An oration, spoken at Hartford, in the state of Connecticut, on the anniversary of American Independence, July 4th, A.D. 1799. By William Brown.

An oration, spoken at Hartford, in the state of Connecticut, on the anniversary of American Independence, July 4th, A.D. 1799. By William Brown.

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An ORATION, &c.

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An ORATION, &c.

IT is with much propriety, that this day, is generally devoted to national festivity and joy: But it cannot be entirely useless, even on this proud day, to improve one short hour, in reflecting upon the situation of our country. In the attempt to exhibit, in a partial and inadequate manner, some of the difficulties and dangers, to which we stand exposed, I have not the vanity to expect that the facts, or reflections, which may occur, will, in any high degree, be either pleasing or instructive. It may perhaps be sufficient for the occasion, and surely it is enough for my ambition, if this address shall be so fortunate, as to make an impression, favorable to the empire of virtue, and the reign of the laws.

THE splendid successes of the French revolution, have, for a long time, blinded our eyes, and bewildered our understandings; and it was not in our power to check our enthusiastic ardor and affection, until the perfidy, cruelty, and impious ambition of its leaders, had taught all nations to feel for their own freedom and security. It is now too well established, to admit of any reasonable doubt, that our dearest interests, both of a political and domestic nature, are deeply involved in the events of that revolution. Indeed there is the strongest reason to believe, that France has the most fixed and deadly [Page] animosity, against the government and people of the United States. In this situation, it will not be thought improper, should I desert the customary topics of this occasion, to draw an imperfect sketch of the relations we stand in, towards that terrible republic.

TO some it may seem strange, that I should speak of any existing relations, between the United States, and France. Events have indeed taken place, which may seem to proclaim a state of actual hostility; but these events are not of that strong and decisive cast, which must necessarily produce war. The measures adopted by our government, to protect our commerce, and in some measure to wipe away our national disgrace, are of that temporizing, and mongrel stamp, which, partly pacific, and partly hostile, leave to France, the ultimate decision of the question, of unconditional hostility. It becomes not me to decide, whether this state of things, awkward and inconvenient as it may seem, is to be preferred to unequivocal war.

ONE certain result however, of this motley system is, that it leaves us exposed, again and again, to all the evils of negociation; and it requires great political forecast to decide, whether a situation more truly alarming, can be the misfortune of any people. We are called upon to act in a scene, where every step is surrounded with perils. If we refuse to negociate, war is to be dreaded: If we listen to negociation, our own experience, and that of other nations, will teach us to dread a "diplomatic skill" in the French, which has hitherto proved efficacious for all the purposes of their infernal policy.

AFTER having humbled ourselves before France, and at the feet of her directory; after having made our complaints to these merciless barbarians, in the language of wounded friendship; after having beheld the final accomplishment of our degradation, in the mortifying spectacle of our commissioners, driven with every mark of contumely and reproach, from the presence of the haughty divan; we are now supplicated [Page] to compromise our differences in an amicable manner.

UNDER these disgraceful and degrading circumstances, ought the United States to accept the proffered invitation? Ought we indeed to indulge a momentary wish, to be in any way connected with the French republic? Any such connection must be effected by further negociation, and a second treaty; to which there are many, and in my apprehension, insuperable objections.

A TREATY between states, is from its nature, and the situation of nations, a mere bargain upon trust; and the parties can have no security against each other, for the performance of their mutual stipulations, but the public faith of their respective governments. This public faith depends, in a high degree, upon the respect which the rulers of nations pay, to the sacred obligations of morality.

TURN your attention for a moment, to the moral character of the rulers of France; you will find them destitute of every trait, either of honor, or honesty. We were, for a long time under the fatal delusion, of imputing the cruelties of the revolution, to the necessities of virtuous men, struggling against a long established system of oppression, the most intolerable and despotic, in the annals of mankind. But this dark mist, raised up by the industrious votaries of anarchy and confusion, has been dissipated by the light of historic truth.

