IN many countries and ages of the world, it has been a custom, annually to com­memorate great events, and celebrate the birth­days of great men. This practice has so much antiquity to sanction it, and is so congenial with our propensities, that the only discretion, which seems now to be left us, is in the choice of the objects.—What event more worthy of commem­oration, than the birth of a nation? What birth-day more deserves to be celebrated, than a nation's birth-day?—This day, these United States are twenty-three years old. The Fourth of July has been a day of rejoicing, in the chief places in our country, ever since the year Seventeen [Page 6] hundred and seventy-six. It is pleasing to observe, that, as this town and its vicinity grow in popula­tion and wealth, the inhabitants manifest a desire to join in the general joy of the day, and testify that they love INDEPENDENCE. May we not only show, that we love it, but, that we understand what it is, that we remember how it was acquired, and know how to preserve it.

POLITICAL Independence consists in the right of a nation to govern itself, excluding the interfer­ence of every foreign authority. This differs from civil liberty; that being the security of person and property, which individuals enjoy, under the government of the nation. A nation may be inde­pendent, and the citizens not free. The citizens may enjoy a good degree of freedom, while the nation is not wholly independent. The latter was the situation of the people of this country, before the difficulties arose, which caused us to separate from Great-Britain. We can say, we were never in bondage to any man. Our ancestors, the set­tlers of America, had an unconquerable love of liberty. Having never submitted to oppression, in their native country, they brought with them a spirit, which, the wilderness, and the beasts and men, its inhabitants, could not intimidate. They preferred such an abode, with such companions, to [Page 7] a land of pleasantness and plenty, without freedom. While they enjoyed the rights of citizens and christians, tho poverty laid its hard hand upon them, they were not depressed, and tho death stared them in the face, they were not driven to despair. The commotions which existed at the time of their emigration, produced, in the parent country, the miseries of civil war, and the horrors of revolution. This had a tendency, no doubt, to reconcile them to their new situation, and to animate them to en­counter the difficulties attending it: For, compar­ed with revolutionary scenes, a wilderness is a garden; howling beasts, musical performers; and savage men, agreeable companions.

AFTER many years of alternate resistance and submission, the government of England was settled in a form, which secured the rights of the people, in the enjoyment of these rights, the inhabitants of the American colonies participated, and also had many privileges granted them by charter. They, in a great measure, governed themselves; especial­ly, in the important points of granting, assessing, and collecting, their own taxes. They, and the parent country, mutually assisted each other against their common enemies, and congratulated one the other in the strength of the empire, which arose from the union of all its parts. This union might [Page 8] have lasted many years longer, perhaps to the com­mon satisfaction, had not Britain forgot herself. Who can tell, but we should have been her colon­ists still, had she not, with a short-sighted policy, preferred a trifling present emolument, to the lasting glory and power of her kingdom? Had she allowed us to raise and apply our revenues, in our own way, they would probably been used, as much to her advantage, as if drawn into her chest. But, being avaricious, and conceiving she had the power, she could not resist the temptation, of laying her hands on our money. She did not well consider the kind of connexion, in which we stood to each other. That, tho we were of one family, and had a common interest, yet, that we had separate rights. She even exhibited proofs of the worst kind of avarice and selfishness, a desire to ease herself, by burdening her children. Disre­garding our respectful and dispassionate endeavors to convince her of her error, and urged on by her love of gain and of power, she made one attempt after another to tax us, and finally declar­ed, that her parliament had a right to bind us in all cases. However unintentionally in the makers, this was the knife, which cut the cord of union, be­tween the two countries. The spirit of our na­tion was roused, never more to sleep, till satisfac­tion [Page 9] should be obtained. Such a power, in a government, in which we were not represented, we had discernment enough to see, was complete despotism. Possessing minds, which had never been subdued, and a degree of virtue and infor­mation, unknown to the body of the people of other countries, we felt that we stood on the firm ground of right. With such a conviction, the weak are enabled to defend themselves against the strong, and feel bold to encounter every danger, and patient to bear every evil. Thus animated, the American people took their resolution. It was, to live in freedom—or not live at all.

