An oration, delivered at Wiscasset, at the request of the inhabitants, on the Fourth of July, 1799. By Silas Lee. ; [Two lines from Mallet du Pan]

An oration, delivered at Wiscasset, at the request of the inhabitants, on the Fourth of July, 1799. By Silas Lee. ; [Two lines from Mallet du Pan]

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AN ORATION.

[Page]

AN ORATION.

AMERICANS,

BY that name, at the request of a respectable number of my fellow townsmen, assembled for that purpose, I address you at this time—thereby to remind you of the Birth Day of Our COUNTRY—and to invite you agreeably to the practices of most of our Fellow Citizens, to commemorate the ANNIVERSARY of HER FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE, trusting to the candor of my auditors, from the consideration of my constant avocations.

PERHAPS, there has been no period since our revolution▪ when a celebration of this day, was more important—none, when [Page] a review of the conduct and intentions of the patriotic many, by whose firmness and integrity, virtue and magnanimity our National Sovereignty, Independence and Prosperity were achieved— and surely none, when a comparison of these, with the principles, views and conduct of the leaders of that nation, who, not content with dealing out promiscuous murder, and unheard of rapine within the limits of their own extensive country; have not failed to attempt by their diplomatic skill, or predatory armies to revolutionize and overturn the government of every nation, within the vortex of their insatiable thirst for domination—A thirst that seems to have no bounds short of a colossal reach over both Earth and Heaven.

I THEREFORE repeat, that no period, since the existence of our country as a nation, hath yet arrived, when a consideration of these things was more important to Americans.—For at no period was the Freedom and Independence, National Honor and Happiness, Peace and Prosperity of our Country ever in greater Jeopardy.

WHILE the Tyrannic arm of Britain, was extended to crouch our necks beneath the galling yoke of slavery—While our harbors were thronged with her rapacious Fleets, and our shores possessed by her blood thirsty armies—While our Western borders, at the instance of this merciless Foe, were invaded by the Savages of the Wood—While the bye path of the farmer was waylaid for his death—and the darkness of night, was expelled by the blaze of his dwelling—While the blood of the son, fat'ned the field of the father—and the war hoop of death robbed the babe of its mother— While all these, with accumulating horrors, hung trembling over our heads—Still had we less to fear—The justice of our cause— the purity of our conduct—and a favoring Heaven, banished dispair, and left us great support.

[Page]IT was then, that our Rulers failed not to appeal to the Supreme Judge of the World, for the rectitude of their intentions—or to place their reliance upon a protecting providence, for their deliverance.—It was then that this people forsook not entirely their GOD, nor despised his commandments—The foe then did no [...] wear the garb of friendship—and traitors were scarce known in the land.— Fren [...] Philosophy, or D [...]morality had not dared to show its disorganizing head—and [...] temples of our GOD, and our Holy Religion were held in [...] repute—The Sabbath was considered as hallowed by the [...] of Heaven.

WITH these ideas of GOD and RELIGION, our National existence commenced—And under the auspices of the Omnipotent hand of the former, and the benign influence of the latter to establish our national Sovereignty and Independence, secure our welfare and prosperity, and to provide for the safety and happiness of the people, a Constitution and Government, the voluntary work of our own hands, and the object of our free Election; was made and adopted by ourselves—A Government, second to none on Earth—One that emanates from the source, from whence all proper and genuine authority is derived; namely, from the people— A Government that operates alike upon the rich and the poor— that subjects the first magistrate of the Union, to the suit of the last [...]ggar, that lays by the way side, if by the former, the latter hath been injured. In fine, a government that is predicated upon principles, that exhibit for its object, and produce for its effect equal justice to all, and a perfect enjoyment of every religious, natural, and social Right.

UNDER such a Government, and the smiles of Heaven, the growth and prosperity of America, and the happiness of her citizens, [Page] could not but exceed all calculation. But no sooner were we thus situated, in the possession of the rewards of a government, founded in wisdom and good policy, and supported by justice, rectitude and impartiality, than we find our nation insulted, our citizens plundered, and this our happy constitution in [...]idiously [...]sailed.