IT is now confirmed, by testimony which cannot lie, that the scheme of revolutionizing, not only France, the pretended object of this work of darkness, but the world itself, was engendered in the malignant minds of a certain description of self-called philosophers, the zealous idolaters of vice, in all its hideous forms, and the determined foes to Christianity, in all its various denominations. These men, affecting to spurn at the wisdom of ages, and to turn to nought the morality of the scriptures, have undertaken the task of leading mankind to the practice [Page] of virtues, not to be found in any code or system of morality, hitherto promulgated to man. Indeed their plan has been, in all things, to disturb and overwhelm, the established order of thought, that they might with the greater ease, introduce a mysterious faith, and a profane and fearful worship, which was to deluge the earth with crimes. Their principles, are those of anarchy and impiety, which they have scattered, like fire-brands, over the face of the whole earth, carrying wherever they went, misery, conflagration, and death. These restless apostles of iniquity, have not been satisfied▪ with the diffusion of their poison, over a few kingdoms and empires; but urged on by the genius of fanaticism and terror, their fixed and unalterable purpose is, not to cease from their horrid labors, until the accomplishment of what they, in blasphemous mockery, call the regeneration of the world.

SINCE the death of Voltaire, to the influence of whose powerful genius, worthy of a better cause, we may safely impute the introduction of this novel philosophy, the disciples of his school have put in motion, every abominable artifice, and every potent spell, to effect the dreadful purposes of their master's impiety. Secret clubs, private societies, and committees of insurrection, have been organized throughout Europe, to scatter abroad the principles of impiety and anarchy, and to give them an uncontrolable power over the minds of men.

TO prepare a conspiracy, destructive of the blessings of civil life, and every human happiness, the society of the ILLUMINATI, and the * OCCULT LODGES [Page] of free-masonry, have exhausted the powers of the human mind, in inventing and combining, a series of dread mysteries, unhallowed machinations, and disastrous plots. All these various schemes, have been devised for the sole purpose, of giving active and energetic effect, to the principles of Voltaire, and his school; and their success has become a very [Page] phenomenon, in the civilized world. The principles thus invented and diffused, have at length been dreadfully refined, and sublimated, in the fervent heat of the jacobinic revolution in France.

THE object of these terrible reformers of the morals of men, as disclosed by this event, is to make a dreary desart of the world, by the destruction of every religion, and the demolition of every government. The sentence denounced against these two useful, and venerable institutions, is at once fatal, and irrevocable. To accomplish this detestable object, the adepts are commanded, and even sworn, never to be weary in making proselytes, by arts the most insidious and vile; and even Princes and Kings, are to be drawn in to sign, involuntarily, the sure warrant of their own execution.

IN this warfare, of vice against virtue, of anarchy and rebellion against civil order, of atheism "and every evil work" against religion and morality, truth is to be put to flight, by the light artillery, and missile weapons of sophistry, and the ground thus gained, is to be preserved by fire, the sword, and the guillotine.

NEVER has a system existed, so full fraught with mischief; and in its effects, so terrible to the affairs of mankind. To say that the dark ages are revived, in the plans of modern philosophism, is a feeble expression; since the conduct of its adepts, is not the barbarism of an ignorant horde of savages, led on by the momentary impulse of passion; but their cruelties are the result of cool calculation, and require the ingenuity of a refined people, to invent, and the firm and systematized plans of a learned people, to execute.

SUCH was the school, to which the leaders of the French revolution, and the chiefs of their present republic, are indebted, for their principles of morality, and no person has now the hardihood to say, that the passing scenes in France, do not fatally verify in the pupils, the most sanguine expectations of [Page] their master. If there be any necessity, that the rulers of nations, should regard the common rules of morality, if we must rely on the public faith of France, for the execution of a treaty, which is to reconcile the two nations; where shall we find the principal which is to inspire us with confidence or hope? Is there any security that the stipulations, which may be written on parchment, will not be violated on the moment of their [...]ation? Is it not rather to be expected, that as soon as an opportunity presents, the rulers of France will ridicule our misplaced confidence, "laugh at our calamity, and mock when our fear cometh?"

IF arguments drawn from the utter depravity, of the French leaders, are not sufficient to convince the most incredulous mind, turn your attention for a moment, to their diplomatic history, as it respects both foreign nations, and ourselves.

IN looking over the long list of nations, who have been prepared by negociation, to become provinces of France; Holland, Geneva, Venice, and Switzerland, claim, in the dark catalogue, a pre-eminent rank. The disastrous fate of these nations, teaches the people of every country, the most awful and tremendous lessons, on the diplomatic engagements of the French. These engagements are not confined to treaties, executed with the usual and established ceremony of a public convention; but may be traced in all the public acts of their agents, commissioners, ambassadors, and generals.

