and it is our wisdom, to have nothing to do with the politics of other nations, further than is necessary, to prepare and qualify us, to defend and support our national interests.

TO say that there are no errors of any kind, discov­erable in our national administration, would imply that we have something more than men at the head of it. Especially, if men of anti-federal and jacobinical prin­ciples could not trump up something of that nature, which might appear plausible, and would be swal­lowed both by ignorant and designing men, it would be marvellous indeed!

BUT, my fellow-citizens, since so fair an inherit­ance is given us, by the beneficent Ruler of the U­niverse, after making due acknowledgments to him, let us resolve to defend it—to be good subjects and good citizens. Let us resolutely support the govern­ment and constitution of our own choice. Let us guard against the principles of modern philosophy, discountenance the intrigues and designs which come [Page 18] from abroad; and the efforts of designing men within our own bosom.—Let that patriotism, which manifests itself in supporting the measures of our own government, be cultivated and strengthened. But, let that mock patriotism, which advocates foreign measures, concerted to divide and weaken us, and which, under a specious zeal for liberty, is forever carping for faults in our own government, be repro­bated as the greatest fiend to peace and order.

IN every possible way, let the bands of order and good government be strengthened.—Let the princi­ples of our constitution be preserved inviolate.—Let men of integrity and firmness, the friends of our independence, be the men on whom your eyes are fixed, as candidates for office.—May the hearts of the citizens, in the various branches and districts of the United States, be united and cemented; and may the intrigues of designing men be totally dis­concerted. May our independence be maintained, and our children and children's children, as they shall come upon the stage, have occasion to com­memorate it, till time shall be no more. AMEN.