IN the first instance, by daring and jealous Britain, for our justice and integrity to her rival foe, for our independence in impartially rendering and paying to France, that, which was justly her due, and to which she was equitably intitled, and for the performance of which our national honor had been solemnly pledged by compact. For this, and merely this, though jealously suspecting [...], the naval arm of Britain, to the dishonor of that nation, for a while shamefully ravaged upon our defenceless commerce. At length however, upon the firm and dignified demand of our Chief, Our WASHINGTON —a man born for his Country's Salvation; they staid their piratical hand, and repentant of their injustice, by solemn treaty, stipulated to make redress—their rapine ceased—but scarcly ceased, when France our supposed friend and faithful ally, renewed the scene; that very France, with whom we had always most sacredly kept our treaties; for whom all America had really felt, and evinced the sincerest friendship, and for whose successes in the commencement of her revolution, while we suppo [...] her only object, was the reform of the abuses of her own government, we as unfeignedly rejoiced—This nation it is, that recommences this war of plunder upon our remaining defenceless commerce. But it now comes out, that she is only openly pursuing, what she had long been secretly plotting, viz. dominion and gain for herself; dependence and ruin for us; for it now appears, that this nation from our first struggles for liberty and independence to the present moment, hath been, and still is in [...]idiously hostile to [Page] our dearest rights and best interests. It was the perfidious policy of the Cabinet of this nation, in our treaty of Amity and Peace with England, to prevent the acknowledgment of our Independence by the latter. It was the cunning and design of that Court, that, in this treaty we should not have with England, a participation of the fisheries of Newfoundland. It was to check the foreseen growth and prosperity of these States, that the Cabinet of France, in this treaty, used every possible means to saddle America, with a compensation to the refugees, for their confiscated estates, and to perplex and retard the negociation, thereby to embarrass us, with additional burdens—the difficulties and expences of another campaign. Indeed, her sole object was to render us independent of other nations, but entirely dependent upon and devoted to herself; and to effect this with more certainty, she never failed to exert every nerve to prevent our forming commercial connections with any power, excepting those only, who were wholly under their sovereign management.

THIS was the conduct of France to us, during her regal administration, and while she perfidiously stiled us "Her dear friends and Allies."