AT the time when Dumourier entered the Netherlands, to prepare his way for the conquest of Holland, he chose to clothe "the diplomatic skill" of his government, in the delusive form of a proclamation. In this shape, he attempted to create a schism in the country, by assuring the people, whose friend and deliverer he claimed to be, that while their persons and property, should be held sacred and inviolate, the vengeance of his troops should fall [Page] with accumulated weight, upon the heads of their oppressors. But lest the piety of a religious people, should receive a shock, from the avowed infidelity of the French, and lead them to defend the altars of their God; he was careful to declare, in the most solemn manner, pledging his military honor and the faith of his government, that the church, its property, and the rights of conscience, should every where, and at all times, be sedulously guarded.

UNFORTUNATELY these treacherous assurances, gained the confidence of the people; and the rulers of the country, thus deprived of its strength, were compelled to admit the triumphant march of Dumourier, into the heart of their territory. No sooner was this success known in Paris, than the National Assembly, setting at defiance, the rules of war, the laws of nations, and the ties of conscience and honor, issued their sacrilegious decree, directing the indiscriminate plunder of the inhabitants, and the violation of the sacred temples of the Lord. Nor was this national act a vain ceremony, since the Netherlands, were doomed to experience its harsh effects, in a too precise and literal execution. The wretched inhabitants, stripped of their property, and torn from the society of their wives and children, were compelled to submit to the scourge of French discipline; and in the midst of the most cruel sufferings, their piety was shocked, with the sad spectacle of their churches robbed of their hallowed vases, their altars overthrown, and their priests reproached, insulted, and slain.

I MENTION the fate of the Netherlands, as paving the way, for what is termed the revolution in Holland; but what is in truth, a real and destructive conquest. By the magic spell of negociation, and fraternization, the French, have established a military republic, on the ruins of the Prince of Orange and his party. I forbear to detail the particular events, which led the way to the destruction of the United Provinces. The recital would only serve to rouse [Page] our indignation, at the horrid and disgusting scenes, which have every where "marked the track of the revolutionary armies and codes." It is sufficient to say, that Holland, whose industrious activity, and persevering enterprize, had for centuries been characterized by the simple, but expressive metaphor, of a bee-hive, and whose commercial importance, and great wealth, had given her the name of the bank of Europe; has been transformed, from her former enviable and splendid situation, into a poor and wretched imitator, of the French republic. If wealth, splendor, and power, could confer reputation and happiness, these were her portion, and richly did she deserve them; but wealth, splendor and power, all are flown on rapid wing, to grace the triumph of an imperious master.

IN like manner, Geneva; once illustrious, for the cultivation of every polite art, and the patronage of every abstruse science, has been made the theatre of the wildest and most shameful factions, arming citizen against citizen, with a deadly and rancorous hate.

WHEN the convention ordered their army into Savoy, in the year 1792, Servan, minister of war, wrote to Montesquieu the commander of this army the following order, "You must enter" Geneva "by consent, or force—they have 2000 stands of arms in that town, of which we are in need. If you enter by force, you will send them to us; if you enter by consent, still you will send them to us, promising to replace them." A stronger instance of French diplomacy need not be sought. The language of it is, plunder Geneva—do it by consent if possible—but, at any rate plunder Geneva. Notwithstanding this order, Montesquieu, actuated either by his fears, his moderation, or a real desire, to avoid a rupture with the Swiss, at that time the allies of Geneva, concluded a treaty, by which something like equitable terms, were granted to the Genevese. Nothing can exceed the disappointment, rancor, [Page] and revenge, of Brissot, Claviere, and their party, when the news of this treaty, arrived in Paris. Montesquieu was instantly proscribed, the treaty so modified as to suit themselves, and the wretched Genevese, compelled to accept the destructive fraternal embrace. A long report, the production of Brissot's pen, serves at once to show the resentment of the Gironde, at Montesquieu's ill-timed lenity, and their own infamous principles respecting the law of nations.