ALTHO this resolution was taken with a firm­ness, which nothing could overcome, yet the Americans ardently hoped, that an accommodation might be effected, without a resort to arms. They did not, indeed, neglect to prepare for the worst, knowing, that the surest way to preserve any object, is, to be ready to repel an attempt to take it away. While they rejected the idea of un­conditional submission, they were slow to renounce that of a connexion with the parent country. Re­ligiously scrupulous not to be the first to shed blood in the contest, they presented one petition after another, seeking a restoration of their former priv­ileges, and exemption from future usurpations. Britain probably regarded these attempts as marks [Page 10] of weakness. She knew that the Americans were young, and little accustomed to war, and thought them illy prepared to contend with her mighty power, and veteran experience. She considered them her subjects, and hoped that her declaring them rebels, would intimidate them to submission. She knew also, that many of them still adhered to her, and might give her important aid in reducing the rest. She presumed further, that those who opposed her, having no common head, could not act in concert, and must soon yield to her requisi­tions. Thus influenced, she proceeded from one aggression to another, from hostile declarations to acts of bloodshed, till America, tired of forbear­ance, and despairing of justice, unsheathed the sword, appealed to Heaven, and declared herself independent.

HAVING abandoned forever the idea of an accommodation, our whole force was directed to securing what we had asserted. Seven years longer, we maintained the contest with an unbroken spirit. In this period, several of the nations of Europe acknowledged our Independence, and some of them, particularly France, rendered us assistance. At length, our enemy, wholly disappointed in her expectation of subduing us, finding great numbers of her troops slain and captured, her debt im­mensely encreased, and her cause unpopular every [Page 11] where, submitted to the humiliating measure of acknowledging us independent, and confirming to us, by treaty, the rights of sovereignty, and the blessings of an honorable peace.

INDEPENDENT, both by our own declaration, and by the acknowledgment of all the world, our next object was, to secure to the citizens the en­joyment of Civil Liberty, as well as to guard against future encroachments on the rights of the nation. During the war with Britain, most of the States had either constructed for themselves new consti­tutions of government, or adapted their former colonial ones to their new situation. It was not so well with the nation. An association of the States had been formed to carry on the contest with the common enemy, and for other national purposes. It tolerably well answered its design, while that con­test lasted; but, this external pressure being taken off, the edifice sell to pieces. The people, however, loved even the ruins of what had served them so well, in time of danger. Not till four years after the war ended, did they engage in earnest, in pre­paring something, which would protect them, in all seasons and circumstances. During this interval, the public happiness was disturbed, and the nation­al Independence put in jeopardy, by insurrection in more than one of the states, by disunion among the members of the consederation, and want of [Page 12] power in the head. Upon examination, the old edifice was found incapable of repair, and a new one was erected. Formed of materials which had been ages in collecting, constructed by builders well skilled in the theory and judicious observers of the practice of their art, exquisitely designed and faithfully executed, having its parts well propor­tioned and firmly connected, it rose majestic and beautiful. It was calculated to protect us from all assaults without, and to make us comfortable and happy within. Commanding the admiration of all other nations, it ought to rivet, unalterably, the attachment of every individual, who has the good fortune to live under it.

WE have now briefly seen, how our Independ­ence was acquired and established. But it will be of little consequence to have known this, or even to have acquired it at all, unless we know also how to preserve it. In order to this, it is necessary to perceive clearly the dangers to which it is liable, and particularly those, with which it is at present threatened.

