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AN ORATION, DELIVERED AT RIDGFIELD, ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1799, BEFORE A LARGE CONCOURSE OF PEOPLE, ASSEMBLED TO COMMEMORATE THEIR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE.

BY DAVID EDMOND.

DANBURY: PRINTED BY DOUGLAS & NICHOLS.

MDCCXCIX.

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AN ORATION, &c.

THE astonishing changes which have been effected in the world, from the first organization of civil society, to the present day, have always afforded the most sublime, interesting, and instructive subjects for contemplation. To develope the causes, and to trace the effects, of the rise, and declension of States; and through all their various revolutions, to discover the finger of Providence, controuling the passions of men, against their own will compell­ing them to be happy, and from the greatest apparent evil, still deducing greater good, has ever afforded the most delightful em­ployment to the pious philosophic mind. And the statesman has found it equally improving to examine every important event, and from the misfortunes of other nations, learn to avoid the causes of their misery, or with better skill to steer through storms of con­vulsion to the harbor of peace and safety.

Every succeeding age has witnessed the overthrow, or gradual decline of some nation or empire, once illustrious in the annals of the world: and every century has beheld the rising glory of some young State, increasing in defiance of opposition, and demanding a distinguished place among the nations of the earth.

But although every age has been characterized by similar chan­ges and revolutions, each has not been equally remarkable. And compared with any other, the present century stands perhaps un­rivalled. Though in earlier times, the little provinces of Greece, by their prowess in arms, and improvement in the arts, claimed and enjoyed the preeminence over the world beside; tho Alexan­der in twelve years revolutionized the world; and Caesar after­wards ravaged three quarters of the globe; still the last thirty years have witnessed events more extraordinary, and may challenge the history of any period since the creation for a parallel.

Among the first of important events which have taken place within this period, is the revolution of the United States of Ame­rica. A revolution which excited the astonishment of every older nation, and indeed afforded the most ample room for their amaze­ment. Three hundred and seven years only have now elapsed, since, under the guidance of Columbus, the first European ship reached the shores of America: not more than two hundred since [Page 4] the first settlement in Virginia, by Sir Walter Raleigh; and one hundred and seventy-eight since driven by the unrelenting severity of Archbishop Laud, a few active and enterprising husbandmen left their native country, and effected the first settlement on the coast of New-England. How amazing since then has been the change in human affairs. America was then rude, and unculti­vated; inhabited by a race of men who possessed no fixed habita­tion, had few ideas of property, and trusting solely to the chace for support, neglected every improvement of the soil. It present­ed only the dreary aspect of a region ten thousand miles in length, and one third as many in breadth, covered by one extensive forest, and forming a boundless haunt for animals of prey, or for men equally savage and ferocious. To recover such a continent from its native barbarity, was a task, which men enterprising like our fathers would alone have the courage to undertake, or be able to accomplish. Such was their zeal however, that no obstacle was to them unsurmountable, and no degree of hardship too painful to be endured. With the most unremitted perseverance did they struggle with cold, with hunger, with fatigue and danger, and what was perhaps the most distressing of all, the hostile dispositions, and constant incursions of the natives. By their vigorous exer­tions they vanquished every difficulty, and in spite of opposition established the Colonies. Their rapid increase, since then, has exceeded all human calculation. Where once was a forest that know no limits but the ocean, or where were an handful of stran­gers, poor, and necessitous, and struggling with extreme toil to procure a scanty subsistence, appear now, cities, that may vie with any of the old world for beauty of situation, or elegance of design; towns, that every where embellish a populous and fruitful coun­try, and fields that opening on the view in all the luxuriance of fertility and prolification, present to the admiring eye, the pros­pect of an extended garden. Along those shores where a few tot­tering canoes once hovered, many a grove of masts rises to the view, and the long tract of ocean appears whitened with the flow­ing canvass of our fleets. Our population has increased commen­surately with the extension of our territory, and the number of our citizens may now be estimated at six millions of people. In proportion to this number, no nation on the globe can produce so hardy, numerous, and effective a military force.