SINCE that period—Since a five headed monster hath swayed the sceptre of that nation, dipt in the blood of her murdered citizens, and haunted by the ghosts of myriads, from neighboring States, who have fallen innocent victims to her savage ferocity, her conduct to us▪ though not less in [...]idious, hath been vastly more injurious. For in addition to her treacherous schemes already mentioned, before the present war in Europe commenced, she used every possible art, to induce America to join her in the then expected rupture; not that she expected any material assistance from us, that she knew was impossible; but, that by involving us, in this war, it would inevitably destroy our commerce, and consequently our revenues, [Page] and in the infant state of our then new Federal Constitution, in all probability, oblige us to throw ourselves upon her protection against the fleets and armies of the combined powers; and to bring this about, the revolutionists of France falsely and secretly insinuated, that it was the intention of our country to join them—and so managed it with our minister at Paris, by the power of their skill, that by his folly, or knavery, these insinuations were greatly strengthened—a circumstance that contributed not a little to the British depredations upon our property—But finding that our government was determined to take and maintain a neutral stand in these commotions, and foreseeing that such a station, if supported, could not fail of establishing our national importance and Independence upon the firmest basis, and of exceedingly encreasing the growth and prosperity, wealth and resources of our country, and consequently that her plan of universal domination would thereby be defeated in America, if successful in Europe; she, till now, by most of our countrymen, supposed a sincere friend, renewed as before stated, the war of plunder, and pursued our still defenceless navigation, with a rapacity, ten fold more atrocious than that of our former foe. At the same time plotting, and by her diplomatic skill or foreign intrigue secretly executing a more dangerous war against the government of our Country, by attempting to divide and withdraw the affections of the people from the same. And when, with the moderation and respect due to a former friendship, our government repeatedly demanded retribution for her unprovoked and cruel attacks and spoliations, our Envoys, who had been sent with assurances of friendship and good will, were treated with indignity and contempt, and our government through them, grossly insulted. A tribute was insolently demanded at our hands, before these haughty robbers, would deign to hear our wrongs; and that too, with a menace, that the fate of conquered nations should be our own, if we dared to refuse; with a boasting assurance that "if our envoys presumed to return without a compliance to their will," such was [Page] the diplomatic skill of France, and such the means she possessed in America, that she was able with her French party, to throw the blame of the failure, or rupture of the negociation, on the Federalists of our country, on the men, of whom our WASHINGTON and our ADAMS are the Heads. Well may they boast of their skill, if it is to have such an effect, or if its great success in Europe, is to be considered as a cause of exultation. A skill, or as it is sometimes called foreign intrigue, which means for the accomplishment of the design, however dark and daring, the unlimited use and practice, of flattery, bribery, corruption and all other kinds of venelity, with atheism and irreligion to bring up the train—the latter being a corps de reserve, to relieve the qualms of conscience of any that may have some mental difficulties, before the villany is completed▪ —or, to take their own term, which comprehends the whole, it is the practice of French philosophy, and the revolutionary principles of the grand Republique—A philosophy, and principles that disorganize the whole system of creation and set at defiance Heaven, Earth and Hell. By these GOD and Religion are done away at once. In pursuance of these, the Sacred Bible hath in that country been burnt upon the public square▪ The Holy Sabbath hath been impiously erased from the register of time, and the houses of worship, to which the people had been in the habit of orderly resorting, for pious and devotional purposes, are now either converted to stalls for the sale or storing of goods, or visited on the decade or tenth day (which they have instituted instead of the Sabbath) as a day of riotous festivity and mirth—In fine to conquer earth, the Rulers of this nation have not hesitated blasphemously to assail Heaven, and denying the existence of a GOD, and futurity, have arrogantly declared, that death was only one eternal sleep—And by this doctrine, and it consequences, perjury is made no crime. Of course, the sanctity of an oath, as well as of religion is wholly at an end. A doctrine most impious in its nature and most dreadful in its consequences. Destroy religion, and you take from man his greatest, [Page] nay more, his only source of mental consolation and happiness— Destroy the sanctity of oaths and you not only destroy religion, but you take away the very cement, whereby society is preserved, and without which it cannot have an existence— —As shocking as this idea is to the mind of a christian, the inquisitive world have long been [...] that it now is, if it hath not always been, a favorite part of the French revolutionary system. And that the object of the Revolutionists of that nation is not, merely to revolutionize monarchical governments as they first pretended, but the whole world, and to oversee the christian religion, or to use their own words, to go on to "dethrone both the Kings of the earth, and" (blasphemous thought) "the Kings of Heaven," until they have brought every society to their own standard, and established for themselves universal domination.— But I would not be understood to say, that all who have favored their revolution had these views.—No—there were no doubt many, who only wished for a reform of the abuses of their own government. But, alas! if you wish to find their names, you must search the register of the the murders of that country—and you will there probably find, that their honest wishes were the very cause of their being so numbered.

IN our contest with Britain, her object was submission, and claiming the right, she openly avowed the design—In our disputes with France, her object, if possible, is far worse, but pretending no right, she cloaths herself under the specious guise of friendship.— And here lies our danger—The bold and open enemy, we prepare to meet, and with confidence oppose; but the black hearted wretch who wears the mask of friendship, draws his hidden dagger while he smiles.

