THREE interpretations may be given to these words.

1. It was the custom of ancient, as it is of mod­ern, nations, to excite the courage of their armies, when going to battle, by instrumental musick. The Etrurians, for this purpose, used the trumpet; the Lacedemonians, the pipe; and the Egyptians, the drum. The Hebrew people, ever instructed to borrow nothing of idolatrous manners, are here taught to acquire the necessary valour to combat and vanquish their foes, by simply employing their voices in singing the wondrous power and acts of their divine deliverer. This is one interpretation of the words.^* In its justification is adduced the following passage of the sacred Chronicles.B. II. Ch. xx. 21, 22. And when he had consulted with the people, he appointed sing­ers unto the Lord, and that should praise the beauty of holiness as they went out before the army, and to say, Praise the Lord, for his mercy endureth forever. And when they began to sing and to praise, the Lord set am­bushments [Page 6] against the children of Ammon, Moab, and Mount Seir, which were come against Judah, and they were smitten.

2. A second construction of the text supposes the psalm, from which it is taken, to have been composed in honour of some recent successes, that had crowned the Jewish arms, for which the peo­ple of God are exhorted to celebrate his goodness, and, at the same time, to retain their martial hab­its, as a constant terrour to their enemies.

3. Lastly, It is notorious that the Jews, after returning from captivity at Babylon, were infest­ed by a dangerous opposition to their liberties at home and abroad, which, through remarkable as­sistance of the divine providence, they finally crushed. Possibly the writer of this sublime and animated hymn designed to inspirit the patriots of his age to pursue and complete a triumph over their impious adversaries: and this construction is rendered almost probable by the context.

Let ^* the saints be joyful in glory: let them sing aloud upon their beds. Let the high praises of God be in their mouth, and a two-edged sword in their hand; to execute vengeance upon the heathen, and punishments upon the people; to bind their kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of iron; to execute upon them the judgment written: this honour have all his saints.

Since it is now impossible, however, to know the author and date of this production, it is equal­ly difficult and needless to ascertain the exclusive meaning of that portion of it, which is prefixed to [Page 7] this discourse. Combining, therefore, in some sort, its various senses abovementioned, we will consider the text as giving us the two-fold lesson of piety and the use of arms. Let us examine the opera­tion of both in the light of means, by which a na­tion may retain its liberties, and defend its rights against unjust enemies.

I. We will observe the tendency of national piety. It conduces to the observance of religious institutions, to personal virtue, to the discharge of relative duties, and to the publick order, union, and prosperity.

1. A principle of piety in a people induces its observance of religious institutions. The heart, that is warmed with the admiration and love of the divine perfections, honours the means of moral improvement. If revelation had taught to her disciples no forms of worship, which nature had not suggested to her children, the servant of God would still have sought in society an enlargement of religious affections, which the secresy and silence of his closet could hardly create. His benevo­lence, too, the offspring of piety, would have led him to provide for the instruction and consolation of creatures ignorant, weak, and dependent like himself. But now that the authority of religious ordinances is known to be divine; now that the law hath been dispensed by Moses, and grace and truth have beamed upon mankind in the gospel of Jesus Christ, the man of piety is the observer of publick worship, not merely on account of its reasonableness and utility, but from a principle of regard to God.

[Page 8] Imagine now, my hearers, a whole community attending on the institutions of religion from a principle of piety. What august and influential notions do they hence receive of the object of their praises! What a sense of mutual obligations and dependence; and what motives to relieve, to strengthen, to defend, to bless society! Indeed, whence but from religious institutions can that portion of knowledge be derived to the common­alty of a state, which is absolutely essential to the maintenance of its liberties? Accordingly the his­torian of elder times and the observer of the pres­ent age uniformly report, that where the institutes of christianity have been most intelligibly and con­scientiously reverenced, there liberty has dwelt with the greatest security and pleasure. Yes, ye despots of the earth, and ye, who cruelly invade the rights of mankind, it is undoubtedly your in­terest to overturn the altar, and unhallow the sab­bath, because the ashes of these rites produce an ignorance, which will foster your crimes.

2. A principle of piety promotes personal vir­tue. As there can be no genuine religion without morality, so there is no safe morality without re­ligion. If morals are the lamp, the fear of God is the oil, which must give it a strong and uniform lustre. Regard to temporary health, tranquillity, and honour, forms, of itself, a character of imperfect goodness. On the other hand, respect to the will, and reference to the perpetual notice of the Deity, just views of his benevolence and purity, and a sense of accountableness to him at the final judgment of the world, deeply imprinted in the soul, tend di­rectly [Page 9] to the sanctification and exaltation of man. Because he sees suspended over his head the sword of retributive justice, he avoids anger, pride, and inordinate pleasures; and he practises meekness and moderation, temperance and industry, because, by the appointment of God, they are connected with eternal joys. Thus, a sentiment of religion, whilst it commands the will, enlisteth also the affections in the cause of virtue.