THIS report announces to the convention, that "Geneva shall obtain no other treaty, but the communication of French principles.—You are to consider, whether a free nation can, or ought to bind herself by treaties; whether they are not indecent with any government which does derive its powers from the people—for it is perhaps in that consists the secret of the revolution." According to the philosophic opinions of this adept, the principal secret of the French revolution, consists in the destruction of those only ties, which bind nations together, like brethren of the human race; and in declaring it infamous to abide by treaties with any people, otherwise than as they shall admit "the communication of French principles." This is the language of modern philosophism; this is an official, fresh coined document, from the bloody mint of the revolution. Upon these principles, the United States may hope that the French will respect a treaty between the two nations, whenever we will consent to a "communication of French principles:" or in other words, when we shall establish civil order, by the erection of a guillotine, when we shall teach our citizens morality, by the preaching of atheism, and when we shall build "a republic on earth, by pulling down the throne, and the King of Heaven."

VENICE, a name venerable to commerce, and dear to the arts, need only be mentioned, to awaken in every breast, the liveliest indignation, and the most poignant sorrow. This once respected and [Page] honored name, is wiped out of the catalogue of nations. If the successful arms of that arch-buccanier Buonaparte, gave him possession of this once famous republic, it required the powers of "the diplomatic skill" of his country, to barter away to another master, a whole people, their rights and possessions. With Venice, the other Italian states, are sunk in the frightful abyss of the French revolution.

BUT it is the destruction of the Helvetic confederacy, which affords to the United States, the most terrible example, of the sure success, and fatal effects of French negociation. This confederacy in some respects, strongly resembled the constitution of the United States. It was composed of a number of independent states, leagued together, for the purposes of common defence. Tho' the tie, which bound the Swiss Cantons, in one political body, was less accurately defined, and had not for its object, so vast a variety of interests, as the American confederacy; yet it had been found, until since the miraculous event, of the French revolution, a sufficient safe-guard both in war and peace. The strong principle of self-interest, combined with a sacred regard for their original compact, has enabled the Swiss to maintain their constitution and independence, for a series of ages, amidst the shocks of contending nations. By reason of those fortuitous events, which happen to nations, during their gradual formation, their states were unequal, in point of territory and wealth, and differed from each other, in religion, language, manners, and origin. But notwithstanding these perplexing, and seemingly incongruous circumstances, the Helvetic confederacy, to use the impressive language of the eloquent Mallet Du Pan, "existed like its mountains, by the gradual coherence of its parts, the elements of which were cemented by the weight of time."

THE single name of William Tell, will convey to the mind, a correct image, of the spirit and character, [Page] of its ancient inhabitants, who by their valor alone, have secured to their descendants, a reputation, respected and venerated, by surrounding Princes, and a tranquility, undisturbed by the agitations and convulsions of European Nations.

THUS fortunately situated, and trusting to the wisdom of their government, for the means of protection, the Swiss people, considered themselves as exempt from the calamities of war, and for years preceding the French revolution, had cultivated the arts of peace, with an unremitting diligence and success. Of morals pure, and manners simple, the tenants of these fortunate mountains, were in possession of a felicity, which was the continual theme of the historian's praise, and poet's song. All nations seemed to regard their singular good fortune, as a sacred gift of heaven, which it were impious to molest, and sacrilegious to destroy.

AT the beginning of a revolution, which was to involve "these happy skies," in its most frightful tempests, the Helvetic confederacy, was the firm friend, and unsuspicious ally of France. Relying on the faith of treaties, and content with their own situation, they persevered in their ancient and wise policy, of assuming among the hostile powers, a neutral position. The chiefs of France, affected to be charmed, with this instance of magnanimity and justice, while they harboured in their rapacious minds, the fell purpose of dragging the happy Swiss, into the vortex of their own confusion. Scarcely had the treaty of Campo Formio, removed the obstructions in the path of the French, when they threw off the mask; and attacking the Cantons, just as they awoke from their dream of security; at the point of the bayonet, and with a thirst of blood and plunder never before witnessed, "they fixed their ban on Switzerland."