It is not extraordinary that so rapid an augmentation of wealth and power, with a people of so independent a spirit as the inha­bitants of the American colonies, should excite a jealousy in the mother country. The ministry of Great-Britain were not weak men, or ill versed in the history of nations; and they were not mistaken, when they imagined that such men would one day break the connexion that bound them to the mother country, and estab­lish [Page 5] a government of their own. The measures they pursued were rather dictated by state policy, than influenced by the value of the revenue they expected immediately to receive. They saw the ne­cessity of establishing in the colonies a kind of government, which should derive its authority more immediately from the crown, and of course be more devoted to the interest of England. The pow­er, and energy of this government, were to be supported by a mi­litary force sufficiently powerful to counteract any wish of the people for emancipation, or any direct attempt to regain their freedom.

That this policy was wise as it regarded the mother country, admits not of a doubt; and the measures which succeeded, and terminated finally in the acknowledgment of our independence, prove only, that it was adopted at too late a period, when the colonies had acquired sufficient strength to resist any attempts at their subjugation. They saw through the insidious policy and firmly opposed every attack on their constitutional rights. Their resistance was crowned with success; and after a war of eight years, they had the satisfaction of seeing their enemy retire from their coast defeated, and acknowledge their unconditional inde­pendence.

Delivered thus from the yoke of a foreign country, America found herself in a novel situation. Her general government which derived its authority from the common danger of the people, was found, when that danger was over, to be powerless, and void of energy. It possessed indeed, as the ingenious author of M'Fingal observes, "a power to advise and recommend," to pledge the public faith, without being able to give any security for the re­demption.

A general government possessed of powers more ample, and more properly distributed, was found to be indispensable. Delegates from the several states met, and formed a constitution, the boast, and security of every American. How long it may remain un­corrupted by faction, intrigue, or national depravity, or unshaken by foreign aggression, time alone can determine. This however we can say at least, that it appears to possess every thing requisite to its permanence, and that under it we have enjoyed greater free­dom, and security, and have been ruled by more wholesome laws, than any people in any age or country. Virtue has been hitherto the ruling principle of its administration, and every rule of justice and humanity has been exercised towards nations with which we had intercourse. By such a course of proceeding, it was fondly hoped that an universal attachment to it would have prevailed a­mong our citizens, and that we should have remained unmolested by any foreign enemy. In both however, the wishes of our legis­lators [Page 6] have partially failed. We have not existed without inter­nal commotion, the offspring of a discontented, Jacobinical fac­tion, and many insults and aggressions from abroad.

Insurrections are what every government must at times experi­ence. Men there are in all countries ambitious of fame, and de­void of morals; who catch at every means of acquiring distinction; and who when disappointed in their favorite pursuits, harbor a most implacable spirit of revenge, against the administration, or those by whom they are supplanted. An ambitious atheist is a character sent into the world to be the plague of society. The love of glory is a most predominant passion, and when unrestrain­ed by virtue and religion, is the most dreadful foe of social felicity. Characters of such a stamp, will delight in embroiling society, in unhinging all order and authority, in exciting divisions between the governed and the governors, in lighting the torch of civil war, and destroying the peace and happiness of mankind. It is their only chance of being distinguished, and for the sake of distinction no conduct is too atrocious to be pursued, and no crime too enor­mous to be committed. The principle which Milton gives to one of his infernals, is with them carried into complete practice,—"better to rule in Hell, than serve in Heaven." It is indeed a deplorable circumstance, that such characters should exist, to be the disgrace of their kind; and still more is it to be deplored, that they should be found in a country, so peculiarly favored by Hea­ven as ours. But it is a consoling reflection that they do not a­bound, and that the few who do exist among us, are held in a toil by the friends of our government, and are crushed at a blow, when they dare to appear publicly as its enemies.