THERE are certain dangers peculiar to the very nature of our government, as a republican government, and perhaps as a federal one. I am much inclined to be of the opinion, that the more free a government is, the more constantly is it op­posed, by the citizens who live under it. Oppres­sive [Page 13] governments, it is true, will, in time, so far overbear the patience of the people, as to rouse them to violent opposition, and even to produce revolution. Yet, if we cast a reflexion on govern­ments of that kind, which have existed, and do exist, we shall find, that they have enjoyed much longer periods of tranquility, than those of a popu­lar constitution. The latter have generally been seats of faction and disorder. By this, I shall not be understood to intimate, that an arbitrary gov­ernment is preferable to a liberal one; especially, after what I have said in praise of our own. The difference in the conduct of the citizens, under the one and the other, arises from the nature of man. We have in us, originally, a strong aver­sion from all restraint. This, when not under the direction of reason, like all the propensities, is irregular and excessive. Reason teaches us, that civil society is necessary to our improvement and happiness; and that civil society cannot exist with­out laws; and that laws, in order to answer their design, must operate a restraint on the vices of men. They must, indeed, oftentimes, be so con­structed as to produce present inconvenience to the good. The good, however, will readily submit, in such cases, knowing that their ultimate advan­tage will be promoted. Unfortunately, all civil societies have in them a great many people, who are [Page 14] not good; and many, well disposed, who are not well informed. These are ever ready to resist whate­ver counteracts their erroneous opinions, or corrupt desires. In free governments the danger of resist­ance is less, and the prospect of success greater, than in others. The press is open to the commu­nication of erroneous opinions, as well as just ones. By means of this, the whole body of the wicked and ignorant may be brought into action at once. There are always men vicious enough to carry on the work of misrepresentation and deception. Their short-sighted views lead them to imagine, that a change will bring them some advantage. They are willing to put every thing at hazard, un­der the possibility of gaining something. Not con­tent with the proceeds of honest industry, secured by the present state of things, they wish to set at loose all property, and all power, hoping, in the general confusion, to grasp more than they now possess; not considering, that, as soon as this is the case with them, others will arise, from the same situation in which they were, and, by the same means, dispossess them of their new acquirements. Thus, revolution will succeed revolution, till the people are prepared for the tranquil despotism of the most fortunate individual.—It is also easily perceived that external danger is encreased in pro­portion to internal division.

[Page 15] IF the position be just, that the freest govern­ments are most exposed to opposition, and it seems to be proved by all history, we may fairly draw this conclusion from it, That our own government is a very liberal one: For, from its first formation to the present day, there has existed a determined op­position to it. There was a set of men, who ex­erted every faculty, and practised every art to pre­vent its adoption. From this, we have a right to infer, as they suggested nothing in its stead, that they were enemies to government in general, and friends to that disunion and disorder, which had previously prevailed. Altho they were defeated in their attempts against the constitution, they imme­diately set themselves to oppose its administration. Not willing, like true republicans, to submit to the decision of the majority, they suffered no act of the government to pass uncensured, and scarcely any character in the administration to go undefamed. They early enlisted several printing presses into their service, thro which, they spread abroad their misre­presentations and falshoods, deceiving and mislead­ing many good people, in all parts of the country. The constitution, which was formed and adopted by the people themselves, they declared tended to des­potism. The administration, consisting of men cho­sen by the people, and from the people, continuing but a short time in office, and sharing in all the bur­dens [Page 16] they lay on others, they represented as aim­ing at the destruction of liberty. Lately, these op­positionists have had the impudence to call them­selves the friends of the constitution, when, every one may know, they are the very men who strove to strangle it in its birth. They have been arrogant enough exclusively to assume to themselves the ti­tle of republicans, when all their measures have the most direct tendency to destroy republicanism.