AT an early period of the revolution, spies and emissaries were dispatched from Paris, to sow the seeds of discord, throughout these peaceful regions; [Page] and no intrigues were left untried, no arts unessayed, to fill the minds of the people, and their magistrates, with terror and distrust. To the influence of these secret agents, may be charged the establishment of societies denominated patriotic, at Berne and in all the principal cities and towns. These pretended patriots, holding treasonable correspondence, with the jacobins at Paris, and with the Swiss, who had been banished for their crimes, were perpetually disseminating their seditious poison, in the streets and public places; and with the accustomed revolutionary cry, of "aristocrat," calumniating every virtuous citizen, and every upright magistrate. By arts like these, were the vilest factions created; who, insinuating themselves into the public councils, and filling the magistrates with doubt and dismay, effectually prevented the adoption, of a single measure, of a vigorous and decisive character.

IT was thus, the passes through the mountains of Switzerland, were opened to Brune, at once the ambassador and general of the French republic. With one hand he grasped the exterminating sword—with the other, he dealt out the dole of negociation. Commanding an army much more numerous than that of the confederacy, he dared not confide his success to their boasted valor alone. Within a few leagues of the gates of Berne, and after hostilities were decidedly and vigorously commenced, he resorted to his civil character, and proposed an armistice. This fatal, and pusillanimous expedient, was adopted by the council, while it was pursued by the French, for no other, than the shameful purpose, of creating divisions in the state, and mutiny among the troops. Libels of the most false and treacherous tendency were distributed throughout the Swiss camp, accusing their most meritorious officers, of the foul design, of betraying the liberties of Switzerland, and delivering its troops, into the hands of their enemies. The fluctuating conduct of the government, furnished too strong a confirmation, of [Page] this seditious calumny. At one moment, feeling the pride, and assuming the port, of a gallant ancestry, the council resolved to preserve their liberties from the unhallowed touch of fraternization, or perish in the attempt; the next, as if scared at their own temerity, they erased the manly resolution from their journals, that nought might appear, but the record of their dishonor.—At one time, adopting a noble and generous policy, they armed the commander of the forces, with ample power, to vindicate the modern Swiss from the foul stain of cowardice—the resolution is scarcely passed ere the genius of discord enters—they palsy the hands of their general, at the moment he is about to strike, and thus the only opportunity of saving Switzerland, is forever lost.

IN the midst of these perplexing councils, and contradictory measures, the troops gave way, to the suggestions of calumny, and in an evil hour they fell upon their own officers, many of whom, were the wretched victims, of a fury and despair, at once ferocious and irresistible. The French general, carefully availed himself, of these dilatory and disgraceful scenes, to move his army into positions, which might insure his success; and nothing now remained, but to attack a foe who had yielded his last and only hope. The conviction and remorse, of the Swiss troops, came at last to remind them, that every thing was lost; when actuated by despair, they resolved to bury themselves, under the ruins of their country. The onset was furious and terrible, and a scene of havoc and slaughter, ensued, which while it reflects immortal honor, on the expiring valor of Switzerland, will exhibit to us, in the most glowing colors the atrocious and sanguinary spirit, of these fierce republicans.

THOUGH Switzerland was lost, by the timidity and treachery of her own citizens, yet there were many, particularly of the magistrates of Berne, who animated by the example of the brave and incorruptible Steiguer, rushed into the thickest of the battle, [Page] and heroically died, fighting for the liberties of their country. That great man, the Washington of Switzerland, who had seen the storm while yet in the small and distant cloud, and had never ceased to warn his countrymen, of its sure and rapid approach, refused to quit the bloody conflict, until forced by the hand of admiring friendship, he was reluctantly compelled, to survive a country, for whose honor he had labored in the cabinet, and fought in the field. Illustrious man!—

"O! had thy counsels firm and good,

Thy 'vet'ran counsels been pursu'd,

Helvetia still had freedom known,

Nor bent beneath a despots frown;

Nor seen her fertile fields laid waste,

Her hamlets burn'd her temples raz'd,

Her cities levell'd in the dust,

Her fair a prey to fiend-like lust,

In heaps the dying and the dead,

Hoar age, and feeble childhood spread,

By tempests smote, whose pale remains

Lie whitening o'er their native plains."

THUS fell the boast of republics, the pride of science, the envy of Kings. Her existence is not now to be traced, but in the fond remembrance, of her former virtues, and in the keen regrets, of the wise and good, for her departed glory. She was not a victim, to the courage of her enemies; since while unassailed, by artifice and intrigue, and clothed in her military terrors, she stood aloof, the gaze and admiration of the world. But she expired in a convulsive struggle, between the arts, and arms, of France, and now lies a sad monument, of the folly and stupidity, of listening for a moment, to the syren song of negociation.