IN every country in which the grand Republique hath ever sent a Minister, she hath never failed insidiously and secretly to sow her [Page] poisonous revolutionary principles, taking care always properly to water them with her favorite douceur, and to cultivate them gratis by a free circulation of newspapers and other publications calculated to cherish and foment division, thereby to separate the people from their government; to create disaffection and distrust toward their rulers; excite prejudices against, and discontent with their antient and established institutions, and encourage sedition and opposition to the laws and administration—These are their weapons—this the use of her diplomatic skill—by the exercise of this, they prepare the way for their armies, who then have but little else to do, but to gratify their lusts and their avarice. By these means every government in Europe hath been assailed, and all that were in any degree republican, actually overthrown, and the citizens plundered, butchered or disarmed. This has been the fate of Venice and Genoa, Holland and Geneva—And thus hath fallen the once happy Switzerland, the oldest ally, and the most ready friend that the French nation ever had. Switzerland, like America, consisted of a number of Republics, united together, for their common defence, but independent of each other as to their municipal government—they enjoyed individually the unalienable right of obeying their own laws and of being governed by their immediate fellow citizens.— The stipulations of this confederacy, suggested by natural and local considerations, were, that each Republic should mutually guaranty each others independence, possess sovereignty within itself, and become subjects of the Union, whenever any one of them should be threatened with danger.* A nation, whose general and special laws and customs, being equally respected by the governing and governed, equally protecting both—producing ready obedience justice and safety to and from all, and leaving from local circumstances, few rich, none poor, but all industrious and oeconomical, could not fail of securing to the citizens that happiness and prosperity, which had successfully been their lot for five hundred years and upwards— This nation, full of vigor, naturally brave and warlike, by this diplomatic [Page] skill, was assailed—the base and the wicked of the rulers and people were corrupted and bribed; the weak and the ignorant deceived and led astray; while the great body of the nation, unsuspicious of the friendship of their ancient ally—heedless of the consequences of the calumny, falsehood and misrepresentations, insidiously circulated against their government, its magistrates and officers, by the emissaries sent, and the wretches bribed for their ruin; and thinking of no danger remained in a state of lethargy and unpreparation, until "an army of myrmidons, commanded by the Satellites of the French Directory," had entered the confines of this, till then, happy land, and actually begun their wonted work of promiscuous slaughter and general rapine. An Army as Du Pan, feelingly expresses himself, furious in victory, and raving with lust and avarice. "The rustic abodes of order, of industry and of morals, were given up to the brutality of foreign soldiers—Those fields fertilized by freemen, under the protection of tutelary laws, are overflowed with the blood of their cultivators—No respect for age, or sex—Whoever escaped the hand of the murderer, escaped but to be plundered and disgraced—No asylum for innocence, modesty and decency—The victors barter the lives of parents, for the chastity of daughters—Humanity for money—Then violate their contracts—The towns are thrown open—property of all kinds public and private is swept away at once—the citizens are disarmed—and disarmed too, under the colour of the Rights of man—The plunderers assume the garb of legislators—A constitution arrives from Paris—A code of laws calculated to perpetuate their servitude, and increase their calamities, convoyed by soldiers, they force upon the conquered under the thunder of cannon," leaving them only the liberty of being slaves to the grand Republique.

WRETCHED Country—you slept too long! Americans, profit by their loss—take warning by their ruin—And believe me, [Page] when I tell you, that the same scene, hath long been preparing▪ by the sons of anarchy and revolution—by the enemies of peace and good order,—by the atheists and philosophists of France—by their emissaries and our traitors, to be reacted on the theatre of America. A scene, in which the christian religion, is to give place to the Age of Reason—And the only remaining republican government on earth, where liberty is not licentiousness, and equality is not injustice, is to be changed for a constitution imported from France, and insolently established for our government by the lordly mandates of her domineering tyrants. This base design, more than Britain ever dared to show, was contriving by that perfidious nation, while she was pretending for us the utmost friendship—And to the shame of our country, there never hath been wanting Americans corrupt enough to aid and abet them—but thank Heaven these traitors are comparitively few—yet it is too true, that their exertions and activity are in an inverse ratio to their numbers.

