The Author Shipwrecked on the Coast of Ireland near Portaferry on the 13th of Oct. 1788. Page [...]6 [...]





  • CHAP. I. AN Account of the Author—His manner of going to Sea —A Voyage to the West-Indies, and America—Anec­dotes of Mr. KEMP—Ludicrous account of passing the Line—Shocking barbarity of the Captain; with seve­ral Occurences which happened in the Course of the Voyage—Return to PORT-GLASGOW, page 13
  • CHAP. II. A Voyage from Glasgow to New-York—Obliged by stres [...] of weather to go into Lisbon—Description of that plac [...] —Character of the Inhabitants—Remarkable P [...] cession—Sails from Lisbon, and arrives at New Yo [...] where the Author leaves the Vessel and enters into [...] service of the American States—Sails for Alexand [...] in Virginia, and from thence to Philadelphia—S [...] account of that City,
  • CHAP. III. The Author returns to Virginia—A Voyage from thence [...] Spain—The Azores, or Western-Islands, described—A [...] rives [Page x] at Cadiz—Account of a Bull fight— Character of the Inhabitants—Sails for the Island of Teneriffe, and on the way is captured by a Barbary Corsair. 77
  • CHAP. IV. An Account of what happened to the Author and his Com­panions after their capture—Arrival at Larache— Description of that place — Interview with the Go­vernor—Treatment while there—Ordered for Morocco —Journey thither—Description of the Country—Ge­nerous behaviour of the Sardinian Consul— Various Incidents—Arrival at Morocco—Interview with the Emperor—Friendly behaviour of Mr. Chapman, 93
  • CHAP. V. The Author and his Companions are detained some Weeks in Morocco—Description of that city—Its ruinous state —Account of the Royal Harem—Remarkable Story of a young Jewess—Several Incidents—Journey to Mo­godore—Sufferings on the way—Arrival at that City —Generous and humane behaviour of two English Gen­tlemen—Capture of ten Frenchmen —Dissentions among the Prisoners—Arrival of the Emperor at Mogodore —Cruel punishment of an old Bashaw—Arrival of a British Ambassador—Disappointment of the Prisoners -Plan of an Irishman to effect their escape; with a number of other Incidents and Adventures, 128
  • [Page xi] CHAP. VI. A short Des [...]iption, o [...] the Empire of Morocco—Customs and Manners of [...] Inhabitants; Government, Pun­ishments, Religion, &c. &c.—The Author and his Companions, by means altogether unexpected, obtain their Liberty, and leave the Country in great haste, 177
  • CHAP. VII. The Author and his Companions sail to Cadiz—Their Transactions there—Character of the Spaniards—They return to America, from whence the Author sails for Britain, and after a troublesome Voyage, arrives in his native Country, 201
  • CHAP. VIII. A Voyage to Canada. 223
  • CHAP. IX. A Voyage to the Hebrides, Denmark, and Prussia, 239
  • CHAP. X. A Voyage to Ireland, in the Course of which the Vessel was cast away, and all hands perished except the Author. 236



An account of the Author—His manner of going to sea —A Voyage to the West-Indies and America—Anec­dotes of Mr. KEMP—Ludicrous account of passing the Line—Mutiny on board the Ship—Shocking barbarity of the Captain; with a variety of other Occurrences —Return to Port Glasgow.

ON my first setting out in life, I possessed no in­considerable share of what I suppose is com­mon to all at the same age,—a high opinion of my own abilities. The world was new to me; I knew nothing of the difficulties I had to encounter in it, nor imagined there was to be found in it all a wiser lad than myself. But time, and intercourse with my own species, have totally reversed my opinion; and taught me, that it requires a very large share of wis­dom [Page 14] to steer through the tempestuous ocean of life with any tolerable degree of safety; and no inconsider­able degree of fortitude, to encounter the various evils to which human life is exposed. Of these propo­sitions the following simple narrative will fully demon­strate the truth.

I was born in Ayreshire, in Scotland, of respectable parents in their station, which was of the middle rank in society. Having acquired an education suitable to my years and expectations, I was given up by my fa­ther to a neighbouring surgeon, who had taken a fancy to have me, at eleven years of age. My worthy mas­ter, and all his family, gave me every indulgence my tender years required. Rigidly virtuous, and regular in his morals, my master took every opportunity of sea­soning my young mind with the best advice, and of in­structing me in every religious and moral obligation. Both he and my good old mistress, often expressed their delight at seeing the attention and respect I paid to their injunctions; and in order to preserve me from the contagion of vice, and keep me under their own eye, they constantly took me along with them wherever they went.

It was the intention of my master to instruct me in his own profession, and happy had it been for me if I had been ruled by his advice. But I had got an ear­ly bias for a sea faring life, and the more than parent­al [Page 15] kindness of my master and mistress was totally lost upon me; for while they made it their daily study to promote my happiness at home, I was eagerly watch­ing every opportunity of disengaging myself from a yoke, which to me seemed intolerable. A mind de­termined will seldom be long at a loss for an excuse. A slight quarrel with my master's son effected my pur­pose; and though the blame was wholly on my side, I told him, I never would stay another day in his father's house. The young man reported this to his mother, who instantly sent for me, and in the most earnest lan­guage, laid before me the hardship and danger of a sea­faring life: and often, when I have thought of her kind remonstrances, have I regretted the fatality, that they should have only served to confirm me the more in my resolution. Taking therefore a hasty leave of this good family, I paid a visit to my father, who, though much enraged at the part I had acted, was, in a few days, prevailed on to rig me out after the manner I wished: and as I still dreaded a more serious opposition to my favourite scheme from my parents, than I had met with from my master and mistress, I set out one morn­ing before the family were out of bed, for Por [...] Glas­gow; where I understood there was no dange [...] of be­ing long at a loss for want of employment. A son-in-law of the doctor's, my late master, was the only ac­quaintance I had in the town; and as he was the own­er of several ships in the West-India trade, I thought him the most likely person to whom I could apply. He [Page 16] eagerly embraced my offer, as at that time they were much at a loss for hands, and desired me to lodge at his house for a few days, till some of his vessels return­ed, and I should go in the first that came. I instantly wrote to my father, informing him of every thing that had passed; who seeing no better could be done, sent me my clothes, and such necessaries as he judged pro­per for my new occupation.

Next day my indentures were made out; and in fourteen days a vessel arrived. Never did the heart of a bridegroom exult more on the morning of his nup­tials, than did mine at the sight of a fine large ship, in which I was to make my first voyage to sea. The world I had left behind me never cost me a sigh; the wooden world was all to me: But alas! I had not yet seen the dark side of the picture. Few repairs were ne­cessary, and in a short time we began to take in our loading for the West-Indies, where we were to dispose of it in the islands of Barbadoes, Antigua, and St. Kitts. On the first of May we completed our cargo, and on the 10th of the same [...]onth, 1781, we weighed anchor. Our crew consisted of forty men, besides fifteen passengers of both sexes; among the latter was a Mrs. Murray, of a remarkable size: she had lived the greater part of her time in the West-Indies; but the warm climate so far from reducing her to a skeleton, as is the case with many Europeans, seemed to have agreed very well with her, as she measured in height five feet five in­ches, [Page 17] and round the smallest part of the waist, six feet and an half. When the boat that brought her came along side, she called out to the mate, in a voice like thunder, desiring him to be sure every thing was right, and the tackles strong enough to hoist on board twenty-two stone, as that she said, was her neat weight two days ago. It required some strength to hoist her on board; but the difficulty did not end here, for upon my shewing her the room appropriated for her, she could not, with all her art, get herself squeezed in at the door, till the carpenter was obliged to widen it. There was likewise a young passenger of the name of Kemp, who had been bred a weaver, but had given up his loom with an inten­tion of pushing his fortune in the West-Indies, as a clerk. This young adventurer, from a total ignorance of the world, added to an ardent desire to appear a gentleman, furnished the crew and passengers with daily entertain­ment, during the whole voyage.

At the mouth of the Clyde, lies the rock of Ilay, remarkable for the vast number of solan geese, and other sea-fowls, which continually resort to it. A proposal was made by the captain to send the boat on shore, as the weather was moderate; and several of the hands arming themselves with muskets, Mr. Kemp enquired into the business. The captain pointed out the rock, telling him, it was a desert uninhabited island, where lions and tygers abounded in great numbers; and that if he had courage for an attack, he would furnish [Page 18] him with a gun. Accordingly he put into his hands an old rusty musket, bayonet, and hanger, and on his head a grenadier's cap; he likewise advised him to exchange cloaths with some of the sailors, as the sight of a sailor's dress, he said, would fright the most ferocious wild beast in the world. Thus accoutred, Mr. Kemp joined the party that were going ashore, declaring himself ready to attack the first wild beast that came in his way. The sailors began on their passage ashore, to propose bets who should kill the first game. Mr. Kemp immediately ac­cepted a wager of half a guinea, that the first should be killed by himself: but upon loading their pieces, Mr. Kemp, for the first time, made the discovery that his gun wanted a lock; he therefore insisted the bet should be drawn; but the captain willing to entertain himself a little longer at his expence, accommodated him with his own. The first object that presented our adventurers upon their landing, was a few sheep, which the captain persuaded the credulous passenger, were so many white boars. Kemp creeping upon his knees till he got within gun-shot of them, let fly among them; the affrighted sheep fled at the report of the gun, but one of them be­ing a little lame, could not run so fast as the rest: Our sportsman called out with great self-complasency, that he had got the wager, as he had hit one of the boars. His companions, after indulging the laugh at his expence, told him that his game was no other than a sheep. "But," says the captain, "if you will go to the top of the rock you will find plenty of game," and at the same time [Page 19] pointing out the nearest road to him. The credulous young man mounted the rock, but no sooner was he got out of fight, than his companions made off in the boat, and left him to find game as he could. Upon missing the boat, he fell into a state little short of distraction: nor did the captain for some hours, think proper to relieve him; and when he ordered the boat ashore for him, the sai­lors found him sitting on the rock in a state of absolute despair. After he got on board, the wind springing up from the southward, we intended going out of the North channel, and this we rather would do, as there was less likelihood of meeting with any of the enemies' ships. I need not inform my reader, that at this period, Great Britain was engaged in a war with America, and three of the greatest maritime powers in the world.

May 15th, at 3 o'clock, A. M. we discovered a ves­sel crowding all the sail she could to come up to us. All hands were instantly called; the decks were cleared; muskets put into the hands of the passengers, and every thing ready for an engagement; but about 8 o'clock she hailed us, when we discovered her to be the Hinde sloop of war, then stationed in that channel. The wind blowing somewhat fresh, we parted, and proceeded on our voyage. The weather for some days continuing favourable, and every thing succeeding to our wishes, our captain returned to the malicious amusement of roasting Mr. Kemp. He had observed this young ad­venturer pay much more attention to his dress, and [Page 20] wash himself more frequently than is commonly done at sea; and one day he told him, he would furnish him with a wash for his face and hands, that would totally take away the appearance of the mechanic, and give his skin a smoothness and delicacy equal to any lady's. As nothing was more agreeable to Mr. Kemp than the pros­pect of a gentleman-like appearance when he got to the West-Indies, he loaded the captain with a profusion of thanks, and told him he could not do him a greater favour. I was ordered to prepare the wash; which was a panful of oatmeal and water, mixed without salt, which, when going to bed, he was to spread upon his handker­chief and apply to his face; and fill his stockings, into which he was to put his hands, and in that manner to sleep all night. Kemp begged my assistance in the ap­plication of it, and went to bed in high spirits, expecting to appear an Adonis in the morning. Next day the cap­tain had prepared the company for his appearance, and as he had not been seen till the whole of the passengers were assembled to breakfast, I was ordered to call him. He instantly obeyed the summons, and placing himself at the table, presented to the company the appearance of an old man of ninety, or an hundred. The applica­tion of the poultice had contracted the skin, and pursed it to such a degree, that it would have been impossible for any of his over-night acquaintances to recollect the smallest traces of his former face. The laugh against him was long and loud, without his being able to disco­ver the cause, till rising from the table, and applying to [Page 21] a looking glass, it presented to him a hideous form with which he had not the slightest acquaintance. Enraged to the highest degree at the loss of his beauty, he began in the bitterest terms to revile the captain; swearing, he would make him pay dearly for his usage on their arri­val at Barbadoes. He then went upon deck, asking every one he met, if they knew any method of restor­ing him to his natural complexion: One of the sailors, who was as much the wag as the captain, told him, he knew of an infallible method; and gathering up a kind of blob, common in those seas, known to the sailors by the name of the Portuguese-man-of-war, desired Mr. Kemp to rub his face with it. The poor simpleton took his advice, and immediately his face was all over in a flame. This drove poor Kemp almost to distraction; but as the laugh, at his expence, had been general all over the ship, and no means of revenge occurring to him, he re­tired, sullen and disgusted, to indulge his private thoughts in his own apartment. In this manner our time passed, our captain ever fertile in expedients, to entertain one part of his passengers at the expence of another.

The day at last arrived when we were to cross the line, and as this day is spent, time immemorial, in a species of humour peculiar to a sea-faring life, I shall give a short account of it, for the benefit of those who never were at sea. The great bug-bear of the ocean is Davie Jones. Whence this old gentleman had his origin, I cannot certainly say. It must be granted, that we sons [Page 22] of Neptune have no inconsiderable share either of super­stition or credulity; and it is most probable one or both had the principal hand in bringing him into existence. However that may be, at the crossing of the line, he has often been found an existence not merely ideal. The day before, great preparations are made for passing this old gentleman in the most respectful manner. Mats, swabs, skins, or whatever comes first to hand of dark co­lour, are laid in readiness to dock out two of the sailors, who are to represent him and his wife, who must be present on the occasion. The passengers are, if possible, kept below at the approach of the supposed boat, when the farce is to be acted; and when every thing is in readiness, one of the hands runs up and down the deck making a great noise with a trumpet, and calling out, that Davie Jones and his wife are coming on board, and that every thing must be made ready for their re­ception. Every passenger, who knows no better, is made to believe that this good old couple keep a kind of turnpike-gate here, which it impossible to pass with­out paying something to secure their friendship. Pas­sengers, or sailors, who can afford it, pay a small ran­som and are free; but such as will not, undergo a very rigid discipline. They are first of all brought upon the deck blindfolded, then led to a large tub full of water, across which is placed a stick, upon which they are for­ced to sit down. Old Davie then makes his appearance in the character of a barber, a tub being placed by his side full of tar, grease, and lampblack, into which he [Page 23] dips a brush, and with this compound lathers the face of the unfortunate passenger, and then proceeds to apply a razor to his face, which is generally a piece of an old hoop, or some rusty iron. The devil is said once to have shaved a pig, and after the operation, to have observed, there was more moise than wool. So it generally force with old Davie, and those upon whom his operations are performed. My reader will easily conceive the wry faces, and horrid exclamations made on this occasion. After the shaving operation is over, it is necessary to wash them, and for this purpose, the stick upon which they sat is pulled away, the consequence of which is, they are soused over head and ears into the tub of water over which they were placed, and immediately a scramble takes place for all the water on deck, every one throw­ing as much as he can upon his neighbour, till all are completely drenched; and the business ends in a hearty cann of grog. Such has heretofore been the manner of crossing the line.

The bad consequences, however, attending this rough procedure, passengers sometimes suffering severe­ly in the experiment, has of late years, made the captains of ships discourage this species of humour; and the fine of half a crown, or even a shilling, is now deemed suffi­cient for Davie and his wife, without having recourse to the shaving operation at all. On the 22d of June, in the morning, we made the island of Barbadoes; but were under the greatest apprehensions about landlag, as [Page 24] a number of war-ships were lying in Carlisle-bay, and we were afraid of having our men pressed into the ser­vice. Our fears were not groundless. The fleet lying here, consisted of twenty-six sail of the line, which in a few days expected to attack the French fleet then lying at Dominica, and hands were much wanted. From one of the ships we were saluted by a gun, and ordered to come to anchor; which we had no sooner done, than we were boarded by all the boats belonging to the fleet; every one striving who should get most of our men. They took from us nine, and departed, leav­ing us barely as many as were sufficient to navigate the ship. Next day we put ashore our passengers, and begun to unload so much of our cargo as was configned to this island, which we accomplished in six days. Barbadoes is the most easterly of all our West-India islands, lying in 59 degrees west longitude, and 13 degrees north latitude. It is about 21 miles long, and 14 broad. The capital of the island is Bridgetown, situated at the head of Carlisle-bay. Here the governor resides. The bay will contain a very great number of ships, which can anchor in from ten to thirty fathoms water, and a tolera­ble bottom. Two large fortresses command the harbour. The island produces sugar, cotton, and coffee. They ex­port likewise large quantities of rum; though it is con­siderably inferior to that of Jamaica, or even of Antigua. The climate is healthy; and the native of Britain, of which a considerable number are settled here, seem to be lively, active, and happy.

[Page 25]A fleet being preparing at this place to sail to the leeward, we made all imaginable haste for the benefit of their convoy; and on the first of July, every thing being in readiness, we set sail for Antigua, being in all thirty merchant ships, under convoy of the Boreas, Sable, and La-fortune frigates. The fifth of July we parted from our convoy, their destination being for St. Lucia, and on the sixth we made the island of Antigua.

This island is situated in 60 degrees west longitude, and 17 degrees north latitude. It is of a circular form, being nearly 20 miles in diameter, and the country ra­ther mountainous, though the soil is in general very good. It produces sugar, cotton, and coffee, and on the island a considerable quantity of rum is made, but a little inferior to that of Jamaica. The climate is healthy, and the inhabitants, in general, live to an old age. The negroes, of which there are a great number, appear hap­py, notwithstanding the wretchedness of their condition. They are, in general, allowed a small lot of ground, and have one day in the week, namely Sunday, for its culti­vation, and their masters sometimes indulge them with a small morsel of pork, or a salt herring, but these are luxuries they are not every day accustomed to.

English Harbour, situated on the south side of the island, is well adapted for the accommodation of ships of war for repairing; but St. John's is the capital for trade. There is only another small harbour, on the north-east [Page 26] side of the island, called Param: but as the entrance is dangerous and difficult, few ships of any considerable burden attempt it, but commonly send their boats for what loading they take in there. This island is gene­rally kept in an excellent state of defence; and in time of war, when the alarm is made, every fortification can be in readiness in the space of an hour. The greatest difficulty under which the inhabitants of Antigua labour, is a scarcity of water: there is not a spring upon the island, the only supply therefore they have, comes im­mediately from the clouds.

On the twenty-seventh of July we weighed anchor, and on the twenty-ninth we made St. Kitts, or St. Christopher's, so called from the famous Cristopher Columbus, who first discovered it. This island is situ­ated in 62 degrees west longitude, and 17 degrees north latitude. It is about fourteen or fifteen leagues distant from Antigua, and is twenty miles long, and nine broad: the west end of the island is very mountain­ous, and the woods abound with vast numbers of apes and monkies, which the negroes lay hold of very rea­dily, by the following stratagem:—They have cocoa­nut shells prepared on purpose, with a hole in each, so large as to admit the paw of the animal: into the shell they put a lump of sugar, of which the monkey tribe are so exceedingly fond, that when they once dis­cover their prize, they make various efforts to get it out, and will sooner allow themselves to be taken, than [Page 27] leave it before they made good their purpose. For a monkey or baboon some of the sailors will perhaps give a bottle of rum, or something of equal value, and this a negro deems an ample compensation.

If no men of war are in the harbour here, the stron­gest of the merchant ships generally lies guard. On the twentieth of September it was our turn, when we dis­covered to the westward a brig, which we suspected to be French, or American, wanting to cut some of the fleet out of the harbour. Having alarmed the fleet, we lay that night upon our guard, bringing on board a number of men out of the smaller vessels that lay to the shore of us. About twelve o'clock at night she en­tered the harbour, when we discovered her to be a sloop of war, belonging to Britain. Her lieutenant came on board our ship, and requested the favour of our boat for a few hours, to go through the other ships with a view of impressing men, assuring our captain at the same time, he would take none of his. This was readily granted, and in a short time he returned with about forty-men, after which they immediately left the harbour. There are in St. Christopher's several harbours, but the most commodious for trade is Bassa­terre, in which we now lay. Notwithstanding this harbour is the most frequented, it is very inconvenient for loading and unloading: a continual surf, or swell, making it very unsafe, on some occasions, to venture ashore. The negroes, however, who are by no means [Page 28] afraid of dying by water, perform, upon these occa­sions, what would be very difficult to any other person. They are very dextrous in the management of their canoes, which though so small as to contain only one hogshead or two puncheons, will live almost in any sea. When they get them ashore, a number of them seize upon them, and haul them out of the way of the surf, where they take in their loading, and wait the smooth­ing of the sea; and the moment they have a proper opportunity, they all join in pushing them into the wa­ter. Each canoe is manned by two negroes, who, in an instant leap on board of her, and proceed to what­ever ship they are destined.

On the twenty-eighth of September we sailed from St. Kitts, and proceeded to the northward, with a brig under our convoy. We set out with a very fine breeze, which carried us across the Trades, but which was suc­ceeded by a violent gale of wind, in latitude 29° longitude 50°, which greatly disabled us: in the course of the gale we had parted from the brig, and did not see her till the second day after.

On the 25th of October, in the morning, we des­cried two brigs standing to the southward, and we soon found them to be Americans, and entertained the most sanguine hopes of making them prizes. We fired a gun at the first, which she not seeming to mind, we gave her a broadside at once, upon which she hoisted an [Page 29] American flag. We made a signal for our brig to cut her off, and were preparing to give chace to the other; but instead of observing our signal she still kept under our stern: seeing this, we instantly put about, but a short chace soon convinced us, that we were by no means a match for the enemy at sailing, and by the obstinacy of the brig, we lost both our expected prizes.

When we found this we stood on our course, and the wind being fair for a few days, we expected to make our port without any further interruption. But on the second of November, we were overtaken by a very heavy gale of wind, which obliged us to heave our ship, as we could no longer carry any sail. In this con­dition we lay for the space of fourteen days, the wind constantly blowing from the north west. The sixth day after the gale came on, our captain judged it proper to put us all upon short allowance, as there were on board sixty two persons, and but a very moderate quantity ei­ther of water or provisions. Our ship's company was made up of men from different nations; among others we had eight Dutchmen, who disliking the allowance as­signed them, determined upon raising a mutiny; and in all probability would have effected their purpose, had they not been detected by a soldier who was our passen­ger, and who over-heard the whole of their plot. They had determined first to make themselves masters of the arms which were on the quarter deck, after which they were to proceed to the cabin, and murder all who would [Page 30] not join their party; then they were to seize upon the ship, and ran her into the first American port. The soldier who over-heard them, took the first private op­portunity of reporting what he had heard. The captain was determined to try them to the last, and at the same time to take such precautions as should prevent the ef­fects they intended. When night came on, he had the rest of the hands disposed of in such a manner as to se­cure them with the greatest possible case. The hour ar­rived when their operations were to commence, when proceeding to the arm chest they found it empty, and going down to the cabin, the men who were waiting to give them a proper reception, seized upon them and brought them upon deck. They were chained two by two for the space of seven days; but being unable to work our ship without their assistance, we were at last obliged to release six, leaving the two ring-leaders, to suffer a punishment little short of death: for so incle­ment was the season, that any water that happened to wash the deck, was ice in a moment. Our captain, of whose barbarity and inhumanity every day brought fresh instances, would not, during the space of fourteen days, allow them to change their cloaths, though they were often drenched over head and ears: but I shall have occasion soon to mention other instances of his cruelty, and shall for the present proceed with my narrative.

On the twenty-second of November we were chased by a large Dutch-built ship, which appeared to be com­ing [Page 31] up to us very fast. At the sight of her, the eyes of the two Dutchmen chained to the fore-castle, sparkled with joy. Upon this occasion however their assistance was wanted, and our captain very generously set them at liberty. The passengers were all furnished with small arms, and every man ordered to his post. At this time I acted in the capacity of cabin-boy, and the captain cal­ling to me to bring him a speaking trumpet, in the tre­pidation and hurry I was in, I unluckily appeared in his presence without remembering to pull on my cap; but he soon gave me reason to repent my forgetfulness, by dealing me a few hearty blows, which cut me most un­mercifully, and laid me almost speechless at his feet. After the ship that had so alarmed us came up, she prov­ed to be a British vessel from New-York, bound to the West-Indies. After discoursing with one another for a little, we parted, wishing each other a good passage. We directed our course for the port of New-York, whither we were bound; and having a brisk gale, on the twenty-fifth of November, we discovered land, which proved to be Never Sink; but night coming on, obliged us to heave too, till the morning of the following day, when we found ourselves in less than ten fathoms water, but the wind abating and veering to the north-west, we then came to anchor, to prevent our being drove farther off the shore. On the twenty-seventh, at four o'clock, A. M. four men of war ships coming out of the harbour, one of them made right to us; and making a demand of men, our captain delivered up the whole of the Dutchmen con­cerned [Page 42] in the late plot. But this not satisfying the lieu­tenant, who had boarded us, he took so many of our o­ther hands, as rendered it impossible for us to navigate the ship into port. The captain found it necessary to apply to the commodore, who ordered the same ship to send men to conduct us; the lieutenant quarter master, and sixteen hands therefore coming on board, took the command of our ship, and on the morning of the twenty-eighth brought us safe into Sandy Hook. The men how­ever, willing to indemnify themselves for their trouble, had, in the course of the seven or eight hours they were on board of us, made free with twelve cases of our gin. When they were about to leave us, the lieutenant, to whom I had rendered some little menial services, ex­pressed an intention of taking me along with him; but the captain, who was unwilling to part with me, offered him another in my stead. We were all obliged to range ourselves on the deck, when the lieutenant made choice of a boy who had been in the service before, and to our great satisfaction bade us adieu.

On the twenty-ninth we weighed anchor and stood for New-York; but as the ice in large quantities was coming down the river, we were obliged to bring to an­chor again till the tide flowed, when we expected to meet with less opposition. Next morning at two o'clock we again weighed anchor, and at four, A. M. we arrived at the port.

[Page 33]A few days after our arrival, die brig we parted with at sea, arrived also, in a very leaky shattered condition, having lost a part of her sails, one of her masts, and part of her rigging. There was at this time a very great demand for our cargo, and we began to unload with all possible speed.

As the city of New-York stands at the mouth of Hud­son's river, its situation for trade is admirable; a com­munication is thereby opened with Albany, and many other inland towns towards Canada, and the Lakes; and as the conveyance is so commodious and easy for all sort of goods, the quantities that pass through this city, are immense. The houses, in general, are elegant; and the city, though irregularly built, forms a beautiful pros­pect from the river. The export trade of New-York, consists of wheat, flour, skins, and furs, and a variety of other articles. Its markets are well supplied, as it has in all seasons of the year, a short and easy passage to the ocean; and commands the inland trade of a great proportion of the best settled, and best cultivated part of the United States. Hudson's river is navigable for vessels of 80 tons, as far up as Albany, which is one hundred and sixty miles north of New-York; and for ships of any size to Hudson, which is about one hundred and thirty miles. To a person fond of angling, a sail up this river affords excellent past time. In the Mohawk river, which emp­ties into the Hudson, there is a large cataract, where the water falls thirty feet perpendicular; but including [Page 34] the descent above the fall, sixty or seventy feet. The rock over which the water pours, extends almost in a line across the river.—But I return to my narrative, hoping the reader will excuse this digression respecting a country for which I entertain the greatest partiality.

Before we left the harbour of New-York, our cap­tain ordered me one day to have an hundred oysters ready for him by nine o'clock in the evening. I took care to have every thing ready at the appointed hour, when he entered, handing into the cabin two ladies of the Cyprean corps, who without any ceremony sat down with him to supper. During their repast, he ordered me to bring him a pair of candle-snuffers: I went to find them, but not immediately succeeding, he took his watch out of his pocket, and swore a most tremendous oath, that if I did not bring them in five minutes, he would shoot me dead on the spot. Still I continued my search, and the time expired without my being able to find then. He instantly seized me, and leading me to one side of the cabin, ordered me to strip. I was un­der the hard necessity to comply, and fixing me to a ring, drove into one of the beams, he gave me a flog­ging, which had nearly deprived me of life: after­wards he drew me upon deck, naked as I was, where he left me in a very inclement season, in a state which I am unable to describe. In this state I was forced to re­main for two full hours, when the captain's voice again struck horror to my heart. With many horrid oaths [Page 35] and imprecations, he ordered me down to the cabin, threatening to toss me overboard if I did not immedi­ately obey. This however was not in my power; the stripes he had given me, and the excessive cold, had al­most deprived me of sense and motion. My tyrant was not yet satisfied, but coming upon deck, found me out, and kicked me from one end of it to the other with his feet. The noise brought all hands upon deck; but though every one pitied me, no one durst interpose, well knowing if they did, he would soon send them on board a man of war. At last, having glutted his re­venge, he pulled me upon my legs, and giving me a quarter-dollar, ordered me to go on shore and buy him a pair of snuffers. Glad to be relieved on any terms from his barbarity, I made every exertion my little re­maining strength would admit of, and got ashore, re­solving to see him no more: but alas! I was a stranger, without money or friends, and at so late an hour, no house would admit me, so that I had no alternative but to return to the ship. A man in the street directed me to a brazier's, and having purchased a pair of snuf­fers, I once more went on board, firmly determined to make my escape in the morning.

By the time I returned, the ladies proposed taking their departure, when I was ordered to set them ashore, after which I retired to my hammock, with a bruised body and aching heart. Next morning I took the ear­liest opportunity of going ashore, and getting on board [Page 36] a ship where I had several acquaintances, passed that day and the next night with them; but I had left my cloaths, and several articles on board my own ship, which I was unwilling to lose, and I could devise no method of re­covering them without returning myself. I was in hopes of obtaining my object without the knowledge of the captain, but one of the men suspecting my intentions, would not permit my going ashore again; and the cap­tain over-hearing our altercation, ordered me instantly into the cabin; he asked me in the sternest manner my reason for quitting the ship: I told him the reason was, a dread of loosing my life, and in the state to which he had reduced me, I was good for nothing, and my loss could not be felt. The captain, whose passions were all subservient to his interest, finding that, while we were in [...]he harbour at least, harsh measures would not answer his purpose, immediately began to footh and coax me, de­claring himself sorry for what he had done, and assuring me I should never have reason for the future to com­plain. By such flattering promises I was easily induced to forget the injuries he had done me, and once more to repair to my post, in hopes of more humane usage dur­ing the remainder of the voyage. We were in hopes of being freighted in the transport-service, but, upon in­spection, our ship was found unfit for it, being old and incommodious. We were therefore obliged to return to the West-Indies, as one of our owners lived in Antigua, who would find us a loading for Britain. Leaving the wharf therefore on the 13th of Jan. 1782, we went into [Page 37] the river Mohawk; where we were to take in our ballast. About six hours afterwards, the tide beginning to ebb, brought the ice down in such large quantities, as made us tremble for the safety of the ship. All hands were employed with large poles to ward it off, but in spite of every effort, the large sheets of ice cut our cables, and drove us on shore among the rocks. All hopes of saving the ship, where now almost at an end; the Chatham and Experiment lying in the river, observing our distress, sent their boats with twelve men, and a lieutenant in each, to offer their assistance, but to no purpose, till the tide returning, raised us up again, and brought us off without any material damage. We then proceeded to a creek on Long-Island side of the river, about one mile above New-York; but having lost our anchors, we were obliged to run our hawfer on board the prison-sh [...] ▪ The frost at this time, set in very intense; the river was frozen over, and we, as well as all the victuallers, and transports, which generally lie here, were for some weeks blocked up. Our captain, during this interval, was very much out of humour with every one around him; and was daily giving proofs to every person on board, of a capricious temper. It went much against his nature to feed the men without giving them plenty of work. One day he would send a party to the woods to bring fuel, which they were obliged to drag upon the ice, or to carry on their backs; next day he would employ them in cutting a passage through the ice, for the boat to go ashore; but as the distance was about a mile, and the [Page 38] ice of an amazing thickness, they could only make small progress in one day; and what they did was to no purpose, as it was sure to be hard frozen again before next morning. Thus during five weeks which we lay here, did this restless unhappy man, make every man's life as miserable as possible; till at last, on the 17th of February, the ice began to break, and the prison-ship letting go our hawser, we drifted out of the creek; and being drove into the ebb tide of the Mohawk river, we got happily down to New-York again, where we took on board the remainder of our ballast; and having got all clear for sea, we only waited for a fair wind.

On the first of March, we weighed anchor, and set sail, and the day being pleasant, afforded us a most en­chanting prospect of the beautiful country we were leaving behind. Between New-York and the ocean, lie Governor's-Island, Staten-Island, and Sandy-Island. During the war, the sick and wounded of the army and navy, were kept on Governor's-Island, on account of its healthy situation, and the ready supply of provi­sions they had from Long-Island. After you pass San­dy-Island, the sea opens into a large sound, having Long-Island on the one side, and New-Jersey on the other. Sandy Hook is a low point of sandy ground, which runs into the ocean: from this point we took our departure the second of March, directing our course for the island of Antigua.

[Page 39]During three weeks nothing material happened, and wind and weather favouring, we were likely to make a very pleasant voyage; but the captain was determined to make it very unpleasant to me; for when we got as far as 23 deg. lat. a number of whales were playing around us, and having never seen one, I was resolved to satisfy my curiosity; and going up the shrouds a little for this purpose, the captain coming on deck es­pied me. From the time I had left the ship at New-York, he had taken every opportunity of revenging himself, and I was certain my present curiosity, how­ever natural, would cost me dear. I was not deceived: the captain ordered me to be called, and when I ap­proached him, I saw him prepared with a rope's-end, which he began to make use of with all his might for a considerable time. He continued his discipline till he ren­dered me incapable of moving, and when he let me go, he ordered me to quit his presence; which I being una­ble to do, he laid hold of a log of wood, and striking me over the head with it, I fell upon the deck as sense­less as the wood with which I received the blow. In this situation I remained for a considerable space; the blood which flowed fast from my wound, overspread a part of the deck, and not one of the hands durst sympa­tize with, or lend me the smallest assistance. Whilst I lay in this wretched condition, a captain Campbell of the sixty-ninth regiment, one of our passengers, coming upon deck perceived me, and imagining me to be dead, enquired into the business: and being informed by one [Page 40] of the hands, of my crime and punishment, he kindly made up to me, and taking me by the hand, raised me on my feet, and endeavoured to restore me to my scat­tered senses. It was sometime before his endeavours were successful, and when they were, he advised me to lock up my cloaths, bloody as they were, till we got to Britain, where I might produce them as evidence against the captain, and get ample satisfaction. With a kindness and humanity, which I shall ever bear in grateful re­membrance, did this gentleman assist in dressing my wounds; and when I was somewhat recovered, he put a guinea into my hand, and spoke the first consolatory words I had ever heard from any one since my first set­ting out.

At this time I was only thirteen years of age, and the voice of tenderness by degrees reconciled me to life: I made the best acknowledgments I was able to my benefactor, and told him, I should in every respect fol­low his advice. He afterwards went to remonstrate with the captain about the usage he had given me, and told him it would be remarkable if none of my friends brought him to punishment on our arrival in Britain. The other answered, he did not believe they should, for he certainly would kill me before ever I reached them; adding, "Had any one given me, as much as I have done him, I should have been dead myself." From what captain Campbell had seen and heard, he had lit­tle doubt of his putting the threat in execution; and in [Page 41] the evening he took an opportunity of charging me, as I valued my own life, to study every method of pleasing him, and to bear his usage with all the patience I could muster, as a little time would bring us to the end of our voyage, and put it in my power to take ample revenge. Encouraged by these hopes, I resolved to conduct my­self strictly by the advice I had received, and my wor­thy benefactor leaving me to rest, I the next day, though extremely weak, attended at the call of my tyrant.

On the 28th of March we passed Deseada, an island belonging to the French, lying in 59 deg. west longi­tude, and 17, 30 deg. north lat. It is distant from Anti­gua about 30 leagues, E.S.E. is seventeen miles long, and at the part that is broadest, about twelve miles. It produces cotton, and some small quantity of sugar; but little of the latter is sent out of the island. Running down the north-side of Antigua, we passed the island of Barbuda: this is a small flat island, about twenty miles long, and from ten to twelve broad. The only service derived from this island, is a supply of fresh provisions and fuel, for Antigua, especially for the town of St. John's. Upon the first of April we arrived at Antigua, and getting into harbour we began to repair our rig­ging, which with getting out our lumber, and making other preparations, kept us employed till the twentieth of May. The evening of that day we were surprized with the appearance of a remarkable light from the head of the town, which gradually increased, till at last, with [Page 42] a tremendous noise, it burst out, and the flames ascend­ed to the clouds: it had broke out in a gentleman's rum store, and as the wind happened to blow from the end of the street, where the store was, it reduced in a short space of time one of the finest streets in the town, to a heap of ashes. Here the houses are only built of wood, and the stores very plentiful. The conflagration there­fore was beyond all description, rapid and dreadful; and the shrieks of men, women, and children, running about in a state of distraction, to save their relations, their property, and their lives, added to the horrors of the scene. A few of the stores, to which the flames were directing their course, were emptied of their contents, and the casks rolled into the sea. But as the conflagra­tion was making rapid strides towards the harbour, all the ships were obliged to hold themselves in readiness. Very luckily however, it stopped at the water's edge, without doing any damage to the shipping. Never was I witness to a more awful spectacle, than the morning presented to our view; nor perhaps did ever any coun­try produce a more wretched group of distracted, mis­erable mortals, than presented themselves upon the pre­sent occasion.

On the eighth of June, another melancholy accident happened to a brig, lying along side of us. She was that day to set sail for the island of Newfoundland, and hav­ing cleared out of the harbour, they only waited for the captain and some passengers, to come on board. A [Page 43] quantity of powder which they had that day got on board, was carelesly lying on the cabin floor, till they got time to put it into the magazine; and the two mates, going down to the cabin, began to examine some pis­tols which lay beside them; and snapping one of them, the fire unhappily caught hold of the powder, and in a moment blew the vessel into the air. The dreadful ex­plosion alarmed the whole harbour, and casting our eyes to whence it proceeded, we discovered the smoke rising in a vast cloud, but the vessel was gone, all but the bottom. There were twelve men on board, and five of them being on the fore-yard, were taken up, without receiving any material damage, the rest were never seen more. Some minutes after the explosion, a large piece of her fell near the place where she lay; other parts of her were carried to the distance of a mile. What is re­markable, the captain, with a lady, her maid, and a young gentleman, who were going passengers, were within a pistol shot of her, going on board, when the accident happened. A boat, in attempting to pick up a dead body, supposed to be one of the unfortunate suf­ferers, was pursued closely by a shark, and almost o­verset by it. The shark was allowed to be about fourteen feet long, which for that fish is a remarkable size.—By this time we had got the half of our cargo on board; and as it was reported the fleet would sail by the first of July, we made all imaginable haste to be ready to sail in it. This fleet was to comprehend all the ships from the West-India islands, from Barbadoes to Torto­la: [Page 44] and was to be protected by one seventy-four gun ship, one of fifty, and three frigates.