It is impossible here not to see the connexion between piety, and the political strength and free­dom. If the citizens of a state were universally pious, their labours and diligence would procure them wealth, whilst their wealth would not be fol­lowed by luxury, and the consequent reign of the malevolent passions. Whence come wars and fightings among you? Come they not hence, even of your lusts, that war in your members? In a country, where private virtue is remitted proportionally to the in­crease of the common opulence and grandeur, in­ternal competitions and strife will certainly arise: these the ambitious of neighbouring states will em­ploy and point against its liberties, whilst the dis­tracted citizens, enervated by indolence and vice, have only to choose between an inglorious death, and a life of servitude and repentance. It is piety, then, which, by promoting the virtue of individ­uals, operates the salvation and happiness of the community.

3. It is piety, that excites a performance of relative duties. A moment's reflection informs every man, even in younger life, that he was not made solely for himself. He sees his social obliga­tions [Page 10] multiply with his years. His friend, his brother, his countryman, the stranger, all prefer him their claims. Is a principle of self-gratification, of vanity, family-pride, or thirst of distinction, al­ways competent to their discharge? The history of infidels and atheists proves the truth of the negative. Ungoverned by a principle of piety, the affluent and powerful will be insolent and op­pressive; the weak and dependent will be ungrate­ful and mutinous. Where motives of worldly interest and fame are suffered to hold the supreme rule, elevation of rank will be used merely to ter­rify and control. The servant will tremble in per­petual apprehension of his lord's displeasure, and the lord will be equally suspicious of the servant's treachery. There will be a constant war among all classes of society. Caprice and passion will break asunder the ties of consanguinity and friend­ship; and no bands will be found sufficiently strong, by which the most solemn and lovely con­nexions in human life can be saved from dissolution.

Religion, on the contrary, strengthens every tie, and fortifies every obligation.^* It inspires condescension and gentleness in the great, and clothes the powerful with the sweet and resistless charms of kindness. It helps the lowly cottager to sustain the inferiority of his station; the inno­cent prisoner, the weight of his chains; and the wretched of every name, the burden of his woes; by presenting to their full view the providence and agency of God; and by putting, in the place [Page 11] of their feelings, a lively faith, that the virtues of submission and contentment are destined to en­throne them in the kingdom of heaven. Mutual confidence is thus cherished amid all ranks in the state. Every citizen faithfully discharges his re­spective trust; and from the constant tribute, which flows to the commonwealth from individual honesty and domestick continence, her peace becomes as a river, and her righteousness as the waves of the sea.

4. Still more particularly and directly does a pious principle contribute to the publick order, union, and prosperity. It is this, which binds the subject to the governour. Without government, there can be no order in civil society; without oaths, there can be no government; without piety, oaths have neither use nor meaning. It is, therefore, in religion, that the ruled finds the guar­antee of his rights. Convince him that there is no God, or, which is much the same, that he does not govern and judge the world in righteousness, and you subvert his faith in the ruler. He will no longer willingly submit to the restraints of power; he is at once prepared for insurrection and pillage.

It is the same principle, likewise, that obliges the magistrate to the subject. It places him beneath the immediate and perpetual cognizance of the king of kings. It arrests him in every project of personal aggrandizement to the detriment of the citizen. It confines his studies and toil to the general good.

Hence the peaceful reign of law and order in the state, the cement of national union, and the multiplication of resources against the common danger. In no way can a state realize these bless­ings, [Page 12] and enjoy its liberties, except by disinterest­edness in the governour, obedience in the private citizen, observance of publick faith, and a prompt execution of justice; except, in short, by national piety.

Accordingly the frequent recurrence to antiqui­ty on this subject is always justified, by the multi­tude of proofs it furnishes, of the rise and glory of empires by righteousness, and of their declension and downfal by wickedness. It should be account­ed neither puerile nor pedantick in the moralist, when he tells us, that the ravages of impiety and luxury were more injurious to the Romans, than those of Pyrrhus or Hannibal; and that vice was the ruin of the Grecian states. Especially does the page of Jewish history present to our view, in a luminous and impressive manner the influence and effects of piety on the Hebrew nation. It was this, that made her populous, free, and rich, and that poured into her lap the charming joys of peace and plenty. It was this, which made her beautiful as her own Tirzah, Can. vi. 4 comely as her still fairer capital, and, at the same time, terrible to her enemies as an army with banners. It was piety, in fine, that so ex­actly measured her prosperity, and so notoriously determined her fate, that the fact was the constant burden of her sacred songs. The Lord taketh pleas­ure in them that fear him, Psalm cxlvii. 11, 12, 13. in those that hope in his mercy. Praise the Lord, O Jerusalem. Praise thy God, O Zion: for he hath strengthened the bars of thy gates, he hath blessed thy children within thee.

Wherefore it is a just and safe conclusion, that the piety of a people is one important and happy [Page 13] means of its defence; that it directly serves its in­ternal wealth, population, order, and union; and that, as eminent virtue spreads a glory round indi­viduals to the shame and dread of their enemies, so the righteousness of a community erects, as it were, a wall of fire between it and its foes.