THIS spirit of opposition is one danger, which constantly besets us. But, at present, this is not all. We have enemies without, as well as within. Soon after the federal government came into opera­tion, the revolution began in France. Interested in the cause of liberty every where, and particular­ly attached to France, on account of her assist­ance in the war with Britain, we rejoiced in the hope, that her political situation would be benefit­ed, by the change which was taking place in her gov­ernment. This hope we were loth to relinquish, till her excesses and cruelties forced us to see it was wholly delusive. It was not long before it became evident, that the liberty of the people was not the object of the leaders of the revolution. Whatever party has been uppermost, and they have revolved almost as often as the earth on its axis, the views of France appear to have been the same, both at home and abroad. At home, with the words, [Page 17] liberty and equality constantly in her mouth, she has exercised the most unexampled despotism. Abroad, altho she declared she would never make war for conquest, she appears to have formed the project of universal empire. To accomplish her purposes, she has set in motion all her acts of intrigue, as well as her implements of fighting. Knowing the in­terest the Americans took in her cause, knowing also, that there was a party here in opposition to the government, which wanted only her encour­agement to make it outrageous, she early sent among us her agents, to help forward the good work of dis­organization, which she was carrying on so success­fully in Europe. These agents entered into the views of their employers, with a zeal natural to their nation, and with a success, tho not equal to their wishes, yet too great for our tranquility. They assumed the rights of sovereignty on our terri­tory. They issued commissions and raised troops to fight against nations at peace with us. They openly insulted the government, and appealed to the people. They instituted societies, in various parts of the country, for the purpose of making an organized opposition to the government. Thro these instruments, so powerful in their own coun­try, they attacked the government, with all the viru­lence of malice, and impudence of falshood. As if we groaned under the severest despotism, they [Page 18] addressed the passions of the people, to rouse them to resistance. In one district, they even caused to be performed, what they stile "the holy duty of insurrection." When, about the same time, our resentment was justly enkindled against Great­Britain, for her abominable orders for the capture of neutral property, they seized the moment of ir­ritation, in order, if possible, to drive us into war. This was conformable to instructions which they bore in their pockets, while they officially declared, that they wished us to remain at peace.

THOUGH our government entered freely in­to discussions of all difficulties, and was ever ready to grant compensation, if injury had been done, France showed her enmity more and more openly. She did it, by the capture and condemnation of our property, by the cruel treatment of our seamen, by the insulting manifestos of her ministers, and the recal of the last of them from the country. By refusing to re­ceive our minister, specially sent to adjust existing differences, and above all, by her treatment of the embassy of three, which was formed in a manner calculated to gratify her vanity, and clothed with instructions, perhaps the most liberal ever given. The denial of the rights due them by the law of nations, the ignominy and degradation heaped upon them, the intrigues practised with them, the [Page 19] demand of bribes and tribute made of them, the selection of one from the three and the endeavors to warp his integrity, the patience of the envoys in remaining many months under these circumstances, soliciting an audience, and exhausting the last drop of humiliation, have all been disclosed by the pub­lication of their dispatches.

HERE let me ask, is there any other nation on earth, from which we should have borne so much? We will answer this, by the feelings of our hearts, and by an appeal to our former conduct. When we were colonies, destitute of a national govern­ment, and much inferior to our present state, in numbers and resources, we resisted the most power­ful nation in Europe. What did Britain do, worse than France has done? We cannot, indeed, well draw a comparison between them, our situation in relation to the two, being so widely different. We were colonies of Britain, and acknowledged her right to govern us, disputing only about the mode of doing it. In the circumstances in which we were, it was to be expected she would be strenuous in asserting her authority over us. The beginnings of her usurpations were probably made, without much consideration, but when made, she was too proud to retract. This accounts for the origin of the contest, but by no means justifies her conduct in it. She was unjust, she was cruel, she was abom­inable, [Page 20] in all her proceedings. She deserved all the hatred we bestowed on her, and all the loss she sus­tained by our opposition. We, this day, congrat­ulate ourselves, that we are independent of her.

WITH respect to France, we are, and always have been, independent. It is true, she assisted us in our war with Britain; but it was a war for the common benefit of the two countries, and she ac­knowledged our Independence, before we formed any connexion with her. From the friendship she pretended to us, from the real good will we bore to her, and from the advantage she derived from the connexion, we thought we might expect from her, at least justice, if not generosity. But how reversed [...] event!

IF Britain, by her arts, endeavoured to subject us to her will; France has reduced intrigue to a system, and adopted it as her professional employ­ment. If Britain reproached us with want of grat­itude for her parental protection; France makes us deaf with her duns for a debt, which, if ever due, was long ago paid. If Britain conspired with our internal enemies to effect our ruin; France has enlisted into her service every child of disorder, every foe to our government. If Brit­ain sought to take our money without our consent; France has actually taken millions by force. If Britain disgraced us by the appellation of rebels, [Page 21] and strove by violence to reduce us to subjection; France has dishonored us by a demand of tribute, and threatned to make us slaves if we refused.