The injuries, and insults we have sustained from abroad, date their commencement from the revolution in France: one of the most extraordinary events, and most destructive in its consequen­ces to human happiness, that the annals of the world have ever recorded.

It is my design to make some remarks on some of the leading incidents of this revolution, such as will discover the true system of their policy, what relation it bears to other countries, and what measures ought in consequence to be adopted.

It has been very generally supposed by people in this country, that the officers and soldiers of the French king, who served in the American war, imbibed here the principles of freedom, and by viewing their happy effects on society, conceived a disaffection to the government of France, at that time an absolute monarchy; that, on their return, they disseminated these principles, and were [Page 7] in fact the primary authors of the revolution. They might, and probably did, become in a degree dissatisfied with their own ad­ministation, and this may have facilitated the revolution, but cer­tainly it did not derive its origin from them.* Some late disco­veries prove, that for more than forty years past there have existed in France, and other parts of Europe, combinations of men, the most distinguished for learning and talents, contemplating, not only the dissolution of the monarchy in France, but the abol­ishment of all civil government, together with the Christian reli­gion from the world. The first object of these secret combinations was only the abolishment of christianity; and was originally con­templated by Voltaire, in conjunction with Frederic the Great, king of Prussia, and D'Alembert, the head of the French academy. The plan was after the death of Frederic, extended to government of every kind, whether religious, or civil. To effect this great design, Voltaire, D'Alembert, with most of the leading men in the academy, gained first an influence over every press, in Paris, and suppressed every thing in favor either of christianity, or mo­rality, while they suffered volumes of the most indecent attacks on both, to pour from them daily. The destruction of civil authority was to be effected, by every where exciting discontent and jealousy between kings and subjects, governed and governors, till they were weakened by repeated insurrections, and civil wars, and then to raise themselves on the ruin of every constitutive authority, to an universal domination over the world.

Secret societies were every where formed, in which discourses, and debates were holden, on the best means of effecting these great purposes of delivering mankind from the tyranny of superstition and slavery.

By tyranny was intended government of whatever kind, howe­ver lawful or mild; for it was an established principle, that sub­mission to the laws of civil society, was the greatest evil and only apostacy of mankind. Similar combinations, for similar purposes, prevailed also in Germany. Doctrines the most corrupt and dan­gerous were assiduously inculcated, particularly among the youth, and those who were supposed to possess uncommon talents. They endeavored, and with success, to corrupt the lodges of Freemason­ry; the impenetrable secrecy, which is a distinguished character­istic of these lodges, was found admirably to subserve their designs. They did not however long wear the cloak of freemasonry; an or­der of their own was instituted 1777, called the order of the Illu­minati. This society was under better regulations, and was found to be better calculated to advance the great design, than any before [Page 8] instituted. It was a regular improved system, and soon attracted the attention of all the disorganizing combinations in Germany. For a long time their machinations were secretly carried on, without being noticed by the mass of the people. Some jealousies and divisions at length prevailed among them, and hints were drop­ped which rendered them suspected by the government. Their meetings were prohibited, and all their papers, which could be found, seized, and exposed to the public. By these all their de­signs were fully developed; the end of the institution appeared plainly to be the disorganization of Europe, and the abolition of every civil and religious restraint upon the actions of men. To do this a set of principles were inculcated which struck at the root of every maxim of morality. One of their most remarkable doc­trines was this, that provided the end to be obtained was good, every means might lawfully be used to accomplish it. That no action was criminal but as it repected the ultimate effect to be pro­duced. Thus, as the order contemplated only the highest happi­ness of mankind, every means that could subserve this end, be it assassination, or war, or desolation, was sanctified by so great a good. Jesus Christ it was held wished to effect the same purpose, and disseminate the same principles. But unhappily men were then not ripe for their reception, and to avoid punishment from the civil authority, he was obliged to throw the same doctrines they possessed into an allegory. This they assert he did in a very CLEVER manner in the New Testament. This allegory they of course explained to suit their purpose. For instance, a state of nature was said to be a state of pure liberty and equality, mankind departed from this and submitted to civil government; this was the fall and original sin: the restoration of mankind to this state of nature, by means of the Illuminati, was regeneration or the new birth; and when this was completed, man was redeemed, and the kingdom of grace established.