During our stay here, nothing more happened parti­cular; and by the time appointed, we were ready for sea. Our cargo consisted of sugar, rum, and cotton, which we were to discharge at Liverpool, and Glasgow. Our supply of water here, was scanty, and bad as can be imagined; it was taken from a pond, full of mud, and dirt, and sold at the enormous price of six dollars a cask; we therefore took in only so much as would car­ry us down to the leeward. On the tenth of July our convoy arrived from St. Lucia, and brought with them thirty sail; they were joined by forty more from this port, and on the fourteenth, we all set sail from Anti­gua, for St. Christopher's, where we were joined by twenty-five sail more; and here we took in a plentiful supply of water. Leaving St. Christopher's, we pro­ceeded to the Virgin-Islands; and in going to the lee­ward, we had a view of St. Eustatia, which lies about three leagues to the westward of St. Christopher's; we likewise passed St. Bartholomew's, St. Martin's, and the Dog and Prickly-Pear; these two rocks are remarka­bly steep and bold, and lie close together. Some ves­sels through curiosity, pass between them, which in mild weather they may do without danger. St. Bartholo­mew is a low island, about twelve miles long, and five broad, and produces some small quantity of cotton, and considerable quantities of salt are made, by the [Page 45] heat of the sun. There are settlers here, from different nations, but the principal part are Danes. St. Martin's is somewhat better than the former; it is about ten miles long, and seven broad; it produces small quanti­ties of sugar, cotton, and coffee; and exports a consider­able quantity of salt. The Virgin-Islands, which are numerous, lie to the eastward of Portorico, but two of them only are of any note; namely, Tortola and St. Thomas's. Tortola produces only a small quantity of sugar, but it is the mart of all British goods for the other islands; and they take in return, sugar, coffee, &c. Hence the trade of this island is pretty consider­able. The whole produce of the island of St. Thomas is trifling, and their trade carried on chiefly with the Spaniards; the town and harbour lie on the south side of the island, where there is a large bay, commanded by a fort and battery: their trade consists chiefly of mahog­any, logwood, &c. which come from Portorico, and Hispaniola, in the Spanish main, and is carried on at a considerable risk, on the part of the sailors; for if taken they are committed for life to the mines, the trade being prohibited. St. John's, a small island, in length eight miles, and in breadth two, lies on the east of St. Thomas's. Crab-Island lies on the south of Tor­tola: these two island form the eastern entrance into what is called the Virgins. In sailing through this, and approaching towards St. John's, the passage becomes very narrow, and there is constantly a strong cur­rent. Our fleet being so very numerous, required par­ticular [Page 46] attention to keep the vessels clear one of an­other; and night comings on, every one crowded all the sail he could, by which means considerable damage was done to several of the ships. However, about seven that evening we got clear of the islands; and next day, being the eighteenth of July, we took our departure from them; our fleet, consisting of one hun­dred and fifty sail, was commanded by the honourable captain Crosby, of the Robuste; an officer who, by his care and attention, shewed himself worthy of so im­portant a charge.

We proceeded across the trade-winds, directing our course to the eastward, for the space of eight days, when we got into the variables. We had, among other passengers, one of the owners of the ship, with his wife and brother-in-law. One day as I stood attending them at dinner, the captain began to quarrel with me about his fork; telling me, with many oaths and im­precations, that it was not clean. I answered nothing, remembering the advice given me by captain Camp­bell; and the assertion he had made him, that he would never let me see my friends. The captain im­mediately got up, and aiming a blow with the fork in his hand, struck it into my body: every one seemed alarmed, and the owner espousing my cause, I told him, that was but a small specimen of his bad usage, and that if he would step to the steerage with me, I could give him proofs of his barbarity. His wife rose from [Page 47] the table, and pulling the fork out of my breast, gave the captain a severe reprimand, charging him, while she was on board, never to let her see such another in­stance of cruelty.

About this time another incident happened, which shewed his disposition in a just light. One of the pas­sengers had a negro maid servant, who having in some­thing or another disobeyed her mistress, was severely re­primanded by her: the captain said, that if she belong­ed to him, he would certainly give her a good flog­ging; her mistress told him, she would be much obli­ged to him if he would. Now it happened a few even­ings before, that the captain had asked a certain favour of this same negro wench, which she had thought pro­per to refuse; this had turned the love he bore her into the most violent hatred: glad of an occasion of reveng­ing himself, he embraced the opportunity which the sanction of her mistress afforded him; and getting her upon deck, he tied her to one of the pumps, and was going to proceed. The passengers were all assembled to see the operation, and none of them could forbear execrating the cruelty of a man, who in cool blood, and without any provocation, could so deliberately think of inflicting such a punishment: one of the pas­sengers stepping forward, charged him at his peril to touch the girl, and ordered me to take her down. I proceeded to obey him, and the captain running to pre­vent me, was laid hold of by the passenger, and a fu­rious [Page 48] scuffle ensued, in which the passenger was victo­rious, and gave him a hearty drubbing. Upon a pro­mise of better behaviour the passenger let him go.

On the twentieth of August we were met by a heavy gale of wind, in which two ships of the fleet, belong­ing to London, steering different courses, ran foul of each other, by which accident one of them was severe­ly damaged; the men during the whole night labour­ed at the pumps, and with the utmost difficulty kept her from sinking. Next morning the Lizard frigate got along side of her, to the great joy of the crew, who by that time had almost given up all hopes of life, and were in a situation truly deplorable. In a few minutes after they left her she sunk. The gale continued seven days, and at the end of it we found ourselves near the coast of Ireland.

September the first, we fell in with a frigate, sent out from England, to order us to take the north chan­nel, as the French fleet was supposed to be in the mouth of the south channel; but on the seventh, a lugger, which had likewise been dispatched to meet us, order­ed us to steer for the south channel, which we did, and and on the twelfth we discovered land, and found it to be Cape Clear: while we were four leagues distant from land, several boats were sent off with fresh provisions, such as butter, eggs, potatoes, &c. which proved very acceptable to the passengers. On the thirteenth, the [Page 49] commodore made a signal for all the fleet to proceed to their respective ports. One of the frigates was to go to the Bristol channel, the other to the North, or St. George's channel, and the commodore to the King's channel. We parted from the commodore on the fourteenth, along with six other merchant ships, and proceeded up St. George's channel, under convoy of the Lizard. We mounted sixteen guns, and had on board between thirty and forty men. On the even­ing of the fourteenth we were saluted by a strange ship, who run up along side of us, and fired a gun. All hands were immediately called to quarters, and we gave her a whole broad side, which made her sheer off; but in the course of a few minutes, she returned, when we disco­vered that we had been engaged, not with an American privateer, for such we imagined her to be, but with a British sloop of war, the Bonetta mounting eighteen guns, and then in the impressing service. On the fifteenth we had got as far in the channel as the banks of Dublin, when the commodore made a signal for us all to heave too, which we obeyed; and having gone through all the ships, and taken some men out of each of them, he di­rected us to proceed.

On the seventeenth we got as far as Beau [...]ris, where we took a pilot on board, and arrived at Liver­pool. At our entrance, the custom-house officers find­ing more spirituous liquors than the legal allowance, on board, seized the ship, and prevented us from entering [Page 50] the dock; but the owners upon application to the board, got the vessel cleared, by paying a sum of money, and loosing all the stores. During the time we lay here, discharging our cargo, the captain was become as mild and gentle in his treatment of me, as before he had been tyrannical. He seldom went ashore that he did not take me with him: in all his transactions he consulted me, and was now quicker sighted in discovering virtues, than he had hitherto been in finding faults. Every day brought me some fresh present from him; cloaths, shirts, shoes, every article of wearing apparel, he now loaded me with, and in every respect behaved with such a de­gree of servility, and meanness, as would have astonish­ed me, had I not known perfectly how to account for it. He suspected, and justly, that I had preserved my bloo­dy cloaths, to produce as evidence against him. And one day after he had expressed a wonderful degree of affection for me, he desired me to shew him all my cloaths, and shirts, that he might see, what I wanted, and have me properly equipped. I shewed him all I had on board; but upon our first landing, I had carried those he wanted to lay hold of, ashore, and placed them out of his reach. Thus by his cruelty, and bar­barity, had this [...] man put himself in my pow­er; and the extreme servility with which he treated me, convinced me of a truth which I have often since had occasion to remark, viz. that the greatest tyrants are the greatest cowards.

[Page 51]On the twenty-eighth of October, we were ready for sea, having unloaded so much of our cargo, as was in­tended for Liverpool, and as the rest was consigned to Port-Glasgow, we set sail for that place. The extreme kindness of the captain, during this voyage, had entire­ly obliterated the remembrance of his former usage; and in consequence I had seriously determined to for­give him. He had however, bribed the other appren­tices to discover my bloody cloaths, and one of them succeeding, carried them on board to him. He had no sooner laid his hands upon them, than calling me to him, desired me to take a last look of them, and in the greatest triumph, threw them into the sea. From Liverpool to Port-Glasgow, we had on board only seven men, and nine boys, who had left the lat­ter port with us, when we first set out, and had escap­ed being pressed; with these, however, we made out to navigate the ship, and on the fifth of November we landed at Port-Glasgow, after a voyage of near eighteen months, disagreeable on account of the tyran­ny and caprice of our captain.

The most absolute monarch on earth, has not his subjects more completely in his power, than the cap­tain of a vessel those under his command, when in his own element: he can render them happy or miserable at pleasure. And surely never man abused this pow­er to greater excess, than did James Clarke, (for that was our captain's name): he understood the art of [Page 52] tormenting in perfection; and no doubt I fell into his hands, as a just punishment for my headstrongness, in engaging in this way of life contrary to the wishes and injunctions of all my friends. Should this account fall into his hands, (for he is I believe still in existence) he will, if he chooses to recollect himself, find that I have done him no more than justice.—But, reader, this was but a small portion of what I had to suffer— only the beginning of sorrows, as you will see by and by: however, having given you a faithful account of my setting out, I shall close the narrative of my first voyage.

[Page 53]


A Voyage from Glasgow to New-York—Obliged by stress of weather to go into Lisbon—Description of that place —Character of the Inhabitants—Remarkable Pro­cession—Sails from Lisbon, and arrives at New-York; where the Author leaves the Vessel and enters into the service of the American States—Sails for Alexandria, in Virginia, and from thence to Philadelphia—Short account of that City.

WHEN we landed at Port-Glasgow, I obtained leave of the gentleman, to whom I was bound, to visit my friends; whom I found all well, and rejoi­ced to see me once more at home. I enjoyed their so­ciety only about a fortnight, when I was summon­ed by my master to repair to my post; and upon my visiting him, I was informed, that he had purchased a schooner of 100 tons burden, which he intended to send to New-York. As the war still continued, and hands were uncommonly searce, he ordered all the appren­tices who had been in the ship I last sailed in, to pre­pare for the voyage. We were nine in number, and with the addition of a captain, mate, and carpenter, were to constitute the crew. At Greenock, we took in a loading of coals, which we were to discharge at Cork, [Page 54] and to take in a cargo of butter, beef, pork, &c. for the Bristol army at New-York. Every person reprobated the idea of sending so small a vessel deep loaden, manned as ours was, across the Atlantic, at so late a season of the year; for it was on the twenty-sixth of November, 1782, that we weighed anchor, and got under way; but the wind coming contrary, we were obliged to put in to Fairly-road, a harbour on the east side of the mouth of the Clyde. On the twenty-ninth, the wind coming fa­vourable, we put to sea, and proceeded so far as the Mull of Galloway, when we were again obliged by con­trary wind, to put about for the harbour of Campble­town. This harbour is about two miles long and one and a half broad, to the east side of the Mull of Kyn­tyre.

Here we remained till the third of December, when we again set sail, and getting through the channel with a steady breeze, we arrived at the Cove of Cork on the tenth, where we came to anchor. Next morning, with the first of the tide, we proceeded to the town of Passage; and on the twelfth, began to discharge our cargo into lighters, which carried the coals up to the city. I need scarcely inform my reader, that Cork is the second city in Ireland, for magnitude, grandeur, and trade; it lies one hundred and twenty miles south west of Dublin, and contains upwards of eight thousand houses; its haven is deep and well sheltered, but small vessels only can get to the city, which lies seven miles up the river Lee. [Page 55] Large vessels load and discharge their cargoes at Cove Passage, and the Rock. The small craft, of course, are very numerous upon the river, every merchant having one or more for his own use. As this is the chief port in the kingdom, for victualling ships, their trade in this way is immense: almost every vessel, bound from Bri­tain to America, the West-Indies, or the Mediter­ranian, takes in the greatest part of its stores here. Cork is well built, and stands upon a rising ground: the principal streets are broad and elegant; but like most of the houses, have a mean appearance at the extremities. There are seven established churches, six Roman Catho­lic chapels, one society of Quakers, and two Presby­terian meeting houses. The peasantry are very healthy, athletic, and strong, and embrace every opportunity of trying their strength one against another, especially if they have had a sufficient dose of their favourite liquor, wiskey: but to strangers they are generous, humane, and hospitable, to a proverb. It was not till the twenty-eighth of January, that we finished our lading, and were ready to sail; on that day we left Cork, and having a favourable breeze from the northward, we got as far south as cape Finistere on the fifth of February; that day however the wind veering [...]o the south-west, began to blow a hurricane, which soon obliged us to heave our ship too; and on the sixth, we were struck by a sea, which totally disabled us, and rendered it impossible for us to proceed, having sprung our foremast, and bow-sprit, and carried away the cabin scuttle, raf [...]er, binna­cle, [Page 56] and companion, and almost foundered our little vessel. We had no time for hesitation, but repairing our damage, in the best manner our situation would admit off, we bore away before the sea, for Lisbon, not with­out the greatest apprehensions of going to the bottom before we reached the port, the water being four feet deep in the hold. On the eighth we fell in with a large cutter from Guernsey, in a pitiable condition, as she could not run for any port, the sea ran so high; and being extremely low in the stern, she was not capable of sounding. Our condition was so extremely bad, we were incapable of affording her any relief. During all that day, the gale continued to increase, and night brought with it the most dreadful apprehensions; nor was it till the morning of the tenth, that we made the Rock of Lisbon. The entrance into this harbour is danger­ous, on account of a number of sand-banks, which lie at the mouth of the river, and frequently vary their position; as we were all strangers, and no pilot boat durst venture out, our situation was sufficiently preca­rious. There remained nothing for us but to make a bold push on a venture, which we did, and were lucky enough to get safe over the bar. The Rock of Lisbon, remarkable for its height, stands at the mouth of the river Tagus. Upon entering the river, a beautiful view of the city presents itself, together with the different fortresses, that guard the passage up to it; one of them, called Fort-Petre, stands upon the left hand, and con­tains near one hundred pieces of cannon, placed in [Page 57] three rows, one above another; we passed this and ano­ther of less note, and went up as far as Belisle-Castle, when we were obliged to bring to anchor, till we got a permit. Here we lay for three days, and having obtained our object, we proceeded to the harbour to repair our damage.

Lisbon, the capital of Portugal, stands upon the river Tagus, and before the year 1755, when it was almost destroyed by an earthquake, it was a large, magnificent, and strong city. It is situated about ten miles above the mouth of the river; and the harbour, when once the ships get over the bar, is perhaps as good as any in Europe, and capable of containing several thousand vessels. The city stands upon sloping ground, which rises gradually from the river, and presents to the eye the whole of it at one view, where palaces and churches, squares and public buildings, form a most beautiful prospect. Though the city is far from being so large as it was before the earthquake, yet that dreadful visitation has had the effect of rendering it more beautiful; as the streets, in that part of the city which was destroyed, are considerably widened, and the houses built in a very superior stile. They are mostly four or five stories high, remarkably uniform, and all built of a kind of white stone, which has the appearance of marble, at a little distance. The church­es are numerous, and have excellent bells, which are almost continually ringing. The royal palace stands [Page 58] conspicuous, on a beautiful eminence, and has a most delightful appearance. Strangers are readily admitted to see both the house and gardens, on giving a small gratification to the keepers. The climate is mild; and numbers from the northern countries of Europe, carry hither a broken constitution to get it repaired, and return with a new lease of life. Here the earth spontaneously produces all kinds of vegetables, fruits, and flowers; but whether it be that the soil, or the extreme indo­lence of the inhabitants, prevents the growth of corn, certain it is, that it is always a scarce article in Por­tugal, unless imported from foreign countries. Indeed agriculture, and all the useful arts, are esteemed altoge­ther below the dignity of the rich and the noble; and the poorer sort are so cramped by the despotism of the government, and their minds so debased by the shackles of superstition, that every thing noble or use­ful is lost in the will of the sovereign, or the influence of the priest. To divert their minds from reflection or study, public entertainments are tolerated and encour­aged, which tend only to sink them still deeper in the abyss of brutality and insensibility. One of the prin­cipal squares in the city is set apart for the inhuman amusement of bull-baiting, from which they go with the greatest devotion to a religious procession, and fall squat in the dirtiest part of the city, at the image of our Saviour, the Virgin Mary; or indeed so little sparing are they of their cloaths, that they scruple not to dirty them for the meanest saint in the calendar. But not­withstanding [Page 59] their devotions, no country in the world, perhaps, abounds with more slagitious crimes. Mur­der is so common, that in its most aggravated sense, it excites but little emotion. Strangers in particular run the greatest risk: if found in the streets at night, they are dispatched without noise, plundered of any thing valuable they have in their custody, found dead in the morning, and buried without any further enquiry. Night seems to be the only time they are capable of en­terprize; listless and indolent during the day, they doze away the hours in sloth and inactivity, and even frequently lay themselves down to sleep in corners of the streets. The same listless spirit, seems to pervade every department of society, and even their govern­ment seems half asleep. It is true, when they do pu­nish, their punishments are inflicted with the utmost se­verity; but this happens seldom, and has very little ef­fect upon the morals of society. Indeed the holy fathers of the Inquisition form one exception to the general character of the Portuguese; for did their salvation de­pend upon their exertions, they could not be more ac­tive in punishing evil doers: but so long as the people meddle not with the religion as established, attempt no philosophical experiments, and speak with reverence of that venerable body, they may break the whole deca­logue, without coming under that denomination.

Whilst we continued at Lisbon, an English frigate ar­rived with the news of a peace between England and [Page 60] the other powers, with which she had been at war, and though the Porteguese had no hand in the quarrel, the intelligence was received with a general joy. The En­glish merchants, residing here, and captains of trading vessels in the harbour, were loud in expressing their sa­tisfaction; and all ranks and degrees seemed unanimous, in hailing the return of tranquility and peace. Intelli­gence was immediately dispatched to the queen, who was then at Braga, and who instantly came back to the metropolis, to join in the public rejoicings. She per­formed her journey, which was about one hundred and eighty miles, by water. She was attended by a number of barges, decorated in a very elegant manner; but the barge which contained the royal passenger, was grand beyond description. It was beautifully painted, and gilt, and considerably larger than the rest, with an elegant a­partment raised over it for the accommodation of the queen and her suit. The rest of the barges were filled with the principal nobility and gentry, and were in general about one hundred feet long. Each of them had from sixty to eighty oars, rowed by men, all dressed in white cloaths, with black caps upon their heads. The whole city was in a bustle, and the people assembled in crowds, in all the public places, where there was any chance of seeing their sovereign. She landed a little below the palace; all her guards were ready to receive her, every ship in the harbour hung out colours, ships of war gave her the royal salute, as did also the castle, and fort. She was received by a guard of one thousand [Page 61] horse, and three thousand foot, in the middle of which she took her station, and the procession marched slowly on to the palace. The calvalcade was joined by coaches and horses, and an immense multitude of both sexes, and all denominations, followed in the rear; and from the curiosity expressed by the crowd, one would have ima­gined they had never beheld their sovereign before.

After witnessing this scene, I was about to return to the vessel, along with some of my mess-mates, who like myself, had come ashore to gratify our curiosity. But we had not proceeded far, when our ears were saluted by something like the sound of music; turning round we saw about two hundred men, dressed in the clergical habit, marching along the street. As they approached us, we discovered the crowd fall postrate; and when they came up to us, all our neighbours were lying among our feet. As none of us had ever been in the country before, we were at a loss to assign a reason for this extraordinary humiliation, and we did not think proper to follow the example. The procession was preceded by twelve flambeaux, which were followed by twenty priests, eve­ry one carrying an image in his hand. The Virgin Mary, with a number of attendants, and three flambeaux, followed next, and after all, our Saviour upon the cross, surrounded by a number of flambeaux, all carried by young men. Hitherto we retained our upright posture, but had soon reason to repent our singularity; for a few ruffiian-like fellows came up to us, and knocked [Page 62] us all down. They stripped our jackets off, made free with our hats, and left us to bewail our misfortunes, and scramble to our boat in the best manner we were able. For my own share I received such a blow, as I would not have had seconded, for a sight of the Virgin Mary, and all the other saints in the calendar. Upon our relating our misadventure to the captain, he told us we might think ourselves extremely lucky, in getting off at so cheap a rate, and that the wonder was we were not sacrificed, to appease the fury of the offended saints.

The natives of Portugal, are of a dark swarthy com­plexion, and few of them grow to what an Englishman would call the middle size. They are in general, proud, vindictive and cruel; and though the women have a greater degree of liberty here, than in Spain, the men are not a little addicted to jealousy.

Soon after we arrived here, our captain and mate, upon some slight difference, had come to high words, and the mate had left the ship, to the great grief of the other hands, with whom he was a particular favourite. Our captain finding he could not well do without him, or perhaps afraid the owners would blame him for part­ing with a man of considerably greater experience than himself, determined to find him out, and make conces­sions to him; in this he succeeded, before the necessary repairs were finished. On the fourth of March we [Page 63] weighed anchor, and bade idieu to this land of super­stition, with a fine easterly wind, which brought us as far as the island of Madeira, on the fourteenth. This island is of a triangular form, and was discovered, as it is said, by an English gentleman, in the year 1344, and conquered by the Porteguese in 1431. The latter kin­dling a fire in a forest to warm themselves, it continued to burn for a considerable number of years, by which means the island was much fertilized. The air is tem­perate and serene; and no kind of venomous animal is to be found in it. Here are produced oranges, lemons, pomegranates, corn, wheat, honey, &c. But what ren­ders this island most famous, is the wine it produces, which takes its name from that of the island, and is much relished in Europe, especially after it has been carried to the West-Indies. There is only one town on the island, called Funchal, situated at the bottom of a large bay, on the south side of the island. It is defended by batteries, and is the only place where even a boat can go ashore; and that itself is not practicable at all times, as there is a continual surf beating upon the sho [...]. There are merchants settled here, from every nation in Europe, but the greater part are British, who carry on a considerable trade to the West-Indies. The inhabi­tants are in general Portuguese, and the island is subject to the crown of Portugal. In the neighbourhood of this island lies Porto-Sancho, about fifteen miles in cir­cumference, where are plenty of wild hogs, and a vast [Page 64] number of rabbits. It has excellent mooring in the road, in which ships to and from India generally stop.

Leaving Madeira, we directed our course westward, for the coast of America, and being for some days fa­voured with pleasant weather, we amused ourselves by striking fish, particularly the porpoise, great numbers of of which daily surrounded us. But upon the twenty-eighth we discovered a vessel steering to the westward, at some distance a stern of us, and being a remarkable fast sailor, we found she must speedily come up to us. Upon her nearer approach, we suspected her to be an American privateer. Our captain being a very young man, with rather more valour than discretion, wanted to have a brush at her, though he had heard of the peace at Lisbon; and a very pretty battle we should have made of it, three or four men, and nine boys, to op­pose thirty stout seamen, and fourteen guns. Upon com­ing up to us we hailed her, and to our great satisfac­tion, found her to be a brig belonging to the same own­ers with ourselves, and bound to the same port. She had it seems, been purchased after we sailed from the Clyde, and sent to Cork to take in a cargo, seven weeks after our departure. With this vessel we kept company till we reached our port. On the thirteenth of April, we made the coast of America, but found ourselves south of New-York. As we stood to the northward, we were met by an American privateer who had been from her port about eight weeks: she [Page 65] had heard nothing of the treaty of peace, and immedi­ately she boarded us, and in spite of all our remon­strances, made us her prize; till another privateer com­ing up, told her they had the intelligence of peace from an English privateer of much superior force, who would have made a prize of them, if the information had been false. The frigate which boarded us, was the Assur­ance, captain Evans, who put us all on board his own ship, and used us with the utmost civility during our captivity. Upon receiving the above intelligence, he made a signal for our vessel to heave too, and putting us on board of her, wished us a good voyage. When we began to examine our own vessel, we found several things missing, such as cloaths and stores, and not doubt­ing but the American sailors had made free with them, we complained to captain Evans, who immediately cau­sed the strictest search to be made, and every thing to be restored to the rightful owners. On the fifteenth of April we arrived at our intended port, and came to an­chor near the place where we were to discharge, and next day put into a wha [...] where we were to lie till our cargo was cl [...]ared out.

The unconquerable desire I had always entertained of seeing the world, was not yet gratified. I had no wish to return to my own country, without having a more extensive view of the new world; and without imparting my intention to any of my mess mates, I I began to mediate a design of making my escape. As [Page 66] I was still very young, I had but little hopes of receiv­ing any encouragement from a stranger; but I was re­solved not to make many words about the article of wages. One day as we were getting some lumber out of a small vessel, from New-London, I asked the mas­ter what wages would be given in that country, to such a lad as I was: he answered without hesitation, that he would give me eight dollars per month. This gave me all the encouragement I wished, and made me se­riously resolve, the first favourable opportunity that oc­curred, to become my own master. After our cargo was disposed of, our captain had orders to expose the ship to sale; but not meeting with a purchaser, his next orders were, to proceed to Antigua. I had delay­ed my scheme of eloping, till the evening before the ship was to sail. The master of the little American ves­sel who offered to engage me, proffered his assistance, and getting as many of my cloaths smuggled out of the ship as I conveniently could, I left her in the even­ing; and next morning, to my great satisfaction, saw her set sail for Antigua. During the day, as I was patroling the streets, I met with three of my ship­mates, who told me they had left the ship immediately after me. Our meeting was joyful: only one thing sat heavy upon our spirits—among us all we had not two dollars. The little we had, however, was common, and enabled us to spend the evening together; but a new day brought with it new wants, and we were all obliged to be as expeditious as possible in finding em­ployment. [Page 67] Hands were now very plentiful, the peace having thrown numbers out of employ; and for three days no one would have any thing to say to me. By this time I began to repent my rashness, in leaving my own vessel. The American captain, who had proffered me such handsome wages, was sailed I knew not whi­ther, and I began to think my case desperate enough.

On the morning of the fourth day, I went along side of a brig, which was taking in ballast, and inquired of one of the men, if the captain wanted a hand. He told me he did, and he believed I would answer his purpose. As the captain was gone ashore, I resolved to wait till his return, and the more to recommend myself, I began with all my might to heave in ballast. It was not long till the captain came on board, and inquiring who I was, I told him I wanted to go a voyage with him, and should make no terms with him, but take whatever he chose to give me. He liked my proposal, and told me I should not fare the worse for my diffidence in asking. —Mr. Seaton, for that was our captain's name, had something in his appearance and manners, inexpressibly engaging. He was about sixty years of age; his looks and behaviour to his crew, had more of the parent than the master in them. Every word he spoke com­manded respect, and in all his actions he displayed the integrity and simplicity of the honest uncontaminated American. From the first moment I saw him, he drew from me something like a filial reverence. This made [Page 68] me assiduous to please, and I found myself extremely happy in being told my endeavours were successful. The vessel he commanded, had, during the war, been captured from the Americans, and sold at New-York, about six months after she had been built, and at this time she was not above a year at sea: the gentleman who had bought her lived at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thither we were bound. During our passage the captain treated me with marks of distinction, which were highly flattering. He would often call me into the cabin, and chat away whole hours with me; or make me read to him, when we found nothing to say; and, in short, made me as happy as I possibly could ex­pect to be, in the line of life I had chosen.

One day as we were chatting together, he told me, he had taken a particular fancy to me, and the reason was, that I resembled a son of his so much, that every time he saw me, he thought he was risen from the dead. He told me, this son, though but very young, had dissuaded him with all the rhetorick he possessed, from the only action of his life of which he was asham­ed, and which would embitter all his future days. In the course of his conversation, I learned that he had been entrusted with the command of a ship in the ser­vice of the American States, but that in the course of the war he had become so violent a royalist, that he had settled an account with his conscience, and run the vessel into New-York, where she was delivered to [Page 69] the British by his particular desire; and now he was entrusted with the command of this present ship, only to navigate her to Alexandria. The owner of this brig intended her for a coasting trade, from Virginia to Philadelphia, and the above-mentioned circumstance had put it out of our captain's power to go to the lat­ter place, or even to make a public appearance in the former. Towards the end of our voyage he had me constantly with him, and often asked me, if I would consent to remain with him, assuring me at the same time, that I would meet a kind reception from his wife, and in every respect be put upon the footing of a son. I had no intention of complying with his re­quest, and therefore made no positive promises. My extreme desire of seeing the world, did not at all a­gree with his plan of settling in America; and though I am certain I lost the whole of his fortune by not com­plying, which was not inconsiderable, I persevered in my resolution of seeing more of the world.

He told me he was to return no more to New-York, as that town was now to be given up to the Americans; but was to go to the British settlements, where he was allotted a portion of land, as a refugee, and that to the last moment of his life, he should regret the unlucky transaction, that rendered a reconciliation with his for­mer friends impractable. On the fourteenth of May, we passed the two points of land, called Capes, which open a passage into the bay of Chesapeak; into which [Page 70] many large navigable rivers empty themselves, such as the Potomak, James' river, York river, &c. which are all navigable for many miles up the country. On the fifteenth we got as far up the bay as the Wind-mill Point, which lies at the mouth of York river, and here we came to anchor, and took on board a pilot to car­ry us up the river Potomak. On the sixteenth we weighed anchor, and had the pleasantest passage ima­gination can paint: the country on either side is delight­ful; it is mostly cleared of wood, and furnishes a most beautiful landscape. Here the banks of the river are interspersed with country seats, surrounded by gardens, which produce all the vegitative luxuries of nature. In all my wanderings through this world, I never met with a man, I thought so truly happy as an American far­mer. His looks are the index of health, and his man­ners of independence. The pride and soppery of Euro­pean nations are here unknown, but all the solid advan­tages of life are enjoyed in the greatest perfection. The earth bountifully rewards the toil of the husband­man; his farm supplies him with food, his orchard with drink. A moderate share of labour only is necessary— nature does much. He is looked upon as the most re­spectable member of society. At home he commands a kind of patriarchal reverence, and abroad he neither is obliged to give, nor receive that fulsome adulation, that language of art, which reduces men below the dignity of nature; and a moderate share of application and fru­gality, enables him to leave the world, with the pleasing [Page 71] prospect of bequeathing to his children, a competency to enable them to set out in life, when he shall be no more.

In our passage from the Capes to Alexandria, we passed several towns in miniature, both in Virginia and Maryland. Alexandria, the principal trading town, is distant from the Capes about three hundred miles. It is built upon a bank, rising gradually from the river. The plan intended seems to resemble that of Philadel­phia, the streets intersecting one another, at right angles. On our landing here, the captain renewed his solicita­tions for me to go into exile with him, for so he termed the settlement allotted him in British-America; but as I continued firm in my resolution, he gave over pres­sing me; and after giving me a pecuniary mark of his respect, and many wholesome advices in private, with a heavy heart he bade us all adieu. We were now left without a captain, but the mate assuming the command, we began to take in our cargo, which consisted of tobac­co and wheat; and in a little time after our cargo was completed, a captain came on board. The gentleman proved to be good-natured, and agreeable. The beha­viour of my commanders, since I entered into the trade of America, had made me still fonder of the life I had chosen, and had made me totally forget the miseries of my first setting out; I determined therefore not to be in haste to leave this country. We sailed from Alexandria on the eighteenth of May, and proceeded for Philadel­phia. [Page 72] After we had passed the Capes of Virginia, in the course of the night, we struck upon a bank of sand, which lies fourteen leagues east of Cape-Charles, and a­bout twelve miles from the shore. The weather being favourable, however, we kept in the vessel, resolving to wait the issue of the next tide. This answered our wish­es, for next day the tide rising higher, and the wind ta­king a favourable direction, she was got off without any material damage. For several days we were tossed about by contrary winds, and having only laid in provisions for eight days, and being twice that number at sea, we were all put upon short allowance. We passed the two points of land called Cape-Henlopen, and Cape-May, which form the bay of Delaware. This bay is ex­tremely dangerous, on account of a number of shoals, banks, and ridges of rocks, with which it abounds. One of the latter, called the Frying-Pan, extends half across, and is in length about fifteen miles. It is covered at half-tide, and ships that have no pilot on board, are o­bliged to go by soundings. The river Delaware divides the state of Jersey on the east, and Maryland on the south and west, from Pennsylvania; and is navigable one hun­and fifty miles from the sea. This river opens an easy communication with the inland country.

On the fourth of June, we came to anchor, at the mouth of the Delaware, till the tide made next morn­ing, when we weighed anchor, and sailing up the river we passed Ready-Island, a small spot, which in the me­mory [Page 73] of some persons still alive, was covered all over at low water, and is now from two to three feet above the surface of the water in the highest tides. It is all covered with reeds, and is every year growing somewhat lar­ger. Immediately after this, we passed the town of Newcastle, which stands close by the river-side. The country on both sides is cleared of wo [...]d, and presents a beautiful, and rich prospect. The river at this time was much incommoded by a number of chevaux-de­frize, placed by the Americans to prevent the British fleet from getting up to Philadelphia. Opposite to these stands fort Mifflin, on a small island, which is the only place of strength in the river. In the year 1777, the British were enabled to take this fort by the follow­ing stratagem:—The island was fortified only on the side next to the great body of the water, as they had no suspicion of an attack from the other side. But as the sinking of the chevaux de-frize had obstructed the main current, and diverted the water into a new chan­nel, an American pilot undertook to carry a vessel of a certain draught of water, up the back side of the isl­and; and a ship of sixty-four guns being cut down for the purpose, she proceeded to the attack, while three sloops of war began to batter the fort in front, to di­vert their attention. The stratagem succeeded: the surprize of being attacked from a quarter they least ex­pected it, and the want of time to remove their artillery to the other side, obliged them to surrender, though not till after a smart engagement, and a considerable [Page 74] number had been killed on both sides. Passing this memorable spot, we in a short time made up to the much famed city of Philadelphia. This metropolis of the American States, has so often been described, that I shall be very brief in my account of it, and with this shall conclude the present chapter.

Philadelphia is seated between the rivers Delaware and Schuylkill. Its form is an oblong square, being two miles in length, and one in breadth. The prin­cipal street is in the centre of the city, and is one hun­dred and thirteen feet wide. Parallel to this, from north to south, run twenty-three streets, crossed by nine at right angles, all of them fifty feet wide. This is its original plan, laid out by William Penn; but the inhabitants, finding it more convenient for trade, have extended the buildings north and south on the river Delaware, far beyond this plan. In the midst of the city is a public square of ten acres, in the front of which stands the State-house *. The market place is the most convenient and beautiful of any in America, [Page 75] or perhaps in the world. It is extremely commodious, and is abundantly supplied with all the necessaries and luxuries of life. The wharves are commodious, and vessels of five hundred tons burden can lie at them quite secure. The country above Philadelphia is well cultivated, and peopled with settlers from many Eu­ropean nations, particularly from Germany; the re­ligious persecutions of that country, having formerly induced many colonies to emigrate to this land of milk and honey; and as they are very industrious, and the soil productive, they are every year enabled to export vast quantities of grain to all parts of the world. The population of Pennsylvania, and especially of Philadel­phia, has had a more rapid increase than that of any other of the States, owing to the amazing multitudes which flock to it from Europe. Scotland and Ireland furnish a very ample share. Many of the emigrants from these places are redemptioners, that is, they agree with the captain in their own country for a certain sum, to have a passage to America; who carries them over, and if they can find any person upon their land­ing, to indemnify the captain, they agree to serve their new master for a limited time, till the money he paid for them be made up. If they cannot find any such [Page 76] themselves, they are at the captain's disposal, till he can indemnify himself. The inhabitants are sober, in­dustrious, and frugal, and of consequence wealthy and substantial. As the country produces abundance of all kinds of materials and food, they have very few demands from abroad.—A Pennsylvania farmer keeps but one table, at the head of which is placed his wife and himself, next to them their children, and at the foot of the table their servants place themselves, who all share of the same food, and are entertained in the same manner as their master and mistress. Whether or not this kind of levelling behaviour be proper, I take not upon me to determine; but certain I am, no people in the world are served more faithfully, or obeyed more punctually.—The sky is clear and serene: the winter continues from December to March; the frost being often so severe as to freeze the Delaware over. In the months of July and August, the heat is so intense, that in the year 1763, twenty persons drop­ped dead upon the streets of Philadelphia *. Various kinds of fevers begin their ravages during the hot months, but vanish at the approach of the more tem­perate season; and the winter commonly finds and leaves the inhabitants of Pennsylvania in a state of health and happiness.

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The Author returns to Virginia—A Voyage from thence to Spain—The Azores, or Western-Islands, described—Ar­rives at Cadiz—Account of a Bull-fight—Character of the Inhabitants—Sails for the Island of Teneriffe, and on the way is captured by a Barbary Corsair.

ON the eleventh of June we left Philadelphia, and without any material accident arrived at Virginia. Before our arrival, our owner had determined to send the vessel with a cargo to Spain: for which purpose e­very thing was got in readiness, with all possible expe­dition. July 9th, 1784, our ship's company, consisting of captain, mate, and seven men, received pay in ad­vance, at our merchant's house, and took a part of our cargo on board at Alexandria▪ from whence we were to proceed down the river Potomak to Dumfries, and take in the remainder. Our cargo consisted of flour, fish, tar, and oil, with which we were to proceed to Ca­diz. Our stay at Dumfries was short, as the cargo was in readiness. Five other ships lay at anchor here at this time; one from France, one from Glasgow, and the other three from England. The second day after our arrival at Dumfries, I went on board the Glasgow ves­sel, where I spent some time very agreeably with my [Page 78] countrymen, who had some casks of liquor for sale, with several other articles which I stood in need of, and ta­king them off their hands, I gave them tobacco in ex­change, of which I had a small quantity. On the fif­teenth we went ashore, and laid in a plentiful allowance of fresh stock, such as pigs, turkeys, geese, and various kinds of poultry; and having obtained stores of all kinds sufficient for our voyage, we only waited for a fair wind to proceed to sea. In the mean time, I had an opportu­nity of viewing this little town.

The town of Dumfries is, like many other of the A­merican towns, still in its infancy. It is delightfully sit­uated, at the head of Quantico creek, and the country is clear of wood, to a considerable distance from the town. In the neighbourhood are many rich planters, who send the greater part of their produce, to be ship­ped at Alexandria, as the water scarcely ever rises to more than seven feet, so that only small boats can get up to the town; consequently, the trade of this place is inconsiderable; their principal traffic is in fish, of which they take great quantities, as they have nets and wiers placed in such a manner, as to make sure of all that en­ter the creek. They will draw their nets two or three different times during an ebb, and are always sure of a great draught. The drum fish and sturgeon are very plentiful here, as are also rock and perch. The noise of the drum fish to a person unacquainted with it, appears very strange. A vessel once arrived here from Bermu­das, [Page 79] and after getting a pilot on board, the captain went to take a little rest, but he had not reposed long before a shoal of these noisy animals assembled about the bottom of the vessel, and began in their usual method to make a drumming and thumping, which exceedingly alarmed the captain; upon which he immediately flew to the deck, with many hearty imprecations on the pilot, for letting the ship get a ground: nor could he be persua­ded that all was well, till he ordered one of the men to heave the lead overboard. The sturgeon is larger than our salmon, and has the largest scales of any other fish that ever I have seen, every one of them being about an inch in diameter.