CAN we, my fellow citizens, any longer doubt the truth of this one important political proposition, That there is no such thing as national friendship? From the nature of man, it cannot be; nay, it ought not to be. A nation should be just to all the world, generous only to itself.—We have stood in the re­lation of children to Great Britain, but when she thought it for her interest, she oppressed us. We have stood in the relation of allies to France; but when she thought it for her interest, she rob­bed and abused us. Britain was willing to cherish us, while we promoted her views. France was wil­ling to assist us against Britain, because Britain was her greatest enemy.

OUR reliance must be only on Heaven and America for protection. With proper care that our cause be just, and a due exertion of our own ener­gies, we need not fear. Heaven has heretofore fa­vored us, and we have honored ourselves, by the spi­rit we have shown. Let us not now disgrace our­selves, and I am persuaded we shall not be desert­ed. Peace has been sought with unremitted exer­tion, and the smallest gleam of hope that it may be preserved, is fastened on with pleasure. But it must be such a peace, as is not bought with mon­ey, [Page 22] nor with the sacrafice of honor. It must be one, which shall restore to us our violated rights, and give us assurance of exemption from future in­sult and injury. If, after all we have done, and all we have borne, France will not grant us this, we can appeal to arms and to God, with the confidence of integrity. We shall be encouraged by the reflection, that we fight not only our own ene­my, but that of the world; the enemy of justice, of virtue, of religion, of man in all his interests, of God. She has filled her own country with misery, and all others, which she has entered, with confusion and every evil work. She has laid all the republics of Eu­rope at her feet, the victims of her intrigue, and their own irresolution. Under the strongest pro­testations of friendship and protection, she has rob­bed them of all their property and privileges, leaving them, as one of her generals expressed it, only the right of complaining. She has thrown down the altars of the Lord, and converted his temples into play houses and horse stables. She has abolished the Christian Sabbath, and murdered or banished the ministers of religion. It was one time declar­ed in her national assembly, that there was no God, and the declaration received with applause. She af­terwards voted to have one, and named him reason. Such injustice and impiety, it were almost a duty to fight against, tho we were not immediately af­fected [Page 23] by them. But their baneful influence has reached even unto us. France has attacked our principles, as well as our rights. Her disorganiz­ing, immoral, and atheistical, doctrines, have been spread with zeal, among our citizens, and, it is to be feared, with some effect. She has, indeed, left no means untried, to banish from the whole face of the earth, all which is good and amiable, all which tends to make us tranquil and happy in this life, or give us hope of another.

OUR government, ever watchful for the secu­rity and prosperity of the people, are taking the necessary measures for defence. Already the mil­itary ardor has spread thro every part of the nation. Already our navy has assumed its rank among the tenants of the ocean, and gives protection to mil­lions of property, of which France would otherwise plunder us. This bulwark of commerce is fast rising in respectability. Our resources are ample. We have many of the same counsellors and war­riors, who directed and defended us before; espe­cially, the two unrivalled characters, who are at the heads of the civil and military departments. The energetic measures we have hitherto taken, have had an effect on the enemy, and made us res­pected in the eyes of all the world. Let us persevere unto the end. Tho our independence is at stake, if we possess the same firmness of mind, the same [Page 24] union of sentiment, the same confidence in our rul­ers, and trust in Heaven, which we exerted in ac­quiring it, it will be preserved. Nor shall we stand alone in the contest. All the nations of Europe appear awake to a sense of their injuries, and de­termined to set bounds to the rapacity of France. They seem resolved to drive her within her ancient limits, and take vengeance for the outrages she has committed on the general laws of society. We are told that the current of events is turning against her; that her armies have experienced de­feat after defeat, and are retreating before the com­bined forces of her enemies. From what we know of God and of man, and of the connexion between causes and effects, we may reasonably anticipate, that we shall soon have occasion to rejoice, that her power to hurt is at an end. We shall then con­gratulate ourselves, that we have exerted our en­deavors to arrest the destructive progress of her arms, and the still more pernicious effects of her principles; that we have kept our integrity un­shaken, our firmness unimpaired, and thereby pre­served our INDEPENDENCE.