It is to be observed however, that these doctrines were taught only to the initiated, to those who had some pious qualms, and even these were persuaded into the belief, only to prepare them for the higher mysteries of the order. To be admitted to these, to be fully acquainted with the grand design, it was necessary to believe that there was no God, of course no revelation, that the creation of man was the effect of chance, and that the idea of a soul, or spirit, was false and absurd.

The order increased rapidly in Germany, and spread abroad in­to other countries: several societies were formed in England, and some were instituted in this country previous to the year 1786. In Prussia were a number, and the Count de Mirabeau was ad­mitted at Berlin, where he was minister from the court of France. [Page 9] He imported it into France, and the secret societies which existed before in the nation, became immediately illuminated. Deism and atheism prevailed at that time among the men of talents, and great numbers of them were added to the order. Under their di­rection it was properly systematized, and its success was amazing. Throughout the whole country were lodges established, in con­junction with each other, and dependent on the grand lodge at Paris, of which the infamous Orleans, of Egalite was grand mas­ter. The plan of the revolution, the murder of the monarch, and the assassination and banishment of the clergy, were here first con­templated. The design was ripe for execution while all was still. In every society it was well understood and approved. No disco­very was made until the appointed day, when all France, almost at the same instant, was in insurrection. The national assembly assumed the authority of government; and in a due course of time, the king, condemned by a mock tribunal, was brought to the axe.

Since that period we have seen every operation of the party in power directed to the same object; and the principles of illumi­nation afford a key, to unlock all the secrets of their policy.—These principles, the convention when fully established in power, went so far as publicly to avow. By a decree as arrogantly vain as it was blasphemous, they declared that there was no God: that death was an eternal sleep, and by another, too indecent to be re­cited, every idea of delicacy, or chastity, was scouted, and uni­versal prostitution was declared to be one of the laws of nature.* Universal domination in the fulness of their haughtiness and pride was acknowledged to be their object. Brissot, a leader of the con­vention, declared in a public address, that the French must set fire to the four corners of Europe; and in the reply to the address, by another member of the convention, to disorganize Europe, is de­clared to be one of the sublime vocations of the convention. There is no doubt, says Brissot, but we can establish liberty universally, by exciting the governed against the governors, and letting the people see the facility, and advantage of such revolutions. And the convention itself, the supreme authority of France, before the war commenced sent commissioners into Belgium, with particular instructions, to treat as enemies, all persons, and even whole coun­tries, who should refuse to alter their governments according to her will. The war was notoriously a war of aggression and offence on their part; and before it broke out they had completely settled their plan of operations. In Belgium they were to attack the emperor: the king of Prussia in Westphalia: Holland was to be subdued, and by operations there, the bank of England was to be ruined: a popular government was to be instituted to put the [Page 10] strength of the country into their hands; and with the assistance of this, they were to destroy the trade of Great-Britain in Europe, and make hersupremacy in the East, and West Indies rapidly dis­appear.* "And all this was to be effected, by setting fire to the four corners of Europe, and exciting the people" every where to insurrection against the government.

This plan is not a fiction, fabricated since the war commenced, it was fully detailed in a speech made to the convention before the commencement of hostilities, and received with repeated bursts of applause.

That America was involved with Europe will be evident when we reflect that at this period Genet came a minister to this coun­try. It is remarkable that he sailed before the declaration of war by France against England, yet was directed, to persuade the go­vernment of the United States, to make a common cause with her against Great-Britain.