NOR have the United States, much reason to boast their exemption, from this system of fraud and imposition. Like Switzerland, we once had our treaty, and confided our peace to its force; like her, we adopted and proclaimed our neutrality, and like [Page] her, we have been deceived; but through the interposition of the strong hand of a protecting Providence, we have not yet "partaken" of the last "of her plagues."

HITHERTO, our constitution has escaped the ruin prepared for it, by its enemies; yet, has it more than once, been brought to the brink of political destruction. France has assailed us, under the specious and imposing character, of a friend, a sister, and an ally, while her conduct has betrayed, a mortal and irreversible hatred, to our political systems, our morals, our commerce, our laws, and our magistrates. In our country, and under the eye of our government, jacobinic clubs have been established, seditious publications have been circulated, and treasonable correspondences formed. We have witnessed the corruption, of one of the principal officers of our government, and the more alarming phenomena, of two insurrections, against the wholesome laws of our country. Agents of France, have been multiplied in our borders, scattering wherever they went, the revolutionary venom. The venerable name of Washington, has been profaned, by the foul breath of calumny; and it was enough, that John Adams, was President of the United States, and a virtuous man, that he also should become the object of the bitterest reproach. We have sent public agents, of established character to France, who have been neglected, insulted and spurned from her government; while worthless traitors and vagrant conspirators from America, have been admitted to the highest honors.

SUCH is the sketch of French diplomacy, in the United States; the detail of which, would fill volumes. In no respect, has our situation been more honorable, or safe, than that of Switzerland, except that we were placed, by the hand of God, beyond the reach of the arms of France. All these shameful scenes, have been acted again, and again, on the American theatre, yet there are men, who are continually repeating the stale question; What [Page] should prevent the accommodation of our differences? Why shall we obstruct the returning friendship of France? The most satisfactory answer to this question, is the plain and trite remark, that by negociation, the French have every thing to gain, and nothing to lose—America, every thing to lose and nothing to gain.

THE naval force of Great-Britain, has nearly destroyed the strength of France, upon the ocean, and the combined powers, are giving ample employment to her arms, upon the land; and she has now no army to spare, for the conquest of the United States. While things remain in their present situation in Europe, it would be madness in the directory, by breaking with us, to multiply the number of their enemies. But whenever treaties, or military success, shall give to France that superiority, which she so ardently and vigorously pursues, we may then expect the full vials of her wrath, to be poured out upon us. With this view, she now stifles her resentment at the chastisement, her colonial pirates have received, and though inflamed with revenge, for our daring to oppose her domineering spirit, she is hushing us to sleep, with the lullaby of treaty and alliance. But let us remember, that she is "treasuring up" for us "wrath, against the day of wrath." With the solemn calm, which precedes the earthquake, she is waiting for the time, when the unrestrained volcano of her rage, shall burst forth, and bear away, in its tremendous torrent, our independence, our peace, and our very existence.

THE time must shortly arrive, when the precarious treaty between the French republic, and the Spanish monarchy, will be dissolved. It is impossible that a convention, founded upon fear and suspicion on one side, and upon avarice and rapacity, on the other, can be of long duration. The money and patience of Spain, will soon be exhausted, and then may we expect, the ambitious projects of the directory, to open upon the wealthy, but feeble provinces of [Page] South-America. They have already turned their malignant eyes towards the inexhaustible mines of Mexico and Peru; and whenever Spain shall refuse the tribute, which is the price of her present tranquility, the hungry armies of the French, will be sent to carve their own fortunes, in the luxuriant fields of Spanish America.

PORTENTOUS will be the fate, of the United States, if this event shall find them, slumbering in the arms of security. Can we indulge a hope, that the feeble province of Louisiana, will form a sufficient barrier, between us and the French when in possession of Mexico? Having reached the borders of Georgia or Carolina, an army of Frenchmen will find ready prepared, powerful engines of revolution and conquest. The blacks, urged on by vengeance for the hardships of slavery, and animated by the example of their African brethren in the West-Indies, will instantly join the standard of the invader, and greedily unite with him, in the work of plunder and blood. Imagination already conceives, myriads of furious Africans, collecting together the materials of vengeance, and marching in dread array, to the dwellings of their masters. Paint to yourselves, cities given up to indiscriminate plunder, villages sacked and burned, the country desolated, and the fields "watered with the blood of their cultivators." Listen to the groans of wretched white-men, butchered by their infuriate slaves, the shrieks of mothers, and of virgins, a prey to more than demoniac lust and barbarity, and the cries of infants,

— "stabbed at the breast,

Or reeking on the points of sportive javelins."