Seven miles above this stands the seat of the great WASHINGTON, at a little distance from the river Po­tomak. It is seated on a rising ground, having an easy descent to the river, and is surrounded by groves of trees, delightful gardens, and enchanting walks; and furnishes a beautiful prospect from the river. To the cha­racter of the proprietor, whose merits command the ad­miration of a world, my slender tribute of praise can add nothing. If it be true, however, what some author says, that servants and near neighbours, are best qualifi­ed to give a man's real character, his will suffer nothing from being brought to the test; for General Washington, at the head of his army, or President Washington at the head of the American Congress, never commanded the admiration of the world in a greater deg [...] than F [...]r­mer [Page 80] Washington, on the banks of the Potomak, does the love and admiration of his neighbours and dependents. At the foot of an avenue, which leads from the house to the river, is erected a fort, defended by twelve pieces of brass cannon: this during the war was manned by the general's own negroes, who had been carefully trained for the purpose. I spent a day in viewing the residence of this truly great man, and returned very much pleased, that the contrary wind had afforded me so good an opportunity.

On the seventeenth, our captain's patience began to exhaust, and he resolved to tide it down the river. The first tide we made Port-Tobacco creek, at the distance of eighteen miles. This creek, which lies on the Mary­land side of the river, is seven miles long, and naviga­ble for small vessels to the town of Port-Tobacco, which stands at the head of it. Considerable quantities of tobacco, wheat, Indian corn, &c. are annually exported from this creek, and vast quantities of British, French, and Dutch manufactures are imported here. On the eighteenth we had a fine breeze of wind, which brought us as far as the cliffs of Noman, and on the nineteenth we got into the bay; but on a sudden the wind coming round, blew a hurricane, attended with thunder and lightening, and forced us to think of making for a port; and as Little-Yeockomaeo was at no great distance, we made for it with all expedition, and came to anchor about three o'clock. Here we lay till the twenty-first, when the tempest abating, we hove up, and stood down the [Page 81] bay, in company with the Congress, of Philadelphia, from Baltimore to France, laden with tobacco.

On the coast of America, this is generally the worst month in the year, for thunder and lightening, sudden gusts, whirlwinds, and water-spouts; at present however, appearances were favourable, and we stood to the east­ward with a fine breeze. We kept company with the Congress till the second of August, when we were obliged to part, as she was going more to the northward. At night it became almost calm, and the wind veering to the south-east it began to blow and rain, accompa­nied with lightening, and tremendous peals of thunder. The gale increased, and blew violently, and before we could get our sails taken in we lost both our jib and fore­top-sail. On the third it became more moderate, and the wind getting back to the south-west, permitted us to pursue our course. The wind continued with us till the ninth, when according to our reckoning, we found ourselves in lat. 38° north, longitude 39° west; but at two o'clock a man at the fore-top-mast-head, called out land, when according to our captain's reckoning, there was no land within four hundred miles of us: upon going up the rigging, however, every one could plainly disco­ver it, and lucky it was that we discovered it in day light, as we were steering right upon it, and must have got on shore in the dark. This land turned out to be the Wes­tern-Islands, or Azores; which lie between twenty-five and thirty-two degrees west longitude, and thirty seven [Page 82] and forty degrees north latitude, nine hundred miles west of Portugal, and as many east of Newfoundland.

These islands are nine in number; viz. Santa Ma­ria, St. Meguel, or Michael, Tercera, St. George, Graciosa, Fayal, Pico, Flores, and Corvo. They were discovered in 1439, by some Flemish ships, and after­wards by the Portuguese in 1449, who took possession of them, and have hitherto retained them. They are extremely fertile, and subject to a governor, who re­sides at Angra, in Tercera; where also a bishop resides, whose diocess extends over all the islands, and whose income, which is paid in grain, amounts only to two hundred pounds per annum. On each of the islands there is a deputy governor, and a judge in the law depart­ment, from whose decisions an appeal may be had to the general court at Tercera, and from thence to the supreme court at Lisbon. St. Meguel, the most easterly, is the most populous. In Pico, there is a remarkable promontoray, or peak, which in clear weather, may be discerned one hundred miles distant at sea. The natives, like the Irish, have an opinion, that no serpent or ven­emous animal will live in any of these islands, but will expire immediately upon their being landed. One tenth of all the productions of the Azores belong to the crown, and the article of tobacco, which is monopolized by it, brings a very considerable revenue. From eighteen to twenty thousand pipes of the wine called Fayal, is an­nually made in the island of Pico, which is the largest [Page 83] of all these islands; every pipe of which, when sold on the spot, will bring the proprietor seven pounds sterling. The Azores are blessed with a salubrious air, though the violent earthquakes, which frequently happen, ren­der them but an unpleasant residence.

Leaving these islands, we held on our course without interruption till the twelfth, when we discovered a cut­ter standing after us, and crowding all the sail she could to come up. The captain proposed lying too for her, but all hands opposing the measure, we crowded all the sail we could, and altering our course, we perceived that she followed our example: we suspected her to be a pi­rate, and the sequel proved we were not mistaken. A­bout four o'clock a breeze sprung up, and our ship be­ing a very swift sailer, we soon lost sight of her. On the fourteenth we spoke with the Antonia, a Spanish frigate of thirty-six guns, to whom we mentioned this cutter, who told us, he would use every endeavour to come up to her. Nothing material happened till the twenty-seventh, when we got in sight of the land, to the eastward of Cadiz, and though we came up to the light house that evening, we did not choose to venture in till day light. Accordingly, on the morning of the twenty-eighth, we came to anchor in the bay, but were obliged to perform quarantine till the first of Sep­tember, then we weighed and came to anchor again off the pier-end; when the captain went ashore, and rela­ted to the governor, upon oath, the circumstan [...] of a [Page 84] pirate being in those seas. Several ships of war were ly­ing in the harbour ready for a cruize, four of which were immediately ordered out in quest of her. Another vessel arrived the same evening with intelligence, that they had seen her likewise, and had been so near her as to discover that she carried eighteen guns; but they had likewise outsailed her. The squadron ordered out, sail­ed next morning.

September the third, we began to unload our car­go, and continued to discharge till the seventh, when our merchant ordered us to stop for a few days from unloading our fish, as he expected in a little time a much better price for them, the superstition of the Spa­niards rendering it an article of general use. On the tenth, a signal for a fleet was made from the light­house: they soon reached the harbour, and proved to be the four vessels, ordered out in quest of the pirate, with their prize along with them, in a very shattered condition. They had fallen in with her on the sixth, and upon seeing them, she had made all the sail she could to get away, but they had given chase and come up with her. When they hailed her, to know from whence she came, she told them she came from Leg­horn, and was bound to Dunkirk. When the evening came on, they ordered her to keep close by them during the night, which she promised to do; but notwithstand­ing, she made several attempts to give them the slip. In the morning, when they found it impossible to get [Page 85] away, they grew desperate; and when the commodore ordered their captain on board, he flatly refused, and told him, he would never surrender so long as he had a man able to fire a gun. A smart engagement ensued, in which the captain, mate, and several of the men, had paid for their obstinacy with the forfeit of their lives. They were at last obliged to strike, and the survivers ordered on board the commodore, who gave the following account of themselves, viz. That they belonged to Dunkirk, and having been unsuccessful by privateering during the war, they had determined at the close of it, to try their fortunes in this manner. They had sailed from Dunkirk in April 1783, and had been till then cruising in the Spanish main, and taken some prizes; but before they left those seas, they thought proper to sail towards the western isles, and try their fortune a little longer; after which they were to sail for the north of Scotland, and run the vessel ashore. It likewise appeared that these desperadoes had taken some rich Portuguese vessels from the Brazils, which they had plundered and sunk, putting their crews to death. No fewer than ten vessels, according to their own accounts, had fallen into their hands. When they left Dunkirk, they had on board one hundred and fifty men, commanded by a captain Dodd, a man about thir­ty-six years of age, who was born in Guernsey; and the mate, they said, was a native of Ireland. Such was the account the prisoners gave of themselves. Ten of them supposed to be officers, were sent to Madrid, to [Page 86] receive the reward of their demerits, and the rest, sixty in number, to the galleys. Upon searching the vessel, goods and money were found to a vast amount.

On the thirteenth, our captain and four of us went ashore, and as the captain had business, that we knew would detain him some time, we agreed to go and see the fashionable amusement of Spain, a bull-fight, having heard there was to be a great entertainment of that kind, that same day. The place appropriated to this purpose, stands at the outside of the town, and is of a circular form, and seated all round for the accommodation of the spectators. The charge at entrance depends upon the seat, and like our theatres, the seats are accommo­dated to the different ranks, for at this polite amuse­ment all ranks attend. We paid a pistreen each, (about eleven-pence sterl.) and took our seats accordingly. On these occasions, a young cavalier has it in his power to recommend himself to his mistress by his prowess and skill. In Britain, a man recommends him­self by the number of females he has ruined; but in Spain he recommends himself to his mistress, by the number of bulls he has killed. A young Spaniard be­comes the object of female notice, in proportion to the number and fierceness of the animals he has conquered; and is honoured, proclaimed, and rewarded accordingly. Previous to the combat, some pains and time are re­quisite to adjust the weapons, and the manner of con­ducting it. The two-legged combatants take their [Page 87] seats in the centre, and with seeming ease, loll on a ta­ble, and drink a glass of wine and sugar; the qua­druped is led to the door, and immediately let loose a­mong them. They are generally prepared with darts, which if the bull seems of a tame disposition, they stick in his sides to rouse him up, and enrage him to the ut­most pitch; and having gained this point, they mount their horses or mules, armed with swords or spears, and the battle begins. One bull frequently kills two or three horses, and wounds the rider in a shocking man­ner; if he has agility enough he can prevent this, by getting into a hole made for the purpose, and while the bull is in pursuit of one cavalier another combatant attacks him behind, to divert him from his object, and makes him face about. In this manner the combat is conducted, till some cavalier more lucky than the rest, puts him to death, and receives the plaudits and accla­mations of the spectators: after which the bull is carried to the market, and sold at a cheap rate to the poor; and as that class of men are very numerous over all Spain, they are sure to find plenty of customers. This is an amusement which a Spaniard doats upon, and I believe there is not a town of any note in all the king­dom, where there is not a house or square set apart for the purpose: Even in the most insignificant villages, the inhabitants will enter into clubs, to procure an ox or bull, and fight them mounted upon asses, when a horse cannot be got: or rather than want the diversion, they will venture on foot. Their general fondness for this [Page 88] amusement, can only be accounted for from a cause al­ready mentioned, namely, procuring them a recommen­dation to the other sex; for a spirit of gallantry pre­vails much among them, and it is displayed in a more quixotical manner than in any other nation in Europe.

The Island of Cadiz is about eighteen miles long, and nine broad at the one part of it; though it does not exceed one where the town stands. Two forts guard the passage into the harbour, the one called Puntal, and the other Malagorda. The town is said to have been first built by the Phoenicians, and to have been afterwards possessed by the Romans. Some Roman antiquities are still to be seen on the island. It is a bishop's see, and has a communication with the continent by means of a bridge. The bay is twelve miles in length, and six in breadth. All the Spanish vessels in the West India or American trade resort to this port, as also all trading vessels from every country in Europe. Though the town is rich, handsome, and populous, the country part of the island is extremely barren. There is not a drop of fresh water to be sound on it, nor any thing like agriculture to be seen. An Irish gentleman, who was at this time governor, had excited a spirit of emulation in garden­ing. He had got a piece of ground walled in, col­lected manure to enrich it, and planted herbs, flowers, and fruit trees, which in a short space of time, had ar­rived at great perfection. In the year 1778, he began his work, and in the year 1782, he had a considerable [Page 89] produce of grapes, and other kinds of fruit; and in the year 1783, he had oranges in abundance. The gentlemen upon the island, fired by his example, began every one to enclose a spot of ground, who could com­mand it; and this year, there was not less than twenty gardens in the neighbourhood of the town, all in great forwardness. Water is here a very scarce, and sometimes a very costly article. It is all brought from the continent in boats, and the Levant winds frequently prevent them from passing for a considerable time. The town stands on the west end of the island. The streets are so narrow, that two wheeled carriages can with difficulty pass each other in the broadest of them; and till the present go­vernor came upon the island, they were always kept shamefully dirty. The town is surrounded by a wall, which is at the lowest parts of it twenty feet high, and in some places almost forty; the thickness of it, two thirds of the circumference, is from thirty to forty feet, and it is one entire battery. The pier is about two thousand feet long, all built with large square stones, and is about thirty feet wide. Here lie all the guard-ships and boats, the small craft that trade to the coast of Barbary and the Mediterranean. In the wall are only two gates, by one of which people enter into the town, and by the other go out. Upon enter­ing, officers appointed for the purpose strictly search them, if strangers, for prohibited goods; and as no one is allowed to take Spanish money out of the king­dom, people disposing of their goods here, must either [Page 90] take goods in return, or bills of exchange. The mar­ket place is a large square, tolerably supplied with beef, mutton, and venison, none of them of the best quality; but they have fish and poultry in the greatest perfection. The inhabitants of Cadiz are a strange mix­ture of French, Portuguese, Italians and Moors, Irish adventurers and English smugglers. Pride, laziness, and filth, are their characteristicks. They have much ex­ternal sanctity, and on some occasions are very devout. Here are seven churches, one of which has been up­wards of fifty years in building, and is not yet near finished; it is of an octagonal form, and is about sixty feet high, all built of a kind of marble. Upwards of five hundred clergymen, of different denominations, are in this town, many of them mendicant friars, who are more troublesome to strangers, than our street beggars in England. I was one day accosted in English by a man well advanced in years, and upon entering into conversation with him, he told me he was a native of Leith, in Scotland; that at an early period of life he had come to Cadiz, in the capacity of a common sai­lor; and that an old lady had taken a fancy to him, and found means to signify her wishes. That he had been induced to become Roman Catholic, and marry her; and that she had left him in excellent circumstan­ces. I observed to him, that I had no objections to any part of his conduct but the change of his religion. "As to the matter of that, says he, I give myself no manner of trouble. I had made but small proficiency in [Page 91] any religion when I came to this country, and had but little to renounce; and so far as I can yet judge, two hundred per annum, which I received by my marriage, will make up for the difference between the two reli­gions." As I found we should not agree in our sentiments about religion, I wished him good morning, and we parted.

September twentieth, our cargo being discharged, we began to prepare for sea; and taking in some salt for ballast, with some boxes of silk, and a few pipes of wine, we set sail on the 10th of October for the island of Teneriffe, where we were to take in the rest of our cargo. But a dead calm prevented us from proceeding farther than the mouth of the harbour that evening. About three o'clock next morning, however, a gale sprung up, when we weighed anchor and stood on our course. At five o'clock, Cadiz light-house bearing N. E. distant about three leagues, we discovered a ves­sel to windward lying too; who upon seeing us, be­gan to crowd all her sail and come down upon us. The captain had heard before we left Cadiz, of an English ship lying off the harbour, and taking it for granted that this must be her, he made not the smal­lest effort to get out of her way; on the contrary, as he had some particular message to send to England, he rather waited for her coming down. The sun was ris­ing, and as she was in a line between us and the east, we could not make out her colours, till coming within [Page 92] gun-shot, we received two shots from her, and could plainly perceive Turkish colours. We all insisted up­on our captain to run, but by some strange infatuation, he delayed it till we were totally in her power. We were ordered to hoist out the boat and go on board of her, which, though much against our wills, the captain, three other men, and myself, were obliged to do; and no sooner had we set our foot on board, than the cap­tain declared our ship a prize, and ourselves prisoners of war. We now, to our sorrowful experience, found ourselves in the power of a master, from whom we had nothing like mercy to expect. Slavery for life was all we could promise ourselves, and death alone could set us free. With such prospects before us, my reader will easily imagine, that this day, and many that suc­ceeded, were miserable in the extreme.—As the se­quel of our captivity will take many pages to relate it, I shall reserve it for another chapter.

[Page 93]


An Account of what happened to the Author and his Com­panions after their capture—Arrival at Larache— Description of that place—Interview with the Go­vernor—Treatment while there—Ordered for Morocco —Journey thither—Description of the Country—Ge­nerous behaviour of the Sardinian Consul—Various Incidents—Arrival at Morocco—Interview with the Emperor—Friendly behaviour of Mr. Chapman.

WE were now in the hands of savages, belonging to a country where mercy was never shewn to Christians—doomed to we knew not what—to suffer, perhaps, immediate death—to be reserved for the most debasing species of slavery—to drag out a life of un­tried misery, far from our own country, where our friends could never more receive intelligence of our being in the land of the living. Alas! conjecture was vain; we dreaded the worst that could possibly befall us, and the rapid succession of dismal apprehensions brought with it last complete stupefaction.

They placed us upon the breast of the quarter deck, giving a negro the charge of watching us, while our captain, along with twelve of their men, went on [Page 94] board of our vessel. They soon returned, bringing along with them our two mates: the rest of our men they left on board the prize to navigate her, for the conducting of a brig was what they were unacquainted with themselves, that being rather beyond the abilities of a Moor; and after giving strict charge to the prize to keep company with us, they set sail for the coast of Barbary. Soon after, the boatswain, or countermas­ter, (as the word in their language signifies) along with two others, came up to us, and divested us not only of every thing that was in our pockets, but of the pock­ets themselves. They stript us of all our cloaths that were good for any thing, and as the operation was last performed on me, I had reason to be convinced, that no situation is so dreadful, that the prospect of immedi­ate death will not add to its horrors; for just as they had stripped off my handerchief from my neck, a fel­low of Herculean appearance, and a terrible counte­nance, came upon deck with a hatchet in his hand, and stood for some time eyeing us with the most Jack-Ketch like face I ever beheld in my life; and bad as my situation was, I confess I never felt greater plea­sure, than when I saw him, instead of applying his hatchet to our necks, take up a log of wood to split it for fuel. After we had got time to ruminate on our un­happy condition for about the space of an hour, the cap­tain accosted us, and talked to us for some time in his own language, which we neither understood nor at­tended to; at last the boatswain beckoned us to follow [Page 95] him, and taking us to his own apartment, presented us with oil-olives and bread, neither of which could we taste; we were too full of grief to think of any kind of food, and the boatswain having left us, we threw our­selves upon the floor, and in the most sorrowful accents bewailed our wretched condition.

Nature at last became exhausted, and all of us sunk down to sleep. This happy interval of care lasted till morning, when we awoke, and found ourselves in a most shocking situation, being all covered over with vermin; but as the Turks had not left them many cloaths to take shelter in, we soon disengaged ourselves from such disa­greeable companions, and went upon deck. We were anxious to see if our own vessel was still in company, but soon found she was not in sight. We were ex­tremely impatient to know what was become of her, but could not fall upon any method of receiving infor­mation, nor durst we shew any anxiety about her, as we imagined our men, who were left on board of her, had been too many for the Moors, and carried her off to some other port, and we dreaded the consequences that might result to ourselves. At all rates we gave up the hopes of seeing our companions again, and could not but regret the unlucky fate, that singled us out of all the ship's company for slavery, whilst they, as we conjectured, were enjoying the sweets of liberty. The call of hunger is irresistible, and now we began to feel it make powerful demands. We had tasted nothing [Page 96] from the time we came on board; the boatswain com­ing across us, we made signs to him for something to eat; he set down the bread and oil-olives we had for­merly refused, and I never remember to have made a more satisfactory meal on roast beef and plumb pud­ding, though it was the first time any of us had fed on such fare. Soon after the captain called us all on deck, and taking our mate by the hand, led him to the helm, and made a signal for him to steer. After he had been at the helm about ten minutes, he made another take it, and so on till he had tried us all. Finding us all better qualified than his own men, he gave us the charge of the helm, and became very kind to us, every now and then offering us food and tobacco. We soon began to think our situation was not so desperate as we had at first imagined, and by degrees became somewhat better reconciled to our fate.

On the fourteenth we made the Barbary coast, to the southward of Salee, and standing to the northward all that day, we came up to the port of Larache, to which port we were bound. We were obliged to come to anchor, as no vessel can enter this port but upon one tack, it being exceedingly narrow, and the entry con­fused. On the sixteenth, however, we got into port, not without some danger of the ship's being dashed to pieces by the unskilful management of the Moorish sailors. As soon as we came to anchor, the captain and some of the other officers went ashore. Two of our [Page 97] number projected a scheme of running away with the boat, which we might easily have accomplished, but for the second mate, who had a brother on board the prize, and as we did not know for certain that she had got clear of the enemy, the mate resolved at all events to stay and share his fate. The success he said was uncer­tain, and should we succeed, he dreaded that his bro­ther's life might pay the forfeit. As we could not bring him to our mind, therefore, we resolved unanimously to submit to our fate, whatever it might be, with fortitude. The port of Larache is situated in north lat. 35° longi­tude 7° west of London. When we entered the port, we were saluted by a fort with nine guns, which com­pliment was returned with six. The entrance into this port is extremely narrow, insomuch that two ships can­not pass each other. On the one side is a low point or neck of land, which forms a semi circle, in which is a bason or harbour, which perhaps might contain one hundred sail of ships, though there are seldom in it at one time above five or six, which, together with two which constantly lie at Mogodore, form the whole of the Moorish navy, and excepting one vessel which mounts twenty-six guns, not one of them carry more than sixteen. The town of Larache is defended by this small battery of nine guns, already mentioned. It is of a square form, with a wall round it, having two gates in each square

[Page 98]On the nineteenth in the morning, we were put into the boat and ordered to go on shore. As soon as we were got seated in the boat, the ship fired all her guns, and when we reached the shore, we found the governor, with all the officers and soldiers of the fort, ready to receive us. They were in number about six hundred, all under arms. The governor and officers were all mounted on fine Arabian horses, and led the van in a kind of procession, which was immediately begun. The crews of the ships which were in the harbour, formed a circle round us. They were again surrounded by the military. If we seemed objects of wonder to them, they were no less so to us. For what purpose we were thus guarded, we could by no means conjecture. For a­bout 100 yards we marched slowly on, the multitude in a kind of musical tone crying out, Laca laca la [...]e fide Mahomed; or, "Long live king Mahomed." Af­ter this we made a full stop, when they opened the ranks, and twelve men with loaded muskets in their hands, pointed to our faces, came running up to us with an intention, as we imagined, to blow out our brains; when they came within two yards of us, they lowered their pieces, pointing them to the ground, and fired them [...] before our feet; these fell back, and other twelve performed the same ceremony, and so on, till all those in front of us had done the same thing, after which they all turned their faces [...] the east, and in a very devout manner offered up ejaculatory prayers. They led us all round the town, making a full stop, and pray­ing [Page 99] at each of the gates, till we arrived at the gate we set out from, when the soldiers opening to the right and left, lined on each side the passage to the governor's house, and we were marched up between the ranks till we came to the governor, who with several other great men, was standing in the outer court, before his own door. He sat down when we approached him, cross­legged, as the Moorish custom is, having only a kind of mat or sopha spread underneath him; and an interpre­ter being called, he, with great dignity in his manner, began to question us; and as we did not know but he was going to pass sentence of death upon us immedi­ately, we made rather an aukward appearance. The following dialogue passed between us. Of what coun­try are you? We answered from America. What kind of a country is America? A woody country. What is your religion? but I suppose you worship the trees. We answered we were Christians. Are you connected with England? Our country is principally peopled from thence. Is the king of England your king? No, but he lately was. Why is he not now? He now gives us leave to govern ourselves. How do you like this country? It is a very good country. Will you embrace our religion, and prevent yourselves from being slaves? We are not yet acquainted with it. After putting a number of similar questions, he asked us, If we would eat any thing? We told him we were very hungry; up­on which he ordered each of us a piece of bread, and rising with great stateliness, walked into the house. [Page 100] Immediately we were led to a jail, with the portion of bread assigned us in our hands, and here, if we had no other comfort, we had at least the uninterrupted society of one another. The jail in which we were lodged was dark, dirty, and every way uncomfortable. We did not see a human face till late in the evening of the day in which we entered it, when a man made his ap­pearance, bringing us a dish in great estimation in that country, called cuscos [...]. It is made of flour, wet in the manner we do it to make bread; after which they rub it between their hands, till it forms itself into small portions like barley corns, they afterwards spread it on the bottom of a pot, made on purpose with holes in it. Underneath it they flew a fowl, mutton, or beef, with onions, pepper, salt, and a pumpkin, the steam of which gives a nice relish to the small particles above, and make them very delicious. They were delicious at this time, to us all at least, and we made a very comfortable meal; after which the keeper took away the dishes, and care­fully locked the door. We then began to look about for beds, but nothing of that kind being to be found, we stretched ourselves on the cold stones, and slept as well as our cares would let us. Next morning a man entered with a cake for each of us, and a small portion of butter and honey, which he set down and disappear­ed. We made an excellent breakfast of this delicious fare, not without thanking Providence, that our treat­ment hitherto had so much exceeded our expectations. At noon the same person entered the prison with ano­ther [Page 101] dish of cuscosoo, and placing it upon the floor, withdrew to the door. We had never seen either a knife or spoon, and when he was gone, we began to look a­bout for a piece of wood to make something to answer our purpose as a substitute. We began to split it, when the jailor appeared and made signals for us to eat our victuals. We gave him to know what we wanted. He took up the dish, and gathering up a handful, threw it into his mouth, giving us to understand that this was the method of eating it. We could by no means reconcile ourselves to this method, and with a great degree of obstinacy, more than prudence, persisted in preparing our wooden spoons, upon which he ordered our provi­sions to be taken away, and we neither received any more visits from him, nor any more food during the re­mainder of that day.

Next morning, after passing a night of complete mor­tification, we received from a beautiful young woman, a visit upon spiritual business. She was, it seems one of the saints, or enthusiasts of that country, who had given up the pleasures of the present world, with a view of preparing herself and others, for the enjoyments of the next. She had in her hands a piece of bread, which when she had spit upon she divided among us, and we were very glad to see it, and devoured it greedily. Af­terwards she wet her fingers with her spittle, and rubbed our temples, frequently breathing upon us as she did it. She had brought a negro as an interpreter, who told us, [Page 102] she wanted to make us proselytes to the religion of Maho­met, and that all the gestures and absurdities she prac­ticed, were done with this view. She made him pro­mise us great honour and preferment, both in this world and the next, if we would acknowledge and embrace the religion of the prophet; but finding us obstinately determined to adhere to our own faith, she gave us up for lost, and went away greatly disappointed. During all this day we got nothing to eat, we had indeed plenty of tar water, and that was all our drink. Next morn­ing a man coming in, brought us each a small cake, not much larger than a sea-biscuit, and left about a farthing's worth of tobacco, to be divided amongst us. Night came on without bringing us any more visits or victuals; and next morning the same man entered, bringing us the same quantity of bread, and at the same time gave to understand this was to be our daily allowance. We had the liberty of five rooms, and in one of them, we had with chalk, made an imitation of a chequer-board, on the floor, and cutting some corks into small pieces, amused ourselves in the best manner we could, by play­ing at this game.

This morning we agreed to reserve the half of our cakes till the evening, and left them behind when we went to our game. Whilst we were amusing ourselves with this diversion in another room, the guard, who had us in charge, came into the one which we had left, and made off with the remainder of our cakes, which [Page 103] we had preserved for our evening's repast. This there­fore, was a miserable day with us, and to add to our grief, we had to suffer cold in the extreme, for it was now the most inclement season of the year, and as I al­ready observed, we had been stript of all our cloathing that was worth taking. The little we had left was all over vermin, and next morning we were obliged to re­serve the water that was brought us to drink to wash our shirts: after which we cut off our hair to prevent them from finding shelter among it, so that the figure we cut was truly ridiculous. On the twenty-fifth our second mate, who was naturally of a very happy dispo­sition [...]gan to sing, and all the rest of us fell to dancing. This brought a great assemblage of Moors to see us per­form. Our woe-worn faces excited compassion in some, who brought us bread [...] tobacco. We tried the same experiment for some days with the same success, but they soon became accustomed to it, and by its loosing the charm of novelty, it ceased to produce any good effects.

Thus we were obliged to drag out a miserable exis­tence till the twenty-ninth of November, when the go­vernor gave orders to have us taken out to get a little fresh air, and this day, for the first time, we received accounts of the rest of our crew. A caravan had just arrived from Tangiers, and one of the men who guard­ed it, came to us, and in broken English began a con­versation, in the course of which we learnt, that the [Page 104] prize had been carried in there sometime before, that the rest of the crew were all to be sent here in a few weeks, when we were to go to Morocco, and be kept prisoners, till the United States should send over an ambassador to make a treaty of alliance with the em­peror. The only comfort we derived from this intel­ligence, was the hope of seeing our companions: as to gaining our liberty, the prospect was as distant as ever, for it was uncertain when the Congress would send an ambassador to Barbary, or whether one might ever be sent. Patience is a cure for all distempers, to this, therefore, we were forced to have recourse, and leave the event to the Supreme Disposer of all.

On the twelfth of December, the same female devo­tee, who had visited us before [...]gain made her appear­ance, bringing with her two others of her own sex, and the same negro interpreter. She began to anoint our temples in the same manner as before. They then buf­fetted us with their hands, and each of them pulling out a short dagger, threatened as if they meant to stab us, and, at every interval, made the negro ask us, if we were yet willing to embrace the religion of Mahomet. When they found their threats ineffectual, they began to coax, flatter, and promise, and made use of every argument they could suggest, with as much earnestness as if their own salvation had depended on their success. They told us, if we complied, we would immediately be re­stored to liberty, that we would be advanced to honour and [Page 105] dignity in the country, and receive from the hands of the emperor, the most beautiful wives. This last argu­ment they repeated so earnestly and so often, as convin­ced us, they thought it one of the greatest blessings that could be conferred. Finding us obstinate, they left us to our own meditations.

The next day a message was sent to me from the captain who had taken us prisoners, to go to his house. He had, it seems, laid up his vessel for the winter, and as he expected to go to Morocco, he wanted to have some tents in readiness, to shelter him and his men du­ring [...] long and tiresome journey. The reason of my being sent for, was, that I might give him some assist­ance in finishing them, having observed me when at sea, sewing sails with more dexterity than his own men. I was obliged to obey the order, not without some apprehensions, as I was not made acquainted with his intentions till I went to the house. When I arrived I was obliged to stop in an outer court, till they ap­prized him of my coming, and got the women all put out of the way; for they will not suffer them either to see Christians, or be seen by them. I was at length permitted to enter, when the captain, who was an old man, received me with a smiling countenance, sitting upon a straw matrass. He asked me in Spanish, to sit down. I knew a little of that language, and was glad to hear him speak it. He then told me the busi­ness he wanted me to perform; and accordingly I en­tered [Page 106] upon my task immediately. I had not been long at work, when the captain sent me a dish of maca­roone and milk, and after I had finished my day's la­bour, he again sent me two cakes to carry with me to the jail. These I accepted with a joyful heart, happy to be the instrument of a small relief to my fellow­sufferers. On the twentieth of December our work was finished, and I was remanded back to my con­finement.

On the twenty-second, we were allowed to take an airing on a rising ground between the town and the sea, where we had a most delightful prospect [...] both. In a little time we perceived two vessels crowding all the sail they could, the one flying and the other pur­suing, and heard the report of several guns. Next day we learned from some fishermen, that they were a Spanish merchantman and an Algerine cruiser; that the latter had been for two days in chace of the former, but that a breeze of wind had luckily sprung up, and enabled her to make her escape. In our return to our prison, we were met by the governor, who ask­ed us by an interpreter, how we liked his country, and that if it was not the best we had ever seen? We told him we liked it much; though our hearts gave the lie to our tongues, for in our situation, paradise itself would have been disagreeable. He desired us to make ourselves as happy as we could, and said he hoped all would be well. We returned to our prison, and in a [Page 107] short time the governor sent us about one pound of to­bacco, which was a very acceptable present, as our scanty allowance of food required such a substitute. In this country, acorns and nuts of all kinds are very plentiful, and extremely large, and for some days we had a slender relief from the children, who threw hand­fuls of these in at our windows, and entertained them­selves by seeing us scramble for them in a very raven­ous manner. Had we not been supported by good con­stitutions, and stout hearts, we must inevitably have sunk under the extreme cold and hunger we were for­ced to undergo, for all the cloathing we could muster among six of us, was not suffic [...]t for the comfort of two; but we danced to keep ourselves warm, we chewed tobacco to allay our hunger, and we comforted ourselves with the reflection, that whatever might be our future fate, we could not well be worse.

On the twentieth of January, we were informed, that our messmates were on their way from Tangiers to join us, and that we were all to be sent off to Mo­rocco, by a caravan, which was soon to leave this place. The thoughts of this journey almost distracted us. At this season of the year it blows the most dreadful hurri­canes in Barbary, attended with thunder, lightning, and rain; and accoutred as we were, it was likely to be a very uncomfortable journey, through a desert country, without the conveniency of an inn to rest or refresh at. [Page 108] We cast many a wishful look towards the shore, never expecting after our removal to see it again.

On the twenty-fifth we were made happy by the sight of the captain and the rest of the crew, and whilst we were recounting to one another the hardships we had undergone since we parted, an order was sent for us to appear before the governor. He desired us to hold ourselves in readiness, for next morning the cara­van was to set out for Morocco, and we must go along with it. We returned to our prison; but as horses and mules could not be got in the morning, we were obli­ged to put off our journey to another day. During this day our captain wrote a letter to the American consul at Cadiz, which all of us signed, acquainting him with our captivity, and present circumstances and pros­pects; and requesting him to apply to the Congress, to take measures in our behalf. The consul, whose name was Mr. Harrison, was part owner of our brig, and upon receiving our letter, he took the readiest me­thod of relieving our necessities, by sending fifty dol­lars; which the captain afterwards receiving, applied it to his own purposes, without giving us any share of it; a conduct which was the more unpardonable, as his folly had been the original cause of all our misfortunes.

On the morning of the twenty-seventh, at an early hour, a vast concourse of men and women, horses and mules, were assembled in the street, opposite to our [Page 109] place of confinement. The governor, the captain of the ship which had captured us, with several officers of inferior rank, came into the prison, and asked us what we thought of an excursion through the country as far as Morocco; and without waiting for an answer, they ordered us out, and mounted us upon camels, when our march began for the city of Morocco, and we bade adieu to Larache, with hearts full of anxiety and grief.

The caravan consisted of about two hundred horse-guards, seventy camels, and thirty mules. The first day we travelled about twenty miles, when we came to a valley called Zedith, and pitched our tents for the night. The form of our encampment was this: The grand bashaw, who commanded in chief, pitched his tent in the middle, and all the other tents, to the num­ber of thirty, were pitched in a circle round him, at a little distance. The provisions, baggage, &c. were brought into the centre, and the cattle let loose to feed. One half of the soldiers mounted guard, and during the night patrolled round the tents, calling out every now and then in their own language, "All is well." About four o'clock next morning, we struck our tents, and were ready by five to continue our march, which we did till about ten, when coming to a spring of water, (an invaluable luxury in this country) we stopped to refresh ourselves and horses. After we had received our small portion of bread, which was soon dispatched, we began to look out for some wild fruit. About one [Page 110] hundred yards from the road, we espied a little grove, and two of the soldiers accompanying us, we found it produce grapes, pomegranates, figs, and oranges, but only the last were ripe. We took as many along with us as we could carry, and found them of infinite service to us upon the road. Joining the calvacade, we con­tinued our march, and that night halted at a place called Mossata, which is named after a saint of that name, who lived and was murdered here, as it is said, and to whose memory a tomb is erected. Next morn­ing we started at the usual hour, and travelled through a delightful country, exceeded perhaps by no part of the globe. At every little interval we passed a grove, where all sorts of delicious fruits grew wild, and invi­ted us to taste; and cattle, sheep and horses were scat­tered all over the plains. This evening we pitched our tents by the side of a wood: we did not start next morning till seven o'clock, and by twelve we reached Mamora, a small town, one hundred and fifty miles north of Salee, consisting of about one hundred houses, and defended by a small fort of six guns. Passing this place, we arrived about six in the evening at Zeriff, a river which takes its rise in the kingdom of Fez, and empties itself into the western ocean. The banks of this river abounding with all sorts of ferocious animals, such as lions, tygers, leopards, and wolves, it was judged improper to form an encampment here, on account of such dangerous neighbours; we therefore marched on five miles farther, till we came to a small plain, where [Page 111] we pitched our tents till next morning. At nine o'clock, we again set out, and about ten came to a place called Fedela, where the foundation of a fortress was laid some­time since by Sidi Mahomed the reigning emperor, but on account of a war breaking out between him and his son, it never was finished. We travelled on till five in the evening, when we came to the only fresh water lake in all that country. Its water has a taste somewhat like our English Spa-waters, owing to the vast quantities of salt-petre, with which the country abounds. It is only about a mile and a half in circumference, and a­bounds with a variety of fish. We had seen many large flocks of sheep in our journey, but I never in all that country saw a shepherd, but upon the side of this lake. Here, however, they think their flocks worth the tend­ing; and their mode of living deviates as little from the original simplicity of nature, as the manners of the shep­herds in the patriarchal ages.

On the morning of the thirty-first, being heartily ti­red of riding on the camels, we obtained leave of our guards to walk for sometime, and entertained ourselves running after the amazing swarms of rats, which over­spread all the country. Their numbers are incredible, and one reason for their amazing increase may be the mode of thrashing corn practised here. After it is out down and bound into sheaves, they let it stand for a few days, after which they lay down the sheaves in a circular form, in the field where it grows, and tying two horses [Page 112] together, lead them round and round, till they tread the grain totally from the stalk; after which they dig a pit, into which they throw the grain, which owing to the dryness of the soil, is safely preserved till they have ac­casion to take it up. The rats therefore can find food in every field, and consequently resort but little to the habitation of man. We frequently met them in large bodies, some of them of an enormous size. They stood surveying as with great composure, shewing as little dread of us, as we did of them. When their resources fail in one field, they will travel in thousands to ano­ther; for like the inhabitants of the country, they are every where at home where grain is to be had.—At five o'clock this evening we arrived at a valley, called Kora, where finding water, we filled our pitchers, and got each a large supply of excellent fruit, and after travelling seven miles further, we pitched our tents. Next day we travelled through a country, beautiful beyond des­cription. For this garden of the world, nature has done every thing; and yet a Briton, accustomed to arts and industry, could not but behold it with an eye of commiseration. Not less than two thirds of the land lies waste, unoccupied, and uncultivated. A law­less banditti occupy the mountainous parts of the country, who prey upon the industrious inhabitants, carry off their cattle, destroy their grain, and often leave behind them dreadful traces of brutal ferocity, by murdering whole families or villages. Happy is the [Page 113] country where life and property are secured by wise and wholsome laws.

We envy not the warmer clime that lies,
In ten degrees of more indulgent skies;
Nor at the coarseness of our heaven repine,
Though o'er our heads the frozen pleiades shine;
'Tis liberty that crowns Britannia's isle,
And makes her barren rocks and her bleak mountains smile.'

