FROM time immemorial, it has been the custom of nations publicly to commemorate some distinguished ERAS in their political existence; or renovate the memory of transactions and events, that make the most illustrious figure in their national annals.

THIS affords a strong presumption, that some marked advantage is to be derived from such a prac­tice: Especially, if we reflect that this custom forms a striking feature in the character of ancient Israel, whose Lawgiver was inspired with wisdom from above, and whose public rejoicings and festivals, were instituted by the direction of the Most High.— "But are not such public occasions by many abused to licentiousness?"—and so is even the grace of God. Is every thing, fit and proper in itself, to be con­demned, because oft perverted and degraded by un­principled men?

WHERE is the people, whose history presents a subject so worthy of commemoration, as that of the origin of our NATIONAL EXISTENCE?

THIS day reminds us of the commencement of [Page 4] an Epoch, the recollection of which must animate our bosoms with the same noble sentiments, which glow­ed in the hearts of those American patriots, who have immortalized their names, by daring to say "Amer­ica shall be independent and free." Look back my fellow citizens, to this eventful period, and behold a spectacle highly interesting and instructive. Mark the noble energies with which the spirit of freedom inspired our Country. See her acquainted with her rights, and accurately distinguishing the point where rightful authority ends, and lawless domination be­gins. See her confident of the justice of her cause, and sure of the aid of that almighty God who glories in appearing the friend of the oppressed. See her under this Aegis, (which can better defend than walls of brass) determined, at every hazard to oppose the lawless invasion of her liberties.

TRACE on the page of history, her many reverses. See her fields oft moistened with the blood of her bravest, and most virtuous sons! See her, at times, on the brink of despair! then, heaven interposing, see her rising again with fresh vigor to the combat!

CONTEMPLATE her, at last, as triumphing over every obstacle; humbling the pride of her oppressor, and gaining an exalted rank among the nations of the earth; and it must awaken in your breasts emotions too refined and lively to be described.

HOW can you forbear to catch from the sons of '75, the same exalted flame of Liberty, confidence in heaven, and courage to dare every thing, (but what is wrong) to promote our national dignity and prosperity?

[Page 5]HOW will you, my generous youth, whose un­ripened age robbed you of participating in the glory of your fathers, wish you could have fought by their sides? With what a lively gratitude will you look up to that Divine Almighty Being, who spread over them his shield, who so oft bowed his heavens, came down, protected them from the shafts of battle, and ultimate­ly gave them to triumph over their foes! In this view, the fourth of July may be to our country, for ages to come, the most auspicious day; a day for awaken­ing with fresh vigor in the aged, and implanting and cherishing in our youth, those political and moral principles, and those elevated sentiments, those ac­tive energies of soul, which, under heaven, will consti­tute the firmest bulwark of our country's freedom and glory.

WHAT pleasing emotions are excited in every benevolent mind to reflect, that the blessings we are assembled to commemorate, are not the monopoly of a few, but the property of the people at large. What interest have the community in general in the events, which in the calender of most nations, are marked for public rejoicings? Oft are they called, to celebrate transactions, which, tho auspicious to a few exalted characters, are, as to the nation at large, sources of deep regret, and shame.

"THE fluctuations and revolutions in govern­ments (as one very justly observes) have generally been the struggles of contending factions for ascenden­cy: contests for the scepter of power, in which the people have occasionally been used as machines, with­out sharing in the glory or advantages of success; or [Page 6] meeting with sympathy and compassion in defeat. The result to them has been a change of rulers, with­out any addition to their happiness. Individual am­bition, and not public good, being the purpose to be answered, the flush of victory has rather served to ex­asperate resentments, than moderate the passions; and the people, deceived with the hope of better days, have not unfrequently found their burdens increased, and their miseries enlarged. Little consolation has it been to them, that after the tumultuous storms of internal convulsions, the returning sun of peace and order, has only exhibited a new race succeeding to the throne of departed Masters. Little cause have they had to mark these Epochs, as the returning seasons of national festivity and joy."

BUT to us the American Revolution has not had such an unhappy result. Where is the citizen, who shares not in its blessings? What individual, faction, or order of men, are, by this event, secured in the en­joyment of any exclusive advantages? It was for no such ignoble object, as the exaltation of a few to the depression of the many, that our fathers contended: the happy fruits of their toils belong alike to every American citizen. This day opens to us all, the same sources of congratulation. When we, my brethren, cast our eyes around upon the multitude of our citi­zens, we enjoy a satisfaction which we could not en­joy in any other civilized nation on earth. We be­hold not one citizen who has the ignoble feelings, the servile cringe of a slave: not one bending under the [...]rowns of a tyrant. ALL, even from the greatest to the least, know they are free. In their looks, words, [Page 7] actions, manners, mein, &c. you see nothing, but what accords with the high character of men, born to independence and freedom.

TWO important ideas we could wish to see im­pressed, in indelible characters, upon every mind.

THE grand object for which our fathers conten­ded in the revolution, was actually obtained; and we are now blessed with the full possession and enjoy­ment of this object.