ABOVE all, view Frenchmen, mingled with negroes, less savage than themselves, and with smiles of ecstacy, joining in the impure and shocking death-dance of Africa, and by their hideous obsequies, insulting the remains of the slaughtered inhabitants. If any one imagines this picture over drawn, let him [Page] read the revolutionary tragedy of St. Domingo; there he will find, "confirmation strong, as proofs, from holy writ."

SUCH are the scenes, we may expect to see realized, in our happy country, unless all our resources, all our energies, are brought into immediate and active operation.

INSULTS of an ordinary description, had not the power to produce in our government, or people, any resentment, against the fierce and marauding spirit, of the French republic. It required the complete prostration of our trade, the destruction of our national character, and even a civil war, in the heart of our country, to infuse into our public councils, a small portion of the spirit of our fathers. So long indeed had our patience continued, that we had become the jest, the bye-word, and scorn of all nations not excepting even France. The magic spell, of parchment chains, which bound us stronger to France than iron bonds, is now happily destroyed. The day on which our treaty was vacated, was to America, a second 4th of July—another natal day of our glorious independence.

THIS change of spirit and measures, has at length, opened our eyes, to new and animating scenes, and enabled us to feel, the immense difference there is, between a resolute and spirited nation, and a people, complaining, undecided, and forever temporizing. We are now beginning to form a national character; our government, is assuming a respectable, and commanding attitude; our infant navy, has already given a happy specimen, of what the wooden-walls of America, may one day become; and we are fast approaching the time, when we shall not only "have a name," but be "a praise among the nations." Commerce too, not long since "laid low, even in the dust," now raises her drooping head; and while resting her limbs on the anchor of hope, and brandishing in her hand, the American trident, she fixes her steady eye on a distant object, and resolves to [Page] recover her accustomed honors, and restore to her country its departed splendor.

SUCH has been the effect, of calling up a small portion, of the resources of our country; and one would imagine, that few could be found, so lost to all national pride, so destitute of every sentiment of patriotism, as to wish for a relaxation of measures, so evidently calculated to raise our reputation, and to establish for ourselves, so permanent a security. Yet is it a melancholy truth, that in our own country, among our own citizens, even in our public councils, many are found, who with a perseverance at once astonishing and alarming, attempt "to stop the wheels of government," by a determined opposition to every measure of safety, and who still continue to sing, the everlasting song, of "peace, peace; when there is no peace."

TURN then, a deaf ear, to such perfidious, such treacherous counsellors. Remember, that when you attempt to negociate with France, you have to treat with a nation of philosophers, the high priests, in the temple of impiety; of republicans, the determined worshippers of anarchy; of statesmen the rapacious robbers of the human race. Call to mind the horrid school, in which the new law of nations, the terrible code of France, has been taught. Recollect that the inventors, propagators, and adepts, of this new code, are governed by principles which set at defiance all religion and morality; blasphemously scoff at every thing virtuous and good, and resolve to sacrifice on their impious altars, until the final dissolution of the moral elements of the world. Be persuaded, that the pernicious doctrines, of this modern philosophism, were not meant merely for the closet speculations, and impious pastime, of the adepts; but rather behold, in the unhappy fate of Holland, Geneva, Venice, and Switzerland, a practical construction, and a literal execution, of their most horrid tenets. In the convulsive struggles and expiring sighs, of these wretched and deluded nations, anticipate [Page] your sure, and inevitable destiny, if lost to your own dignity and safety, you shall again lend a willing ear, to the suggestions of France. The spirit, which her injuries have roused, she has unwillingly beheld, and now attempts to soothe your manly indignation, by dropping the haughty language of a despot, and assuming the soft tone, of a friend and ally. Regard not the sudden change, of this Protean monster, who can at any time assume the shape which best suits her purpose. Although she now smiles, and fawns, and would lick our feet, remember, that "like the tiger, she always crouches, ere she leaps upon her prey."