On the morning of the second of February we as­cended a hill, where we had a view of Salee and Rabat, and about eleven o'clock we came to the river Guero, on the opposite shore of which stands Rabat. This ri­ver is by the inhabitants supposed to be one of the lar­gest in the world, though it is only a streamlet, compa­red to most of the rivers in America.

Bashaw Zeriff, commander of the caravan, ordered the camels and mules we had brought with us, to be sent back, and fresh ones to be got at Rabat to carry us forward the rest of the journey. We began to send over all our baggage and provisions, and as there was only two passage boats, it was evening before we all got landed on the other side. None of our party had tasted food during the day, and had we not had a few oranges in our pockets, we must have perished with hunger and fatigue.

[Page 114]Salee is seated on the north side of the river Guer [...], upon a sandy level, and like all other Moorish towns, is surrounded by a strong wall. One part of it is occu­pied by Moors, and the other by Jews. Within the walls there are only about three hundred houses. It has long been famous for its pirates, or rovers, which make prizes of all Christian ships that fall in their way, unless they are protected by a treaty. The harbour, when ships get in, is commodious and safe, but it is a very difficult matter to get entering it, on account of a bar which lies across the mouth of it, insomuch, that ships of the smallest burden are obliged to take out their guns before they can get over it. They have docks for building ships, but they are seldom made use of, for want of skill and materials. This is a place of no kind of trade, only a few Spanish sloops enter the port, carrying powder, shot, and some articles of hard­ware, which they sell or barter for the produce of the country.

After we had crossed the river, we entered the town of Rabat. Among other spectators who were present at our landing, was the Sardinian consul, a native of France, who had for some time resided [...]re. As soon as he discovered us to be Christians, he hastened to meet us, bringing with him a Jew interpreter. He first spoke to us himself, in French; but as we could not answer him in that language, the interpreter told us, he asked what countrymen we were? We gave him a brief detail of [Page 115] our country and misfortunes, and as we did it, his eyes were moistened, and he could not refrain from dropping a tear. He told us, he sincerely sympathized with us, and wished he could assist us, but was sorry he had so lit­tle in his power; what he could do, he told us, he would, and in the mean time we should be his guests; for which purpose he would solicit the bashaw. This was the first Christian face we had seen in this country, and his looks, manner, and kind expressions, had so much of the phil­anthropist, that we were convinced he was possessed of a warm benevolent heart. He left us not a little surprized and pleased with his generous offer, and went to the bashaw, who readily complied with his request. He then came up to us, took us severally by the hand, and desired us to follow him to his house. We set out for the habitation of our benevolent friend, and were shewn into an elegant apartment, ragged and dirty as we were, where a plentiful supper was set before us of different kinds of meat, with a variety of fruit, and two large flagons of wine. This was the first time we had it in our power to eat a hearty meal in the country, and we indulged appetites, long unaccustomed to indulgence, with rather too much freedom; for in a short time every one of us began to be racked with pains, so that we could neither speak nor keep upon our seats. Our kind enter­tainer soon came to ask how we liked our supper, when he found some of us sprawling on the floor in the utmost agony. He asked the captain if we had wanted food long before, and being told the truth, he [Page 116] prescribed a bumper or two of brandy to each of us, which soon had the desired effect, and restored us to tranquility and ease. Our stay at Rabat was prolonged to four days, owing to a scarcity of camels, and during all that time did this generous man entertain us in the same sumptuous manner. He gave us many friendly advices respecting our conduct in this country; in par­ticular he begged us to be cautious of having the small­est intimacy or connection with the Moorish women, whatever advances they might make to us, as the laws of their country made it death to any Christian, found intriguing with them, and the Moors certainly would avail themselves of this privilege. We did not fail to observe his precaution during our residence. in this country. One day our benevelent host (who devised every method he could to sweeten our stay with him) proposed to entertain us by a country walk, and taking us along with him, we passed through the streets to the gate, the croud staring at us like wild beasts all the way. He led us to the top of a mount, by an easy ascent, where stands a fortification, if one may give it the name, of very little strength. Here we had a view of the town and the most enchanting country I ever be­held—its wall all one garden. The most delicious fruits of all kinds every where presented themselves. In short, did the industry of the inhabitants, in any de­gree, second the bountiful hand of nature, this country would be the garden of the world. We pulled as much fruit as we could conveniently carry, and bring­ing [Page 117] it home, our landlord, after dinner, made each of us drink a bottle of wine to help to digest it. But our happiness here was too complete to be of long duration. On the evening of the fourth day, captain Rice Ham­mond, paid us a visit and told us, we were to march next morning. All the remaining part of that even­ing, did the worthy consul spend in our company, mak­ing use of every argument his imagination could suggest to cheer our drooping spirits: he told us, he was cer­tain we would not long be slaves, but as he assigned no reason for his assertion, we imputed it to his good na­ture only. He often expressed his wish he could speak English, which made us imagine he had some scheme for our emancipation, which he durst not impart through the medium of an intepreter. We left our kind enter­tainer next morning with a tear of gratitude in each of our eyes. But his kindness was not limited to the time of our stay with him; he had got prepared for us four large pots, full of boiled meat, five gallons of wine and one of brandy, together with sixty pound weight of bread, and each a pound of tobocco.

After this gentleman's behaviour, no man shall ever persuade me, that disinterested benevolence is not a plant of this world, nor that any country is so barren that it will not produce it. Full of gloomy thoughts and dreadful apprehensions, on the eighth of February, we entered again upon our hopeless journey. Our ig­norance of the language of our companions made every [Page 118] enquiry fruitless respecting our future fate. We had still one half of our journey to perform, and whether it should terminate in liberty or slavery, life or death, we were totally ignorant. The first night we reached a plain, twenty-four miles from Rabat, where we pitch­ed our tents; as the wind was easterly that evening, we were much infested with vast swarms of locusts, who flew about our ears, making a kind of humming noise. I had the curiosity to kill several of them, and exa­mine them minutely. They are generally from two to three inches long, their head resembling that of a horse: they have four feet, and a tail gradually taper­ing to the end. They are of a greenish colour, inter­mixed with streaks of black and brown: they have a near resemblance to the larger kind of our beetles in size and form. The following night we pitched at Ar­bodia, said to have been once the finest town on the coast, but a war breaking out between the emperor and his brother, the army of the latter laid it in rains. It consisted of three hundred houses, and now there is not one left standing to shew where the town stood. Euro­pean vessels used to trade to this port for grain, but since the destruction of the town, the harbour is totally deserted. Still however a great number of families resort here, at certain seasons of the year, for the a­musement of fishing, hunting, &c. It is like our water­ing places in England, a place of fashionable resort, and at this time a vast number of tents, were erected, and an incredible number of people had come to enjoy the [Page 119] amusements of the country. Immediately after we had pitched our tents, a young man of a very graceful ap­pearance, with something in his air and manner above the common rank, came out of a tent, followed by a great retinue. Bashaw Zeriff Hammond no sooner es­pied him, than he hastily made up to him, and kissing the ground before him, soon gave us to understand that he was some very great personage; and in a little we learned that he was son to the emperor. He took a walk round all the tents of the caravan, in company with the bashaw, and the captain of the ship who had taken us, surveying us with a very inquisitive eye, and asking a number of questions, as we imagined, at the captain.

We had the greater part of the gallon of brandy we brought from Rabat still with us, and though we knew the Alcoran strickly prohibits the use of spiritous liquors, yet as we had seen Rice Hammond use them with the greatest freedom, we desired him to offer a glass of our brandy to the prince. He did so, and it was accepted with pleasure. By this time he had sent for an interpreter, who fell down before him, and kis­sed the ground. He asked us how we liked the coun­try, and whether it was not the best we had ever seen? We told him we only wanted liberty to make us think it so. He then desired the interpreter to inform us of his rank, and of his connection with, and friendship for the English. The interpreter then proceeded to inform [Page 120] us, that he was the favourite son of the reigning em­peror, by an English woman. About thirty years ago, says he, a number of English ships were cast ashore on the coast of Barbary, the crews of which were all ta­ken up by the emperor, who having so many British subjects in his power, took occasion to declare war against that nation. He marched them all to Morocco, and made slaves of the men, expecting them to be ran­somed at a high rate. Among the unfortunate suffer­ers, was a beautiful female, whom the emperor no soon­er beheld, than she entirely gained his affections. He ordered her to be sent to the seraglio, and for many years, her good sense, and unassuming behaviour, main­tained the conquest which her beauty had gained. By that lady the emperor had this prince, who is generally expected to succeed him on the throne. The emperor, who has between eighty and ninety sons, shews a great­er degree of fondness for him, than for any of the rest; and as he is a very great favourite in the empire at large, the emperor's declaration in his favour will be highly relished, and warmly supported by every indi­vidual in the country. We gave the interpreter thanks for his intelligence, and paid our respects to the prince in the English manner; who desired the interpreter to tell us, that he looked upon every Englishman as his friend, and that he should be happy to have it in his power to be of service to us; upon which he left the tent, and we found means to detain the interpreter for a little, wishing to receive every possible information [Page 121] respecting our future destination. He told us, if this prince should ever come to the throne, the English might assure themselves of the best treatment from him; that it was happy for us we were in the power of his father, who, he said, was a very humane prince, and that if we had been taken by a subject of the dey of Algiers, our fate would have been much harder. When you go to Morocco, says he, you will not have much work, if you have any, and I am persuaded the em­peror will not sell you to any other master. Perhaps he will grant you your liberty at once. It is fortunate for you that you have seen his son, who it is more than probable will intercede for you; at all rates, endea­vour to make yourselves happy, and whatever your sentiments may be, let your looks be cheerful.

We parted with the interpreter, and some of our number could recollect the circumstance of the Litch­field man of war being cast on that coast, in the year 1755, together with several transports, on an expedi­tion to the island of Goree. This corroborated the story we had heard, and convinced us, that the fair sul­tana must have been one of the adventurers in that un­fortunate expedition. Before we went to sleep, (bed we had none since we left our own vessel) the prince paid us another visit, in company with the bashaw, and cap­tain Rice Hammed, and giving them strict charges to be kind to us on our journey, he bade us adieu. Next morning at seven o'clock, we began our march, and [Page 122] passed through a country extremely fertile; we came to a valley, between two hills, where we espied a great number of huts, inhabited by a very savage-looking race of people. The day following we entered a very spacious plain, named Zebra, about nine o'clock in the morning; and when we stopped in the evening, we were seven miles on the other side of it. It is from cast to west thirty miles long, and twenty-five broad from north to south. On the south side of it runs the river of Lions, so called from the vast number of those animals that resort to the banks of it. We durst not go nearer than within seven miles of this river, to form an encampment, as they generally go abroad in the night to hunt for their prey. We were informed, that near two years before this period, about twelve fa­milies lived on the plain, at no great distance from each other, and that one evening, an assemblage of wild beasts came down, and destroyed upwards of sixty cam­els, a great number of sheep, and two or three of the peasants. We had to cross part of the forest in the day time, and even then were alarmed with the roaring of lions, the barking of wolves, and the screaming of leo­pards and tygers. The soldiers however were all on on their guard, and nothing appeared to molest us but one wild boar, which was instantly shot. On the thir­teenth, about ten o'clock, we reached the plain of Mo­rocco, and could discover the cloud-capt Atlas, at a very great distance, terminating this immense plain on [Page 123] the south. From this much famed mountain, or rather chain of mountains, the Atlantic ocean takes its name.

The vast plain upon which we now entered, is ninety miles long and forty broad. On the north it is bounded by a chain of very high hills, called the Valena mountains, and on the east by a part Egypt. In the middle, be­tween the mountains of Atlas and Valena, stands Mo­rocco, the capital of this vast empire. We encamped about five miles from the city, at four in the afternoon, when dispatches were sent to the emperor, to inform him of our arrival. Next day about ten o'clock we received orders to enter the gates of the city, and were marched through the streets, in the midst of an innu­merable crowd of spectators, till we came to one of the emperor's gardens, where we were ordered to pitch our tents till the emperor's further orders were received. We lodged here for that night, anxious for the light of another day, on the event of which every thing that was dear to us depended. The important day at length arrived, and at eleven o'clock, a guard of soldiers came into the garden, and gave orders for us to march. We passed through several divisions of the garden, and came to the side of it next the palace, where was a square of about two miles in circumference, in which were rang­ed some thousands of soldiers, all under arms. Old captain Rice Hammed, with the other officers of his vessel, marched in our front. Here we were detained for the space of an hour, without exchanging a word [Page 124] with any one; till at last the old captain came and told us, that the signal for the emperor's appearance would be a camel drove out before him, that the army might be in readiness to receive him. In the middle of this large area, was a summer shade, beautifully painted and adorned, to which the emperor frequently resorts, to review his troops; and round this were planted all the cavalry. The camel at last made its appearance, and was followed by the monarch, riding in a two-wheeled chariot, drawn by four Arabian mules of a jet black co­lour. He was followed by a body guard, consisting of about one hundred men, who besides their arms, were furnished each with a stick in his hand. He moved slowly along, surveying every thing with a quick, pen­etrating eye; the army at every little interval, calling out in their own language, "Long live the emperor Mahomed." When he came to the distance of about twenty yards from us, the chariot stopped, and about twenty of the footmen came running toward us, and each of them taking one of us by the hand, led us forward, together with the Turkish sailors; the cavalry at the same time contracting the circle, and coming as near as they could: when we came to the distance of about seven yards, all the foot guards and Moors of every de­nomination, who were in the park, fell down upon their knees, and kissed the ground three times. We paid our compliments in the manner of our country, by un­covering our heads, and bowing very profoundly. The emperor, who seemed to have his eyes constantly fixed [Page 125] on us, returned our compliment with a smile, which we (who watched his looks with no small degree of anxi­ety) interpreted as a good omen. An interpreter was called, who asked us, of what country we were, and and of what religion? where we were bound to when we were taken? and what was our cargo? Our captain who was chief speaker, told him, we were from Amer­ica, that we had landed a cargo in Spain, and were hound to Teneriffe, when we were taken. He asked us, if we did not belong to the British government? We told him we belonged to that part of America, which had become independent of Britain? How happens it, says he, that your nation have not secured my friend­ship before you attempted to come upon my coast? To this (as we knew not what to answer) we were totally silent. The interpreter then, by his order, asked if we would conform to the religion of the country? To which we answered, Our consciences would not allow us. He did not seem to resent our answer, and the in­terpreter, a Mr. Chapman, who was a native of Genoa, and agent to the emperor, afterwards told us, he would have despised us heartily if we had given him any other answer. I do not mean, says the emperor, to treat you with severity; the power I have over you shall not be abused: you shall not be sold to another, nor kept in a state of slavery by myself; but I must detain you in my country till I see whether your nation chooses to send an ambassador to enter into a treaty with me: you may retire, and I shall give orders to the proper persons to [Page 126] dispose of you. We left his presence, and retired to to our first station, where we stood till we saw the em­peror ride round the park, and return to the palace. No sooner was he gone than Mr. Chapman, the inter­preter, came to us, and congratulated us upon our fa­vourable reception, and the mildness of our sentence. I have orders, says he, to prepare a house for you, to supply you with food and other necessaries, and I shall endeavour to make your stay in Morocco as pleasant as your situation will admit. We returned our warmest acknowledgments to this gentleman for his proffered kindness, and bidding adieu to old Rice Hammed, and the rest of the crew, we followed our leader with exalt­ing hearts. He led us out of the gardens, and brought us to a house, which, he said, had formely been a mass house for the Spaniards, in which were several apart­ments. He made an apology for leaving us for a little, telling us, he would return immediately. And now, for the first time, we began to recollect that none of us had eaten a mouthful that day, and to be anxious for Mr. Chapman's entering upon the benevolent part of his of­fice. He soon returned, followed by a Jew, carrying a large basket full of bread, and a pot of butter, mak­ing many excuses for having nothing better to offer us, and assuring us we should have plenty of beef next day, with coals and utensils for cooking. After this he sent for a pound tobacco, and distributed it among us, and then left us to our own meditations.

[Page 127]We now gave way to the most abounded joy; we had anticipated our reception at Morocco with horror, but how very different was our present situation from what we expected. True, we still were deprived of liberty, but we had a house which we could call our own. We had the assurance of the comforts of food and fire; and the gentleman to whose charge we were committed, was a Christian, and had promised to be a friend. We re­solved therefore to enjoy the present with cheerfulness, and leave the future to the disposal of that kind Provi­dence who had hitherto protected us. We had hereto­fore always a scanty allowance of bread, but butter was a luxury we had seldom seen, and we did not long delay our repast. The variety of dainties which load the luxurious table of the epicure, are insipid to appe­tites palled with variety; but we had the sauce which is ever sure to give a relish to the coarsest food—we were almost perishing with hunger.

[Page 128]


The Author and his Companions are detained some Weeks in Morocco—Description of that city—Its ruinous state —Account of the Royal Harem—Remarkable Story of a young Jewess—Several Incidents—Journey to Mo­godore—Sufferings on the way—Arrival at that City —Generous and humane behaviour of two English Gen­tlemen—Capture of ten Frenchmen—Dissentions among the Prisoners—Arrival of the Emperor at Mogodore —Cruel punishment of an old Bashaw—Arrival of a British Ambassador—Disappointment of the Prisoners —Plan of an Irishman to effect their escape; with a number of other Incidents and Adventures.

IN every part of this empire there are vast numbers of Jews, who have a quarter of every town set apart for their residence. In the city of Morocco, they are very numerous, and are extremely useful to the Moors, especial in money transactions, and accounts. A Moor is generally too indolent, or too little informed to transact his own business. A Jew in this, as in all other countries, is shrewd, cunning, and well versed in the management of business; and renders himself necessary to a rich African, too fond of ease to mind his own concerns. In general, however, they are despised, de­graded, [Page 129] and insulted, without daring to complain, or seek for redress.

The house allotted to us stood in the Jewish quar­ter of the city, or as it is called, the Jews'-town, and we were allowed to associate with them at pleasure. We found them extremely ready to cultivate our ac­quaintance, and oblige us in small matters that cost them nothing. We had likewise permission to walk through every part of the city, Mr. Chapman giving us the same caution the Sardinian consul had formerly done, respecting the Moorish women. The ninth night of our residence in our new habitation, we eat our supper and went to sleep; but we had not been long gone to rest, when we were roused by a very loud rapping at the gate, which continued so long that we were forced to get up and enquire what it meant. Instead of going to the gate, however, we went up to the house­top, where we discovered not less than twenty Moors, standing and calling out for admittance. We dread­ed they had some evil design against us, and returning to our apartment we found a large log of wood, which we laid at the back of the door, to prevent their breaking it open. They continued knocking for the space of an hour, but at last finding they could obtain no answer, they retired. They had observed us on the top of the house, and two of them had, by some means or other, got into the yard; for after we ima­gined they were gone, one of our number opening the [Page 130] door, and offering to go up the stairs which led to the top of the house, was suddenly seized by them. He called out for assistance, and we all immediately went up to him, seized the Moors, and taking them to our own apartment, detained them till day-light. Mr. Chapman, who made his appearance at an early hour, was not a little surprized to find we had made two pri­soners; and enquiring into the business we gave him a brief account of their behaviour. He immediately or­dered them to be carried to the presence of the empe­ror, who made them give up the names of their ac­complices, and Mr. Chapman told us, they were all immediately bastinadoed with great soverity, as a warn­ing to others, not to disturb us for the future. This however, was an unlucky accident for us; it created us many secret enemies; we could scarcely walk through any street in the city without being insulted, and even the Jews, from a desire of pleasing the Moors, did us every injury in their power. We suffered, without complaining, as long as we could, but were at last for­ced to make our case known to Mr. Chapman, who immediately reported the matter to the emperor. The emperor told him he would order us to be sent to Mo­godore in a few days, where we could live unmolested, and enjoy the society of Europeans and Christians, of whom a great number are settled there.

Previous to our departure, Mr. Chapman obtained liberty for us to visit all the curiosities of this large city, [Page 131] and appointed a guard of Moors to protect us from in­sult. Our first excursion was to see the emperor's col­lection of wild beasts, which is I suppose the largest in the world. The place in which they were kept, is very spacious. On the right hand were lions, wolves, tygers, cats, bears, &c. on the other side were a col­lection of tame beasts, with a great variety of fowls of various kinds. I was much struck with the appearance of the antelope, which I suppose, has been called the unicorn, for that animal is not now at least to be found in the world, and this in some respects resem­bles what it is said to be, particularly in its having a horn right in the middle of its forehead. It is of a light brown colour, somewhat resembling the deer of this country. The antelope of Barbary is considerably smaller than that of the south of Africa or Egypt. One of the latter country was likewise in this collection, which was of a delicate grey colour, dark on the back, but gradually becoming lighter towards the belly. The horn is in general five or six inches long. It would take a volume to describe the great variety of animals contained in this collection. I shall not therefore at­tempt it, but proceed to our next day's entertainment.

We arose in the morning, and directed our course towards the seraglio, but our guards were particularly cautious of allowing us to approach it. This large building or square, is surrounded by a wall of fourteen feet high, and is inaccessible to all but the emperor and [Page 132] his emissaries. We were told it contained near one thousand persons, but I do not suppose the man from whom we received our information, could by any means ascertain the number.* The building is overlooked by a spire, about 100 feet high, with a large globe, said [Page 133] to be of gold, on the top of it. We passed the backside of the palace, which has but a very indifferent appear­ance, and in some parts of England would not be thought good enough for the residence of a country farmer. [Page 134] Our guard afterwards carried us to see a wall, which they told us was built by the English, after the year 1755, when the unfortunate sufferers belonging to the Litchfield, &c. were made prisoners. This incloses a [Page 135] delightful garden of a square form, containing [...]out eight acres of ground, and produces all kinds of adori­serous plants, fruits and flowers; dates, almonds, peaches, palms, &c. on every side surrounded us. Through the [Page 136] mid [...] of the garden runs a rivulet, branched out into small streamlets, through different parts of the garden to water it. Our unhappy countrymen must have had many wretched days inclosing this large piece of ground, [Page 137] for the wall is of a great height and thickness▪ [...] our way home we passed through the Jews' burying groun [...] where we saw great numbers of women, leaning over the graves, on which a stone is laid, which they can [Page 138] remo [...] [...] pleasure: to this they apply their mouths, [...]d [...] their complaints into the cold and silent [...]rave, and talk to their lifeless relatives, as if they could hear or answer them. Many of them shewed symptoms [Page 139] of the most unaffected sorrow. I felt myself [...] to be infected with the contagion and retur [...]g to our lodging, I tried in vain to dissipate the gloomy thoughts which this scene had created, during the rest of the day.

Next morning we took a view of the south side of the city, which overlooks a rich extensive plain, that appears a dead level, till Atlas rises and terminates the prospect. This plain, which extends, as I already ob­served, from Morocco to the Atlas mountains, twenty miles, is but thinly inhabited, and the reason of this is, a numerous banditti of Arabs, outlawed, and disaffected persons, have, time immemorial, inhabitated the moun­tainous part of the country These were, sometime be­fore this, headed by one of the emperor's sons, who wanted to dethrone his father, and assume the govern­ment. His plot had been conducted with some degree of art. He had rendered himself extremely popular with the soldiers, and getting himself appointed [...] of [...] caravan, that was to convey a large quantity of military stores, ammunition, &c. to a town on the south coast; he got them conveyed to some convenient [...], and sending back a message for his friends to join [...] they all took to the mountains, a [...] were joined by vast numbers of the wild Arabs, and mountaineers. They instantly made a descent into the plain, where they put to death all who refused to join them, and burnt and destroyed every thing that came in their way. They [Page 140] we [...] [...]osed, and met with a partial defeat by the em­peror's forces, but the ring-leader escaped, to keep his father in perpetual disquiet; for he was soon joined by many more of the banditti; who are perpetually making inroads through the country, plundering and destroying whatever they could lay hands on; and at this time they were still unsubdued, and in a state of actual rebellion. It is therefore dangerous for any family to think of liv­ing in the country, and this is one reason why so much of this beautiful empire is totally deserted. We had taken some refreshment in our pockets this day, and wandering into the country a considerable way, we did not think of returning home till the evening. It was almost dark when we entered our habitation, when we were alarmed by the violent screams of a woman. We instantly made towards her, asking what was the matter? She begged us, in Spanish, to give her a knife; we did so, and she no sooner received it, than she cut the back of her hand, across, till it bled violently. We attempted to hold her, and to stop the blooding, but she begged us to let her alone, telling us, she had been bit by a scorpion, and there was no other way of easing the pain. T [...] woman proved to be a young Jewess, who some [...] lighted our fires. She told us, she was groping in a dark corner for the lamp, which she was going to light, when this vicious animal had seized her finger, and if we were not cautious, we might sometime or other share the same fate, as there were thousands in the house. As we never had seen any, we were astonished [Page 141] at her information, and could scarcely give [...] [...]dit. She told us, they never ventured out of their lurking places till it was dark, but that she could easily convince us she had told us the truth, if one of us would get the lamp lighted. We did so, and she pointed out sev­eral holes, into which we pushed our sticks, when seve­ral issued forth, which we took care to kill as soon as they made their appearance. We killed ten scorpions, and two snakes, the latter from two to three feet long. The knowledge we had gained of our fellow-lodgers, made us afraid of sleeping in the house, though we had done it often before with no bad effects: We therefore went upon the house-top, and slept in the open air, and this we continued to do every night, during our residence at Morocco.

Though the bite of the scorpion is often almost instant death, yet the precaution of this young Jewess, who was as sensible as she was beautiful, prevented the poi­son from taking effect. After having scarified her hand, she bound up her arm very tight, which pre­vented the poison from circulating upwards, and in a­bout seven days she was entirely freed from its effects, and the wound healed.

It is indeed shocking to see this great city, the capi­tal of a vast empire, so dreadfully over-run by all sorts of venemous animals. It presents to an European eye, a painful prospect, to look at a great metropolis, nearly [Page 142] two [...] of which is in ruins; the ruins not cleared away, but lying as a receptacle for all sorts of poison­ous reptiles, which infest every part of the city. From the materials of which their houses are built, one can­not not expect to see them kept very clean. They have stones in abundance, but do not use them in the way of building; preferring a mixture of clay, mud, sand, and lime. The lower orders commonly build their houses of sods and clay, which moulder down into heaps of the vilest rubbish, and the inhabitants are too indolent to have it cleared away. This city, upon the whole, presents a very gloomy appearance, nor is it possible for a humane traveller, to view the wretched condition of the inhabitants, without a commiserating eye. But in a country where liberty, arts, and industry, are so im­perfectly known, what can be expected. The will of the monarch, is the only law known in the country; and whilst he is gratified with the enjoyment of every lux­ury his heart can desire, no matter what becomes of his wretched subjects; who, to use again the words of Mr. Addison,

Are in the midst of nature's bounty curst,
And in the loaded vineyard die for thirst.

The city of Morocco is built nearly square, inclosed by a wall, which, if possible, adds horror to its inside appearance. It is twenty feet high, and twelve thick, built of the same materials as the houses; having three gates in each quarter, making twelve in all. Round the [Page 143] wall are three different ditches or entrenchment about twenty feet deep, and sixteen wide, which were made, like most of their public works, by Christian slaves. The streets intersect each other at right angles, and on the outside of each gate are drawbridges over the en­treachments. It is indeed impossible, at the present day, to say what the appearance of this place has been, as whole streets are lying in ruins, swarming with poi­sonous reptiles. The wall however, is nine miles in circumference, and my reader may form some idea of the present state of the city, when he is informed, that from upwards of 400,000 inhabitants, which it is said once to have contained, they are now reduced to twenty, or at most to twenty-five thousand. The principal street consists almost entirely of shops; many of them belong to the emperor, who is the chief trafficker in the country, as he receives one tenth of all the goods of his Mahom­etan subjects, and seizes as much from the others as he pleases. But as I shall have occasion to speak of the government of the country, and the manners of the in­habitants, afterwards, I shall at present go on with my narrative.

On the second of February, we were told by Mr. Chapman to hold ourselves in readiness in the morning, to march to Mogodore, where he told us we would be much happier, as the situation was healthier, and the so­ciety we would have, would be mostly Christians. He begged us to live peaceably one with another, and to be [Page 144] obliging [...] the inhabitants of the country. He entreated us not to think of making our escape, lest we should fail in the attempt, in which case he gave us to understand, that we should suffer the most cruel death that could be devised. He assured us, that whilst we observed his injunctions, we might always look upon him as a friend, and he would take care that we should not be put to any kind of slavery. After this he gave us a letter, addres­sed to the Venetian consul at Mogodore, who, he told us, was his own brother, and would befriend us as much as lay in his power. We returned our warmest acknow­ledgments to this worthy gentleman for his kindness, when he wished us a good journey, and left us.

About sun-rising next morning, we were ready to proceed on our journey, accompanied by an alcaide, fifty horsemen, and twenty camels, loaded with corn, bread, water, tents, and every other necessary for our journey. We soon set out, and having travelled for four hours, the alcaide, whose name was Saliber, gave orders to stop, and refresh the men and horses. We were served each, with a small cake, about the same size of that we used to receive in the prison of Larache. We consoled ourselves with the hopes of its being re­peated in the course of the day, but night came on with­out bringing us any more food. We were again called to stop, in the middle of the day, when the meridian sun was scorching beyond measure. We unloaded all our camels, and let them loose to feed; and a grove [Page 145] of figs being in the neighbourhood, we took shelter un­der the branches for ourselves. Here we found some oranges growing, with which we refreshed ourselves, taking as many along with us, as we conveniently could. After we had rested about two hours, we were sum­moned to proceed on our march, which we continued till, ten o'clock, when we halted by the side of a small riv­er, called Niffis, which has its source in mount Atlas, and runs westward from this place, nine leagues, when it joins another river; and after many windings, it falls into the Atlantic ocean, thirty leagues north of Mogo­dore. One would expect to find plenty of fish in such a river, but the Moors informed us, there was nothing but eels and water-snakes to be found in any river in the country. Whether some of the great variety of metal­lic substances, with which this country abounds, may not prove fatal to the finny tribe, I take not upon me to determine. Certain it is, the rivers in this empire are different from all other running water I ever saw. After rain, they are of a high red colour, and in dry weather thick and muddy.

Next morning, about seven o'clock we set forward on our journey, and travelled about three miles on the banks of the river, through a beautiful country which the spring had begun to decorate with all the sweets of nature. Before we parted from the river, we stopped to refresh ourselves, and wandering about the banks of it, we picked up several ostrich feathers, and collected from [Page 146] the [...] large quantities of silk. One of our men laid hold of a camelion, the first I had ever seen. This little animal is about seven inches long from the top of the nose to the end of the tail. Its head resembles that of a frog, and it has four legs, very short, with feet which likewise resemble a frog's. One remarkable property of this animal, is its changing its colour. It is generally found in a woody country, most commonly on a bush or tree, and its colour is sure to resemble the fruit pro­duced by the tree where you take it. It is said to live upon air. Certain it is, it is never seen to eat any thing, and it is probable the flies and other insects that inhabit the air, answer all its purposes; in the course of this journey, we should have been happy in discovering the art of making them answer ours; for our stated allow­ance was very inadequate to our wants. About six o'clock this evening we came to a village of about twenty houses, where we were ordered to pitch our tents. The inha­bitants came flocking around us, every one shewing a degree of curiosity to see the Christians; some of them gave us small pieces of bread, and others of tobacco, which by this time were very acceptable presents. Next night we encamped at the foot of a little hill, the most beautiful eminence I ever beheld; it is half a mile in circumference, and by an easy ascent of about fifty paces, we got to the top of it. Here we found a beauti­ful plain, surrounded by a grove of vines, and in the middle of it a well, which we were glad to see, and made towards it to drink. But just as we were a­bout [Page 147] to quench our thirst, the Moors called us back, telling us, that this was the burial place of several saints, who had blessed the water, and none but Musselmen were allowed to taste it, and that if either Jew, or Christian, presumed to drink of it, the saints would be enraged, and must put the transgressor to death. We would very gladly have risked the anger of the saints, but the vengeance of the Moors, was a more serious bu­siness, and though our thirst was extreme, we were obli­ged to suffer, with the temptation of excellent water before us. We pulled a few bunches of grapes, and returned to the encampment.

Next day at noon we rested by the side of a rivulet, which no saint had meddled with. We took with us a large supply of that necessary article, as our guides told us, we would not meet with any again for some time. In the evening we encamped on a very barren plain, where neither water, nor fruits of any kind were to be found. Here, however, were great numbers of ante­lopes, one of which a soldier shot and brought to the camp; but in all this plain we could not find as much wood as would make a fire to roast it. The soldier therefore cut it up, and putting it in his sack, reserved it for the next night, when we were invited to partake of it, and in all my life, I think, I never eat a better supper. The flesh of this animal is delicate beyond any thing I ever tasted, and as it was the only animal food, we received during our journey, it was a wel­come [Page 148] morsel. Next day we had to travel over a long and dreary desert; we therefore, started betimes in the morning, that we might accomplish our journey be­fore night. This desert extends about thirty miles on the road we had to go, and about fifty miles along the coast, from north to south. It is impossible for the imagination to conceive a more dreary waste, than that which this day presented itself. We had to travel over mountains of sand, on this extensive desert, where the rapid whirlwind sweeps every thing before it, and where the helpless traveller is frequently buried, never more to rise. Here the wind often raises vast quantities of sand, and carries it about, till exhausting itself, the sand falls down; and not unfrequently, a whole cara­van disappears. As the sand is perpetually varying its situation, it is no easy matter to keep in a direct road, so that one may travel thirty miles without advancing ten, towards the place of their destination. Our guides, who had often travelled through this desert before, were frequently at a loss which way to turn, after holding consultations among themselves, and often very irreso­lute and undetermined; whilst we, with a burning sun over our heads, and almost fainting with thirst and hunger, became totally indifferent about the preservation of lives, which yielded us so little comfort. Frequent­ly we could not for some minutes open our eyes, and when we did, could not see six yards before us. At last, about four o'clock, one of our guides discovered the island of Mogodore, which is high land, and discover­able [Page 149] at some distance. This gave hopes that we should reach the end of our journey before dark. This hope was our only stay; for we had tasted nothing to sup­port nature, during that whole day, except an orange or two each, which we had luckily preserved.

About six o'clock we reached the town, but were o­bliged to stop on the outside of the walls, till the al [...] ­ide went to the governor to acquaint him of our arri­val. He did not return for the space of an hour, by the end of which, the little spark of life that remained to us, was almost extinguished. Whilst we were ruminating on our wretched condition, we observed two gentlemen approach us, in the habit of Christians, and on their coming nearer, could hear them talk English. The sight of an European, of whatever country, was a joy­ful discovery; but the most delicious music could not equal the sound of the English language. The two gen­tlemen came up to us, and asked what bad fortune had reduced us to our present condition. We gave them a brief detail of our situation and sufferings. One of them, Mr. Bain, a native of Ireland, heard us with an emotion, which he could not conceal. "Alas!" says he, "I have been at the school of adversity myself, and most sincerely do I sympathize with you in your mis­fortunes. At present my circumstances are easy, and happy shall I esteem myself, if I can by any means light­en the burden you are doomed to bear. Follow me, my Christian friends, my house and heart shall be open [Page 150] to you; your misfortunes are the best letter of recom­mendation you can bring, and if I cannot procure your liberty, I will at least endeavour to make your bondage less irksome." We were endeavouring to find words to express our gratitude, when the other gentleman, whose name was Hutchison, prevented us. "Mr. Bain," says he, "the goodness of your heart, hurries you in this instance beyond the bounds of prudence. These unfor­tunate men, must not upon any account, leave this place, till the alcaide returns, otherwise he will be enraged, and perhaps cause the governor to punish them severely. Let them remain where they are at all events; only take one of the soldiers with you, and send some relief to their present necessities, which I plainly perceive are very pressing; and when the governor has assigned them their residence, we shall soon know where it is, and be able to give them what support they stand in need of." Mr. Bain thanked him for his caution, and assenting to his proposal, immediately went to send us the relief we stood so much in need of; and happy it was for us that he went; for I believe there was not one among us had as much remaining strength, as w [...]d have carried him a mile from the spot. A Jew, who was the messenger, soon returned, bringing a large piece of beef, with bread sufficient for a whole day, and a bottle of excel­lent brandy. I am certain I owe it to this worthy person that I am at this moment alive, and able to write his name; and never shall I write or mention it without the tear of gratitude, while memory holds her [Page 151] seat. The alcaide gave himself no trouble about us, as a man possessed of the least spark of humanity, would have done, after the dreadful day we had passed; he went away, and returned without offering us a morsel of food, and stood very deliberately with the governor surveying us, and telling him our history, for at least, another hour after he returned, before we were order­ed to march to the place assigned us. After we had staid long enough to gratify public curiosity, we were at last taken to a house, which the governor informed us was to be our residence, where they left us, and in a short time we were again visited by our two benevolent friends. Mr. Hutchison informed us, he had been with the gov­ernor, and made enquiry what was to be done with us; and that he had informed him, he had no particular or­ders concerning us, further, than that we were to re­main under his care, till the emperor should further sig­nify his pleasure. "And now," says he, "my dear fellows, consider you are in the midst of enemies, who will take every opportunity of working your ruin. On your behaviour much depends. There are many Chris­tians in this town, but the most independent among us, are obliged to walk with the utmost circumspection. The very name Christian, sounds odious in the ears of a Moor. Be strict observers of the laws of morality, pre­serve unanimity among yourselves, and trust to that good Being, who will sooner or later reward the virtu­ous, for a happy issue to yourselves." He then desired to know, if any of us belonged to Britain: I told him, I [Page 152] did, and pointed out another young man, a native of England, and a third who came from Ireland. He then pulled out of his pocket, three dollars and gave it to us to purchase, as he said, pipes and tobacco. You will have many dull hours, said he, to pass by yourselves, but all of you I hope can read, and some of you no doubt can write. I have a large collection of books of all kinds, and shall be happy in seeing you pass your time in reading, rather than enter into the company of your enemies, who, from your ignorance of the lan­guage, and customs of the country, will have many ad­vantages over you, of which they will avail themselves. Employ your leisure hours in books, you will find them innocent companions; such of you as can write, shall be furnished with necessaries for, that purpose. These a­musements will both help to make your time pass agree­ably, and be a source of improvement for your under­standings, a treasure no accident can deprive you of in all time coming. If any of you wants any thing else, be not backward in letting your wishes be known. Mr. Bain and I have it in our power, to add considerably to your happiness, without injury to ourselves; and while you continue to befriend yourselves, you shall never want our best offices.

We attempted to thank these worthy gentlemen, but for my own part language was too imperfect to express my feelings. I had, all my life, accustomed myself to reading, when my time would permit, but this was a [Page 153] pleasure I had been totally deprived of since I came into this country. I therefore told Mr. Hutchison, I would accept his kind offer with the greatest pleasure. He went away, promising to send us a little library next day, with writing utensils. He punctually observed his promise, and now I thought my situation more com­fortable than it ever had been since I set my foot on this inhospitable shore. I had from my first going to sea, kept a journal of the little transactions I had wit­nessed, and gone through; and as I was now considera­bly behind, I thought this was the most proper time to make up my leeway, as our sea phrase is. I continued my journal, therefore, from the day we were taken by the corsair; which, without any material alterations, is the same I now offer to the public. Next morning Mr. Hutchison called to see how we were employed, and taking a look at my work, he encouraged me to go on with it, promising me any information I should wish for, as my present circumstances put it out of my power, to go abroad into the country for that purpose; and to him I am indebted for several circumstances I could not o­therwise have known. In this manner I continued to amuse myself for about the space of a month, at the end of which, we were joined by ten French sailors, who were in as bad a plight as ourselves, and had met with a still harder fate.