Such, nevertheless, my hearers, is the disjointed state of morals in our world, such the restless am­bition of man, corrupted by the love and possession of power, that not even innocence and piety are secure from his depredating and oppressive hand. The devotion and beneficence of Elijah did not shield him from the persecution of Ahab; nor did the sanctity of the reverend Baptist divert the cru­elty of the Galilean tetrarch. States, too, are ex­posed to the spoliations of states; and the commu­nity, whose only defence is virtue, is sometimes the prey of violence from an unprincipled power.

In its patriotick addresses, therefore, the chris­tian pulpit, contrary to its pacifick character, is compelled to be the advocate of arms, as well as of piety. Let the high praises of God be in their mouth, and a two-edged sword in their hand.

II. That there are cases, in which both private and publick war is considered just on the principles of natural and revealed religion, is the general con­cession of ethical writers.^* How would the rights of the individual be deemed safe, if the thief might rob, and the assassin murder, him with impunity? If no violence were suffered to inflict punishment on the one, and extort restitution from the other, what value would be attached to property, or what [Page 14] comfort to life? Unprotected from the rapacity of the covetous, and the rude blasts of calumny, and unrecompensed by the court of justice, the boast­ed blessings of civilized man would be all an illu­sion. Contrasted with his condition, that of the hermit, or of the savage, would be every way eligible.

As long, therefore, as the dissocial passions shall poison and convulse society, the civil ruler must be ordained to arrest and reclaim disturbers of the peace. Even the disciple of the friendly Penn, if he would see the government effectual to its ends, must provide for its exigencies, and put a sword into the hand of the magistrate. For what is command without power, or law without pen­alty?

War between states is justified for the same rea­sons, which make it righteous between individuals. If the publick enemy of a country will not be gov­erned by the rules of eternal order, nor by laws established by the common consent of nations; if he is neither awed into a pacifick temper by the lustrous example of piety and meekness in the community he seeks to oppress, nor disarmed of malice by its conciliatory proposals, the intended victim of plunder and slavery may religiously arm in defence of its rights. Indeed an application of the principles of force is here publick spirited and humane. Tyrants of the world should be taught to respect the liberties of their fellowmen; and their destruction in one age should inscribe a salu­tary lesson on the page of history for succeeding oppressors.

[Page 15] However, then, the pity and sighs of the sensi­ble heart may be excited, from contemplating the horrible effects of war, we are obliged, under cer­tain circumstances, to view an armed association one of the most necessary engines of state. Cor­roborative of this sentiment is the language of the scriptures, which thus animates the pious to resist their insulting and tyrannick foes.

Be of good courage,2 Sam. x. 12.and let us play the men for our people, and the cities of our God. Be strong and cou­rageous,2 Chron. xxxii. 7,8.be not afraid nor dismayed: for there be more with us than with him. With him is an arm of flesh; but with us is the Lord our God, to help us, and to fight our battles.Psalm cxliv. 1.Blessed be the Lord, my strength, which teacheth my hands to war, and my fingers to fight.

Whilst we pay homage to the ancient revelations of the Deity, let us not be understood to militate with his more valuable dispensation by the great Reformer of mankind. We vindicate no war, which is not the legitimate offspring of self-de­fence; none, incompatible with any sober con­struction of the precept, Resist not evil; none, which embraces other objects, than such a restitu­tion to the injured state, as shall inhibit future aggressions; none, in which a christian country cannot consistently appeal to the sovereign arbiter of nations for the rectitude of its cause, and con­fide the issue to his just decision.

Hence, although national piety alone must be deemed an insufficient defence of national right, in the present condition of humanity, it is yet infinitely preferable to a military system altogether supported by selfishness and violence. Ruthless [Page 16] ravagers of our race are they, who levy war for the sake of widening their territory, and filling their coffers. Execrable plagues of mankind are they, who find an occasion for their arms in the internal dissensions, or defenceless frontier of a neutral power, or who, for the sake of connecting their names^* with memorable events, lay waste the dwellings of the just.

The war of such heroes is like the fury of san­guinary cannibals, and the rage of the hungry ti­ger. Nay, it is impolitick. Their two edged swords must finally prove fatal to themselves, as well as the people they spoil. After being, for a while, disturbed by their outrages, the world will rise and complete the repression of their arrogance. So strongly impressed on the human heart is a sense of equity, and so happily is this sentiment improv­ed by the diffusion of religious knowledge, that the time approaches, when the abolition of tyranny shall be considered the common cause of God and of man.

Wherefore, if a system of national defence, wholly pacifick, be ineffectual to the general safety, through want of force and arms, a nation of soldiers is doomed to a transient existence, from a deficiency of religious principle. The unarmed saint is in­deed a defenceless dove, the almost certain prey of the ravenous hawk; but the impious warrior is a destructive serpent, whose head, inheriting the universal odium, will eventually be bruised.

So then piety is a defence, and arms are a de­fence; but since neither, singly, will enable a na­tion [Page 17] to maintain its liberties and existence, in this mixed state, its wisdom consisteth in teaching its citizens to let the high praises of God be in their mouth, and a two-edged sword in their hand.