Notes

*

I am sorry to hear, that some worthy persons, who belong to the fraternity of Free-Masons, took offence at the censure, here cast upon the OCCULT LODGES of the craft; and as I always am disposed to give a candid explanation, of what I have said, or done, which appears to have been misunderstood, the reader will now be informed, of the cause, why these Lodges, were spoken of, in the manner they were. That a conspiracy of a formidable nature against the church and the state, has for a long time existed on the European continent, cannot now, be doubted; and since the mass of testimony, published by the learned and indefatigable Abbe Barruel, there can be as little doubt, but the society of Free-Masons has in a variety of ways, been made instrumental in the plots of the conspirators. But this position is to be understood in a limited sense; for it is by no means true with regard to the generality of masons, among whom, I find, many of my best and earliest friends; many enlightened and worthy citizens; and many exalted patriots. No good man will believe, that our greatest and best character Gen. Washington, would add his name and give his sanction to a society, which had for its object, the destruction of religion and government.

The real truth is, that many lodges in France and Germany, have either adopted or instituted, degrees of masonry beyond the three ordinary ranks, known in England and America, and that in these ranks or degrees, all the symbols, ceremonies, and mysteries of the craft, have been converted to the vilest purposes. This is constantly admitted by the best informed and most liberal masons. By the expression OCCULT LODGES, I intended to point out these higher orders or degrees, and to distinguish them from the ranks of apprentice, fellow-craft, and master-mason, whose conduct so far as it has been known to me, has been as exemplary, as that of the same number of men, of any other society.

To distinguish those orders of masons who have conspired against "all altars and thrones," from the innocent and well affected of the craft, the Abbe Barruel has made use of the French arrieres loges, which his translator has rendered by the English words, occult lodges. This translator has, in a note to his work, given the reason why these words are used to denote a certain description of masonic conspirators. The note is in these words; "We say OCCULT LODGES, as free-masons in general were far from being acquainted with the conspiracies of the occult lodges; and indeed many were people not to be tampered with. It might be objected, that all lodges, were occult; with regard to the public, they were so; but besides the common lodges, there existed others, which were hidden from the generality of free-masons. It is those that the author styles arrieres loges, and that we have translated OCCULT LODGES." As I used these unfortunate expressions, in the same sense with the Abbe Barruel's translator, this explanation must screen me from the censure of the just and honorable mason; and as it respects others, if there be any such of the craft, who are not just and honorable men, whatever their characters may be as masons, I shall not seek either their dislike or approbation.

I ought to mention, that the Abbe Barruel excepts from all bad intentions the English masons, and goes so far as to say, that "it is glorious for them, to see themselves despised, by the most unrelenting enemies, of the altar, the throne, and of all society." The Abbe, was himself a mason, and knew how to make the proper discrimination.

↵

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN ORATION, SPOKEN AT HARTFORD, IN THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT, ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, JULY 4th, A. D. 1799.

BY WILLIAM BROWN.

HARTFORD: PRINTED BY HUDSON AND GOODWIN. 1799.

§

§

[Page]

THE Committee of arrangements for the celebration of the FOURTH OF JULY, in behalf of the Citizens of Hartford, return their Thanks to WILLIAM BROWN, Esq. for his Oration delivered this Day, and request a copy thereof that it may be published.

A. KINGSBURY,

J. HART,

G. GOODWIN,

A. HOPKINS,

D. WADSWORTH.

CITY OF HARTFORD, July 4, 1799.

Information about this book

Title statement

An oration, spoken at Hartford, in the state of Connecticut, on the anniversary of American Independence, July 4th, A.D. 1799. By William Brown.

Brown, William, 1764-1803.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2005-10.

ID [DLPS]

N26512

ID [TCP]

N26512

ID [STC]

Evans 35251

ID [NOTIS]

APY1735

ID [IMAGE-SET]

35251

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99028807

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This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 35251.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N26512)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 35251)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 35251)

Source

— An oration, spoken at Hartford, in the state of Connecticut, on the anniversary of American Independence, July 4th, A.D. 1799. By William Brown., Brown, William, 1764-1803..

Extent

23, [1] p. ; 24 cm. (8vo)

Printed by Hudson and Goodwin.,. Hartford: :: 1799..

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