In the year 1783, they had sailed from Bordeaux for the coast of Guinea, but as they drew near it, there [Page 154] arose a heavy gale of wind from the westward, which forced them upon this dreadful shore. The captain no sooner found his ship aground, and like to be lost, than he flew to his cabin, grasped a pistol, and lodged the fatal contents in his own brain. This rash act, which no distress could justify, totally robbed the crew of their remaining spirits, and reduced them to a state of stupefaction. But the ship was going to pieces, and time was precious. They hoisted out the long boat, and made towards the shore, which by that time was crowded with the inhabitants of the country, and though they expected little mercy, they were willing to protract the span of existence to as great length as possible. In the most beseeching posture, therefore, they made their approaches to them; but they had not long reached the shore, when a quarrel arose among them, the cause of which they could not discover: af­ter a bloody battle, the victorious party seized and bound them, and in that situation left them, and went down to the beach.

By this time the ship was gone to pieces, and the wreck coming ashore. Among other things a puncheon of rum was cast out, which they seized upon, and began to drink, till they were all in a state of complete intox­ication: they then continued to rage about for some time, after which they all fell fast asleep. The unfor­tunate Frenchmen, who had anxiously watched their motions, no sooner observed this, than they disengaged [Page 155] themselves from their shackles, and fled to the moun­tains. By day they hid themselves, and by night they journeyed through the most desolate uninhabited parts of the country, depending upon nature's spontaneous produce, for the scanty nourishment they received. Thus they existed for three weeks, when one day as they were seeking for food, they were surprized by a party of the mountaineers, who, as I already observed, are headed by the emperor's son. They kept them in their possession for some days, and then carried them to the prince, who was glad of such a prize, knowing that his father would purchase them at almost any price: ac­cordingly he sent to inform the emperor, and to offer to sell them to him at the rate of two hundred dollars per man. The bargain was struck, and the men sent down, by the emperor's orders, to Mogodore. Nei­ther their situation nor ours was enviable at the time when we met, and yet. I suppose, it gave each party pleasure to meet with the other. There is a pleasure in society, even in the most wretch [...]d condition. Nei­ther party were acquainted with the language of the other, but to make up for this, the greater part of us un­derstood Spanish, and in this language we recapitulated our misfortunes, and felt a mutual pleasure in the sym­pathy they excited. It unfortunately happened, how­ever, that they had neither so much liberty, nor so many friends as we had; and as the emperor had pur­chased them at so high a rate, they despaired of ever [Page 156] obtaining their liberty, and expected nothing else but to end their days in a state of wretchedness.

Six weeks after their arrival, we had an addition to our society of ten men more. These were the crew of a vessel, which had been out fishing; they belonged to the western isles, and had been put on shore by the heavy gales, upon this coast; and being taken up by the inhabitants, were likewise made prisoners by the impe­rial order. The Spanish language was now become pretty familiar to us, and these last perfected us so much, that in a short time we could converse with fluency and case: and though we were of different countries and religions, both national and religious differences were lost, in the consideration that we were all Europe­ans and Christians.

For several weeks we spent our time in the utmost harmony, till one day our captain was invited to dine with Mr. Hutchison, and returning home in the even­ing, heated perhaps with liquor, he began to abuse a young man, who was a great favourite with us all, to a degree that was insufferable. He had conceived a dislike to this young man, which had manifested itself in many instances during our voyage; and now, though they were on a footing, he began to speak to him in a man­ner, which the high mettled youth could not bear. He told him he was not now subject to his authority, that he was as much a slave as any of his men, and he [Page 157] should certainly cure him of his impertinence if he heard any more of it. The rest of the hands all es­poused the young man's cause, which the captain per­ceiving swore he would revenge himself on us all, by having us put in chains next day; which, he said, he could easily get done by speaking to Mr. Hutchison. He did not forget his threat in the morning, but went to Mr. Hutchison to complain. This worthy gentleman was much hurt at hearing there was any dissention a­mong us and dismissed the captain with a sharp repri­mand; desiring him, in his present state, to consider himself on a footing of equality with his men, and not assume a power over them, till he got them again on his own element. He was ashamed, he said, to hear of Christians in our situation quarrelling among themselves, and if the governor heard of it, we should all be put under the yoke immediately. The captain returned ve­ry much dissatisfied and out of humour; which the hands perceiving, and partly guessing the cause, gave him a very hearty drubbing. The French and Spanish sailors, who were present, gave an unanimous decision against him, and the captain led but a very uneasy life ever after, as the Christian merchants, who had paid him some attention before, totally deserted him, and of all that were in the prison, scarce one would speak to him. One very bad consequence of this dispute, how­ever, was a suspension of Mr. Hutchison's friendship, who, together with the worthy Hibernian already men­tioned, had supplied us liberally with food, and many [Page 158] other necessaries. They did not for many days come near us, and we were obliged to fall upon many schemes to get ourselves supported. I lost my supply of paper, and was obliged to give up the business of writing.

Necessity is the mother or intention—I went to a cooper, and getting small pieces of wood fit for my purpose, set about making little ships, and got them rigged with some old rags of linen. I soon became a proficient at the business, insomuch, that I got a de­cent subsistence by selling them. I have sold my vessels, sometimes, at six and seven dollars each, and even a very indifferent one brought me four or five. Thus I got myself plentifully supplied with paper and many other things I stood need of, and was sometimes enabled to assist a neighbour. This too afforded me a little variety, for when I was tired of the carpenter business; I took to writing, and when I grew weary of study I again be­came a mechanic.

For several weeks I carried on this traffic, during which time, neither of our good friends had ever cal­led to see us; at last Mr. Hutchison surprised us with a visit. He found me writing, and began to enquire how I had found materials. I told him of my carpenter scheme with which he was highly pleased. He promised, that for the future, I should be under no necessity to rack my invention, for a small supply of money. He then gave me three dollars as an earnest of future fa­vours, [Page 159] and giving us many good advices, and putting a dollar into the hand of each of the rest, he bade us adieu.

We were one day availing ourselves of the liberty granted us of walking in the Jew's-town when we dis­covered a large vessel, making towards the harbour. The hopes of her being an American, for a few minutes raised our spirits; but we soon came to learn, that she brought the Dutch ambassador and his suit. Upon his landing, he went to a house prepared for his reception, and as this was the first European vessel which had arri­ved during our stay in the place, we cast many a wish­ful look towards the harbour, and sighed bitterly for that liberty, which we began to fear we should never regain. One of our number suggested that the Dutch ambassador might easily obtain our liberty, if he could be prevailed with to ask it. It was agreed, at all hands, that an application to the ambassador could do no harm; and as he was to set out next morning for Morocco, we thought no time was to be lost. We went to his lodg­ings, and were readily admitted to his presence; he heard our story with a Dutch indifference, and when we had told it, he promised, courtier-like, to do every thing in his power for us: and courtier-like, I suppose, thought no more about us, for we never heard another word of the business. Soon after this, the Portuguese ambassa­dor arrived, and to him, we made a similar application, with the like success. Still, however, we were in ex­pectation [Page 160] of the arrival of ambassadors from Britain and America; from either of which we made ourselves cer­tain of obtaining every thing we wished.

About this time orders were sent to Mogodore, to prepare for the reception of the emperor, who meant to pay a visit to this part of his dominions, which he had never seen before. The town for several days, was all bustle and uproar, preparing for his reception. At last the important day arrived that was to give the inhabi­tants a sight of their sovereign. The road for many miles was lined with spectators. Among others, a large body of Jews went out to meet him, but to their great mortification, he sent orders for them to disperse imme­diately, before they approached him. The hills on every side were covered with the impatient multitude, who, with loud and repeated huzzas, hailed his approach. About noon he made his appearance attended by an ar­my of fifteen thousand men, nine thousand of which were infantry, and the rest cavalry. This guard, great as it may appear, was but a small part of his forces, for he generally keeps a standing army of one hundred thousand men, the most of them blacks, or slaves. The state kept up by an eastern monarch appears incredible to such as never have seen it. It is customary for the emperor, when he visits any town in his own dominions, to do some generous act or other, such as giving some magnificent present, granting liberty to slaves, or advancing some of his subjects to some dignity or pre­ferment. [Page 161] The wretched lay hold of shadows—for seve­ral days we indulged a hope that we could be of the number of them who would receive the royal clemen­cy; but alas! no such good fortune awaited us. The emperor entered the city in the middle of a long pro­cession, riding in a chariot, drawn by four beautiful Ara­bian horses. After him in other chariots followed five of his wives. And when all his guards had entered the gates, the nobility, who had assembled from many parts of the empire, with a long list of bashaws, governors, &c. brought up the rear. About four hundred camels, loaded with provisions, corn, tents, &c. were left on the outside of the gates. The emperor went straight to a now fortification, where apartments were provided for him.

After witnessing this grand display of imperial dig­nity, we retired to our apartment. Scarcely could we close our eyes during the whole night for alternate hopes and fears about our freedom, but in the morning, hope began to preponderate, when a message was received for all the Christian slaves in Mogodore to hold themselves in readiness to appear in the royal presence. Then we almost made ourselves certain that the happy hour was come. He received us in a garden sitting cross-legged in the Mahometan manner, on a rich carpet spread upon the ground, with many of his nobles about him, and part of his guard ranged behind him at some distance. We were marched, up within a few yards of him, and [Page 162] stood in the form of a semi-circle. He first addressed the Spaniards—"An ambassador from your country is soon expected here, when you will be at liberty to go off with him. You, Frenchman, must remain till your king thinks proper to send his usual tribute to me, which has been several years neglected. As for you, English­men, (for so he always called us) I have suffered you to live at your case, and you appear to be healthy and well fed. I have already told you, and I again repeat my promise, that you shall not be put to any kind of slave­ry; but I must, and will detain you, till that country of yours shall send an ambassador to treat with me, and se­cure my friendship and protection for your trade." He sat for sometime surveying us, and afterwards rising and walking towards his guard, we were remanded to the house of our captivity, which we again entered with heavy hearts.

During the emperor's stay at Mogodore, he inflicted a most cruel punishment upon one of his bashaws. He was commander of the bashaw's band, and perhaps one of the best officers the emperor had. On their way from Morocco hither he had, by some irregular step, incurred the emperor's displeasure; for which he was resolved to punish him. Yet the emperor found it ne­cessary to act with caution, and did not attempt this till some time after his arrival here. Having ordered him to be seized and brought before him, he sentenced him to have his beard pulled out by the roots. He was ac­cordingly [Page 163] taken from the royal presence into a large square, which was lined with bashaws, and there openly exposed to the cruel operation; after which he was for ever discharged from the presence of his royal master.

Whilst the emperor remained at Mogodore, two large ships entered the harbour with English colours flying. One of our men who had been out walking, observing them, came running in with the news, when we all walked to the harbour, and learnt, to our great satis­faction, that the English consul, or ambassador was in one of them. This we looked upon as a joyful event, as we made ourselves believe our liberty now was cer­tain. The guards were drawn up in order to receive this representative of his Britannic majesty, the ship salu­ted, and the forts returned the compliment, and a great number of the nobility attended to welcome him ashore, and conduct him to his lodgings. We did not for some days think proper to trouble him, till he had time to get a first audience of the emperor, and deliver his pre­sents; which were twelve brass cannons, with a large quantity of powder and shot, two eight inch mortars, an elegant time piece, and a musical instrument. The emperor liked no music so well as the sound of a cannon, consequently the musical instrument was given to his wives; and the people observed that the English con­sul must be a man of consummate address, who could find out the secret of pleasing, at once, both the em­peror and his wives. After the first audience was over, [Page 164] we made it our business to pay our respects to this great man; and our two worthy friends Messrs. Bain and Hutchison, did us the honour to accompany us. We gained admittance, after he had kept us long enough at the door to convince us of his dignity; when in the most moving terms our imagination could suggest, we preferred our petition. With all the hems, and haws, which great men make use of on little occasions, he heard our story. "You sailed in an American bottom, you say? Why do you not apply to the great Mr. Washington? he is the most proper person to procure your liberty." One of the Americans answered him, that Mr. Washington had already convinced the world, that he had too great a regard for liberty to have any human being in slavery, if he had the same opportunity that he now had of setting him free. "Well," says he, "you had better apply to him. Had your country re­mained under the British government, you might then have had some claim upon my friendship, but as mat­ters now stand, if one word from me would procure you liberty, you should not have it." I then told him, that other two young men and myself were natives of the British dominions, and were willing to enter on board of a man of war, if he would procure liberty for us; but without deigning to answer us, he turned round, and with a stately air-walked into another apartment.

Half frantic with grief, rage, and disappointment, we returned to our own house. Our high-built hopes were [Page 165] now levelled with the dust, and nothing but perpetual bondage could we perceive between us and the grave. In a few days afterwards, the English consul left Mogo­dore, and sailed for Gibraltar; and on the same day the emperor took his departure for Morocco. We had been confined to our prison ever since the arrival of the em­peror, but were now indulged with the liberty of walk­ing as usual; and going one day to the Quay, to see a boat land, a man in a Christian habit came ashore, and surveying us with attention, asked how we happened to come to this country. We were happy to hear him ad­dress us in English, and told him our story. "I am heartily sorry," says he, "to find you in a country, where, in all probability, you will be confined for life. I think there is a possibility of your escaping, and if you do not get off in that manner, you may lie here till you rot. I think it is in my power to effect your escape, if you have spirit to follow my advice." We hesitated in returning an answer, not being certain, on so short an acquaintance, whether or not we might trust him. "Blood!" says he, "what are you afraid of? am not I your friend and countryman, a native of Ireland? and before I'd betray you, I would lose my heart's blood. I am pilot of a Portuguese schooner which lies off this harbour, take a walk and shew me where you live, and my life for it, I'll do your business in the course of a few weeks." We shewed him our house, when he hastily took leave of us; telling us he would see us a­gain. We knew not what judgment to form of this man. [Page 166] His scheme he had not told us, consequently we could be no judges of its practicability; we therefore determin­ed, at all rates to say but little about the matter, till time should enable us to judge of his honesty, and the possibility of making good his promise.

Next morning he paid as a visit, and placing himself on a seat without ceremony, he pulled a bottle of bran­dy out of his pocket. "Come my boys," says he, "this will make us understand one another better than a whole days conversation. Here is liberty to all who dare con­tend for it." And putting the bottle to his mouth, took a hearty swigg; after which he handed it round, and invited us all to follow his example. In the course of conversation, he told us, his name was Griffiths, that he had been several years in Portugal, but was heartily sick of the country, and would take an early opportunity of either returning to his own country, or of going to A­merica. In the mean time he was sure he had hit upon a scheme for obtaining our liberty, which could not fail of success; and if we had but spirit to undertake it, he would defy either the emperor of Morocco, or the grand Turk himself to thwart it. He desired us, how­ever, to be cautious of saying a word about it, till we heard farther from him. We told him there would be no danger of that, as he had not yet imparted it to our­selves. He told us, he did not mean to impart it to us till nearer the time of its execution, and pulling another bottle of brandy out of his pocket, drank success to [Page 167] all good intentions. When he had finished this, he took his leave of us, bidding us keep up our spirits and trust to an Irishman for once.—There was a [...] and honesty visible in the countenance and behaviour of this worthy Hibernian, which entirely banished all sus­picion of his having any designs to betray us, and made us resolve to trust ourselves entirely to his management and directions.

Next day six of us agreed to take a walk into the country, we wished to have some Moors of our acquain­tance along with us, but not finding any willing to go, we set out by ourselves. We extended our walk to the distance of four or five miles from the town, on the road leading to Saffic, and going carelessly on, were suddenly alarmed with the appearance of a caravan of mountain­eers, to the number of twelve, who had been at the town disposing of their oil and corn. We immediately made off, to avoid them, and getting into a little plain between two rising hills, resolved to wait till they should pass us: but all of a sudden we were alarmed with a dismal scream, which was succeeded by a shower of stones, and immediately perceived them all running in upon us. We were certain, if they could lay hold of us, they would carry us into the country; and though it was on­ly exchanging one species of bondage for another, we were afraid that their treatment of us might not be so mild as that we had hitherto experienced; and what was worse, our chance of getting out of the country [Page 168] was lost for ever. We resolved, therefore, to defend ourselves to the last, and taking up stones, began a bat­tle which lasted for an hour. On our part we main­tained a kind of running sight, till we had got between them and the town, and finding we had gained the point, we attacked them vigourously, and, though they were twice our number, they were obliged to make a preci­pitate retreat, and leaving their camels behind them, which we immediately drove off, intending to take them along with us to the town. We drove the camels on without interruption till we were within a short distance of the town, when we espied at a distance, another body of the same kind meeting us, and not caring to be at­tacked in both front and rear at once, we quitted our booty, and made off the road till they passed us, when we made the best of our way to the town. It was (as Mr. Hutchison afterwards informed us,) a fortunate circumstance that we came off so well, for had we been taken, we would in all probability have been carried to Algiers, and sold to hopeless and perpetual slavery.

A few days afterwards, we took a walk on the other side of the town, towards the burying ground. In this excursion we were met by crowds of women, who had been visiting the silent habitations of their deceased re­lations. Five of them coming up to us, made a stand right before us, and taking off their veils, shewed us much handsomer faces than we expected to find in that country. They made signs for us to stop, and though [Page 169] they were unable to converse with us by words, they made use of a language universally understood—the lan­guage of the eyes—and most eloquent and persuasive their rhetoric was. We had scarcely seen a Moorish woman's face, since we entered the country, and were strongly tempted to take up the gauntlet. But we dreaded the consequences, and fled from these bewitch­ing Syrens with the utmost precepitation. We pursued our rout till we came to the burying ground, where great numbers were scattered up and down, bewailing and lamenting in the most pitiable manner over their de­ceased friends. On our way home, we had several re­counters similar to that already mentioned, the women always beginning the attack by taking of their veils and shewing their faces; but as we suspected they only meant to lead us into trouble, we withstood every temp­tation.—The Moorish women, so far as we could judge, would be beautiful, had they only the delicate com­plexions of our fair country women, to set off the most regular features in the world. But,

The sun that rolls its chariot o'er their heads,
Brings too much fire and colour to their cheeks.

They are generally tall, straight, and well formed, with a luxuriant crop of black hair, hanging down, almost to their heels.

Returning to our habitation, we found our good friend Mr. Griffith's had got possession of it before us. [Page 170] He had as usual, brought an antidote against care; hav­ing lined his pockets with two bottles of brandy, which, he told us, he had purchased of a Jew, who made it himself; for, though the laws of Mahomet strictly pro­hibit the use of spirituous liquors and wines of all sorts, the Jews in this country make large quantities of both, and sell them at a very cheap rate. The brandy is com­monly sold for two ounces, or one English shilling the quart, and wine proportionably lower. Mr. Hutchison had enabled us to ask our new friend to dine with us; and after we had finished our repast, we were joined by two English, who, each of them brought a bottle in his pocket, by the assistance of which, we were enabled to forget our cares, and to spend the afternoon together with the greatest hilarity.

Next morning Mr. Hutchison paid us a visit, and informed us, that a consul or ambassador from Sweden, was just come into the harbour, and would come ashore immediately. We all repaired to the harbour to see his landing. In about an hour's time he came ashore, at­tended by thirty other gentlemen, some of whom meant to make a tour through Barbary; and others to return with the consul to their own country. He was received with all the compliments usually paid upon the like occasions, and conducted to his lodgings by a num­ber of bashaws, alcaides, &c. attended with a strong guard of cavalry. His coming was a joyful sight to one of our mates, who being a native of Sweden, began [Page 171] to entertain the most sanguine hopes of obtaining his liberty. Next morning he took the opportunity of calling at his house, and telling him his story. The ambassador told him to make himself easy, as he would certainly apply for his liberty, and had little doubt of obtaining it. He set out the next morning for Morocco, and in a short time a guard arrived, to con­duct our companion thither, with intelligence, that the ambassador had applied and been successful. We parted from him with heavy hearts; but sorrow was unavailing, and we were obliged to submit to our fate. We had no other hopes but from Mr. Griffith's scheme, and what that scheme was, we were still ignorant, but we all determined to ask him seriously the first time he came to visit us. He did not let us wait long for an opportunity, as he visited us daily. We told him we were very impatient to know by what means he intend­ed to effect our escape. "Well," says he, "I mean to gratify you,—my scheme is this: The schooner to which I belong lies in the bay. Some of you, I doubt not, are expert at swimming: I will give you notice when we mean to sail, and the night before our depar­ture you must all come down to the shore about twelve o'clock. Let the best swimmer come and take of the long boat, which shall be riding astern for that purpose, and go ashore for the rest, and when you get to the schooner, confine us all below and run off with the ves­sel. I shall take care to manage the captain, so that no bad consequences shall ensue, and we can run the [Page 172] ship into Gibraltar or Cadiz, as circumstances will per­mit." And now you have heard my scheme, how do you like it? We told him it would do admirably, and agreed to walk by his directions in every respect. The schooner, however, he told us was not to sail for a month; and I resolved to fill up the interim with viewing every thing worthy of notice about this town, and collect what information I could respecting the customs and manners of the country. In one of my rambles I hap­pened to pass one of the churches or mosques, and as I had never seen the form of worship, I felt myself strong­ly impelled to enter, and going up to the door, I learned myself against it, to deliberate whether or not I should go in, immediately the door opened, and exposed me to the view of a congregation, many of whom began to make signals for me to enter. Whilst I was hesitating what to do, a Jew with whom I had some previous ac­quaintance, came suddenly behind me, and pulling me back with all his might, laid me sprawling on the ground. His mode of attack enraged me to that degree, that I got up with a full intention to chastise him, but he soon pacified me, by letting me know, that if I had entered the mosque, I must either have turned Mussulman, or I would in all probability, never have got out alive. In­stead of the chastisement I intended him, I took him by the hand, thanked him kindly for his interference, and inviting him home with me, I repaid his civility with a bumper or two of brandy. Two English coopers, who were with my companions, hearing the story, were sur­prised [Page 173] they had not followed us, and for some hours I could scarcely persuade myself that I was safe in our own house.

About this time a circumstance took place similiar to that of the young Jewess before related, but of a more fatal nature. The Moors from their ignorance and in­attention to all kinds of business, pass away their time in sloth and indolence, indulging themselves in almost every gratification. They are particularly fond of sleep­ing in the open fields, or among the rocks on the sea­shore. One day a number of them were enjoying them­selves in this manner, about a quarter of a mile from the town. Now it is usual for them on almost all occa­sions, to throw off their slippers, or pampooses; and one of them awaking, hastily thrust his feet into his slippers▪ unsuspicious of danger; when he received the fatal sting of a scorpion between two of his toes. Whether the sting of this had been more venomous than that of the young Jewess, or whether the Moor was ignorant of the mode of preventing the poison from operating, I cannot determine; but it proved almost instant death. His screams awakened his companions, who immediately came to his relief, but could afford him none; and in about three minutes he expired, swollen to a shocking degree.

We used frequently to go to the sea side, in a body to wash our shirts, and after we had performed this ope­ration, [Page 174] and laid them out to dry, we went into the wa­ter, and amused ourselves swimming till we could put them on; and as the sun is very powerful in that coun­try, they were soon as dry as we could wish. One day after we had been thus employed we were returning home, when we espied a great crowd of people not far from us, and going to see what was the matter, we ob­served an idiot standing in the middle of the crowd, holding a large snake in his hand. His looks and ges­tures bore evident marks of the most complete insanity; he frequently put the snake in his bosom, and took it out again, speaking to it all the while: whilst the crowd, with the most profound veneration in their looks, seem­ed ready to worship him. At last he lifted the snake up to his mouth and bit off its head. It must be ob­served, that in Mahometan countries, a person depri­ [...]ed of the use of reason is generally esteemed a saint among them, and treated with the utmost respect and veneration.* This, however, we were ignorant of, and after we had seen this poor maniac bite of the head of [Page 175] the snake, one of the Moors asked us, in Spanish, if we did not think him a very great saint. One of our men answered he thought him a very great fool; upon which they began to spit in our faces, and to deal out some hearty cuffs, with unsparing hands. We knew it was unsafe to retaliate, especially as the odds was greatly a­gainst us, and therefore bore all with the patience of Job, till we made our way through the crowd, and retreat­ed [Page 176] to our lodgings. I mention this, and several other little circumstances, to give my reader some idea of the peculiarities and characteristics of this land of ignorance and folly; for a more particular account of the customs and manners of the people, I refer him to the next chapter.

[Page 177]


A short Description of the Empire of Morocco—Customs and Manners of the Inhabitants; Government, Pun­ishments, Religion, &c. &c.—The Author and his Companions, by means altogether unexpected, obtain their Liberty and leave the Country in great haste.

THIS vast empire, including Fez, Tablet, Sus, and the province of Dara, extends six hundred and twenty miles from north to south, and six hundred and fifty from east to west. It is bounded on the north by the Mediterranean sea, on the south by Tesser, and on east by Segelmessa and Algiers. The Algerines inhabit a large extent of country, extending along the coast of the Mediterranean four hundred miles, and in breadth from fifty to one hundred. The Turks, who have the government of that country in their hands, are not above seven thousand in number, the Moors, or native Afri­cans, have no share in it. It is a kind of ill-formed republic, under the protection of the grand Signior; but the government may be said to be totally in the hands of the Janissaries, who advance or depose, elect or put to death the viceroy at pleasure. They lately murder­ed four, and deposed two of their deys, and all this hap­pened in the space of twenty years. Fez, which makes [Page 178] a part of the empire of Morocco, is two hundred and fifty miles long, and about as many in breadth, bound­ed on the east by Algiers, and on the south by Morocco. The air of this country is mild, temperate, and pleasant, except in the months of July and August, when it is ex­tremely sultry. This country may be said to have but one harvest, which continues all the year round, for in every season one may find grain or fruits of some kind or other growing in full perfection. At the time I was there, the then emperor, father to the present, appeared to be a man about sixty years of age, six feet high, majes­tie in his appearance, though mild and gentle in his words and looks. He governed a country, which may be termed the garden of the world; but the nature of the government, and the want of laws, render it a very unpleasant country to reside in. Liberty, property, life, and death, every thing dear to man, is in the power of the sovereign, or his substitutes. The only restraint upon the will of the monarch, is the dread of assassination, and the vast guard that continually surrounds him, is by no means a security against such a catastrophe; for what can be expected from a guard of slaves. A people en­joying the sweets of liberty, are anxious for the safety of the sovereign, that maintains it, but the slaves of des­potism can hardly alter their condition for a worse. Like the ass in the fable, they must carry their panniers, into whose hands soever they fall. The government has a very visible effect upon the appearance of the country. Nature does much, but nature is no where seconded by arts or [Page 179] industry. Who, indeed, will cultivate fields or plant vineyards under a burning sun, unless he expects to reap the fruits of his labours; besides the people are the most indolent perhaps on the face of the globe. A Moor, in the hot season, seems to rise but little above vegeta­tive existence, unless, indeed, he is mounted on a horse; but in the exercise of riding, he is active to an uncom­mon degree. Their horses, or as they are called in Eu­rope, barbs, are famous over all the world for their beauty and unparrallelled swiftness, and the riders in the management shew the utmost skill and agility. Few horses in this country, are put to any kind of drudgery; camels, dromedaries, mules and asses, answering the pur­poses of carrying burdens. As they are, in a great mea­sure, exempted from the drudgery to which that animal is subjected in other countries, it is less to be wondered at, that their breed of horses has been so long famous. Notwithstanding the extreme laziness and indolence of the inhabitants of this country, they are enabled to ex­port great quantities of corn, oil, hides, fowls, and fruits, such as citrons, lemons, oranges, dates, figs, raisins, al­monds, &c. &c. to Italy, Spain, Portugal, Gibraltar, and many other parts of Europe. They likewise export some woolen cloths, leather, which bears the name of the country, indigo, cochineal, ostrich feathers, flax, and hemp.

The Mahometan religion, is the religion of the em­pire, and this strictly prohibits the use of wines and spi­rituous [Page 180] liquors; but this prohibition of the prophet is very little attended to by the rich, who indulge in pri­vate, the use of them, with the utmost freedom; and the Jews, who are the principal distillers in the country, and them a plentiful supply. Many European manu­factures have been attempted here, but except the weav­ing branch, few of them have arrived at any perfection. A merchant is a respectable character in this country; perhaps the more respected for having the emperor at the head of his class; for in every town and village throughout his vast dominions, he has shops kept open, some of which are managed by Moors, and others by Jews, who are very ready in case of fraudulent dealing, to inform against each other, as a mortal hatred sub­sists between them.

The inhabitants are obliged to carry arms, if requir­ed, and to march wherever the emperor gives orders; but as I already observed, the greater part of the stand­ing army consists of slaves, and this amounts to one hun­dred thousand men.

The natives of Morocco are swarthy and very dark complexioned. The Arabs, who are the Aborigines of this country inhabit the mountains, and have a kind of government of their own. I have already mentioned the circumstance of the emperor's son having gone to head them, and at this time there was something like discipline kept up among them, and a kind of traffic [Page 181] carried on between them and the other inhabitants of the country; but this by no means tends to create friend­ship, on the contrary, they hate, despise and over-reach one another; and the mountaineers are everlastingly pillaging and destroying the property of the peaceful inhabitants of the plains, to such a degree, that they have depopulated a great part of this fertile country. The dress of the mountaineers is very simple. A long coarse woollen robe, thrown about them in a careless manner, constitutes the whole of it; but this is sufficient to gratify the wish of unambitious nature; and in this garb, which serves them for every occasion, they are as happy as the most foppish European, in the costliest attire that ever was invented. The clothes of the women are as coarse as those of the men, only they have drawers made of linen, and, these excepted, there is but a small differ­ence in their dress. The women have most delicate features, but the sun gives them a tawny complexion. They spare no pains to please the lords of the creation; even the art of painting is not left untried. Where three or four women are, each make it the study of the day, to outvie one another, and to be chosen the companion of the night by the man, whom all wish to please; one need not therefore wonder, that every art should be employed to captivate.

In gaining this point, two passions are gratified, and, perhaps, disappointing their rivals is not the least agree­able of the two. It is only on particular occasions the [Page 182] women are allowed to associate, or sit at table with the men, both poor and rich looking upon them as no bet­ter than servants, or merely as toys, made for the a­musement of the other sex. They spend very little of their time with them by day; but should an opulent Moor take a fancy to dine with one of his wives, he gives her previous notice of his intentions; and a visit from a king would not make her exert her talent of pleasing more, than a visit from her lord and master. The most delicate dishes are provided, and all the arts of cookery made use of to render them palatable. A­mong the higher ranks, a wife is permitted to fit at the table, and partake of the banquet which she has prepa­red; but among the lower orders, the wife stands at the back of her gormandizing husband, till he has eat his dinner, and then she will perhaps be admitted to take her own.

The Jews form a very large body in this country, though they are kept in a state of subordination, which would weary the patience of any other people on the face of the globe but themselves. If any part of a town to is be cleared, the town major summonses the Jews: and however troublesome the task may be, or whatever their avocations are at the time, they are obliged to at­tend; and during the time they are performing their work, they are abused and insulted with the most op­probrious epithets, and often beat unmercifully without any fault. They are obliged to take off their slippers [Page 183] upon passing a mosque, or the house of a governor, bashaw, or alcaide; and even if they meet any of the a­bove mentioned ranks, they are forced to take them off in the streets. The Jewish women are generally fair complexioned, open in their countenances, and engaging in their manners. They make constant use of paint, in­somuch, that no visible part of their body wants its ar­tificial coat.

The Moorish women go constantly masked, but the Jeweses expose their faces without disguise or ceremony. The men are dressed in a long black robe, which covers them from head to foot, with a pair of linen drawers and vest. Their legs are bare from their knees to the feet, and they wear slippers, which they put their feet into, and can throw them off without any trouble; and this they are obliged to do so frequently, that they ei­ther have them made without any quarters, or never take them up. The dress of the Jewish women is not unlike the dress of an English woman, only before they are married, they never wear any cap or covering on the head, but have their hair plaited down the back, intermixed with silk of various colours; the richer sort frequently have tassels of gold or silver hanging down with it. They wear upon their feet small slippers, which cover the toes, the rest of the feet are bare, only they take care to bedaub them with a very thick coat of paint.

[Page 184]The Jews are the only mechanics in the country; and the greater part of the mercantile business of Mo­rocco is likewise conducted by them. The genius of a Moor, seldom raises him to a degree of mediocrity, ei­ther in business or mechanism. It is to me surprizing that they have ever had any kind of success by sea; as their nautical knowledge is so limited, that it is by ac­cident only, the greater part of their sailors find the way to their own ports. The miseries of the soldiers, not in actual service, are great beyond conception. They are let loose upon the community, with no more than one ducat, or five shillings sterling, per month, to sub­sist upon; and as they are obliged to be ready at a call, they cannot, even if they were qualified, enter upon any kind of business. Out of this small allowance, they are obliged to buy all their necessaries, from one or other of the emperor's brokers, who generally take care to fleece them effectually; and it must be observed, the emperor almost solely engrosses this business, and has agents in every town to carry it on for him. Some Jews, indeed, carry it on upon their own bottom, but not without paying a large sum, annually, into the royal coffers; and in this case they are allowed to trade with­out interruption, till they have made a good round sum of money; which the emperor no sooner hears off, than he falls upon some method of securing it for his own use. An instance happened at Mogodore, when I was in the country, which I shall briefly mention.

[Page 185]A Jew, pretty far advanced in years, had an only daughter, on whom his fondest hopes were built. He had amassed a considerable sum of money, as a broker, and for this reason was hated by all the Moors who fol­lowed the same kind of traffic. They carried daily ac­counts to the governor, of the Jew's great riches; and at last the governor gave intelligence to the emperor, who immediately sent to demand his daughter, to be taken to the seraglio. The unfortunate Jew could not think of enduring life without the society of his darling child. The governor had her taken to his house, and the fond father followed in an agony of grief and des­pair. He resolved to try the power of money, and of­fered the governor one hundred dollars, if he would in­tercede with the emperor to have her restored to him. The governor was glad to find the Jew fonder of his child than his money, and asked him how much he would give the emperor to buy her off at once. He said he would willingly give the emperor three hundred, and the governor should have one for himself. The young Jewess was in the mean time kept in the governor's house, and her father's proposal sent to the emperor, who agreed to let him have her back again, upon paying one thousand, at which the governor had esti­mated the whole of his property. The poor old Jew was forced to agree to this inhuman proposal, which stript him of the gains of a whole life time, and redu­ced him to a state little short of distraction. After the emperor had received his all, he began to think, that as [Page 186] the Jew had succeeded so well in trade for himself, it might be very proper to make him an agent for manag­ing his own business. He therefore, very generously lent him back three hundred dollars of his own money, to trade under the imperial commission. Indeed the Jews are the only people in the country who ever think of a­massing money, and are therefore subjected to every spe­cies of fraud and oppression that despotism can invent. A Moor seldom lays up for a future contingency; if he finds money to answer his present necessities, he is rich enough, and never thinks of to-morrow.

The inhabitants of the inland parts of the country are a harmless, simple, inoffensive people, and extremely hospitable to strangers. They are as poor as oppression can make them, but their poverty does not prevent them from enjoying happiness. Naturally indolent, they en­joy the present, without allowing one uneasy thought about the future to ruffle their tempers or embitter their present enjoyments. Placed in a luxuriant country, where bountiful nature amply supplies their unambitious wishes, without much toil or labour on their part, nothing cre­ates an uneasy apprehension, but the despotic exactions of the government, or the dread of a visit from their enemies, the mountaineers. The men and women dress much alike, only the drawers of the latter are longer, and instead of the turban, they wear a kind of caul upon their heads. The house of a Moor is easily furnished, a large carpet or mattrass, spread upon the [Page 187] floor, serves them for chairs and bed; and there are neither plates, knives, forks nor spoons to be seen in the house. Their meat is placed in the middle, in a large dish, and after washing their hands, (which is strict­ly enjoined by the religion of the prophet) they make them answer the purposes of knives, forks, and spoons. Their meat is generally boiled or roasted to tatters, so that it easily can be divided without the assist­ance of a knife.

The woods and deserts are full of savage animals, such as lions, tygers, wolves, leopards, hyenaes, and large wild bears. From the service of the camel, the African derives unspeakable advantages. This patient useful animal, seems to have been created on purpose for this very country. Through the barren desert, scorched by a burning sun, where vegetative life is nipped in the bud; the camel performs his painful journey, under a heavy load; the thistle or the thorn which he crops as he walks, is all he requires for food. Nature has furnished him with a reservoir within, in which he lays up water to quench his thirst; and with this supply he will travel for thirty days together, through never cooling sands, which the dew of heaven scarce ever moistens.

The cows here are small, and yield but a scanty por­tion of milk; but what they give is uncommonly good. The sheep are large, but their wool is much inferior to that of Spain. Almost every quadruped, found in Bri­tain, [Page 188] is to be-found here, together with many which we have not. They have also a variety of fowls, which are unknown to us. Among these is the Caspa-sparrow, remarkable for its beautiful plumage, and the sweetness of its notes. It is allowed to be the most melodious of all the winged tribe, but, unfortunately, it cannot ex­ist but in its natural climate. The bays of Barbary, and all round the coast, abound with a great variety of dif­ferent kinds of fish. I have bought a fish, almost thirty pounds weight, for a piece of money, equal in value to fix-pence sterling; and in general, they may be had at the rate of a farthing per pound. The Moors, though poor and oppressed, are very numerous round the sea coast. Why they should give a perference to the out-skirts of the empire, I know not, unless it be to remove themselves at a distance from the seat of a government, readier, on every occasion, to punish and oppress than to encourage and protect them; trade with other nations cannot be their motive, as that is but trifling, and they have no vessels of their own, but for plunder and piracy.

Renegadoes, tho' not so numerous here as in Algiers, are not more despised by the Christians than the natives. They seldom arrive at places of public trust or prefer­ment; but are generally employed in the most degra­ding offices, and in time of war, they are sure to be placed where there is the greatest danger. Slaves here are very numerous, and their treatment such as would melt the heart of a savage. In Tunis and Algiers they [Page 189] suffer much, but it does not equal their sufferings here. They are employed in the hardest and vilest kinds of drudgery, almost without intermission; and their daily allowance is only a pound of coarse barley bread, steeped in oil, which they are obliged to eat without a moment's rest, often holding it in the one hand, whilst they are labouring hard with the other. At night they are loaded with heavy irons, with nothing but cold earth for their bed and pillow. Their dress consists of a long coarse woollen robe, with a hood, which serves them for hat, coat, vest, breeches, and every thing; for they are neither allowed shoes nor stockings. They are often harnessed in carts with asses and mules, and unmercifully lashed for the very least intermission from labour. From the readiness of their cruel task masters, to inflict the lash, one would be led to imagine it the greatest pleasure of their lives.