Never before since the creation were designs like these formed. Never did human beings imagine a project so atrocious. To raise the world in arms, to spread desolation and death over the globe, and for what?—That their strength might be wasted, their re­sources exhausted, that they might fall an easy prey to the armies of liberty, become illuminated, be brought back to a state of na­ture, of pure liberty, and made fit subjects of their new kingdom of grace.

With this original design, every action of the great republic has exactly corresponded. And deplorable indeed have been the effects in Europe. Their armies have gone forth to revolution­ize, plunder, and destroy. Their secret emissaries have penetrat­ed every country, to spread the pollution of their abominable prin­ciples. Like the pestilence that walketh in darkness, they are unseen, and unknown, while their corruptions and poisons abound. No tongue can describe, and hardly can any imagination conceive, the devastation, cruelty and distress, of which they have been the authors. In the year 1795, it was computed that the enormous number of two millions of people, exclusive of those who had pe­rished in their armies, had been massacred. Through Italy, one of the most fruitful countries in Europe, they spread desolation and death: Holland and Belgium are subdued, and Switzerland has since received, the yoke. With their proceedings in these countries you are well acquainted. Suffer me however, to men­tion one fact.

[Page 11] * The little town of Neuweid in Germany, was governed by a prince, whose delight it was to make his people happy all a­round him. He so far effected this, that strangers visited it as a curiosity. This delightful spot was at last entered by the accursed emissaries of the Illuminati. The people were persuaded that they were slaves, and that their prince was a tyrant. Moreau was near, and they sent him an invitation to come with his army, and give them their liberty. He came, their gates were thrown open, and his soldiers liberally supplied with every thing the little town could spare. Contribution however followed contribution. Their wives and daughters were brutally seized by the soldiery, and their houses pulled down and burnt. In this situation when a most ex­orbitant demand was made on them by Moreau, they waited on him in a body, and entreated him to desist, for they had nothing left. "Nothing left!" replied the infernal monster, "have we not left you eyes to weep?" Barbarity like this can indeed almost make a christian look up with thankfulness, and bless his God, that the vessels of wrath are full, and in store, to be poured out in just vengeance, on beings so dreadfully abandoned.

From the facts already recited, and from many more which, had we time might be noticed, the whole system of French policy is explained. The motives of their conduct with regard to Ame­rica, are fully unfolded, and are all calculated to subserve the grand project of universal dominion. To persuade the Americans to enter into a common cause with them, was to strike an effective blow at the trade of Great-Britain, and make its supremacy in the West-Indies rapidly disappear. We find therefore, that every minister of France, has incessantly urged the necessity of our em­barking in the common cause of liberty. And when our com­merce suffered by the depredations of Britain, they as repeatedly urged us to take efficacious measures for its defence. These effi­cacious measures were pressed in such a manner, as fully to intend a declaration of war. It was our good fortune, or rather it was by the protecting providence of God, that we had then in the pre­sidential chair our great and good Washington—a man in whose praise I would attempt to say something, were not applause lost upon him, and every encomium I could invent too feeble. He adopted at that crisis, the only line of policy perhaps that could have saved us from destruction. A dignified, and independent system, yet moderate and just. Too wise to be deluded by intrigue, and too firm to be shaken by a menace, he baffled all the insidious arts of the Republic, and adjusted our differences with England, upon as fair and equitable a scale, as the existing state of things would permit. The directory who had now succeeded the con­vention [Page 12] were provoked and the resentment of disappointed ambi­tion appears strongly in the speech of Barras: the most impudent and insulting to the United States that can be possibly conceived. It is one of those appeals to the people, we so often have heard, against the proceedings of their government, and contains an ob­servation, on which I wish to make a remark. Among other as­sertions equally false and ridiculous, he says that the Americans proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owe it to France. This claim upon our gratitude for services performed in the revo­lutionary war, has, I know, with all unprejudiced people, long since been exploded. Suffer me however to note a fact, to shew the extreme folly and absurdity of their advancing it.* The king of France on entering into the contest, published a manifesto, de­claring, that he did not take up arms to assist the Americans in rendering themselves independent; for their independence was al­ready established beyond the possibility of being defeated. Why then, it may be asked, did he take up arms at all? The answer is found in the secret state papers of Louis XVI, published after his murder by the convention. Among these were found Mr. Turgot's scheme of policy with regard to the United States. In it are these remarkable words.—