BUT to increase their party, recourse hath long been, and still is had, in every shape, and in every quarter, to the sovereign power of diplomatic skill. And so vast and infinite hath been its ramifications, that it is far beyond the length of a discourse suitable for this day to expose them—Suffice it to say, that no practices upon the skill, philosophy▪ and revolutionary principles before mentioned, have been omitted by France, her minister and her tools, or party in America. All that was done in Switzerland, prior to the marching of her armies, hath been done here—And, Americans, the time, I have no doubt, hath been once fixed by the Directory of France, when the Revolutionary Tocsin of that nation, was to have founded in America—when an army of foreigners was to have landed in one or more of our southern sister States, and there being joined by another of traitors, were to have dealt out to you, French liberty and equality, under the standard of their revolution, [Page] in the same manner as they had before done to unfortunate Switzerland. In the same manner, your dwellings and the earnings of your hands, were to have been assailed—your country—your religion—your constitution—your government and laws, laid prostrate, and yourselves left abject slaves.

THIS is but an imperfect picture of the scene, to which the conduct of the French minister Genet, the founder of the Jacobin societies in America—of a Randolph the author of the flour merchant bribery—of the foreigners, the secret promoters of the Whiskey Insurrection, and of many others too numerous to mention, hath so alarmingly contributed. But GOD be praised, by the wisdom and foresight, vigilance and exertion of our government, and the blessing of Heaven, the designs of our enemies have been seasonably discovered, and our country is prepared and preparing for a defence.

YET though repeatedly baffled and defeated, the restless and insatiable ambition of France, will never suffer her to desist, while she retains the power of disturbing, or there remains one single government on earth unsubjected to her controul—Nor while this is the case, will her boasted French party here ever desert her; hence therefore, we still have the utmost need of all our exertion and vigilance and of the continuance of the same; For in this party there exists a secret and dangerous opposition to our Government— From their exertions it is, that the Jacobin papers continue to teem with insidious calumny, falsehood and misrepresentation against our rulers, the laws and their administration—from their interest it was, that the late Virginian and Kentuckian resolutions disgraced those States; from them arose the late insurrection in several of the counties of Pennsyvania; the quelling which must have [Page] cost our country many thousands; from them the unwarranted and totally groundless complaint against the constitutionality of the Alien and Sedition Acts, so called, against which no falsehood that malice could invent, and no slander that tongue could utter hath been spared —Laws that their own treasonable and seditious practices rendered necessary to the salvation of our country; for such were the number of foreigners who interfered with, and intruded themselves into our governmental concerns, and such the gross falsehoods and misrepresentations▪ the calumny and abuse, that the conduct of the former became dangerous to the sovereignty and independence of our nation and the practice of the latter, too intolerable to be borne without redress. The best administered government on earth, as well as the best man, may be falsely and maliciously slandered. And is it reasonable and proper that such slander should go unpunished? As it concerns the individual, the old law, as it hath long stood, is sufficient and universally admitted to be just and right. As it respects the government is not the crime the same? or if there is any difference, when government is the object of such slander, is it not more heinous? That wicked and unprincipled men will do these things is but too true—For we find that the Revolutionists of France, the very leaders of those domestic opposers to our civil govvernment, do not hesitate to defame, slander, abuse, and ridicule the very administration and government of Heaven—But for such slander, the sacred laws of a righteous GOD hath assigned a punishment.

THE Alien Act, affects those persons only, who are foreigners, and whose continuance at large in the government is dangerous to its peace, good order and welfare, and for this reason, and this only, such dangerous foreigners are liable to be ordered from our [Page] country, with leave however, to take with them or dispose of at their election, the whole of their property; but the peaceable and quiet foreigner, who meddles not with governmental concerns, hath nothing to fear—Is it possible, that a citizen of America, can object to this law? A law that affects only foreigners, who are conspiritors against our government, and disturbers of our peace? Do true Americans want such for their friends and neighbors? No— The opposers of this law must be foreign agents, and agents for our country's ruin, or the tools of such—Before this law passed, fifty thousand, nay ten times that number of unarmed men might have been landed on our shores from unarmed vessels, and although we might suspect that their designs were hostile to our country, yet without sufficient evidence upon which to ground such suspicion, such was the too great lenity of our government to foreigners that they could not be removed; there being no person vested by law with that authority, and before we might have discovered their intentions, they might with the aid of their secret friends be paraded under arms ready for our distruction—From many circumstances* that have appeared, we have good reason to suspect that something of the kind hath been in agitation.