Christians of every denomination, are held in the greatest abhorrence by the Moors; scarcely can they mention the word Christian, without adding to it the e­pithet dog, and cursing most vehemently. Even Euro­pean ambassadors have no security against public insult, but are sometimes pelted with dirt and stones as they walk the streets. The emperor who has the sole power of life and death, appoints the time, place and manner of all public executions. Sawing asunder, either across or dividing the body at length, hanging them up by the feet, and roasting them before a slow fire, are the pun­ishments [Page 190] the emperor frequently inflicts, to the great en­tertainment of the savage populace. The renegadoes are put to death in a still more cruel manner; they have a chain fastened round their waist, by which they are dragged from the prison to the place of execution, where they are anointed all over with boiling tallow, then drawn to a stake before a slow fire, where they are allowed to roast while any signs of life appear, and at last the breathless body is cast into the fire. From such wanton cruelties the mind shrinks back with hor­ror. I shall therefore change the subject for one less gloomy, namely, the ceremonial of a Moorish wedding.

In the article of wife, the Koran is very indulgent, and admirably adapted to the voluptuous desires of men bred in warm climates. It allows to every man as many wives as he is able to maintain; but the generality find two, three, or four at most, sufficient for their purposes. As the sexes are kept at a distance from each other before marriage, a Moor knows very little more of his future bride, than a British king or heir apparent does about his. Some female friend recommends his future help-mate, and he is either obliged to take her upon the word of the go between, or live unmarried. But the latter seldom happens—his imagination does every thing—the bargain is struck, and the friends meet to settle the preleminaries. The bridegroom sends presents of the most delicious fruits, or what other entertainments he can afford, and thinks proper. The day before the [Page 191] wedding, the bride invites and entertains her female friends, and the bridegroom his male ones, according to their rank, with music, dancing, and every other a­musement they can possibly command. On the follow­ing morning, the bride appears to her friends, (who then renew their visit) dressed out in all the finery her cir­cumstances will admit of, seated on a sopha or carpet, surrounded by bride-maids, all as fine as possible. The contracting parties pass the day, each, with their friends, in their own apartments; but in the evening the bride is conducted to the house of her future spouse, under a veil or canopy, or carried in a sedan, and attended by all her female friends. The bridegroom issues forth with his company, to receive them, dancing to the pipe and tabor. The happy couple are immediately con­ducted to a private apartment, the rest of the company wait till the bridegroom declares himself satisfied with his bride, when the company parade through every street in the town, afterwards giving notice, that she went to the arms of her husband—a maid. But in case anti-nuptial incontinency is discovered, (which indeed very seldom happens to be the case) she is sent back to her friends with infamy and disgrace, and for ever shut up from the society of man.

The Moorish physicians confine their prescriptions entirely to simples and charms; and perhaps they do as little harm as any others of their profession. However that may be, no man is allowed to go out of the world [Page 192] without their assistance, if it can possibly be had. A solemn phiz is a necessary qualification, for professional men in all countries; and in this qualification the physi­cians of Barbary are by no means deficient. They at­tend and prescribe with an infinite deal of grimace; and when, in spite of all their art, they find their patient will escape from a bad world, and unskilful physicians, they turn his face to the east, and apply for superior aid, till he expires. They then wash the body with soap and warm water, and wrap it up in a long coarse robe; and when the friends of the deceased are informed of the event, they assemble and carry it on a bier to the bury­ing ground; repeating in this, as in most of their pro­cessions, "There is but one just God, and Mahomet is his prophet." When the corpse is let down, every one throws something into the grave, which is generally a stone, till it is filled up, calling out in their own lan­guage, words which signify, "Light of God," and ac­companying every jesture with violent outcries and la­mentations for the death of their friend.


[Page 193]His numerous armies are mostly recruited from Guinea, and consist of slaves, torn from their country and friends at an early period of their lives; and as they soon forget that they ever had a country or friends, and are totally unconnected with every individual in this country, their sole dependence is upon the favour of the emperor. At first they are obliged to serve in the in­fantry, and after continuing in it so many years, or per­forming some action worthy of preferment, they are ad­vanced to a corps of cavalry, which in this country is esteemed great military preferment. Their education is solely confined to the use of arms, and the manage­ment of a horse. Trained from early life to pay an im­plicit respect to the commands of their superiors, they know nothing but to obey. Their soldiers are variously armed, one part of the cavalry have a gun, pistol, and scymet [...]r, and another muskets and lances. The infantry carry guns, bows, or stings, shortpikes, [...] or broad swords. The naval force of this country is, as I already observed, on a very despicable footing, consisting only of seven badly rigged vessels, little better than entire wrecks. The admiral-ship, which is the largest, mounts twenty-six guns, and when they are not cruizing, she, with other two, lies constantly at Mogodore, four of the rest winter at Larache, and one at Salce. They com­monly are laid up in the month of October, and again begin the business of piracy, or cruising, in March or April. It is perhaps a happy circumstance for Christian traders, that in all the dominions of Morocco, there is [Page 194] not one good port. If their ports were better, they would in all probability, make a much greater figure at sea, and be a still greater scourge upon the rest of the world; but besides this, they are extremely ignorant of the art of ship building, in want of proper timber, tackling, sails, and anchors, and have neither powder nor shot, except what they receive from England or Holland.

The Moors are Mahometans of the sect of Molech, and are, perhaps, the most superstitious people in the world. They enforce, by the most rigid punishments, attendance upon public worship. Their mosques are open every day; but the Sabbath, or day of rest, is Friday. The women are never suffered to enter the mosque, as they are supposed to attract the attention of men, and fill their minds with impure thoughts; and as they imagine they were only created for the pleasure of man, and the propagation of species, they have no con­cern in the business of religion.

The Mahometans enter the mosque barefooted, and are said to behave with the utmost decency and decorum during their stay there. In ordinary life they are high­ly exemplary in many respects. They seldom quarrel among themselves; when they do, they seldom come to blows, and almost never commit man-slaughter, or murder.

[Page 195]Swearing by the name of God, is looked upon as a crime of the deepest die, and is one which a Mussulman never commits.

When I have said this much, however, I have men­tioned almost the whole of their virtues; to counter­balance these, rudeness, jealousy, lying, superstition, hypocrisy, dishonesty, and cruelty may be put into the other scale. To sum up the character of the country and the people—nature here deals out her choicest bles­sings with unsparing hands, yet ignorance, superstition, and the tyranny of their government, conspire to render Morocco the most unpleasant residence on the face of the globe.

By this time I suppose, the reader will imagine I have totally forgot my narrative; and yet I can assure him, I had no wish to stay any longer in this country than I could possibly get clear of it. He may remember, I told him of the plan of our liberation suggested by Mr. Grif­fiths, in the contemplation of which, we were making ourselves happy. A circumstance however happened, which thwarted that design, and led, if not to a speedier, at least to a safer release. We had been about fourteen months in the country, when the Spanish am­bassador arrived, bringing with him fifteen Moors, who had been taken and detained some time by the Spaniards. These were not the only presents he brought to the emperor. He brought a great variety of European cu­riosities, [Page 196] which he valued more than men, besides a large sum of money. His presents were graciously received by the emperor; and this prince, like some of the eastern monarchs of old, desired him, to ASK WHAT HE WOULD AND IT SHOULD BE GRANTED HIM. With a gene­rosity, which did honour to his feelings, he asked a pre­sent, which the emperor could very well spare, and which shewed that the high character he sustained, had not made him unmindful that he was a man—it was liberty for the Christian prisoners confined at Mogodore, belonging to Frances, Spain, and America. The emperor very readily granted his request, and next day dispatch­ed a caravan to bring us all to Morocco. The caravan arrived at Mogodore the very day, on the evening of which, we were to seize, and run off with the Portuguese schooner, as Mr. Griffiths had directed, and orders were sent for us to set out immediately, as the caravan was to go eighteen miles out of town that day.

We were totally ignorant of the favourable turn our affairs had taken, and such a message, at such a time, was worse than death to us. We made ourselves certain that the emperor had sold us for slaves to some other master, and gave up all thoughts of ever seeing our dear native countries more. Messrs. Bain and Hutchison had befriended us to the last, and now, with heavy hearts we bade them adieu. Mr. Griffiths entered just as we were about to depart, we told him our sorrowful tale, but he very good naturedly told us, he had a presenti­ment [Page 197] that the emperor meant to grant us our liberty. This kind hearted fellow came along with us four miles out of the town, saying every thing his friendly heart could suggest, to remove our suspicions and lighten our sorrow. We parted from him, not without shedding tears, and pursued our journey. For five days we tra­velled through a country already described, almost starved for want of food, and on the sixth we arrived at Morocco, when we were shewn to our former residence, and left till next morning to our own unpleasant reflec­tions. About eleven o'clock next day, we were all sent for to the emperor's presence, who was that morn­ing reviewing a part of his troops, seated in an elegant little model of an European house, sent him by the king of Spain, and brought over by the ambassador already mentioned.

It consisted of four apartments, in one of which was a bed, elegantly furnished. The frame was mahogany, the floor marble, and the roof was covered with a kind of blue marble which served for slate; and all round the door and windows was adorned with gilt brass, which in that country passed very well for solid gold. Upon this present the emperor set a high value; and I doubt not, it contributed confiderably to the procuring of our liberty. We approached him with the profoundest re­spect, which we expressed by bowing almost to the ground. With a half smile in his countenance, he ad­dressed us by his interpreter: "I hope your bondage [Page 198] here has been easy—you are now at liberty—I have made a present of you to the king of Spain, and to-mor­row you shall depart with his ambassador. When you go to Rabat, you will receive cloaths, and at Tangiers you shall have those that were taken from you—you may depart." Never did I hear such cheering accents, the joy they occasioned was almost too much for me to bear with moderation: I would have danced, song, and ca­pered like a madman, had not the presence of this suc­cessor to Mahomet kept me within some kind of bounds. The number of prisoners, upon whom this favourable sen­tence was passed, were thirty, and certainly this day was not lost to Sidi Mahomed, emperor of Morocco, who had in the course of it made thirty human beings completely happy. What his feelings were on the occasion I can­not determine, or whether he thought at all about the matter, I know not; but from what I felt then, and for­merly, I could have wished for the supreme power of that country, for one day in the year, that I might annually, on that day, have enjoyed the luxury of making the wretched happy.

We were without ceremony hurried from the pre­sence of the emperor, and shewn into that of our hu­mane deliverer, who in the most cordial manner, took us each by the hand, and congratulated us upon the escape we had made from bondage, assuring us, at the same time, that he would loose no time in conveying us out of the country, and that till he had accomplished this, [Page 199] he did not think us safe. The caravan was ordered to be in readiness at six o'clock in the morning, and at that hour we were all prepared; but just as we were a­bout to set out, a guard arrived from the emperor, with orders to detain all the prisoners belonging to France, as the emperor had determined positively, that none from that kingdom should leave his dominions till their king sent an ambassador to solicit their freedom. The Spanish ambassador delayed, for some hours, entering upon his journey, wishing to inform himself, if it was possible to persuade the emperor to revoke his orders; but he found there was no hope on that score, and there­fore thought it best to set off, least the emperor should recall us all; and so great was the interest he took in our behalf, that, during a journey of four hundred miles from Morocco to Rabat, he scarce allowed either him­self or us to have a reasonable time either to eat or sleep, lest the emperor should send after us, and deprive him of the pleasure of carrying us to Europe. Our haste de­prived us of the very great pleasure we promised our­selves in calling upon the Sardinian consul, who had been so much our friend in the time of need; but our present chance of freedom was not to be trifled with, and as we had nothing to repay his kindness with but words, we followed our leader, who thought it unsafe to stop at Rabat, or Salee, but carried us, on the evening of the tenth day after we set out, seven miles north of the latter. During all this journey we had never, at any one [Page 200] time, stopped six hours, the benevolent ambassador, be­ing always more afraid for us than we were for ourselves.

The caravan consisted of about one hundred Chris­tians, and two hundred Moorish cavalry, commanded by a bashaw and two alcaides. There were likewise one hundred Jews sent with us, to strike our tents, fill our water-pots, &c. and one hundred camels to carry our provisions. We arrived at Tangiers the nineteenth day after our setting out, happy once more to reach a port which contained a vessel ready to carry us to Europe. The ambassador would not allow us to stop for a mo­ment ashore, being still afraid the emperor might change his mind and send after us. We therefore went imme­diately on board the vessel, in which we were to sail for Suto, a Spanish settlement on the coast of Barbary, where we were to perform quarantine for fourteen days, before we sailed for Spain. After an imprisonment of fifteen months, exposed to so many hardships, and with scarcely the most distant hope of ever being released, my reader will easily conceive it filled our hearts with the most ex­quisite pleasure, to find ourselves once more at liberty, and likely to revisit our native lands.

[Page 201]


The Author and his Companions sail to Cadiz—Their Transactions there—Character of the Spaniards—They return to America, from whence the Author sails for Britain, and after a troublesome Voyage, arrives in his native Country.

SUTO is an island, or rather peninsula, on the Bar­bary coast, a little above Gibraltar, in the possession of the king of Spain, to which all criminals banished from Spain, are exiled; and indeed few of any other de­nomination are to be found on it besides the banished and their offspring, it is but small, though strongly for­tified. In the middle is a hill, at the foot of which stands a town; adjoining to this, there is an excellent bay, at the head of which is a pier about one hundred yards long, which small vessels can lay their sides too, but those of a larger size lie in the bay. During the fourteen days we had to stay here, we were allowed to go ashore as often as we thought proper, and in every respect to be our own masters, and dispose of ourselves as we judged proper; the ambassador all the while sup­plying us with plenty of provisions. We were, how­ever, in a wretched condition for want of cloaths, hav­ing got no supply since we entered Morocco. The em­peror, [Page 202] it is true, had promised us a supply at Rabat, and our own at Tangiers, but we were in too great haste to be out of his dominions, to stop to demand them, and the fate of the French prisoners had made us somewhat suspicious, that a regard to his word was not to be nam­ed in the catalogue of his virtues. It was very lucky for us that we were in a mild climate, where much cloathing was not absolutely necessary, and the thoughts of having regained our liberty made up for every thing.

At the end of fourteen days, a frigate arrived from Spain to carry us to Cadiz, on board of which we em­barked, and performed our voyage in twenty-four hours. On board the frigate, the sailors all strove who could most oblige us, and every one was anxious to get our history; as we could converse with them tolerably in their own language, we were able to gratify their cu­riosity, by relating the most remarkable circumstances. We no sooner landed than the ambossador took us ashore and presented us to the governor, and the American consul. Our dress, as may easily be conceived was not the best in the world, and not altogether proper for visiting. With a description of my own, as it will be very short, I shall present my reader; and this with a little alteration may serve for every one's in the com­pany. I had on the body and part of the sleeves of an old check shirt, part of a pair of trowsers which had once been new, but now served more for the purposes of modesty, than for shelter from the cold, and this was [Page 203] all; jackets, hats, shoes, and stockings, had long ago de­serted their stations; and this was the wardrobe we brought with us to Europe. The governor surveyed us with commiserating looks, but gave us no cloathing; and after he had conversed sometime with the ambassa­dor, apart, he told us, we must stay at Cadiz till the king was apprised of our arrival, and should grant us our liberty.

Dispatches were sent off to Madrid, and as we con­sidered ourselves the property of the king of Spain, we thought we had no right to take any steps without his consent or orders. We, therefore, resolved to wait with patience, in hopes that his answer, would set us at full liberty to pursue our own inclinations. We were assigned a house for our residence, with a pistareen each, for our daily maintenance, which furnished us with two good meals, which we took at eleven and four o'clock, and thought ourselves extremely happy in having for sauce to them, the air of a Christian country. Here we had no restraint put upon our inclinations, and con­sequently walked through the town separately or together, as we pleased.

One day as I was walking by myself in a street lead­ing to the bay, I was accosted by a man in a sailor's garb, who told me, he thought my face was familiar to him, and desired to know my name. As soon as I mentioned it, he seemed much confounded. "Heavens!" says [Page 204] he, "in what plight do I meet with you? What unkind fortune drove you to this shore, in this miserable situa­tion?" I immediately gave him the outlines of my his­tory, without recollecting the features of the person to whom I directed my discourse. After I had finished, I requested he would let me know his name, and when he had gratified me, how surprized was I, to find that he was one of my earliest acquaintances in life, who had been for some years my school-fellow. He asked me to go on board his ship, promising me the fight of a num­ber of my old acquaintances; I cheerfully complied with his request, and found almost every person on board ac­quainted either with myself or my friends, for the vessel was from Greenock, and most of the hands from that part of Scotland.

A long absence from my native country made me anxious to hear news of my relations and acquaintances, and after satisfying me on this head to the utmost of their power, they went and supplied me with such cloaths as they could spare, and I stood most in need of. One brought me a jacket, another trowsers, another a hat, another a pair of shoes. In short, in a very little time I was as well rigged out as I could reasonably have desir­ed, and after passing a few hours in the company of my benevolent countrymen, I returned to the companions of my adventures, altogether a different man, in appear­ance, from what I had left them. They were not a little surprized at the figure I cut, and wondered much how I [Page 205] came by my present rigging I soon satisfied them on that head. Good fortune, says somebody, seldom come by halves. I took a walk to the harbour next day, and sauntering along in a careless manner, I was again ac­costed.—A sailor made up to me, and asked me my name and country. I satisfied him in both, and at his request told him part of my misfortunes. Looking sted­fastly in my face, with a smile, he asked me, if I did not know him? I told him I did not. "My name," says he, "is Hutchison, I was born within a few miles of your father's house, and I must beg you to go on board our ship, and allow me to help to rigg you." We accord­ingly took a boat, and went on board, where I received the kindest treatment during my stay, which was very short, as they were preparing to get under way.

My good friend Hutchison gave me a jacket, a pair of stockings, a shirt, and two dollars. This was the first time I had been possessed of so much money since my ar­rival in Europe. I therefore resolved my companions should share it, and sending for wine to the amount of it, I told them, I would give them a treat, which they were a little surprised at, not knowing that I was the richest man in the company. Next morning one of our company told me, he meant to be my companion for the day, as he looked upon me to have run away with the good luck of all the company. We accordingly set out, but after travelling till five o'clock, we neither met with an acquaintance, nor with any accident worthy of re­cording. [Page 206] In the evening, after having fatigued ourselves in quest of we knew not what, we were returning home, when a person surprised me by giving me a hearty slap on [...]e shoulder. I turned hastily about, and discovered, to my great satisfaction, our old friend Mr. Griffiths, the Portuguese pilot, formerly mentioned. I never in my life recognized an old acquaintance with more sincere joy. "You will be a little surprised," says he, "to find me in this country, but I have been in more towns than Tepherary, and botheration to me, if I am not happy to find that you have got out of the hands of the black complexioned emperor by fair means, for if you had made your escape by running off with the schooner, as I proposed, and any of his corsairs had laid hold of you afterwards, I would not have given a roasted potatoe for your chance. But where are your companions? shew me to them, and let me welcome them all to a Christian country." We made the best of our way to out lodgings, and Griffiths would scarce speak to any of my messmates, till he ran out and brought us six bottles of wine, over which we discoursed till towards evening. He told us he was now at liberty to accompany us to America, as he had quitted the Portuguese schooner, and might go where he pleased. "But," says he, "if it should be long before dispatches arrive from Madrid, I will go before you, and tell them you are coming." We parted with our good friend in the highest spirits, and this good-natured fellow continued to visit us every day du­ring our stay Cadiz.

[Page 207]It was not long till an order came down from the king of Spain to have us all sent to America, in the first ship that should sail, at his expence, as he wished to pay a compliment to his new allies. Mr. Griffiths had not, during this time, found a passage to the New World, and we were daily favoured with more or less of his com­pany, and now we entertained the prospect of being fellow passengers in the same ship. My countrymen too, who had so kindly supplied me with cloaths, came one day to visit us, and told us their ship had been sold the day before, and that they had formed a resolution of accompanying us to America. A French ship was soon to sail, and the governor sending for us, told us he had orders to find us a passage in her, and provisions for Vir­ginia. As we looked upon this province as our home, we were happy to hear of our being landed there, and waited the hour of our departure with some degree of impatience.

In the mean while we spent our time very happily to­gether. The British sailors, who had been paid off when the ship was sold, shared with us the fruits of their labours; and this, with our own allowance, made us live comfortable and easy. But still we were unemployed; and the bread that is purchased at the expence of ano­ther, never has so sweet a relish in the mouths of men, who have inclination and ability to labour for themselves, as that which is earned by their own industry.

[Page 208]Our stay at Cadiz being ten weeks, I was enabled, not only to view every curiosity in this place, but to in­form myself of the nature of the country, and of the manners of the inhabitants.

Spain is the most westerly kingdom of Europe, and [...] surrounded by the sea, except on the side adjoining to France, from which it is separated by the Pyrenean mountains. On the east and south it is bounded by the Mediterranean, the Straits of Gibraltar, and part of the Atlantic, and on the north by the bay of Biscay, and Pyr­renus. It is situated in the the temperate Zone, between the thirty-sixth and forty-fourth degrees of north lati­tude, and is in length from the tenth degree of west longitude, to the third degree of east longitude, being thirteen degrees from east to west, and nine from north to south.

Most writers, who have undertaken to describe this country, have, in my opinion, done it very great injus­tice, by representing the soil as entirely barren. It must be allowed, the exports from it are so trifling, that peo­ple but little acquainted with the country, may readily conjecture, that there is but little can be got to export, especially if they are natives of Britain or America, where they are accustomed to see the husbandman make the most of his possessions. But in fact the fault lies not so much with the soil as the inhabitants.

[Page 209]It is impossible for a person, who has never been in Spain, to conceive the liftless, indolent appearance of the cultivators of the soil. Labour of any kind seems to be their greatest punishment. The ruling feature of the Spaniards is pride, or stateliness of appearance▪ which I really believe has no particular effect upon the heart, for I imagine the duties of humanity are as well understood, and practised among them, as they are among many of their neighbours: but this stateliness of appearance, and affectation of grandeur, pervades all ranks and condi­tions; and even prevents the peasant from giving that attention to labour which is absolutely necessary, not on­ly for the cultivation of the country, but for the relief of his own most pressing necessities.

The most barren mountain in the country will pro­duce something for the service of the community; but the extreme indolence and pride of the inhabitants, will not allow them to cultivate even those parts of the coun­try, which with the smallest assistance, would yield the most luxuriant produce. The richest and most delicious fruits are to be found in almost every plain, the sponta­neous productions of nature: but tilling the ground, sowing the seed, and reaping the autumnal fruits, are drudgeries which the indolent Spaniard can by no means submit to, so that it is no uncommon case to see a family half starved the greater part of the year, who have thousands of acres lying without cultivation, producing [Page 210] nothing but food for the beasts of the earth, and the [...]ls of heaven.

It is possible that the nature of the government may be unfavourable to industry; it undoubtedly will be so in Spain, and every other country where the rights of people are not understood nor ascertained; where the monarch can seize at his pleasure, the fruits of the hus­bandman's labour; and wherever an embargo is laid up­on human reason by a numerous host of clergy, swarm­ing all over the country, with the professed intention of preventing man from exercising the right which he de­rives from heaven—of judging for himself. But these unfavourable circumstances, can never fully excuse the extreme indolence of the people, who would rather starve than labour, who have the fairest portion of the globe parcelled out to them, and can neither supply themselves nor others. Of late years it has been the fashion to de­cry nobility, but their class has never been on so despi­cable a footing in any country as in Spain. When I say this, I only mean in the eyes of people who have not the same exalted ideas of that class, as the Spaniards en­tertain; for a Signior in Spain, without knowing where, or how to come by a supper, demands and obtains that respect, which the richest Indian nabob would receive from a populace, fond of paying every attention to the man who brings to his native country rupees enough to gratify his own avarice, and his countrymen's vanity. A good deal of Quixotism still exists in Spain, but if [Page 211] this spirit has its absurdities and inconveniencies, it is productive of many good consequences. A Spaniard carries about with him an exalted soul; a mean or unge­nerous action he can neither commit himself, nor endure in another. He pays a profound respect to the other sex. The serious air with which he conducts himself may not, perhaps, be so congenial to the wishes and expecta­tions of a young woman, as the lively ratling way of a Frenchman; but if a Spaniard professes to be in love, his mistress may give him credit: whereas the warmest ad­dresses of a Frenchman, pass with the other sex as so many instances of unmeaning gallantry. I would not be thought to insinuate, that an illicit commerce does not take place between the sexes in this country, as often as in those countries where they are less ceremonious. No part of the globe has furnished more frequent in­stances of amourous improprieties and follies than Spain, nor have they in any other country, been attended with more fatal consequences. Jealousy is a powerful ingre­dient in the composition of a Spaniard. His wife or daughter he guards with a watchful eye. Locks, bolts, and duennas are employed as barriers to keep them from the sight of man. But some how or other it happens, that the castles most carefully guarded, are easiest taken. Women are the same I suppose, in all countries, and un­less something is left to their own mercy, nothing can ever be made of them.

[Page 212]The Spanish ladies completely verify the truth of this observation. They are watched and guarded with the utmost attention, and yet they go as often astray as those of other countries, when they have their time in their own hands, and their companions of their own choosing. Masked [...] as solicit the stranger at every corner of the streets, who if he chooses to run the risk of con­sequences, may have the chance of performing some ac­tion, either in advancing to the lodging of his dulcina, or retreating to his own, that may either immortalize, or for ever extinguish his name.

The stateliness of the Spaniard is manifest even in the article of dress. Their cloaths are generally of a dark colour, and they wear long black cloaks over all, which give them a very solemn appearance; but this is only the dress of the common people. The nobility and fashionable part of the kingdom, have for some time past, in a great measure, adopted the dress and manners of the French: so that in the higher circles, the Span­iard has fallen off considerably from his natural character. Still however he meets you in a kind of reserve.—You are as well acquainted with a Frenchman at your first meeting, as after twenty years intimacy; but the char­acter of a Spaniard takes a considerable time to manifest itself. He speaks but little, and every word with the greatest caution. But if once you can make him your friend, he will carry his friendship to the most romantic heights; as he joins to his friendship a high sense of ho­nour [Page 213] you may entrust him with your dearest [...] and the longer your intimacy exists, the [...] conversable, and unreserved he becomes, till [...] developes his whole heart and soul, and confides to your ear his dearest secrets. But should your betray him, [...] ware of the consequences. His soul is the sent of [...] and sincerity. He is unacquainted with deceit himself, and should he discover any thing like dishonour, or a breach of confidence in his friend, his resentment and revenge know no bounds. The soul of a Spaniard is capable of rising to the most unparalleled heights in vir­tue, or in sinking to the profoundest abyss of vice. He is incapable of committing any of those vices that have any thing like meanness attached to them; but if his love be once turned to hatred, he will not hesitate to take the cruelest methods of gratifying his revenge, but plunge the dagger or stilletto without hesitation or remorse, in­to the bosom of the man, by whom he suspects himself injured.—The discovery of the New World, was per­haps the worst thing that ever happened for the prosper­ity of Spain. A taste for adventure and independence, upon discovery of the riches of Mexico and Peru, took possession of the public mind in the days of Pizzaro and Cortes, which has never yet been extinguished. This has made them listless and indolent in the cultivation of a country, which, with the smallest industry, would be a source of certain wealth, comfort and happiness.

[Page 214]A taste for gallantry is the universal passion in Spain, but their gallantries are carried on with an infinite deal of ceremony. They are very fond of the amusement of dancing; and from this amusement no rank or age think themselves excluded. The grand-mother thinks herself as well entitled to this indulgence as her grand-daughter, and frequently the three generations join altogether in the same dance.

The Spaniard rises in the morning, adjusts himself for matins, or morning devotions, which he attends very regularly—dines at noon—sleeps after dinner—goes to walk, or to vespers in the evening, and so finishes the day. They are not like the English, fond of discussing politics, or hearing news; few of the peasantry know any thing of what passes in Madrid, much less of the transactions of other countries. The ladies are superbly dressed in all visits of ceremony, though they dress very plain to go to mass, insomuch that it is difficult at matins or vespers, to distinguish the lady of quality from the waiting-maid. Men of all denominations wear swords, without which they cannot be dressed.

Superstition robs the country of a treasure it can very ill spare—a third part of the labour of the peasant. The vast number of holy days observed through the year, are a great drawback upon industry; and the very great number of priests, friars and nuns, who vow perpetual celibacy, is robbing the country of its greatest riches, [Page 215] by preventing the increase of population; and when to these considerations we add the vast emigrations to A­merica, which annually take place, we cannot wonder that this fertile country should neither be half peopled nor cultivated. But of all the engines of slavery ever produced in the world, the terrors of the Inquisition are the most dreadful. The supreme office of the holy tri­bunal, as it is called, is in the metropolis; and this con­sists of an inquisitor general, five counsellors, (whereof one must be a dominican friar) a procurator, two secre­taries of the council, an alguazile, a receiver, two repor­ters, two qualificators, and a whole legion of familiars, or spies, who make it their business to enter into all companies, and watch the unguarded moment to betray. In most of the cities of the Spanish dominions, offices are kept open, and branches of this infernal traffic establish­ed; and were the Spaniards as ready to speak their minds, either about religion or politics, as the English, there would in the course of a year be many an auto de fe. Luckily for them, however, they are possessed of the negative virtue of taciturnity; and whatever are their sentiments, they make nobody the wiser.

With regard to the government of Spain I shall say nothing—only this, that the king is the fountain of honour; and that to this fountain all the nation look up: and as honour is in greater estimation than riches, independence is but little felt, or poverty little complained of, even among the most indigent: but the [Page 216] time may come when trade and commerce will extend their influence, even to Spain, and then the infallible consequences will be, the nobility will think more of the peasantry, and the peasantry lower their notions of the nobility. But it is time for me to drop the history of a people so well known to my countrymen, and to proceed with my narrative.

We were all summoned to appear on board the French ship one evening when we little expected it. Accord­ingly we repaired each to our quarters, happy in the thoughts of once more revisiting the land of liberty. There were fourteen British and American passengers, nine Frenchmen, which was the number of the hands, and our old friend Griffiths, who had kept his resolution of accompanying us to Virginia. With a favourable breeze we left the bay of Cadiz, for the western world, and passed the Madeiras on the sixth day after our de­parture. But on the seventh our favourable breeze left us, and a gale blew from the south; which, nevertheless, allowed us to lay on our course.

We had this wind for fourteen days, when it removed to the east, and would scarcely carry us through the water three knots an hour. Our captain, who was the most complete puppy I ever sailed with, began to tell his men he must put them all to short allowance, as the pas­sage was like to be tedious. He immediately put his threat in execution, and began to feed his hands [Page 217] with horse beans, at every meal, and, except now and then, we were enabled to spare them a small morsel of our allowance, this was the whole of their fare.

Our passage proved most distressing; frequent gales reduced us to the utmost extremity. Our captain was as obstinate as a mule, and would not be advised by any one on board, consequently, our dangers were fre­quent, and our passage, in even sense of the word, dis­agreeable.

We had no concern in the management of the ship, but were like so many passengers on board of transports; and every one of my readers, who has been in that sit­uation, knows that it is not the most eligible.

Our passage was tedious, but at last we discovered the land; about midnight, some of the hands giving the welcome intelligence, we all got upon the deck, and could see the American shore, to the south of Cape Henry. At day-break we got a pilot on board, and proceeded up the bay.

Four days afterwards we arrived at Alexandria, and were met and welcomed by every one in the town, who knew, or had ever heard of us. Every one was anxious to hear the story of our captivity, to relieve our wants, and make us forget our long and painful bondage. On our part, we were no less happy to meet with our old [Page 218] friends, and [...] pleasing reception we met with, half-compensated for all our sufferings.

An American has very little of the Frenchman about him. His invitations are not ceremonious, but they are from the heart. Many invitations we were obliged to refuse, for this day at least, as we had agreed among ourselves, before we cast anchor, to make our first visit to a house where we were all acquainted, in order to spend the day all together. Thither we went, and were im­mediately surrounded by almost every person in the town, who had the slightest acquaintance with any of us.

We spent the most pleasant day I ever experien­ced. I had yet neither got myself rigged out with cloaths, nor any birth to enable me to make money to purchase them; but I was in the land of liberty, plenty and peace, I never bestowed a thought on to-morrow, and ragged as I was, like the first pair in paradise, I knew not that I was naked. We told our sufferings to a multitude of both sexes, and many of our female friends, like Desdimonia, "loved us for the dangers we had passed:" and "we loved them that they did pity us." After spending a very jovial afternoon, we sallied forth into the streets, and in walking down to the river, I was met by an old ac­quaintance, one Farria, mate of a brig which traded to Philadelphia. I did not like to make myself known to him, and therefore took to the other side of the street, but I could not pass unnoticed. He immediately ran [Page 219] to me, and took me by the hand. I had divided all the clothes I had got, among my messmates, and consequently my present appearance did not by any means indicate affluence. "Heavens!" says he, "what a figure you are! Where have you been? Have the Turks laid hold of you, and left you no better cloaths? I live, says he, near by, here is the house, (pointing to a store that stood on a wharf) I will not take you from your friends now, but beg I may see you to-morrow, and I will give you new rigging." I was highly pleased with the offer, and re­solved to accept of his invitation.

We went back to the house we first entered, and spent the evening to our mutual satisfaction. Our friend Griffiths, who was the merriest man in the company, helped to enliven us all, by mixing every now and then a stroke of that humour, which his countrymen bring from the cradle, and by giving us a bottle of wine to enable us to relish it. For my own part, I enjoyed that evening a happiness to which I had long been a stranger, and often blessed the memory of Columbus, for having discovered a country, where so much peace, harmony, liberty and plenty, may be attained without any violent exertions to come at them.

The next day we were sent for to the house of our owner, colonel Howe, who received us with the warm­est expressions of joy for our deliverance. He told us, he had made several applications to Congress about pro­curing [Page 220] our liberty, and was willing to have paid half our ransom out of his own pocket; a person, he said, was actually nominated to go and treat for our freedom, when the news arrived of our having obtained it by means of the Spanish ambassador. He enquired parti­cularly about the treatment we had received, and finish­ed the interview by putting into the hands of each, a present of eight guineas. This was a seasonable relief to us all, for my own share I laid out a part of it on such cloathing as was absolutely necessary for the present, and as my fortune had been so very indifferent in this quarter of the globe, I determined at all events to see my native country. A new vessel was upon the stocks here, getting ready for British owners. The captain was a countryman of my own, and I resolved to go as a hand to Port-Glasgow, whither she was bound. It was the middle of the bleak month of December before we were ready to sail, and on the fourteenth of that month we left Alexandria, after I had taken leave of all my friends, particularly of Mr. Griffiths, whom I left be­hind with the utmost reluctance; but he was resolved, he said, never to revisit Ireland till he could purchase a few acres of land, and a little cabin to lay up in du­ring the winter of life. We had a part of our cargo to take in at Yeokomaco, and it was not till the fifth of January that we got all ready for sailing. We sailed down the spacious bay of Chesapeek, and took our de­parture from Cape Henry with a favourable breeze. At midnight, however, we were alarmed with a call of [Page 221] "All hands;" and running upon deck, found both pumps employed, and from three to four feet water in the hold. After labouring at the pumps for some hours, we could perceive we were gaining ground, and at last got the vessel almost dry. At day break, to our great joy, we discovered a sail steering the same course with ourselves. We hove too for her coming up, and upon her nearer approach, found her to be the John, of Hull, bound for that port; we told them our condition, and begged they would stay by us for a day or two, to which the captain agreed. During all this time we were con­stantly employed at the pumps, but we resolved to run every risk rather than desert her; and telling captain Brown, of the John, our resolution, he wished us a good voyage, and left us.

During the whole of our passage, one pump was kept almost constantly employed; but our ship was new, our sails and rigging good, the wind was fair, and the hopes of a quick passage made us submit the more readily to incessant toil and fatigue. The twenty-third day after our departure, we observed the water change its colour; and trying for soundings, we found, to our great comfort, that we were in eighty fathoms water, and in one day more discovered the land to the south of Dublin. The strong gale we had for sometime been favoured with, still continued, and carried us rapidly up the channel, and we landed at Port-Glasgow the twenty-sixth day af­ter our departure from Cape Henry.

[Page 222]Thus was I once more landed in my own country, rich in experience, but without any other kind of pro­perty; and to mend the matter, the captain refused paying a farthing of my wages unless I returned to Vir­ginia in the vessel. I never could worse afford to sub­mit to such a loss. My wardrobe still was very scanty, and the thoughts of going to see my friends in the plight I was in, but ill accorded with my wishes or inclinations. For several days I stayed on board, hesitating what to do, without sending word of my arrival to my friends. However, a young man from the neighbourhood where I was born, had by accident seen me the day after our landing, and by his means intelligence was conveyed to my father, who immediately dispatched a messenger, with orders to come and see him, under pain of his last­ing displeasure. I had counteracted his intentions often before, especially in going to sea at first against his in­clination, and in all the cross accidents of my life, this constantly reproached me, I determined therefore, nei­ther to add to his uneasiness, nor my own, by disobey­ing his injunctions, and leaving my ship and wages, set out for Ayreshire, where I was received with open arms by all my friends, and supplied with every thing I stood in need of.

[Page 223]


A Voyage to Canada.

I had not been many weeks at home, when I found myself weary with the want of employment, and al­together out of my element. I therefore, resolved to embrace the earliest offer of going again to sea, and an opportunity soon offered from a port in the neighbour­hood, to visit a part of America, which I had never yet been in, namely Canada.—Four miles north of Irvine, lies Saltcoats, a small sea-port town, the trade of which is under the inspection of the Irvine custom-house. From this port a ship was soon to sail for the above-mentioned country; and hearing they were in want of hands, I went and engaged as one. We took on board a loading of coals, to be delivered at Cork, and on the thirteenth of March, 1787, I again set out for the New World. On the nineteenth we had got within about a day's sail of the Cove of Cork, when the wind veered suddenly round to the south, and blowing very hard, we found we should not long be able to contend with it; there­fore we bore away for Dublin harbour, which we could still command. On the hill of Howth, which lies at the mouth of the bay, is an excellent light-house, which standing high shews light at a very great distance at sea, [Page 224] and as night was fast approaching, and the tide answered, we thought this our wisest course, and accordingly reach­ed the harbour in safety.

Being got into this harbour, we thought it best to dispose of our cargo; and having done this, we took in ballast, and pursued our voyage to Cork, where we were to take in provisions for the British army in Canada. Upon the first of April we sailed from Dublin, and on the third we cast anchor at the town of Passage. We were employed till the seventeenth in getting our load­ing on board, and on the eighteenth we sailed from Cork, with a steady and favourable breeze.