"The event the most desirable for the two crowns" (France and Spain) "will be the reduction of the colonies, again under the yoke of England." He then proceeds to observe that before the reduction, the war ought to be spun out, until every means of de­fence had failed, and their resources become completely exhausted; they were then to be given up a sacrifice, to hang as a burden on Britain, rather than be suffered to grow up into an opulent and powerful nation. Mr. Turgot was then minister of France, and drew up this plan for his own immediate practice. And it is no­torious, that France opposed by every means in her power, the peace in 1783. What unparalleled effrontery was it then in the directory, to advance a claim of gratitude, for services done un­der the monarchy, after publishing this abominable policy. Bri­tain herself, was not so terrible, and malignant an enemy.

Disappointed in their intrigues, the directory next assailed us with threats, and to these actual hostilities soon succeeded. We are informed by the apostate Barlow, that they supposed our in­terest was the only nerve in which our sensibility could be effect­ed, and that the seizure of our ships was permitted as a necessary chastisement to bring us to our duty.

[Page 13] Happily for us the illustrious Adams was then advanced to the presidency. We trembled on the verge of destruction; and had he been supplanted by the American high priest of Illumination, our ruin would probably have been inevitable. Though not a soldier like Washington, he was eminently qualified for the exalted sta­tion. Perhaps through the whole extent of America, a man, better acquainted with the science of government, a greater states­man, or a more profound politician, was not to be found. The wise policy adopted by Washington, was followed by his successor. And the republic soon found he was a man able, and determined; to protect the honor, and independence of his country. They were enraged, a loose was given to their piratical fleets, and our commerce severely suffered.

Thanks be to that God, who has always been our protection, we now are no longer depressed by the injury. Spirited defensive measures have been adopted, and our property on the ocean guard­ed by our rising navy. Its successes have been great, and have e­qualied our warmest expectations. America has shewn to the world, that she has sons, who tremble not at the cannon of a French fleet, and who dare contend with any power on earth. The name of Truxton, stands enrolled on the list of fame, and whoever, in future times, shall turn over the leaves of our naval history, shall feel their hearts beat with admiration, as they read his glorious exploits. May our navy continue to be forever or­namented with such commanders, and such seamen. Our ships shall then ride securely through the bosom of the ocean, and the remotest shores, hostile to our peace, tremble at the roar of our cannon.

That our other commanders have not equally signalized them­selves is owing to a want of opportunity alone. The intrepid Barry is known throughout Europe and America, as the comman­der of the Alliance frigate, and the other officers are men of deci­sion, courage, and skill.

The directory appear to have taken the alarm at our successes, and display more pacific dispositions. How sincere they may be, is not for me to determine. But with men so such notorious, and unexampled perfidy, every thing is to be suspected; and the most solemn assurances unattended with the repeal of every obnoxious decree, and the recall of every piratical privateer, ought only to strengthen our resistance. They have again suspended, but not repealed, the murderous decree, that condemns to the gibbet every unfortunate American, who is found on board a ship of their ene­mies. That condemns him, without a trail, without even per­mitting him to shew in his defence, that force alone compelied [Page 14] him to enter on board.* "A decree," says the Hon. Mr. Har­per, "worthy in bloodiness, and injustice, of a country whose citizens have butchered two hundred and fifty thousand women, carried infants, stuck on the points of spears to be drowned, and chopped off the hands of mothers, stretched out for mercy to their tender babes."

Several new decrees have lately been passed apparently to check the depredations of privateers; but they want the qualifications of open fairness, sincerity, and honesty; and can claim no degree of confidence from our government.