THE Sedition Act, which hath the same opposers though more inveterate, if possible, is in fact an amelioration of the Common Law, for this act requires the opposers of our government to speak the truth only, and provides, that if their charges against government are true, let them be ever so scandalous and defamatory, abusive and atrocious, the publishers are nevertheless justifiable; but if false and malicious, then only are they punishable.—Do any [Page] persons but Jacobins, or the boasted French party in America oppose this Law? Do these opposers find fault with it, because in speaking of government and its administration, they are confined to the truth? Or is it because it checks them in the practice of wilful falsehood and malicious slander—favorite revolutionary weapons? Is it because these Jacobins never make use of scandal or defamation, either against men or against measures, when they can do it with truth? Is it because this law is calculated to punish such liars, and malicious circulators of slander? Are falsehood and misrepresentation, tending to scandalize government and its administration, and to bring the same into contempt and disrepute, the essential qualities of a Jacobin? Does this law strike at the root of such practices; and is it therefore, that they complain of it? Do they conceive that this law so accurately describes a Jacobin by trade, that it might as well have expressed him by name? If these things are so, then one may as soon expect to find a tattler without a tongue, as a Jacobin not a liar. If these are not so, and the truth is the object, then there is nothing to fear from the law, for it punishes only wilful and malicious dealers in falsehood and misrepresentation against our government.

FROM the same party arises the calumny heaped upon our government, on account of the Land or House Tax—a tax that bears heavy upon the rich, but exceedingly light upon the poor—this law so much complained of, and so much misrepresented, lays the taxes or burdens upon the property, and not upon the poll, whether the man is rich or poor—yet to the astonishment of common sense, the same hath been made a handle of not only to abuse and vilify the federal government, but also to influence the election of State officers—to buy votes for our General*

[Page]FROM the same source hath issued a torrent of abuse against our administration for building of a navy, for the protection of our remaining commerce against the rapacity of French marauders, and the raising of an army to quell Jacobin insurrection, and to drive from our shores French invasion—And yet to the shame of these slanderers, they are the cause of the measures as well as of the land tax before mentioned—Measures that their conduct, and the depredations of the French their friends, have rendered indispensibly necessary to the preservation of our national sovereignty and independence, our prosperity and happiness, and by which only, the views of the enemies of our government could be defeated.

THE danger to which our country was exposed, was imminent, its exigences required these steps and consequently an increase of taxes—O'er all, that was dear was injeopardy, our rulers had reason to apprehend an invasion from abroad, or deep laid insurrection at home—at such an alarming crisis, with the examples of Switzerland and Geneva, Holland and Genoa before them; and well informed of the insidious policy of France, and the numerousness of her armies—recollecting her long continued and continuing depredation upon our commerce, and imprisonment of our citizens—the contempt and indignity offered to our messengers of peace, wherein she added insolence to aggression—viewing all these things, our government could do no less, than put our country into the best possible state of defence, let the expence be what it may, and a supineness at such a moment would not only have been pusillanimity in [Page] the highest degree, but a dastardly surrender of our national honor— our sovereignty and independence—and a betraying of the trust reposed in them. When our house is in flames, do we count the costs of extinguishing it? when our country is in danger should we fear any expence to defend it? The motto of freemen is—Not a cent for a tribute—but millions of millions—our lives—our all, for defence.