On the twentieth we took our departure from Cape Clear, and directed our course for the river St. Laurence. At this season of the year in Britain, the winter gene­rally is over, and the weather grows milder; but we were bound to a country where winter pays a longer visit. We continued our cruize, and on the eighth of May we judged, by the extreme coldness of the weather, that we could not be far from the coast; but on the morning of the ninth we found ourselves surrounded by several islands of ice, which convinced us the gulf was not yet passable. On the tenth we came in sight of se­veral ships, some of which were froze up, and could not move. We began to be alarmed for our own safety, and making every exertion in our power, we at last got clear, and meeting with the Mentor of London, the [Page 225] captain informed us of his having been in company with twenty other merchantmen, who had been frozen up for sometime, and that he himself had been fourteen days in that condition, and had sustained considerable damage from the ice, insomuch, that he was obliged to throw a considerable part of his cargo overboard, in order to find out the holes made by it. He likewise told us, it would be impossible to reach our port, and for his part he meant to run for some port in Newfoundland, and wait till the body of the ice broke. Our captain thought it prudent to follow his example, and accordingly we both made the best of our way for Port-Amboy, a com­modious harbour for the safety of ships; but the coun­try is uninhabited in the neighbourhood, except in the fishing season, when the fishermen resort to it. It is situated in nearly forty-five degrees north lat. and is fif­ty-nine degrees west of London. Here for a few days, we occupied our time in fishing and fowling, finding plenty of divertion in either line; scarce a day passed over our heads that we did not kill great numbers of ge [...]se, ducks, partridges and pigeons, which swarm all over this country; and when tired of this exercise, we took to the amusement of fishing.

One day in walking along the shore, our captain could perceive something at a distance like part of a ship's wreck, and returning to the vessel, we hoisted the long-boat, and made towards the place, and upon coming up to it, espied four pieces of cannon; with part of the [Page 226] ropes, sails and rigging of a ship. These we got on board of the boat, and returned to the ship, well pleased with our prize.

Whilst we lay here, our fleet was daily augmenting till the twenty-fourth, when a French vessel arriving, told us that they had come down from St. John's, and that the gulf was perfectly clear. Upon hearing this, we prepared for sailing, and early next morning we weighed anchor, and stood up this immense gulf, till on the twenty-eighth, we arrived at Quebeck the capital of Canada, where we came to anchor. The river at Que­beck is not above one mile broad, though at the island of Orleans which is only a little below, it is in breadth four or five leagues, and from the river narrowing thus suddenly, the city is said to take its name; Que-beck, in the Indian language, signifying a straight or narrow place. Our captain immediately went ashore, and was ordered by an agent from the victualling office, to weigh anchor again, and sail for Montreal, as the garrison there was in great want of provisions. As the wind was fair no [...] was to be lost; we therefore set sail next day. Twenty leagues above Quebeck the tide began to a­bate, and consequently the current against us was very strong.

The distance from Quebeck to Montreal is about one hundred and seventy miles. On the banks of this river the houses are so plentiful; that it appears like one [Page 227] continued village. Large plantations, and gentlemen's seats appearing in continual succession. After passing the island of Riclieu, the weather became so extremely mild and pleasant, that we began to think ourselves transported into another climate. The island of Mon­treal is about thirty miles in length, and twelve in breadth. The town is built at the foot of a mountain, about half a league from the south shore. It is surrounded by a wall, flanked with eleven redoubts, which serve instead of bastions. The ditch is eight feet deep, and proportionably wide. Here is also a citidel, the batteries of which command the streets of the town, from one end to the other. The town is divided into two parts, the upper and the lower, in the last of which merchants, mechanics, and men of business reside. The hotel-dieu, the royal magazines and armoury, are likewise placed here. In the upper­town however, are the principal buildings, such as the palace of the governor, the parish church, and free-school, besides many other piles which have a princely appear­ance, and the neighbourhood has a beautiful aspect; the whole adjoining country being cultivated and inter­spersed with many delightful villages. The harbour is formed by a small island, which lies at a convenient dis­stance from the beech, and forms a very safe port. A number of large vessels may lay their broad sides to the beach, so that there are no wharfs, as in most of the American ports.

[Page 228]Two miles below Montreal are the rapids, a declivity of the river, where the current runs so strong, that ships frequently lie a long time before they can get over, hav­ing to wait for the assistance of a strong casterly wind. This current often runs at the rate of eight or nine miles in an hour, and vessels frequently take six or seven weeks to perform a voyage from Quebeck to Montreal, though we were lucky enough to accomplish it in thirty-six hours. On our arrival, we found the garrison had very urgent demands for provisions, and as we were the first victualling ship that had reached the port for the season, we met with a welcome reception. The troops joyful­ly assisted us in discharging our cargo, and in a very short time we were clear. We employed ourselves for a few days in cleaning the ship, and overhauling the rigging, and then took on board part of another cargo, consisting of wheat, and were to stop to complete our quantity at Quebeck.

In the beginning of the month of July we left Mon­treal, and had a most delightful passage down a river, either side of which exhibited a country adorned with nature's most elegant vegetable productions. Here the spring is rapid in its progress, and a few days will alter the appearance of the country so much, that one can scarcely know it for the same; and were not this the case, in its short stay, it would be inadequate to the provi­ding against a long and dreary winter, which generally is prolonged for eight or nine months of the year.

[Page 229]We had to touch at the lake of St. Thomas, but be­ing unacquainted with the channel, we run our vessel aground; but as the bottom was of soft clay, we got off without any material damage. Next morning we found out the right channel, and as we meant to take in a small quantity of wheat here, we sent our boat ashore, and in the course of the day had what wheat we were to re­ceive all put on board, and next morning we proceed­ed for Quebeck, where we arrived safe.

On the morning after our arrival, I had liberty to go ashore, and my first excursion was to see the ground where the brave general Wolf, in the moment of victory, courageously fell, fighting for his country. I surveyed the remains of the ditches and entrenchments which had been formed on the memorable occasion. On the spot where the general fell, is the remains of a small monu­ment erected to his memory. I approached the hal­lowed spot with respect, and felt within me a secret pride that I could call myself a Briton.

Leaving the plains of Abraham, I viewed the ground on which the French army had been encamped, which is a beautiful level, under the protection of the city forts. The back part of Quebeck is enclosed by a wall about sixteen feet high, and on the top is placed a row of cannons, at regular distances.—The harbour is flank­ed with two bastions, above one of which is a demi­bastion, and on the side of the gallery of the fort, is a [Page 230] battery of twenty-five pieces of cannon; above this a­gain, is a square fort, called the citadel; besides these, there are several other large batteries and fortifications, which would render the taking of this place a very dif­ficult enterpri [...]e.

The most considerable towns in Canada, are Quebeck, Trois Riviers, and Montreal; but Quebeck is the capi­tal. It contains from seven to eight thousand inhabi­tants, and was begun to be built by the French in the year 1608, who had taken possession of the country in the year 1525, and retained it till 1759, when it was conquered by the British, and confirmed to them by the peace of 1763. This city is divided into the upper and the lower towns. The banks of the houses of the latter are placed against a rock, on which the former stands, and an easy ascent is made from the one to the other, by steps cut out of the rock, for foot-passengers, and at another place by a gentle declivity, which opens a passage for all kinds of vehicles.

Here is an Episcopal palace, which stands upon as pleasant a situation as imagination can conceive.—On one side of an elegant square stands a cathedral, and on the opposite side a Jesuit college; the rest of the square is filled up with very handsome buildings. The hospitable is pleasantly situated, and contains two wards, one for men and the other for women. There is likewise a con­vent, which at this time was said to contain a consider­able [Page 231] number of devotees. To describe every square and public building would be an endless task, I shall there­fore close the description of this city, and give a short sketch of the country.

The neighbourhood of Quebeck, and indeed all the banks of this large river, is beautiful beyond descrip­tion. At this enchanting season of the year, the most luxurious foliage covers the fields, and the meadows send forth the most delicious flavour. Pears, peaches, plumbs, and apples, with many other kinds of fruit, are here produced in the greatest abundance. Wheat is sown in the month of May, and reaped in the month of August. The rivers and lakes are full of fish of va­rious kinds, which furnish the inhabitants with a con­stant supply. This is the appearance of the country in summer; but alas! their summer is but short-lived, and their winter produces an awful reverse; then the rivers are all frozen up—all intercourse by means of naviga­tion is totally at an end. For six, seven or eight months, every field is covered with snow, frozen as hard as the surface of the water. The half-frozen inhabitants can hardly find fuel to keep themselves from starving. All this happens in a latitude, which in Europe is moderate and pleasant.

The Indians of this country, with whom the Euro­pean settlers carry on a considerable trade, are account­ed very tractable and humane.—They are, during the [Page 232] summer season, to be found upon the river sailing in all directions, in little canoes, in which they generally carry about with them all their families, they are ex­tremely fond of spirituous liquors, and a glass or two of brandy, seasonably given them, will often help the dealer to a very advantageous bargain. So long as they can by any means obtain this, they are sure to be in­toxicated, and will stay as long in a place as any kind of liquor is to be had in it, and then betake themselves to their wild habitations.

These aborigines of the country, carry on a kind of barter with the European settlers, by furnishing them with beaver, deer skin, &c. in return for which they receive trinkets, and toys of various kinds, coarse duffles, blankets, hatchets, tomahawks, liquors, and to­bacco. The skin of a beaver is one considerable article of trade from this country to Britain.—The natural his­tory of that animal is so well known, that I shall not at­tempt a particular account of it. I shall only observe, that in regulating and conducting the business of their commonwealth, and in constructing their winter habi­tations, they not only leave all other gregerious animals, but even man himself in his natural state, greatly be­hind them. The Newfoundland dogs, are remarka­ble over all the world for their sagacity, fidelity, and usefulness. They are employed in this country for ma­ny domestic purposes, and perform the task required of them, with a wonderful degree of exactness and atten­tion. [Page 233] They can easily be taught to carry any thing committed to their care, wherever they are directed. They have carts and harnessing made on purpose, in which they will transport a large loading to a consider­able distance. By their assistance the butcher and baker are enabled to convey, with ease, their goods to their different customers. Masters of vessels, by their means, have all sorts of provisions brought to their ships; fami­lies are by the same means supplied with water and with fuel. In short, this faithful domestic, with a little training, answers so many purposes, and is so useful, both by land and water, that an extirpation of the species would be a very serious misfortune to this country. I have fre­quently seen of them in other countries, but I am apt to think they lose something both of their valour and tractableness, when carried to warmer climates.

The reptile race is at least as numerous here as in o­ther parts of North America. The rattle-snake, in par­ticular, seems to thrive remarkably on this soil. They sometimes are found of the amazing length of fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen feet, with a proportionable thickness. Fortunately, however, the noise they make in moving, prevents the bad effects that would otherwise happen, as they are certain to give warning of their approach, by the rattling of their tail, by which means the travel­ler is enabled to avoid their venomous bite.—The al­most inexhaustable forests here, produce a variety of dif­ferent kinds of trees. The pines, which are of two [Page 234] sorts, the red and the white, from both of which pitch and tar may be extracted; several kinds of firs, which grow to an amazing size, and furnish excellent masts for ships; the cedar and the oak are likewise both distinguished by the qualities of white and red; and the maple, which generally grows on an elevated situation, and makes ex­cellent houshold furniture, is likewise distinguished by the qualities of male and female. But it would be an endless task to particularize the various sorts of trees and vegetables, which cover the face of this wonderful coun­try. I shall therefore proceed with my narrative.

In a few days our loading was completed at Que­beck, and we lost no time in weighing anchor. We sail­ed down the river about thirty leagues, when we stop­ped for some time to take in spars. We cast anchor, and seven of us, among whom was the captain, went a­shore and began to cut down trees; but we had not been long at work, when our captain, who was at some distance, came running to us breathless, and calling up­on us to make haste, as a large body of Indians was at no great distance. None of our number had a mind to trust to their mercy, we therefore, with all possible haste got our trees into the water, and tying them toge­ther as well as we could, got into the boat; but we then discovered that one of our comrades was a missing: we waited for him in the most dreadful state of anxiety; none of us being hardy enough to venture through the woods in quest of him. At last we espied him running towards [Page 235] as with all his might, and reaching the shore, he lea [...]d into the boat, begging us for heaven's sake to pull of, as the Indians had espied him, and were following. He had scarcely uttered these words when a great number of them came in sight, but before they espied us we had made off from the shore, to which they came with all imaginable haste, and shouted, and made signals for us to put back; but as we did not know whether their inten­tions were friendly or hostile, we thought it most pru­dent to return to the ship. As soon as we had got on board, they lighted up a fire on the shore, and placing themselves round it, began to disp [...]ch some kind of food, after which they all rose and began to dance to a sort of music; but as none of us had the least inclination to mix in the dance, we immediately set sail, and had a very a­greeable passage down the river.

We again entered the immense gulf, and having made cape St. George, the wind setting in from the south east, began to blow very violently. We stood to the north east, but could only carry a foresail; when we got so near the land as to discern what part of it we were opposite to, we wore the ship and stood out again, but the flood-tide dragged us rapidly towards the botto [...] [...]f the bay, where we must inevitibly have been dashe [...] to pieces. Seeing no method of avoiding the land but by carrying sail, we set close ree [...]d top-sails, and so got clear. Having once more g [...]t [...] room, and the gale a­bating, we directed our course to the eastward, our de­stination [Page 236] being to the bay of Cadiz, where we were to deliver our cargo. Nothing remarkable happened du­ring a very pleasant passage; we reached Madeira on the twenty-eighth of August, and then directed our course for cape St. Vincent, the most westerly point of Spain, lying in lat. thirty-seven degrees, and longitude nine, west of London. This cape we made on the sixth of September, and arrived at Cadiz on the ninth. We did not get product, or liberty to land, till the twelfth.

Our captain during the time of our discharging, en­deavoured to procure a freight either up the Mediter­ranean, or to the coast of Barbary, but could not succeed for either. We were therefore, obliged to take in bal­last, and proceed up the Mediterranean to Alicant, where we expected to get a cargo of salt for Cork. Upon the fifth of October we left Cadiz, and stood for Cape Spar­teel, or the mouth of the gulf, which we made on the seventh. Here the current always runs eastward, and if the wind happens to be from that direction, it makes a very crooked sea. Very luckily for us we had a strong gale from the westward, and upon the eleventh we found by our observation that we were right abreast of Ali­ [...]t, which is seated at the bottom of a deep extensive bay of the same name. On the twelfth we came to an­chor in the bay, but upon our captain's going ashore, he was told, he must go to St. Pauls, at three leagues distance, to get his loading.

[Page 237]Alicant, in the kingdom of Valentia, lies in lati­tude 38°. 16°. north. It is seated at the foot of a mountain, and is only a small town, but one of the richest and best defended of any of the fire in Spain. A very considerable trade is carried on from it to almost every nation in Europe; and the English, French, Ita­lians, and Dutch, have each a consul resident here.

The castle, like that of Edinburgh, stands upon a high rock, and is, undoubtedly, a very strong place; notwithstanding it was taken by the English in the year 1706. It was again retaken by the French and Spani­ards, after a siege of two years; during which, part of the rock on which it stands was blown up.

Alicant is remarkable for the flavour of its wines, and the excellent fruits of all kinds it produces. It is, however, greatly deficient in one necessary article— fresh water; for in dry seasons, scarce a drop can be got. Large quantities of fish are brought here from New­foundland, by the British, in return for which they take wine, brandy, and fruit, all of which articles are plen­tiful and cheap. We removed to St. Pauls on the thirteenth, and in seven days our loading was co [...] pleted. On the twenty-first we went along the sho [...] for some miles in quest of water, but could not get a drop; at last a Spaniard coming up, directed us to go about two hundred yards and dig in the sand, and we would get a supply. We did so, and got water of the [Page 238] very worst kind, but we had no other resource, and were obliged to lay in a supply of it, for at least a part of our voyage. On the twenty-third we got on board an Irish lady, for a passenger, one of the most sprightly and entertaining of her sex I ever sailed with. When the weather would permit, she was constantly up­on deck, and in laying in sea-store she had by no means been forgetful of us.

We arrived at Gibraltar on the twenty-ninth of Octo­ber, and making all imaginable haste to get out of the way of the Algerine cruizers, we pursued our course till the third of December, when we made the land west­ward of Cape Clear, and on the sixth arrived at the bay Cork, to the great joy of all on board, but particularly of our passenger, who seemed quite transported at the sight of her dear little Ireland. Here we had to discharge one cargo and take on board another; and after a tem­pestuous passage, we arrived, on the twentieth of January, at the port of Greenock.

[Page 239]


A Voyage to the Hebrides, Denmark, and Prussia.

THE extreme desire of seeing the world, by which I had ever been governed, was not yet abated, what I had seen served but the more to increase it; my only study was how to vary the scene. I had seen the manners of the southern nations, and now wished to ex­amine those of the northern. I had not been long at home till an opportunity presented itself of gratifying my desire. A brig, from the Clyde, was to sail for Copenhagen and Memmil, and as this was a voyage greatly to my mind. I engaged as a hand. We set sail, with a favourable wind for the Hebrides, a group of islands on the west of Scotland. The safest and readiest passage to the north, lies through these islands, as, in case of a storm, ships can always command a port to take shelter in, all the Hebrides being furnished with excel­lent harbours, besides almost every kind of provisions, such as mutton, fowls, fish and eggs, which are both plen­tiful and cheap.

In these latitudes the weather is often tempestuous to a great degree; many vessels keep to the westward of them altogether, and by that means are deprived of [Page 240] shelter in the hour of danger, and not unfrequently lose both their lives and vessels. Among these islands the wind blows in tremendous gusts, but the intervals be­tween them, are so calm, that one may expose a light­ed candle in their hand, without its being extinguished. But ships run very little risk, for if the wind should be unfavourable for one passage it generally answers for a­nother, and in these sounds or channels, there are very few instances of any dangerous accidents happening. The most southerly of these islands are Jusa and Ila, in the last of which is a fresh water lake, with an island in the middle of it, on which may still be seen the ruins of a large building, said to have been built by Donald, king of the Isles. Between these two islands is the entrance, known by the name of the Sound of Ila. In sailing to the northward the island of Mull makes its appearance, which is about twenty-four miles long, and near twenty broad. Further north lies Lewis, which is seventy miles west of the main land of Scotland, and is eighty miles in length, and forty-one in breadth; and Barra, which is five miles long, and three broad. Cod and ling are caught here in great quantities, and several small vessels come to the island last mentioned, in the summer, and return laden with fish.

We came to anchor in the harbour of Stornway, on the east side of the island of Lewis, which is extremely commodious; and in the town of Stornway, which con­tains about one hundred houses, provisions are plentiful [Page 241] and cheap. The weather setting in stormy, we were forced to lie here for fourteen days, during which time I had an opportunity of informing myself of the man­ners of those islanders, and of mixing with such so [...]ty as the place afforded.

The inhabitants of these islands still retain a won­derful degree of veneration for their chiefs, or heads of their clans.—No Jew ever valued himself more on his descent from the father of the faithful, than one of these islanders does, if by any means he can trace back his descent from some lord of a clan; and this they will go back through fifty generations to make out; and though poor as oppression can make them, they assume a conse­quence, from their illustrious descent, that makes up for the want of more substantial gratifications. Happy is the man who has had the good fortune to be born a Mac Donald, a Mac Pherson, or a Mac of any kind; in these islands he is sure to meet with some illustrious cousins. Their dress perhaps may but ill accord with their noble extraction, but clothes are but trifles, their views are more exalted. Allow them to tell you over their illus­trious pedigree, and whilst they are doing it, enliven their spirits with a glass of usquebaugh, or a pinch of snuff, and the ragged Hebredian becomes as great a man as the cham of Tartary.—These remains of feudal idol­atry, however, are beginning to wear out among the rising generation; and as trade and manufactures get footing in the Hebrides, these ideal advantages will pro­portionably [Page 242] fall in their value. At present their princi­pal trade, as well as food, is drawn from the ocean; and did the industry of the inhabitants, keep pace with their necessities, they might thence extract vast sources of wealth: nature has brought the means to their doors, but they are extremely indolent in the application of them. Accustomed to humble fare, and coarse apparel, their wants are few and soon supplied. They rise in the morning without many wishes, and go to bed with the satisfaction of having them gratified. Indolent as they are in application to business, no men in the world make better soldiers, or endure the fatigues of a pain­ful campaign, with more unshaken patience and reso­lution; hunger, thirst and fatigue, are unable to van­quish their undaunted spirits. Let their leaders be cho­sen from their own country, and no degree of danger can affright them. When they choose to exert them­selves, they shew a wonderful degree of agility and acti­vity, and nothing gives such life to their motions as the sound of the bagpipe. Every chieftian, or great man, has a bagpiper of his own, who entertains him and his dependents with this animating music, and while he plays over the peebroch or strath-spay, unless his audience were tied hand and foot, it would be almost impossible to keep them from dancing. Their coarse food is gene­rally little indebted to the cook, nor is cleanliness much attended to among them; they are, however, kind and hospitable to strangers, fond of shewing them eve­ry civility in their power, and you cannot more oblige [Page 243] them, than by sitting down without ceremony, to par­take of their humble repast. Their expert trade con­sists almost entirely of fish, but this is trilling to what it might be if the people were industrious, or were put upon proper methods of taking the vast shoals that visit this coast.

Leaving the western isles, we directed our course for the Orkneys, another group of islands on the north of Scotland, separated from the main land by the tempes­tuous straits, called Pentland Firth, which is twenty-four miles long and twelve broad. The inhabitants of these islands have been long visited from almost every nation in Europe, consequently they have in a great measure lost the originality of manners which once cha­racterized them; and their language begins to be mixed with that of other nations. They have in particular, borrowed several words from the Dutch, who, during the fishing season, constantly resort here.

Almost every Greenland ship calls here, whether outward or homeward bound, for the purpose of laying in fresh provisions, which are both plentiful and very cheap; also vessels to and from the different ports in the Baltic, so that in the summer season, the inhabi­tants of the Orkneys have no want of company. But in winter, thick clouds, darkness and storms, continu­ally hang over them. In the months of June and July they can see to read ordinary print at midnight. Four [Page 244] months of the year is all the time they have for busi­ness, for in the short visits the sun pays them in winter, he is so exceedingly shy, that they derive very little ad­vantage either from his light or heat, and the weather is generally so very tempestuous, that they can but seldom visit one another, much less their neighbours on the main land.—The number of islands is twenty-eight; [...] taking in the very small ones, they will amount to forty. From these islands two members are sent to the British parliament, one for Orkney and Zetland, and the other for the burghs of Kirkwall, &c.

In Kirkwall, the capital of the Orkneys, there re­mains entire, a fine Gothic building, formerly a cathe­dral, and now the parish church. It is supported by fourteen pillars on each side, and is steepled by four. It has three gates, checquered with red and white stone, embossed and elegantly flowered.—I need not spend the time of my reader in an account of a people who are already so well known, I shall therefore proceed with my narrative.

After waiting at Stormness for some time, we set sail with a fine south-westerly wind, and passing through Ham-Sound, directed our course for the Naze in Nor­way, which we made in two day's sailing; from thence we sailed along the mouth of the Catigate, and made the peninsula of Jutland. Nothing material happened us during the rest of our passage, till we arrived at Co­penhagen, [Page 245] the capital of Denmark, where we had to discharge our cargo, which detained us for several weeks, during which time I had an opportunity, as my custom was wherever I went, of viewing what app [...]d worthy of notice in the city.

The excellency of the harbour, and its advantageous situation for trade, cannot be surpassed. It is guarded on both sides by strong fortifications, and the entrance is so narrow, that one ship only can enter at a time; and when once ships get in they are perfectly secure either by night or by day; for at night the harbour is secured by a strong boom laid across the mouth of it, and chain­ed at both ends. This large commodious harbour can contain four or five hundred vessels, and is sur­rounded by a wooden gallery, to which ships may lay their broad sides, and where every vessel has her ap­pointed station.—Were we to judge of the power or revenues of a monarch from the extent of his domin­ions, the king of Denmark would make a very conspi­cuous figure among the potentates of Europe. His titles are, King of Denmark and Norway, and of the Goths and Vandals; Duke of Holstein, Oldenbourg and Delmenhorst: of all of which he is the actual sovereign.—But the vast territories he possesses, are by no means populous, in proportio [...] as they are extensive; and the greater part of the inhabitants are in a state of real indigence, and in what is commonly looked upon by other European nations, as a state of real misery.

[Page 246]The kingdom of Norway is of a vast extent, being no less than eight hundred miles long, and one hundred broad. It is inhabited by amphibious animals in the shape of men, who, during the short summer, are constantly employed in catching and eating fish; and in winter sleep, or do what they please. Here, in the space of six weeks they both sow and reap, but a long and dreary winter succeeds, and for nine months of the year the ground is covered with snow. The pitiful inhabitants then retire to their miserable huts, and dream away an uncomfort­able winter, without variety or enjoyment. If ever there was necessity for a man choosing an agreeable com­panion for life, it is here: for in this uncomfortable part of the globe, his wife is for three-fourths of the time his only companion. The snow shuts him up from all his neighbours; and if he is not happy at home, miserable indeed must be his situation.—One thing re­markable in this country is, that all animals of chace, such as hares, rabbits, deers, &c. are entirely white; and even any of those animals taken from Britain, in the course of one season change their colour; so that none of them in Norway, are to be found after a few months residence, in the same coloured garb in which they first visited the country.

The inhabitants of this kingdom are numerous, bar­ren as it is. They multiply fast; and the nature of the climate, and the food they make use of, I imagine, are no ways unfavourable to propagation. I need not men­tion [Page 247] to my readers, that the climate is beyond endurance cold, and the greater part of their food is fish. The king of Denmark, therefore, has a numerous body of men yearly propagated in these his Norwegian domin­ions; and if the maxim be true, that the riches of a kingdom depend upon the number of its inhabitants, he has no reason to complain of poverty. I am apt how­ever to imagine, that men introduced into the world, in the state his Danish majesty subjects visit it, can do very little either for themselves or their sovereign. They are produced, it is true, by their parents, and nursed by their mother, from the same principal, or instinct, (if my reader will allow the term) that the bears suckle their offspring, and so their care is at an end. The father in­structs them as soon as they are capable, in the myste­ries of handling the oar, and striking the fish; and when he has perfected them in these manly exercises, he gives up the rein, and leaves them to the direction of Pro­vidence.—Learning is not much known or coveted. It is not the fashion of the country to train up philosophers, metaphysicians, or divines.—Poets however there are, who relate the legendary tale, in numbers deemed har­monious: and no people under heaven have so great a taste for poetry of the marvellous cast, or tell a story so much in the stile of eastern improbabilty, and in such persuasive language, as the Norwegian poet, or dra­matist.—It is certain, mankind express most forcibly the passions which they feel most acutely. Savage nations have, without the aid of refinement or education, sung [Page 248] their battles and amours in strains which the learned European cannot help reading with enthusiasm. Offian has had numberless admirers and imitators, but it is more than probable he will never have an equal. Whe­ther or not the great variety of ideas, avocations, and pursuits, that a state of polished or refined society opens up to us, deranges and dissipates those powers that in a state of nature have only one object for their theme, I leave to my philosophical reader to determine; but un­learned as I am, I cannot help thinking, that whilst the poets of modern days have found the way to please the ear, some of them who have only had nature for their instructress, have found the most effectual key to the in­most recesses of the heart.

The strange appearance of every thing in nature, in these northern climes, fills the mind, unaccustomed to it, with wonderful ideas. To behold the sun for several weeks moving round and round the pole, without ever losing sight of him altogether, or at most to have only a shy and hasty visit of an hour, or an hour and a half's continuance, once in the twenty-four, is so different from what we are accustomed to behold, that one can­not help imagining himself transported into another world. In summer one may read the smallest print at midnight with as great ease as they can do in winter at mid-day.—The produce of the land here would be total­ly inadequate to the sustenance of the inhabitants, did not the sea, in a great measure, make up for its deficency. [Page 249] Immense quantities of fish are taken on these coasts, which are spread on the rocks or sand, and dried by the heat of the sun. A high chain of mountains runs between Norway and Sweden, called the Dafrine-hills, which are neither cultivated nor inhabited. In the year 1387, it was united to Denmark; previous to this period it had kings of its own. In the year 1525 the people embraced the Lutheran religion, which they continue to profess to this day.

The king of Denmark appoints a viceroy, who has absolute power, and resides at Bergen, which is the capi­tal of this country. There are in Norway, four gene­ral governments, Aggerhays, Bergen, Drontheim, and Wardhuys, besides the dependencies of the kingdom, which are Iceland and the Isle of Ferro. The face of this country presents only forests and mountains, and produces oak, deal boards, tar and pitch. There are likewise several iron and copper mines in the country, which produce a small revenue to government.—The houses are built mostly upon the side of high precipices, and they are forced to make use of ladders to ascend and descend. When a person dies, he is commonly let down with ropes before he is put into the coffin. Many large caves are found in the mountains, inhabited by wild beasts, such as foxes, lynxes, bears, and wolves, which make great havock and devastation among the domestic animals. The people are almost totally unac­quainted with the arts. Machinery is so much in its in­fancy [Page 250] amongst them, that a person coming to Bergen from the country, is amazed at the sight of a two-wheel­ed carriage or cart. There is in the sea of Norway, a surprising current or motion, proceeding from a vortex or whirpool, called the Malestrom; the roaring of which is the most tremendous of any thing I ever heard. This noise only intermits a quarter of an hour in every six hours, when the sea is at high and low water, and at these time, fishermen venture into it. When it is most boisterous, in the time of a storm, it is dangerous to come within a league of it, for by going too near, boats, and even large vessels, have often been absorbed. This hap­pens very frequently to whales, who in their fruitless struggles, make a loud noise, when they find themselves impelled to follow the current; but it always proves more than a match for any thing once in its power.

Denmark, including Holstein, is bounded on the north by the Catigate, on the east by the Baltic, and on the south by the river Elbe, which divides it from Bremen. The co [...]y is in general, flat, and the soil a barren sand. It is almost surrounded by seas, and in­terspersed with lakes and canals, which renders the air foggy, and the country unhealthy and disagreeable to strangers, although the natives of the country are, in general healthy and long-lived. The kingdom of Denmark, properly so called, is composed of the islands of Jutland, Zealand, and Funen; each of which have their satellites, or smaller islands, in their neighbourhood.

[Page 251]Copenhagen, the capital of Denmark, is seated in the island of Zealand. This island, the residence of the royal family, is nearly of a circular form, measuring a­bout sixty leagues in circumference. The channel, cal­led the Sound, divides it from Sohonin, a province of Sweden. The soil is by no means fruitful, especially in dry seasons, on account of its sandy foundation; notwithstanding the people make all their own bread, but this is the only grain produced here, sufficient for the consumption of the inhabitants. There is not one river of any consequence in this island, and but few brooks or rivulets large enough to turn a mill. There are however, a number of lakes, plentifully stored with various kinds of excellent fish. Their cattle are small and lean, owing perhaps to long confinement in winter, for during the space of eight months of the year they are kept almost continually within doors. A fourth part of the island, at least, is a forest, in which there are a great variety of game, reserved, by the royal man­date, for the amusement of the court. The island is divided into twenty-six districts or bailiwicks; contain­ing thirteen towns, twelve castles, and three hundred and forty-seven parishers. It produces great numbers of cattle, which, as I already observed, are small, but their beef is uncommonly pleasant to the taste. Copen­hagen stands in latitude fifty-six, north, and nearly thirteen degrees east of London. Jutland, the principal division of the kingdom, is about one hundred and eighty miles in length from north to south, and fifty in [Page 252] breadth from east to west. To this part of the country, it is said, England owes its ancient conquerors. The people in this country are in general red-haired; and in many parts of the British dominions, particularly in Ireland, their descendants are discoverable from the co­lour of their hair to the present day.

This peninsula is bounded on the south-east by the Dutchy of Holstein, and surrounded on the other sides by the German ocean and the Baltic sea. Funen, is separated from it by a strait, called the Lesser-Belt; and from Zealand by another strait, called the Great Belt. It produces wheat and barley, of each a con­siderable quantity. The Dutchy of Holstein is like­wise subject to the king of Denmark, in consequence of which he is an elector of the empire. This country is a­bout one hundred miles long and fifty broad, and is not the most inconsiderable of his dominions, being a pleasant, fruitful country, and containing the two excel­lent harbours, Hamburgh and Lubeck.

The metropolis of this kingdom makes a most mag­nificent appearance at a distance. The king's palace, since burnt down, was a very superb building, and was built in the year 1730. The citadel is a regular fort, defended by five bastions, a double ditch full of water, and several advanced works. The exchange and arsenal of the East India company, the king's stables, the col­lege, the orphan and opera houses, together with the [Page 253] military school are all of them magnificent structures. Unfortunately for this city however, accidental fires in one night sometimes destroy as many houses as is built in half a century. In the year 1728, six thousand houses were reduced by fire to two thousand two hundred and fifteen. The damage they have sustained in the present year, from the same cause, must be immense, though the exact amount of it is not yet ascertained in any ac­count I have seen. This city is about five miles in cir­cumference; and is said to contain one hundred thou­sand inhabitants, exclusive of soldiers and sailors. It is divided into ten parishes, each of which has a church that goes by its name; but besides these, there are seve­ral other places of public worship; eleven areas, or squares, in which markets are kept; and one hundred and fifty streets. The city is strong both by nature and art, the ground being marshy, deep canals are cut all round, and through the middle of it, which are ex­tremely convenient for the conveyance of goods. The island of Amak is joined to the city by a bridge, from whence the markets are supplied with the greater part of their provisions.

The Danes are in general tall, robust and well made. In the summer season they affect the dress of the French nation; but in winter they are forced to have recourse to their original furs. Like many other nations, the ta­bles of the rich and that of the poor present a dreadful contract: the former are spread with all the variety [Page 254] which luxury can devise; the latter have no higher or­naments that salt or stock-fish, with a piece of rye-bread; and this is the plebeian fare of Denmark, with very little variety, through the year. In most northern countries, both men and women are fond of strong li­quors. It is said that in Russia the royal edict went forth, that no lady should appear drunk at an assembly. I will not aver that a similar order is necessary in Den­mark; as I cannot say that I ever saw any of the la­dies intoxicated; but I have seen a woman drink more strong brandy than would have intoxicated most men of ordinary constitutions in England, without any visible effects from it. A stranger no sooner enters a house, then the bottle is presented. The proper hour of drinking is whenever the liquor is to be had; nor are they so puny as to require a dilution of water to make it go down, but take it without the smallest mix­ture. The higher orders of females commonly leave the table after a glass or two goes round; but the men drink till they forget that they live in a cold climate, and are carried to bed in a state of complete stupefac­tion.

When a young couple agree to be married, a con­vention of the friends of the parties meet to settle pre­leminaries, and if every thing is agreed upon, the par­ties contract in the presence of their friends, and often go together without asking leave of the church; and it is not till the woman is upon the eve of bringing forth [Page 255] her first child, that the ceremony is performed publicly. Cumstom sanctions many things in one country, that seem strange in another, for this anti-nuptial intercourse is neither quarrelled with by laity nor clergy; and there are few instances of women having cause to repent their credulity, the men looking upon a contract thus publicly made as equally binding with any form.

They bury their dead with great funeral pomp, and of­ten keep them above ground for weeks, or months, or perhaps for a year, that the surviving relations may gratify their own vanity by getting preparations made for the most magnificent interment. This folly is how­ever chiefly confined to the rich, for the poor are con­signed to the grave with less ceremony, though even among them, a band of mourners are hired and paid by the parish, (if the surviving relations cannot afford it themselves) who accompany the deceased to the grave with the most doleful exterior, and with cries and lamentations deplore the loss they do not feel, and wipe away the tears they never shed. It is probable our neighbours, the Irish, have derived their funeral howl from the Danes when they were in the country, but this I leave to the antiquary to determine.

After four weeks stay at Copenhagen, we weighed anchor on the twenty-fourth of October, and set sail for Mem [...]el. We made the small island of Mona the same evening This island lies to the southward of Co­penhagen, [Page 256] and produces large quantities of grain. Pas­sing this we directed our course for the coast of Prus­sia, and on the thirtieth passed the islands of Burnholme and Earthholme, and after a very pleasant voyage we espied land, which proved to be Dutchman's-Cape, a grove of trees about four miles north of Memmel river. We soon made the town, and having only ballast on board it was soon discharged.

The town of Memmel is one of the most flourishing places in the Prussian dominions. Upwards of two thousand vessels are loaded yearly at this port with the produce of the country. It is extremely populous, though by no means regularly built, and encreases ra­pidly both in size and population. It is fortified by three whole and two half bastions, besides strong out­works, and a regular citadel. On the Memmel side of the river, the land is fertile and productive, but on the side opposite, it is only a barren sand, producing no­thing either for man or beast. The river is broad and navigable a considerable way above the town, but no ships go further up, owing perhaps, to the want of trade in the inland parts of the kingdom: for commerce is al­most solely confined to the towns on the coast.

Dantzick, the largest, richest and strongest town in the king of Prussia's territories, and the see of a bishop, is surrounded by a wall, and completely fortified; and is said to contain upwards of a hundred thousand inha­bitants. [Page 257] Here is a celebrated university, which has long been noted for the learning of its professors. The hou­ses are built of brick, or stone, and are from four to seven stories high; and in many of the streets rows of trees are planted, which in hot weather form a very a­greeable shade.—This city is nominally a republic, and claims a territory of about forty miles round it. The town is divided into twenty-six parishes, and contains, among other noted buildings, several hospitals and convents. It is a free Hanseatic town, governed by its own laws and magistrates. Their magistracy consists of thirty senators, and thirteen consuls, and the latter e­lect four burgo-masters out of their own body. They likewise appoint all other officers; but one hundred burghers are annually elected to inspect the administra­tion of government, and defend the rights and privileges of the people. The vast trade carried on from this port chiefly consists of grain, timber, and naval stores. On an average, they are said to export, annually, seven hun­dred thousand tons of corn, which is brought down the Vestula in Polish vessels, and laid up in large granaries, to be disposed of to the foreign vessels, who continually come here to purchase it.—Lutheranism is the establish­ed religion, but all sects and religions are tolerated.

Koningsberg, the capital in legal Prussia, contains about three thousand houses, and about sixty thousand inhabitants. The palace is a very superb and elegant structure, in which is a hall two hundred and seventy-four [Page 258] feet long, and fifty-nine feet broad. The tower of of the castle is a very great heighth, having no less than two hundred and eighty-four steps from the bottom to the top, from whence there is a beautiful prospect of a very fertile country. This city contains eighteen church­es, fourteen of which belong to the Lutherans, three to the Calvinists, and one to the Catholicks. The ram­part, with which it is surrounded, is seven miles in cir­cumference, and incloses along with the city some beautiful gardens and pleasure grounds. It has eight gates and thirty-two ravelins. The city stands upon the river Pregel, over which are built seven bridges, which render the communication easy between the dif­ferent quarters of it. The exchange is a beautiful edi­fice, adorned with a great variety of elegant paintings; and the city has long been respected for its trade and navigation.

Pillaw is about twenty miles west from Koningsberg, and stands upon a point, or peninsula. It has an excellent harbour, is a place of considerable strength, and is look­ed upon as the bulwark of Prussia towards the sea, being extremely well fortified. The town is populous, the inhabitants rich, and great numbers of foreigners con­tinually resort to it.

The kingdom of Prussia, originally insignificant, un­der the government of three kings, has grown to a vast extent. The present monarch will add considerably to [Page 259] its size, if the empress of Russia allows him his share of the unhappy country they have thought fit to seize upon.* This country is watered by several rivers, the principal of which are the Vistula, Neimen, Pregel and Memmel, which renders it extremely commodious for commerce. The soil, in general, is excellent, and produces great quantities of grain, and the climate tolerably mild.