Thus my audience, have I endeavored to give you the leading features of a conspiracy, which must strike with horror every friend to humanity, and the happiness of mankind. It seems indeed in­credible, that human beings could be guilty of crimes so enormous: yet while we blush for the disgrace of our species, the evidence is incontrovertible, and enforces conviction. It is an alarming con­sideration, that this conspiracy exists still in its full vigor, and that its objects of abolishing religion, and acquiring an universal dominion, have never been relinquished. They never will be re­linquished, while a ray of hope remains of their accomplishment.

While the directory of France possesses the power, and resources, of carrying on a war, the world will never be at peace: and until the French nation shall totally change its character, every country will be filled with its emissaries, secretly endeavoring to excite divisions, and with their abominable morality, to pollute and de­stroy. While these are solemn truths, and while the people of America are fully in possession of them, can there be a doubt, can there be the least hesitation, what line of conduct ought to be pur­sued? Is there in existence, a wretch, so base, and so shameless, as to open his mouth in defence of French liberty, or French policy? Can there be an individual, who does not rejoice, that every bond of alliance, or commerce with that nation is dissolved? Is there one, who does not exult in the defeat of their armies and mourn at their success? If such there be, let them be told that they are a disgrace, not only to thiscountry, but to all mankind. Even the de­tested jacobinical faction of France, affords not a character so vil­lainous and depraved. They have some interest of their own in view: but the American jacobin, seeks not only the destruction of all his countrymen, but is willing, to gratify a darling prejudice, to blast himself, and his children, and see his country in misery, and rush, provided he can have the diabolical consolation, of dying with a Frenchman in his arms. I know that there are men in this [Page 15] country of this stamp. I know too that some of them merit our pity and compassion, rather than our indignation and scorn: men of weak minds, who think little, and are contented to become the dupes and tools, of the wilfully abandoned. I bless God however that neither the degraded, nor deluded, dwell among us. I rejoice that in Connecticut, few such detestable characters are found, to make our souls sick, at the sight of such deplorable depravity.

To avert the danger which threatens, there is but one method, an active, and vigorous resistance. We are not to rely on the mercy of our enemies, for their lovingkindness is cruelty, and death; neither are we in the day of our danger, to look to foreign countries for assistance, and protection. When America ceases to be able to defend her own honor, and independence, she is undone. Our own exertions, with a firm reliance upon the Almighty Ru­ler of nations, must effect our salvation. We are now in a situa­tion to guard against all the intrigues of our enemies. Our high­est interest, perhaps our national existance, depends on our re­maining totally unconnected with so faithless and perfidious a peo­ple. Let us have no more alliances, no more treaties; or if we must negociate, let Truxton be the envoy, and let the mouths of his cannon proclaim the terms of accommodation.

The independence of the United States was purchased at too dear a price, and is too immensely valuable, to be tamely resigned. You did not toil through the fatigues and dangers of so long a war; your blood was not poured out for the advantage of a French di­rectory. The cannon were not heard in these streets, the lives of American soldiers were not here sacrificed, that a French re­public might riot in the reward of your labors. Tell me, ye who witnessed the approach of an enemy to this town, who heard the thunder of their arms, who saw your wives and daughters flying in all directions to avoid the danger, who beheld the blood stream­ing down the street, and your friends and brothers gasping on the ground; tell me, if ye supposed, that the freedom for which ye fought, was to be wrested from you by an abandoned French horde.

Such exertions were not too great to obtain our independence, and I trust they never will be thought too great for its preserva­tion. Let us only be united, be cool, and be firm, and we may bid defiance to the world in arms. If war must be our lot, let, us meet it with courage, and trusting in God for protection, fear not the event. By such a conduct we shall behold the designs of our foes defeated, and the fourth of July, as it comes round in each revolving year, shall not serve as a mournful memento of blessings we once enjoyed, and ingloriously lost, but find us still independent, and free, and warm our he arts with joy, gratitude, and festivity.

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