WHAT was the grand point in dispute? It was not to break a yoke of oppression, that had long been ac­tually fixed and galling our necks: It was not to rive asunder chains literally imposed: No: America ne­ver yet knew what tyranny was, from the actual ex­periment of its horrors. It was despotism at a distance we feared: It was oppression in the inevitable conse­quences of that theory of colonial administration, adopted by the British parliament. Long had Great­britain looked on the colonies as her property, and considered us as children incapable of managing for ourselves: But we had now become of age: It was too humiliating an idea for three millions of people, nur­tured in the arms of freedom, to admit the right of an assembly of foreigners, 3000 miles distant, to make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever, without our being represented in that assembly. We knew, (and well did we appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause) that we had a right to a voice in the fram­ing of those laws by which we were to be governed: laws affecting life, religion, liberty, property, and every thing dear to man.

WE deemed ourselves at least, as capable of fra­ming [Page 8] laws adapted to our circumstances, as a body of men separated from us by an immense ocean, and whose knowledge of the manners, customs, habits, and real interests of the American people, must neces­sarily be very imperfect. It was then a government for which we contended: A government founded on the indefeasible rights of man: A government of our own choice, in which we might be properly represen­ted: adapted to secure the liberty, and promote the prosperity of our country. In a word, a govern­ment, free, wise, and efficient; which might be a terror to evil doers, but a praise to them that do well. The infernal scheme of WEISHAUPT was unknown to us; the liberty and equality taught by the Atheists of France, would then, as now, have been viewed in America with the deepest horror, as the most pestilen­tial fume ever exhaled from the bottomless pit! We did not, like them, consider the existence of property, of political society, of government, social order, and religion, as infringements on the natural equality and liberty of man. We did not resist the power of Greatbritain, in hopes of being exempted from all rules of political order and moral obligation. It was not the liberty enjoyed, when there was no king in Israel, and every one did that which was right in his own eyes, that we sought. This is not liberty, it is anarchy: It is despotism in its most frightful form.

NOR did we regard the necessary expences of Go­vernment; we were perfectly willing to contribute our proportion to the national finances, had it been called for in a way consistent with the rights of free­men. We knew very well, that if we were to form a [Page 9] government for ourselves, it could not be maintained, without a constant, cheerful, and liberal contribu­tion to this purpose. First it was only to maintain our rights, but at last to become a free and independent nation, enjoying a government of our own framing, adapted to our genius as a people, interests, customs, and habits. This was the prize for which we dared to unsheath the sword; and by the smiles of heaven on the wisdom of our counsels, and the prowess of our arms, we have obtained it.

THE federal constitution, in regard to which only we now speak, is a stupendous monument of human wisdom. It needs only to be thoroughly canvassed, to be approved and admired by every true American: it was not enforced upon us at the point of the bayonet.

AFTER the most minute examination of its princi­ples, and the fullest discussion of its merits, it was, in assemblies, free to deliberate, chosen by the people, pronounced congenial to the rights of man; suited to the interests of United America, and adopted by the collected wisdom of every state. By the grand convention, and by all the state conventions, it was judged to be just such a government as we wanted.

IT has now been the subject of the most critical scrutiny, for more than ten years, and yet, no mate­rial, and much less any radical defect, has been dis­covered. But what avails the best constitution with­out an able, wise, and just administration?

THERE is indeed but too much truth in this observation. By a weak, rapacious, unjust and [Page 10] ambitious administration, we may be deprived of the inestimable benefits, that might otherwise re­sult from a good constitutional code. If our ad­ministration had not been such, as to deserve the character of wise, just, prudent, firm and efficient, we might this day have had occasion to lament the loss of the grand object attained by the revolution.

BUT is not the wisdom of our political fathers, the policy, prudence and justice of their governmental proceedings, as conspicuous as the excellency of the constitution itself?

TO judge of the goodness of a cause, or of the adaptedness of any institution to its end, from the effects produced by its operation, is, certainly, a just, and conclusive mode of reasoning. Let us apply it in the present argument. It is a very good proof of the wisdom of our administration, that it obtains the approbation of the majority of the people. Those ve­ry men who have framed, or given their suffrage for the institution of such laws as might be thought most likely to be called in question, as to their expediency, or constitutionality, have been in most instances, re-elected as members of the national legislature. In many instances, those gentlemen who opposed the pas­sing of these laws, have been dropped, and men of different political sentiments, promoted in their pla­ces. All this was done by the free suffrage of the peo­ple, and is a strong proof of the wisdom of our govern­mental operations. Does not the astonishing increase of the population, and wealth of the United States, since the adoption of the federal constitution, almost exceed the bounds of calculation? What has not in­dustry, [Page 11] the arts and sciences, commerce, agriculture and manufactures atchieved? In the space of a few years, a vast wilderness on our frontier has been con­verted into a cultivated garden. Where nothing was heard but the prowling wolf; nothing seen but the naked savage, there rises the cheerful village; there is seen the lofty spire; and there are heard the solemn chimes of Jehovah's worship.

HAS not the tonage of our shipping been nearly doubled, in the last seven years, previous to the com­mencement of 1798? In 1790, it was 486,890 tons: at the close of 1797, it arose to 876,911 tons. And how rapid has been the increase of our exports! To produce only one example, the exports from Newyork, in 1792, amounted to 5,500,000 dollars: In 1798, they arose to 13,000,000 dollars.