The kings of Prussia are fonder of rearing soldiers than husbandmen, and perhaps this may be one reason why a large portion of the land is altogether uncultiva­ted; for the people are generally more industrious than their neighbours; but the great armies, which are con­stantly kept up, must considerably diminish the number of labourers.—In the course of the present century, vast numbers of emigrants from France, Switzerland and Germany, have gone to settle in Prussia, who have car­ried the arts and improvements of their several coun­tries along with them; by which means the natives are become more civilized and better informed, more in­dustrious and opulent. Most of the luxuries of [...] which formerly were brought from other countries, are now produced at home, glass and iron works are erected, as also powder, paper, brass and copper mills; linen cloth, snuffs and silk, are manufactured with considera­ble success. Besides grain and timber, which are the chief articles of exportation, this country exports [Page 260] wool, honey, wax, pitch, flax, hemp and hops; pot-ashes, leather, skins and tallow; in short, no Euro­pean country of the same size, exports a greater variety of articles, or imports less, than the kingdom of Prussia, so that the balance of trade is greatly in its favour.

The king, as duke of Brandenburg, is an elector of the empire, and by his recent connection with the French republic, is likely to gain a considerable accession of influence in regulating the affairs of the Germanic body. His revenues arise from excise and custom-house duties, stamps, newspapers, timber from the royal lands, skins, grain, manufactures, and almost every article of com­merce: and these taxes are laid on with an unsparing hand, and exacted with rigour.

The constitution of this country, since the year 1702, when the dukes assumed the title of kings, is absolute monarchy. The late king, with all his great and good qualities, was extremely tenacious of his prerogative; [...] the present king is not likely to give up any of those rights and privileges of sovereignty which his predecessor transmitted to him. The people however, seem happy; and as provisions are plentiful and cheap, every one, with a little industry, has it in his power to procure the necessaries of life, so that absolute want is scarcely known in the country. The domestic animals here are much the same as in other continental countries; and the rivers and lakes supply them with abundance of excel­lent [Page 261] fish; and besides the common kinds of game, they have elks, wild-asses and uri, in their forests, which last is of a very large size, something resembling oxen; and their hides, which are a remarkable length and thick­ness, are sold to foreigners at a very great price.

The most remarkable production of the country is yellow-amber; some of which is got upon the mountains, where they find a kind of vicous substance, which when exposed to the open air, becomes amber; but the great­er part proceeds from the sea, where the peasantry fish for it with long iron rakes.—Prussia proper is about five hundred miles in length, and where it is narrowest one hundred miles in breadth.

It was not till the eighth of November that we com­pleted our cargo, and the weather setting in very stor­my, threatened a disagreeable passage. We set sail on the tenth, and proceeded down the Baltic with a [...] easterly wind, and arrived at Elfinore, where we ca [...] anchor, and paid our toll or tribute to the king of Den­mark, which is collected here. Elfinore is next to Copenhagen in respect of commerce; and contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants. It is fortified strongly on the land side, and towards the sea by a strong fort, containing several batteries of large can­nons.

[Page 262]After completing our business here, we weighed anchor and proceeded down the Catigate, with a nu­merous fleet of British, Dutch, and Danish vessels. The weather was much better than we expected at this season of the year, and after a voyage, in which nothing ma­terial happened, we arrived safe on the twenty-sixth of December at the port of Irvine, were the vessel was laid up for some time, and I determined to pass the rest of the winter in the society of my friends.

[Page 263]


A Voyage to Ireland, in the Course of which the Vessel was cast away, and all hands perished except the Author.

MY life, as the reader may perceive, had hitherto been attended with some disagreeable circum­stances; but I am now to relate an event, which forms the most tragical part of it, which proved fatal to all my companions, and which had nearly, proved fatal to myself.

My dear companions now sleep insensible to the pleasures and pains of mortality. I only was left to tell their affectionate relations their tragical fate. [...] "the ways of heaven are dark and intrical, puzzled [...] mazes and perplexed in errors." For what purpose I am reserved, that Power that sent me into existence on­ly can tell. So narrow and unexpected an escape, how­ever, ought, while I am endowed with life and being, to excite my gratitude to the merciful Preserver of my life, and to teach one to devote what remains of it to the most useful purposes.

[Page 264]On the fifth of October, 1788, I sailed from Irvine in a small vessel, deep loaden, for Drogheda, in Ireland. Our cargo was coals, which always find a ready market in that country, where they are a scarce and dear ar­ticle.

Our vessel being only fifty tons burthen, a captain, three men and a boy, were all that was necessary to navigate her. We had a favourable breeze, which soon carried us across the channel to our intended port, and finding a ready market for our cargo, we loaded with grain, with an intention of disposing of it in Liverpool. I had the opportunity, however, of spending a few days in this ancient Irish city, and I must here frankly ac­knowledge, that in all the different places I have been in, I never yet met with so much real, unexpected and unmerited hospitality.

The city of Drogheda is the principal town in the county of Luth, in the province of Ulster. It had for­merly been surrounded by a wall, the greater part of which is now in ruins. It contains from six to seven thousand inhabitants, and has an excellent harbour, from which vast quantities of grain are exported. The greater part of the inhabitants are of the Roman Cath­olic persuasion. The established church is a large and elegant building. Formerly there was a Presbyterian church here, but the clergyman getting possession of the deed of the ground and house, and finding he had but [Page 265] few hearers, sold it to a company of players, who have hitherto used it as a theatre.

This city stands on both sides of the river Boyne, but the greater part of it is on the north side. About a mile and a half above Drogheda, the famous battle of the Boyne was fought, where king James made the last stand for three kingdoms, if a stand it could be cal­led, for the man, who in a subordinate capacity was an undaunted commander, when his all was at stake, retired to the side of a hill, at a safe distance from the scene of action, where he had a view of the battle, and stood till he beheld his army routed and put to slight; after which he, himself, fled with the precipita­tion of a coward, and made the best of his way to France, where he dragged out the remainder of an in­glorious life, a dependent upon the bounty of Lewis XIV.

In memory of this famous battle, or as it is said, in memory of duke Schomberg, who fell in crossing the Boyne, a monument is erected close by the river side, about twenty-two or twenty-four feet high, exactly op­posite to the spot where king William's army crossed.

The Irish seem to prize the Dutch deliverance at a very high rate, for in most of the northern countries, and especially in this neighbourhood, it is customary for a whole company of convivial friends to fall down up­on their knees and drink the glorious and immortal me­mory [Page 266] of king William III. and till of late, that politics have taken a new direction, this, in almost every com­pany, was certain to be a toast.

I happened while in this place, one day to fall in company with a Roman Catholick clergyman, at a gen­tleman's house. In the course of the conversation, he entertained the company with the following professional anecdote, which amused us not a little. "One night lately," says he, "I was sent for, to bless a piece of mould to put into the coffin of an old woman, about half a mile out of town, who was to be buried next day. As I had half undressed myself, and was almost ready to go bed, I told them to go and bless it themselves, and as they had the orders of a clergyman it would do equally as well as if I was on the spot. This did not by any means please them, and before the messenger went home he got another clergy [...]n, who went and blessed the mould, and anathematized me.

"Next morning they went and complained of me to the tutelar bishop, who immediately sent for me, and reprimanded me severely, telling me I ought to com­ply with popular prejudices, for the world was not yet ripe enough for the government of reason, and that it we did not keep mankind in awe by these little arts, we should soon lose all power over them. I told him, (says the frair, for such he was) that power so gained was better lost than kept, upon which we parted very [Page 267] bad friends." I have since been informed that this same honest friar had, a few months after this, read his recan­tation in the established church, and became an or­thodox preacher, according to the laws of the land.

It must be observed, however, that the apostacy of a Roman Catholick priest has never yet had much effect in hurting the cause they deserted, for the government of the country obliges the county in which they live, to pay every one of them forty pounds per annum, till they are provided with a living to that amount on the establish­ment. When a priest apostatizes, therefore, they sel­dom place his defect to the account of conscience. Our governor says, "They very well know the value of money, and if our religion was not the best in the coun­try, they would never give so much to boot." This bribe, indeed, is seldom accepted by the clergy, and when any one does take it, he is heartily despised by both parties. The legislative body, at the time this was made, might promise themselves great effects, as it would be supposed that many of the clergy would be tempted by it, and many of their hearers would follow their exam­ple. But in my opinion, a small matter laid out in pa­rochial schools, such as are established in Scotland, would have had much better effect. By these all sectaries would have been freed from that profound ignorance so visible among the lower ranks of society; and whatever reli­gion their parents had trained them to, they would have, in time, been enabled to judge for themselves.

[Page 268]After asking my reader pardon for this long digres­sion, I return to my narrative. The loading of our vessel engaged us for three days, and on the twenty-fifth of December, we proceeded down the river, with a good north-westerly breeze, and crossing the channel, expected soon to reach our port; but when we had got right a-breast of Holymouth, the wind shifted suddenly round to the eastward, and began to blow most violent­ly; we soon lost some of our sails and rigging, and be­gan to fear our little vessel would be overpowered. We found there was no other chance for her than to keep before the wind; but perceiving we were getting fast to the westward, our captain thought proper to lay too: finding however, no probability of the wind abating, or our making a port, we were forced to drift before the wind for the space of eight days, during the greater part of which we scarcely knew where we were, nor had any of us a dry shirt upon our back. In this state we continued, half frozen to death, and scarcely able to stand upon our legs, till the fourth of January, when the wind veered round to the south, the sea became somewhat smoother, and the air milder; but our sails were all tattered to pieces and some of them totally gone. What remained we patched up as well as we could, and at last reached the bay of Liverpool, more dead than alive. We entered it on the sixth, but either through ignorance of the pilot, or the carelessness of the man at the helm, we run upon the rocks, where we lay for some hours, and sustained considerable damage.

[Page 269]At last we got clear off, and proceeded to the dock, where we unloaded our cargo. The necessary repairs detained us here for sometime, after which we took in ballast, but one gale coming after another, our captain judged it very unsafe to proceed to sea with so small a vessel; and the misfortunes that had already befallen us, made us all wish for more favourable appearances to set out with. But our long absence from home, deter­mined our captain to run all hazards.—Every person he spoke to, advised him strenuously against setting out with so small a vessel, in such tempestuous weather; but he was firmly determined, and no persuasions could alter his purpose.

On the morning of the twelfth a young sailor came on board, and bespoke a passage to Scotland, which was readily agreed to.—He went on shore to bring his clothes, but just as he was about to come on board again he met with the captain of another Scotch vessel, who was in want of a hand, and offered him wages if he would go with him. The young man providentially a­greed with him, and by that means escaped, in all pro­bability, the dreadful fate that befel my unhappy mess­mates.

This day the wind became somewhat more favoura­able, and the weather more inviting. We set sail, there­fore, and the captain took an affectionate farewell of a son, the captain of another vessel, whom he left behind [Page 270] him in Liverpool harbour, without suspecting it was to be the last parting.—With an ebbing tide and a fair wind we were soon carried clear of all those banks that render the navigation so difficult and dangerous; when parting with our pilot, we directed our course for the Isle of Man, but we had not long left the shore, till a strong gale began to blow, and the sky overcasting to­wards the close of the day, threatened us with a dread­ful night; and alas! our fears had by no means magni­fied our dangers, for a most dreadful night it certainly proved to us all.

We stood on our course as long as we could perceive which way it lay, but night brought along with it impe­netrable darkness; and now it was that we felt the hor­rors of our situation, for indeed a more dreadful situation can scarcely be conceived. The wind continued to blow with unusual violence, the seas ran mountains high, we had no hopes of our vessel living long in such circumstances, nor knew we the minute she might be dashed to pieces against a rock.

About eleven o'clock at night, the captain alarmed us with the dismal tidings that the ship was full of wa­ter. We flew to the pumps, but the ballast had shifted, and choked up the pumps so, that all our endeavours that way was in vain, and we had by this time three feet water in the hold. We began to clear the hold with canns, and such other vessels as we had on board; but [Page 271] alas! this was to little purpose, still the water continued to gain upon us. Death now seemed inevitable. Every face presented the most dreadful picture of horror and dismay —the sea was foaming over the deck, and the hold fast filling with water.—He only could assist us, who "hold­eth the water in the hollow of his hand, and saith to the raging element, Hitherto shalt thou come, and no further." To Him we addressed our fervent petitions; but alas! at such an hour, the mind is but little composed.—The prospect of death in its mildest form, brings with it un­easy sensations; but the immediate prospect of a vio­lent death is dreadful in the extreme. How often did we wish for the light of day, and look to the east for the approach of that glorious luminary, whose presence animates nature!—Though, in our present circum­stances it could bring no comfort along with it.

A very thick snow was falling, we had not the smal­lest idea where we were, and to add to our horrors, one of the men gave the shocking alarm, that we were get­ting fast upon some dreadful rocks. In vain were all our efforts to keep the vessel off. We did wha [...] was possible to be done in such a situation, but to [...] pur­pose, a tremenduous billow cast us upon a rock, and the following wave overset the vessel.

The captain was washed overboard with the sea that first overset the vessel; we beheld his struggles, and heard his cries, every one of which pierced us to the [Page 272] heart; but what could we do? It was out of our pow­er to give the smallest assistance either to him or our­selves. Another of the hands shared the same fate; three of us remained in the vessel, casting about us a hopeless eye for some means of preservation. It im­mediately occurred to me to cut the lashing of the long-boat, and try to heave her out; one of my surviving companions ran to assist me, but all our efforts were vain, and we found the vessel must immediately be dashed to pieces. Another of my companions took to the mast, which, from the motion of the ship lying up­on her broad side, was sometimes in the water, and sometimes out of it, and at the interval between the waves, I could perceive him making towards the end of it. The other, who was a boy, held fast by the rig­ging, and pierced the air with his cries. I kept by the vessel till I found her going to peices, and then fol­lowed my companion to the end of the mast, to which he was clinging close. No other chance remained for me, but to endeavour to save my life by swimming; and the tremendous appearance of the ocean made that a very hopeless alternative. I called to my companion to follow me, and recommending myself to the mercy of the Almighty, plunged into the ocean.

I neither knew on what shore we were cast, nor what distance we were from it. The ebb-tide at one time sweeping me at a greater distance from the land then when I first set out, for after struggling about an hour [Page 273] I found the wreck of the ship between me and the shore. My strength by this time was nearly exhausted; I threw myself upon my back and tried to disengage my­self from my clothes; this, however, I found I was una­ble to effect, and I must inevitably have sunk to rise no more in a short time, if the returning tide had not as­sisted me in making the shore. This in a little time it did, without my being able to make any other exertion than barely to keep myself above the water. I reached a rock, but had scarcely strength enough remaining to raise myself upon my feet, or get to the top of it.

When with much struggling, I got myself seated on it, I began to look about for my companions, hoping some of them had saved themselves by the same means. While I sat here, cold, wet, and trembling as I was, I found myself irresistibly born down to sleep, and had nearly given way to my inclinations, when it occurred to me that I had not yet reached the shore. I left the rock, and crossing a small bay, found myself on a sandy beach. Here I threw myself down, not knowing what to do, or which way to turn myself. The morning was still dark, and a deep snow had fallen upon the ground; I got up and tried to walk, but found I was unable to go any distance; I threw myself down again, and cast many a wistful look towards the sea, for the arrival of some of my companions, but to no purpose. I found I must attempt to find a house, or my reaching the shore would be of no consequence, as I must infallibly expire [Page 274] upon the spot. Once more I got up, and walked as I could, I knew nor whither. Providence at last directed me to a house. I rapped, and called aloud for some time. I went round it, and exhausted my little remaining strength, endeavouring to make the people hear, but could obtain no answer. I then endeavoured to find some place of shelter from the dreadful storm, and at last found a little hovel with some swine in it; and rough as my bed-fellows were, I found the heat they imparted extremely agreeable; I fell into a state of slumbering, or rather stupefaction; nor can I recollect from that moment any thing that befel me, till I found myself stretched before a large fire, seemingly made for my account, wrapped in blankets, and surrounded by a number of peoples. It seems I had neither opened my eyes nor uttered a word for some hours, and when I came to my senses, and began to thank God that I was in the land of the living, every one testified the utmost joy. They made the tenderest enquiries how I found myself. I told them I would soon be well, and thanked them in the best manner I could for their care and at­tention.

A worthy man, to whom I afterwards found the house belonged, begged me not to distress myself with speaking. I asked him if he had any spirits in the house; he told me there was none, but he would soon get some. He immediately dispatched a man to a house, at the distance of two miles, for some; and in the mean [Page 275] time they made me drink some warm milk and water; and now, for the first time, I began to regain the com­mand of my scattered senses. I recollected I had been cast away, but knew not, as yet, in what country I was. I conjectured it might be in the Isle of Man, but was anxious to satisfy myself. Upon enquiry, they told me, I was in the north of Ireland, about six miles from Porto-Ferry, and three from Balywater. I then en­quired if they had heard any thing of my companions, but on that head received no satisfaction. I had many questions to ask, but my benevolent host undertook to satisfy me of every thing he knew concerning me, by the following acccount:

"About seven o'clock in the morning," says he, "the storm was raging with the greatest violence, and had torn the greater part of the thatch from the house, so that the snow was coming fast in upon the bed where we slept. My wife and I got up and went to the stack yard, to get some straw to re-place the thatch. Upon going nearer the yard, my wife thought she heard the groans of a human being, we followed the sound, and perceived you creeping in the ditch, grasping at thorns, and whatever was within your reach. Last year a poor maniac in this country had frightened many of the neighbours; and my wife at first sight, imagined you to be him, and was for going off and leaving you. I was convinced, however, upon a nearer view, that you was some person in the utmost agony; and desiring [Page 276] her not to be afraid, we went up to you, and lifting you between us, the few cloaths you had upon you convinced of you was a sailor. We carried you into the house, but your senses were so totally gone, that you frequent­ly attempted to bite us. After we had brought you in, we alarmed the neighbours, who gathered all about us, bewailing your fate, as they imagined you in the ago­nies of death: you could answer none of our questions, not even by signs, and indeed seemed totally insensible to every thing that passed. We caused a large fire to be made, and wrapping you in blankets, began to rub you tightly, and pour some warm milk and water into your mouth. You became altogether motionless, and continued for some hours in such a state, that none of us could tell whether you was dead or alive. At last you made us all happy with the recovery of your senses, and you can remember what passed since. When you find yourself able to talk, we will be glad to hear your story, and in the mean time I shall be happy if any thing in my house can afford you the least com­fort."

After thanking the good man again and again for his kindness, I told him as much as I knew of my mis­fortune; but when I came to mention my having gone into the hovel, they imagined I was still deranged, as there was no such place as I described about the house. While we were discoursing the messenger returned, [Page 277] bringing some whisky, a glass or two of which did me a most material service.

I was anxious beyond measure to learn the fate of my companions, and in a short time set out, accom­panied by my kind host, and some of his neigh­bours, towards the shore; but how greatly was I surprised to find that I was about a mile distant from it. After we had got more than half way, we came up to a house, which I was persuaded was the one I had first come to, and there was a swine hovel exactly like that into which I had first entered. I endeavoured to per­suade them that this was my late lodging, but it ap­peared unaccountable both to them and to myself, that I should have gone so far afterwards, without any recollection of what had passed; I had some recollec­tion however, of having thrown off my jacket in the hovel, and begged them to go and look for it. They did so, and found it, and this convinced them I was not mistaken; but how my steps had been directed to the hospitable mansion of my present landlord, heaven on­ly knows. Upon going down to the beach, we found the wreck had come ashore; and the people in the neighbourhood were all scrambling for what they could get to carry off.

The greater part of what was most valuable was al­ready gone. I began to remonstrate with some who had got clothes and other things, begging them to lay [Page 278] them down, but received no other answer than a volley of oaths, and was ordered to stand off, or they would send me to eternity.

After I saw nothing could be done with them, and had made many fruitless enquiries about my companions, some of whom, I still hoped, might have reached the shore, I obtained twelve men to watch over the wreck, and inform me if any person attempted to meddle with it; then I returned to the house of my landlord, and consulted with him what was best to be done.

James Baillie, for that was the name of the preserver of my life, was of a very different disposition from the most of his neighbours. This worthy man, so far from wishing to enrich himself with the property of the un­fortunate, suggested every scheme he thought most like­ly to preserve what remained for the friends of the de­ceased. He persuaded me to go before a magistrate, and declare every circ [...]umstance upon oath, and take a protest. A magistrate, one Mr. Savage, lived at the distance of five miles, and in pursuance of the advice of my landlord, I immediately set out for his house; but had not walked two miles when I was met by Mr. Main, a coasting officer, who told me Mr. Savage, the justice, was gone from home; but that, if I would re­turn with him, he would take a particular account of e­very thing, and I might lodge a protest in his hands. I agreed to his proposal, and delivered him a protest of [Page 279] all I knew. He promised to meet me in the morning, and appoint proper persons to take care of the wreck, and make the most of it for the owners. I returned immediately to the wreck, and found, notwithstanding of the guard I had appointed, many things were missing which I had before observed, but I could obtain no re­dress, nor even find out the persons that had taken them. I spent the rest of the day in the boat, grappling for the bodies of my unfortunate companions, without being a­ble to find any of them.

I met Mr. Main according to appointment, who came to the beach with some other gentlemen. It was thought proper to carry what portable things had been saved, to my landlord's barn, which was accordingly done. By Mr. Main's orders, a strict search was made for the goods that had been carried away, through all the houses in the neighbourhood, but to little purpose, as the depredators had taken care to conceal them ef­fectually. I was therefore, forced to sit down con­tented with what I had done, conscious that I had o­mitted nothing in the compass of my power, to secure to the survivors the remainder of my worthy master's effects.

In the whole of the business, Mr. Main conducted himself with a degree of attention and humanity which deserves the highest encomiums, and the warmest grati­tude from all concerned. He saw every thing disposed [Page 280] of, and wrote a letter to the collector of Irvine, at my request, to give notice of the tragical event. We judg­ed it most advisable to advertise what goods were left, for sale; and accordingly they were sold for what they would bring, which was a mere trifle.

For some days I found myself so weak and sickly as to prevent my undertaking a journey to Scotland; this however I did as soon as I was able; leaving the mel­ancholy shore where I had lost all companions, whose lifeless bodies had been diligently searched for every day during my stay.

My hospitable landlord had acquired the rights of a father over me, by giving me a second existence. He seemed sorry when I proposed leaving him, and did all in his power to detain me till my health should be con­firmed. On my part, I felt for him all the affections of a son. He had endeared himself to my heart by ma­ny good offices, and our parting was tender on both sides. I had scarcely a rag of clothes on my back; those I had on when the ship struck upon the rocks, being all cut and tore to peices. But the hospitality of my Irish friends supplied me. One brought me a shirt, another a pair of shoes, &c. and the captain's great coat, which had been washed on shore, covered all defects. I therefore parted reluctantly from the good man and woman that saved my life, and who ever shall be re­membered by me with grateful affection, and set out for [Page 281] Donaghadee, a sea-port not far distant, on the twenti­eth of January.

At this port, which is the nearest to Scotland, packet-boats are employed by government for convey­ing the mails between the two kingdoms; and in these passengers may be accommodated with every thing heart could desire. The fare in the packet-boats is according to the purses and inclinations of the pas­sengers, and the accommodations are proportioned to the fare. They can sail in almost any weather, so that one can never be at a loss, for any length of time, for a passage between the two sister kingdoms.

On my going on board the packet-boat, I met five unlucky men, who had been as unfortunate as myself, their ship having been cast away on the coast of Spain. The similarity of our situations created a mutual sympa­thy, and we entertained one another, during the passage, with a recital of our misfortunes. They had procured a passage in a British ship, and had the day before landed at Belfast. In the space of four hours we got to Port-Patrick, and as we were all to travel the same road, we agreed to keep one another company; still however, I found myself so weak that I was hardly able to keep up with them; my feet and legs had been cut and bruised so much on the morning our unfortunate accident hap­pened, it was with the greatest pain I could move a foot.

[Page 282]With much difficulty I reached the place of my na­tivity, where I was joyfully received by my friends, who had just got intelligence of our unlucky fate; Mr. Main's letter having come to hand only a few hours before I arrived. The widow of my deceased friend, the captain, I found in a state little short of distraction: and indeed it was no great wonder, she had lost one of the best of husbands, and a stroke so unexpected must have been severely felt.

He was at the time of his death upwards of fifty, and through life had retained the most amiable char­acter. Providence had blest his endeavours, and ena­bled him to leave his family in good circumstances; notwithstanding they sustained considerable loss from this melancholy accident, for the vessel was solely his own property. The other sufferers on this occasion, though unmarried, left behind them parents, who had been mostly supported by their industry; and what is remarkable, they were all widowed mothers. I found myself very uneasy in my native place for a long time after my return; the fight of me always producing a shower of tears from the eyes of those unfortunate sur­vivors.

Thus have I given my reader a faithful account of my nautical life and transactions; and shall be happy if any part of this work affords him a little entertain­ment, when his mind is relaxed from more importan [...] [Page 283] employments. I can with confidence assure him, that in the foregoing pages, I have adhered rigidly to truth; and as there are several living witnesses of many of the transactions herein recorded, to them I can appeal for a confirmation of what I write.

As I am not to be deterred by the misfortunes of my past life from prosecuting my favourite employment, but mean immediately to visit some other part of the globe. I beg leave for the present to bid my reader a­dieu: if my after life should be productive of any thing deserving his notice, we may perhaps renew our acquaintance upon some future occasion.


Subscribers' Names.
Those who do not live in the City have their places of residence annexed to their names.

  • JOHN Atkinson
  • Frederick Anthony
  • Robert Apty
  • Rebecca Adams
  • George Alcorn
  • Christiana Andrews
  • Peter Armbrister
  • John Allen
  • James Adams
  • Thomas Arley
  • Philip Awald
  • William Ashton
  • John Anderson
  • William Anderson
  • Ludwig Arbegast
  • Henry Albert
  • Peter Brown
  • Jacob Beasley
  • Martha G. Brand
  • Nancy Barret
  • Sarah Brobston
  • Mary Bryan
  • Nathan Beebe
  • Ana Barrington
  • Robert Bickerton
  • Francis Barclay
  • Phoebe Bowers
  • John Buchanan
  • Mary Bennett
  • Joseph Bowes
  • Peter Bob
  • William Burns
  • John Bourk
  • Jacob I. Benner
  • Robert Brewten
  • John Brissin
  • Magaret Burrows
  • William Butler
  • John Bennet
  • Sarah Berry
  • Christian Beakley
  • Thomas Blair
  • Richard Berwick
  • Mrs. Brown
  • Hasell Benezet, Bensalem
  • David D. Bartholt, do.
  • James L. Bogart
  • William Bayles, Bristol
  • John Brown, do.
  • Joseph Broadman, do.
  • Patrick Carr
  • Mr. Connory
  • John Carls
  • Sarah Campbell
  • Lewis Clouse
  • Isaac Chodwick
  • William Croxford
  • [Page 2]Elizabeth Carr
  • Rofina Clawges
  • Samuel Church
  • Mrs. Maria Course
  • Isabella Caldwell
  • Matthias J. Conway
  • John Cahill
  • Jos. W. Carteret
  • Elizabeth Carr
  • William Campbell
  • Jacob Couler
  • Richard Culver
  • Severn Custerson
  • Jane Creighton
  • Thomas M. Corby
  • Elizabeth Cox
  • James Crawford
  • Hugh Carey
  • William Crosson
  • Henry Cromwell
  • Mary Curtis
  • Thomas Clarke
  • Thomas Cristine
  • John Chesnut
  • William Chancellor
  • James Corbett
  • Darby Connigan
  • John Caveny
  • John L. Chrisman
  • Patrick Catcheil
  • Samuel Clark
  • Charles Curry
  • Tamer Cooke
  • Joshua C. Canby, Mid­dleton
  • John Davidson
  • Elizabeth Duffey
  • Helen Demont
  • Elizabeth Dunsee
  • Hannah Dunphy
  • Sarah Dubs
  • Robert Dinnin
  • Zilpah Dorothy
  • James Doyle.
  • Eliza Davis
  • Archibald Davidson
  • Elizabeth Davison
  • Dorothy Dissent
  • William Douglas
  • John Dobbin
  • Mary Dean
  • Kitty During
  • Thomas Durnell
  • Elizabeth Dever's
  • Beninah Davis
  • Ann Denye
  • Richard Dougharty
  • George Durfer
  • Con. O'Donnel
  • Archibald M'Elroy, Bristol
  • Mrs. Elouis
  • Abigail Evans
  • Adam Eckfeldt
  • Jonathan Edwards
  • Samuel Etris
  • Joseph Eberth
  • Mrs. Ensworth
  • Mrs. Ettwaen
  • Sophia Essex
  • Hannah Emerson
  • Eleanor Elmes
  • Mrs. Engles
  • John Easton
  • Frederick Esling
  • [Page 3]Robert Esdell
  • Hilary Ehrenzeller
  • Thomas Franklin
  • James Farmer
  • Thomas A. Fisher
  • George Fox
  • William Fox
  • John Fisher
  • Peter Fiss
  • Margaret Finlay
  • Mary Forbes
  • Samuel Finlay
  • Adam Foster
  • John Francis
  • Robert Fullerton
  • John Francis
  • Mary Farren, eld.
  • Mary Farran, yo.
  • John Fisher
  • Jacob Fisher
  • William Francis
  • Ezekiel Garman, Bristol
  • Jane Gibbs
  • Fanny Goutty
  • George Greble
  • William Greble
  • Hugh Graham
  • John Gihon
  • Jehu Graves
  • Sophia Grear
  • Margaret Gordan
  • Jacob Grear
  • Bruster Gould
  • Alexander Graham
  • Sarah Gr [...]n
  • Jacob Golding
  • Elizabeth Gilleriss
  • Mary Garrigues
  • Phoebe Gordon
  • Andrew George
  • Arthur Gilmor
  • John Griffith
  • Michael Gallaugher
  • James Garliff
  • Amos Gregg, Bristol
  • Joseph Greer do.
  • Josiah Holmes
  • Mary Hem
  • John Helt
  • Gomain Hallet
  • Daniel Haines
  • William Healy
  • Eliza Humphreys
  • William Hoffner
  • John Harvey
  • William Hutchison
  • Eleanor Hoffman
  • Michael Hulings
  • Sally Hatchet
  • Barnet Hansell
  • Matthias Harrison
  • Mary Harberger
  • Sarah Hope
  • Elizabeth Halligood
  • Jacob Horn
  • David Hendrick
  • George Honey
  • Thomas Harris
  • John Harris
  • Henry Henson
  • Mary Harper
  • Merritt Hutton
  • Samuel Holget
  • [Page 4]Catherine Hoy
  • Charles Heirold
  • Daniel Hoffman
  • Elizabeth Hooker
  • Richard Holman
  • Elizabeth Head
  • Ann Hacket
  • Thomas Huntley
  • Elizabeth Hawthorn
  • Richard Howell
  • Hannah Hutchins
  • Lydia Hilan
  • Elizabeth Henderson
  • Daniel Hunt
  • Samuel Hyndeman
  • Matilda Harrison
  • Ann Hudner
  • Peter Hicks
  • Sarah Holliday
  • Joseph Horsfall
  • Philip Haines
  • John Headly, Bristol
  • John Hutchison, Bristol
  • George Helmbold, —
  • William Helms, Suffex County, New Jersey
  • Joseph Hutchinson Bristol
  • Hannah Inskeep
  • John Irwin
  • William Justice
  • George Justice
  • Benjamin Johnson
  • Sarah Johnson
  • Philip Jenkins
  • Sarah Joyce
  • Hannah Jamieson
  • Rosannah Johnson
  • Elizabeth Jones
  • William Johnson
  • David Johnson
  • Joseph Jeffers
  • William Johnson, Bristol
  • Otto James
  • Eliza Kerlin
  • William Kidd
  • William Knox
  • Charles Kellum
  • Joseph Knox
  • Elizabeth Keen
  • William Keater
  • William Keates
  • Daniel Kean
  • Harriet Keating
  • Benjamin Kempton
  • Nicholas Keiser
  • Mary Kinsley
  • Adam Kyle
  • David Kennedy
  • Baltis Keel
  • John Kelly
  • John C. Keslep
  • Harman Kinsey, Bristol
  • Elizabeth Lever
  • John Lohrman
  • Eleanor Lloyd
  • William Littlewood
  • Sarah Lambert
  • Esther Lucas
  • Eliza L [...]n
  • John Lashet
  • Richard Lapslie
  • Jacob Lentner
  • [Page 5]William Lace
  • Philip Leese
  • William Ligget
  • Rachel Lawson
  • Eliza Langdon
  • John La [...]r
  • Charles Lang
  • Christian Long
  • Hugh Lindsay
  • Michael Lybrand
  • Mary Millar
  • Michael Muley
  • Mrs. Mason
  • John M [...]ans
  • Charles Mease
  • Robert Mirrie
  • John Mann
  • George Myer's
  • Joseph Meredith
  • Jacob Marker
  • Robert M'Koy
  • John Morris
  • Rebecca Mure
  • Jacob Martin
  • Richard J. Marley
  • John M'Kinley
  • Mary M'Master
  • Margaret M'Do [...]
  • Thomas Mingus
  • Anthony Maxwell
  • Mrs. Magee
  • Matilda Millar
  • George Myers
  • Daniel M'Arthur
  • Rachael Michel
  • Isabella M'Phail
  • [...] Myers
  • [...]rtha M'Clearey
  • [...]liam Moore
  • Archibald M'Euen
  • James Matthews
  • Mary M'Craig
  • Hannah Martin
  • Robert M'Crea
  • Henry M'Euen
  • Loetitia Murphy
  • Walter Miklejohn
  • Henry M'Koy
  • William Mason
  • Elizabeth Morris
  • Philip M'Ginnes
  • Daniel M'Koy
  • Thomas Middleton
  • Peter Moser
  • Philip M'Affry
  • James M'Laughlin
  • Daniel M'Cormick
  • Andrew M'Carren
  • Jonathan Martin
  • John Martin
  • Frederick Miley
  • James M'Cauley
  • Julia Ann Moore
  • John M'Crea
  • Anthony Marshal
  • James M'Anally
  • William Marlow
  • Hannah M'Donald
  • Catherine Mincks
  • John Montgomery
  • William Murfin
  • Mary M'Anully
  • Sarah Moxham
  • [Page 6]Robert M'Koy
  • Alexander M'Arthur
  • John Marsh
  • Jacob Mann
  • Daniel Murphy
  • Cesar Murry
  • William Mvers
  • Rebecca Millar
  • Mary M'Nultey
  • Jacob Nunamaker
  • Maria Norman
  • Rebecca Nailor
  • Eleanor Norqua
  • Mary Norqua
  • Robert Noble
  • Eliza Nixon
  • Mary Nicholson
  • Henry Norton
  • William Nichols
  • Francis Nicholas
  • William Norris
  • Samuel Oliver
  • Rhoda Osly
  • Owe [...] Owens
  • Jeremiah Osler
  • Abraham Perkins
  • John Palmer
  • Peter Powel
  • Mary Primrose
  • John B. Palmer
  • Stephen Payran
  • Nancy Power
  • Joseph Purden
  • Mary Peale
  • Robert Paul
  • William J. Price
  • Mary Potts
  • Quam Polgreen
  • Elizabeth Philips
  • Jacob Plankenhome
  • Robert Paxton
  • John Patterson
  • Samuel Pennant
  • James Quire
  • Nicholas Quash
  • Marcus Richard
  • William Reanhard
  • Patty Rude
  • Henry Ross
  • Henry Robinson
  • James Russel
  • Margaret Robinson
  • Thomas Raine
  • Hannah Rodgers
  • Mary Ranno
  • Martin Reinhard
  • Elizabeth Rowland
  • Benjamin Rose
  • Alexander Reed
  • Jacob Randel, Bensalem
  • Benjamin Ramsey, Bristol township
  • Lewis Rue, Middleton
  • John Ramsey, do.
  • William Rodman, Bensalem
  • Samuel C. Richards, Bristol
  • John Rambo, do.
  • Lydia Story
  • Rachel Steel
  • John Steel
  • [Page 7]John Schreiner
  • Nicholas Senterling
  • Catherine Stall
  • Thomas Snowden
  • Rebecca Stirk
  • Sarah Springer
  • Thomas Skelly
  • John Suter
  • Alexander Stee'
  • Maria Smith
  • Bersy Stillwood
  • Sarah Staples
  • Rebecca Steel
  • Elizabeth Steward
  • Elizabeth Spencer
  • William Silence
  • Nathaniel Stockly
  • Corn. William Stafford
  • Bew Sarazin
  • David Smylie
  • Sarah Shepherd
  • William Shriver
  • Frederick Shutts
  • Jonathan Savage
  • John Stubbs
  • Eleanor Say
  • Jane Smith
  • Samuel String
  • Douglas Saint
  • Eliza Smith
  • William Smith
  • John Stone
  • Thomas Sisk
  • Joshua Shane
  • Thomas Scot
  • Ebenezer Stackhouse
  • Joshua Shaw
  • Deborah Sheales
  • James Spruhan
  • Philip Spiegle
  • David Scot
  • John Speelman
  • Mary Stephens
  • Robert Sanders
  • Amos Stackhouse, Bristol
  • James Serrel, do. 12 copies
  • John Trueman
  • Hugh Tombs
  • George Tybarth
  • Hope Thomas
  • Roger Tage
  • Ann Twiner
  • Martha Towban
  • Mary Tart
  • William Thomas
  • Mrs. Rebecca Tree
  • Sarah Tremble
  • Elizabeth Traner
  • Ann Tate
  • John Tennery
  • John Thibaut
  • James Thorn
  • Henry Trout
  • Eleanor Thornten
  • Thomas Turner
  • Adam Traquair
  • Ann Thomas
  • John Taylor
  • John Thomson
  • Henry Voight
  • Elizabeth Vanhozan
  • George White
  • Elizabeth Weave [...]
  • [Page 8]Samuel Wilgin
  • Barney Wentz
  • Peter Willy
  • John Wells
  • John Wallington
  • Thomas Wright
  • Catherine Wright
  • Francis Williamson
  • Sarah Waters
  • Fanny Watkins
  • Jos. Woodman
  • Samuel Wallis
  • Thomas Wetherill
  • Catherine Weaver
  • Sarah Williams
  • George Wilson
  • Thomas Wilkins
  • Esther Work
  • Mary Walace
  • John Wright
  • Joanna Wilkins
  • Isaac Walker
  • Elizabeth Williams
  • John Wood
  • Abraham Walford
  • Abraham Williams
  • Henry Wallace
  • William Watkins
  • Thomas Williams
  • Robert Wolfington
  • Thomas Wotherspoon
  • Robert Wood, Benscl [...]m
  • Austin Willit, do.
  • Isaac Wilson, Bristol
  • John Young
  • Lewis Young
  • William Young
  • Christian Young
  • James Zeckeye
  • Garret W. Van Zandt, Ben­salem
  • Amos Van Zandt, Bensalem
  • Garret Van Zandt, Bristol township.

☞ The Editor has been careful to have all the names printed which have come to hand, but as num­bers subscribed after the names were ready for press, and others may not have been received, he hopes this will be a sufficient apology for their not appearing.

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