BUT notwithstanding, this then was, and still is the alarming situation of our country, and notwithstanding the checks, that the enemies of our government have repeatedly experienced by the exertion of our rulers, yet we find they seize every possible opportunity and continue to exert their utmost skill to oppose our administration, to paralize the measures thus necessarily adopted for the defence of our nation, and to reprobate the conduct of those, who are faithfully exerting themselves in pursuance of those measures—we find them endeavoring to extend the baneful influence of Jacobinical measures and sentiments as well from state, as to federal administration; in order, if possible, by some means or other, to defeat our national system of defence—thereby to accomplish their treasonable designs of throwing our country into the arms of their dear friends and paymasters, the Directory of France. Could other than this be their design in their late systematical endeavors to remove from office the late chief magistrate of this State, and introduce one of the rankest of their party—A man to say the least, as much distinguished for his Egotism, as for any other talent of virtue—Could other than this, induce even Jacobins to be guilty of an infinity of pitiful falsehoods and misrepresentations to effect this mans election—could other than this, and an expectation of reimbursement, induce individuals of their party, famed not more for their public spirit than for their parsimony, to furnish cloaths, [Page] horse and money for expences, besides allowance for wages, and to send a man from town to town through the country to electioneer for this new candidate in opposition to the old one?* could other than this induce any one or more of their party to circulate from county to county at their own expence newspapers by cargoes† containing electioneering falsehood, and misrepresentation—In fine could other than this, induce a combination to be secretly entered into, for six months previous to the day of election, and as secretly carried on, to prevent the choice of a man, who in his office had been most perfectly unexceptionable and independent—A man, whose uniform firmness of conduct, purity and benignity of mind, talents and integrity as a judge—abilities and information as a politician, virtue and patriotism as a statesman, and dignity and affability as a chief magistrate had justly rendered him the object of universal esteem and the greatest ornament of the State—A man against whom, not even party malevolence could bring a well founded charge—Yet all their disorganizing influence hath been exerted, not only against this character, but also against all other federal and patriotic officers in the government. While their restless spirit continues to exert itself, all true Americans will have occasion to be vigilant to oppose it—for by such measures as these, the unwary [Page] and uninformed have been and will ever be liable to be imposed upon, and induced innocently to give their suffrages for a man▪ that otherwise they would not have voted for. It hath ever been the policy of the French to get their tools into all the offices in this country — this is a part of their diplomatic skill* But as it respects the object of their late exertions in the choice of a governor—the business is at an end—For my fellow citizens, this great—this good man— alas, is no more—And on this day—the day of our natal festivity— we must mourn—and I trust most devoutly morn, this instance of the fate of humanity—tis death—solemn sound—but tis past—Our Councils have lost their Chief —our state their Father—the poor their friend—Weep! O my country weep!—but for yourselves— not for the dead—Gracious Heaven! thy ways are just—but man comprehendeth them not.

From this our solemn and sincere lamentation, for the loss of our Commander in Chief—I turn myself to you, my friends and brothers, whose garbs and insignia, distinguish you as the militia of our land—and consequently the walls—the bulwark of our country▪ At all times▪ but especially like the present, the peace, good order and welfare of the community in republican governments, depend in a great measure upon a regular and well disciplined militia —You▪ therefore, my fellow soldiers, so I address you, for I assure you that I boast of the honor of being enrolled in your number, must bear in mind, that as guardians of your country's rights and honor, sovereignty and independence—and as protectors of the lives and property of your fellow-citizens, of your wives and your children, you are responsible for their preservation and security —and from the importance of your charge, and the consideration of [Page] your being Americans, you will not fail of making yourselves thoroughly acquainted with the duties of a soldier; this knowledge will inspire you with confidence and courage, give national importance to you as the palladium of your country's safety, and "enable you to meet the full extent of the crisis, with integrity and without dismay."

RETURNING to you, my respectable auditors, I must add, that a frequent review of past events, and a comparison of them with existing circumstances and situations cannot fail of producing good, if we will but accept the blessing. By a thorough knowledge of the former, we have the experience of the past, to instruct and caution us in our present steps and measures; with this sentiment, it was, that I suggested, that there had been no period since the American Revolution, when the celebration of this day was more important.