HAS not the vigilance, and sagacity of our young, and inexperienced government, baffled all the arts and intrigues of the most subtle European nations, to induce us to renounce the blessings of peace, and to plunge with them into the crimes and horrors of an unnecessary war? Here the hand of Deity ought, in a particular manner, to be acknowledged: for whence could such political prudence and foresight come, but from the great fountain of light? even from him, who standeth in the midst of the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the Gods.

WHAT evident marks, do our laws bear, of re­gard and tenderness to the poor? This class of people, are as much as possible, exempted from the burdens and expences of Government. This is the spirit of all our fiscal laws. We shall instance only in the [Page 12] Stamp Act; this affects only men of business and wealth; of the vast sums collected from this source of Revenue, the indigent pay, not a shilling.

HOW must humanity glory in the lenity of the application of our penal code? There has, I am sorry to say, been two formidable insurrections against the federal government. And there can ordinarily be no doubt of the justice of the poetic maxim:

BUT I do not recollect, that there has been a single execution under the laws of the United States.

HOW great is that political wisdom, which can unite with dignity and energy, such unexampled lenity?

THERE is also no want of proofs, of the firm spirit and energetic tone of our Government. How has insurrection and faction been humbled at her frowns, and fled dismayed and confounded, as soon as public authority drew her sword, to make herself respected?

HOW have our rulers supported the honour of our nation abroad? The courage and firmness with which they have resisted the insults and aggressions of foreign powers, have rescued us from the brink, of the most shameful degradation of national character, and con­vinced the world, that we are neither to be wheedled out of our liberty and independence, by the cant of pretended friendship, nor the terror of open war and violence.

OUR infant navy has already atchieved wonders. [Page 13] It has become the protection of our trade, and the glory of our land. It has already so far lessened the price of insurance, as to save to our merchants, more than the expence of its whole equipment; and fully to vindicate the wisdom of that policy which suggested and adopted the measure. As to ability and fidelity in the fulfilment of all its contracts, does not the fe­deral government command the perfect confidence of all ranks? Never have I heard the idea suggested, that it was unsafe to trust her. Nor can the man be pro­duced, who has her promise, or has been employed in her service, and yet sues in vain for the stipulated reward. In a word, the system of our present admin­istration, arose like the sun in the morning, obscured with the mists of ignorance, prejudice, and mistake; but like that glorious luminary, in ascending to the meridian, it dissipates these clouds, breaks out, and shines with a splendor, that convinces, or dazzles and confounds every beholder. It is then a thought, which ought to fill every heart with exultation, on this glorious anniversary, that we have not lost, but still enjoy the grand object for which we dared engage in the perils of the Revolution.

LET us, however, remember, that no blessing, which heaven bestows in this life, can be perpetuated to us, but by proper management. Health is de­stroyed by intemperance: Wealth is dissipated by ex­travagance: So if we cease to exercise the virtues essential to the preservation of political freedom, we shall soon have occasion to lament the loss of this in­estimable treasure.

LET every man then consider the important du­ties [Page 14] devolved on him, from his being a member of a free community. He has an important part to act. Let him consider a free, wise, and efficient govern­ment, as his own chief, individual, earthly good; and every attempt to impede its operation, or to sub­ject it to reproach, as an attempt to rob him of all that is dear to him on earth: For if government falls, all the hopes of individuals are frustrated with it.

LET us encourage the hearts and strengthen the hands of a virtuous and wise administration, by every manly and generous testimony of esteem and approba­tion. Let us be no less ready to aid the magistrate, in the discharge of his official duty, than to assist the subject in the defence of his rights. Tho watchful as to the utility and constitutionality of public mea­sures, yet let us not be meanly jealous, and invidious in our remarks upon them. The miser is poor in the midst of wealth; so it is with some men in a free go­vernment. They are slaves, tho blest with freedom. They have liberty, but as Solomon says in another case, God has given them no heart to enjoy it. Fear of oppression and tyranny in their rulers, embitters all the sweets of political freedom. Their imagina­tions are continually harrassed with the frightful ima­ges of bastiles, inquisitions, &c. They are looking out for chains and slavery in every law which government frames. Oft, with them, is the country on the brink of ruin, thro the usurpation of our rulers; all sense and love of liberty is extinguished in the Nation, and they are the only patriots that are left: strangers are they to all those grateful, generous, and pleasing emotions, which animates the heart of the enligh­tened [Page 15] and benevolent citizen, who knows his coun­try to be blessed with the best government, that the world ever knew. Far be this unreasonable and tor­menting jealousy from our bosoms. As a free, inde­pendent, and prosperous people, may we realize the happiness of our situation, and persevere in measures adapted to preserve it. May we be just and wise for ourselves; then may we hope our peace will contin­ue to be as a river, and our prosperity know no bounds; then may we expect the smiles of that beneficent Being, that God of order, by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice: then may we hope he will delight to pour out his blessings upon us, and to make our land a name and a praise in the whole earth.