IT will be certainly important, and happily so indeed, if thereby we learn duly to estimate our blessings, and to guard against our dangers. From a wish to inculcate the practice of the former, I have in a summary manner reminded you of the situation of America during her revolution, of the principles and conduct of her rulers, and of some of the troubles and difficulties through which our country waded, for the securing and establishing our unalienable and dearest rights, our sovereignty, our freedom our independence. To caution you against our dangers, I have brought to your recollection the outrages and injustice of haughty Britain; the insidious policy and piratical depredations of all grasping France; her boasted diplomatic skill, and treasonous party in this country— From all which I conclude, that America hath need of her utmost [Page] vigilance and exertion to defeat the designs of the latter, and nothing to expect from the favor or affection of either. "That they both will equally desire, and with chance of success will equally endeavor to create for themselves in opposition to each other an influence among us."—And that, therefore, as any the least foreign influence is pernicious to our country's welfare; we ought always to consider them both so far our enemies, as to be dangerous to our rights and our sovereignty, whenever they think it for their interest to violate them. With these sentiments then, let us all unite and banish alike the influence of both, and of all foreign powers▪ "Let us detest the man and disdain the spirit that can bend to a mean subserviency to the views of any nation—Let us be AMERICANS, and AMERICANS only.—That character alone is sufficient to comprehend all our duties, and ought to engross all our attachments"—By that name I first addressed you—By that I bid you adieu; deserve BUT THE CHARACTER AND YOUR COUNTRY SHALL BE FREE—SHALL BE HAPPY— TILL TIME SHALL BE NO MORE.

FINIS.

Notes

*

See Mallet du Pan.

↵

*

The late discovery in Philadelphia of a large quantity of French uniform, concealed in small parcels, in different places, I would refer the reader to, as one ground for this suspicion.

↵

*

Great pains was taken by persons sent into many different places in the District of Maine, a short time before the last election for Governor, to represent this law as burthensome and unjust, and to induce the uninformed but honest part of the community to believe, that if the advocated candidate was elected, it would be in his power to repeal the law.

↵

*

It is a notorious fact that a man well known; was furnished and sent out in this manner for the express purposes of electioneering for William Heath, Esq. for governor, and he passed through this town and boasted of his having been on that business for six weeks, and that he was paid well for his time and expences.

↵

†

A man just before the first Monday in April, was sent express through the woods from Kennebec to Penobscot with a large quantity of these papers and to electioneer for the same man.

↵

*

Prior to the last election of President of the United States a plan was laid in France to place a man in that office who is considered as the head of the French party in America, and so well was the plan executed that it like to have succeeded.

↵

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN ORATION, DELIVERED AT WISCASSET, AT THE REQUEST OF THE INHABITANTS, ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1799.

By SILAS LEE.

"Beware of Foreign Influence, which will involve you, in spite of yourselves, in Wars," and ruin.

MALLET DU PAN.

WISCASSET: PRINTED BY HENRY HOSKINS 1799.

§

§

[Page]

§

SIR,

THE undersigned Committee of Arrangements for the Celebration of the 4th July in this town, in the name of its Inhabitants, thank you for your Spirited and Patriotic ORATION pronounced this day, and request a Copy for the Press.

JOHN ANDERSON.

SETH TINKHAM.

JERE. BAILEY.

Wiscasset 4th July, 1799.

Hon. SILAS LEE, Esq,

§

GENTLEMEN,

TO decline granting your request, would on an occasion like this, be considered as novel; to furnish you with a copy, my unavoidable engagements will not permit; and therefore, to avoid both, I inclose you the original with all its many inaccuracies.

I am Gentlemen

respectfully Yours, SILAS LEE.

Information about this book

Title statement

An oration, delivered at Wiscasset, at the request of the inhabitants, on the Fourth of July, 1799. By Silas Lee. ; [Two lines from Mallet du Pan]

Lee, Silas, 1760-1814.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2005-03.

ID [DLPS]

N26836

ID [TCP]

N26836

ID [STC]

Evans 35724

ID [NOTIS]

APW3978

ID [IMAGE-SET]

35724

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99009933

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 35724.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N26836)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 35724)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 35724)

Source

— An oration, delivered at Wiscasset, at the request of the inhabitants, on the Fourth of July, 1799. By Silas Lee. ; [Two lines from Mallet du Pan], Lee, Silas, 1760-1814..

Extent

25, [1] p. ; (4to)

Printed by Henry Hoskins,. Wiscasset [Me.]: :: 1799..

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