Mr. SPARHAWK's ORATION, 4th JULY, 1798.
AN ORATION, DELIVERED AT BUCKSTON, IN THE COUNTY OF HANCOCK, BEFORE Capt. CURTIS's, and Capt. HANCOCK's Companies of Militia, AND A NUMBER OF OTHER CITIZENS, JULY 4th, A. D. 1798.
BEING THE TWENTY-SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF American Independence.
BY THOMAS S. SPARHAWK, A. M.
BOSTON: Printed by MANNING & LORING. 1798.
AN ORATION.
ON this day we celebrate the birth of Independence, the origin of an Empire, and the glorious acquisition of rational Liberty. More interesting and dignified subjects are not to be found among the temporary affairs of mankind. Twenty-two years have this day elapsed, since these UNITED STATES resolved, they would no longer be the sport of arbitrary power; vassals of a monarch, under the influence and direction of a capricious, haughty, and aspiring ministry; tributaries to the aggrandizement of a nation, the privileges of whose government they could not enjoy.
To sever themselves from their parent country —to divide, at once, the numerous ties that bound them to it—to assume the task of opposing that power, which ages had contributed to accumulate and establish—to array weakness, infancy, and poverty, against veteran armies and powerful fleets, required a motive elevated in its nature, and irresistible in its operation.
[Page 6]It was that love of Liberty, that inherent and unconquerable attachment to the rights of human nature, which compelled the first settlement of this recently explored country; that detestation of tyranny, whether ecclesiastic or civil, which animated the minds of our forefathers, which sustained them in all the toils and hardships of a trackless voyage through the Atlantic, which supported their persevering spirits, at landing on the then desolate shores of Plymouth, and encountering the horrors of cold, disease and famine, and all the calamities inflicted by a cruel and savage enemy. It was that spirit of Freedom, transmitted by our ancestors to their posterity, (submissive to just and rightful authority, but ever ready to oppose the arbitrary mandates of a despot) which glowed gently, in ordinary times; but which, at the beginning of our late Revolution, when the strong arm of power was extended to crush the Colonies into servile submission, blazed forth with all its native energy and force.
Peaceably enduring the accumulated grievances, of which the Colonies complained, was found only an occasion of further oppression. Petitions were answered with threats of punishment, for what was then styled rebellion; and troops actually stationed in our peaceful towns, to compel submission, and silence importunity. It then became necessary, in the course of events, to choose, whether unconditional slavery and downright bondage to masters three thousand miles distant, who would rule by their emissaries, and goad their subjects to the full completion of their wishes, should be their [Page 7] portion in future; or whether resistance, doubtful of success, with the prospect of greater calamities, if reduced, should uphold the venerable spirit of their sires, and teach the tyrants of the earth to rule with justice and moderation, or furl the standard of dominion in America.
Did they hesitate? Did the virtues, the heroism of their sires, for a moment forsake them? Did not the peal of resistance ring from Georgia to Maine?
On the glorious FOURTH OF JULY, 1776, with a noble and dignified firmness, it was declared, that all political and civil connexion with the parent country, was, by her injustice and oppression, dissolved; that these States, having associated together for mutual defence, were a free, sovereign, and independent Nation. This event, astonishing to the world, and ever grateful to our remembrance, we this day celebrate. We are, this day, to recollect the great principles of our Revolution, to contemplate the means by which it was effected, and the all-important and interesting objects which it accomplished.
It was not a restless, ambitious, revolutionizing spirit, which actuated the Colonies in making resistance: It was not the caprice of a few individuals, lusting for power, and seizing upon the slightest pretexts to oppose the constituted authorities, and thus to mount themselves to supreme command: It was not the rabble of large cities, ready, at any moment, to engage in the most desperate enterprises; nor the indigent, unthinking mass of beings, who compose the body of a despotic empire, [Page 8] who have no will but that of their leader—more machinery, operating in any direction, according to the force applied: No—It was the enlightened, the peaceable, the unambitious citizens of the Colonies, always bred in the habits of order, discipline, and submission to government; who had uniformly discovered loyalty to their sovereign, and attachment to the interests of his empire; who had fought his battles, replenished his treasury, and were still ready to sacrifice their lives and their fortunes in his service; but who, at length, were roused into opposition, by heavy oppressions already inflicted, and the dread of what would, with increasing weight, inevitably fall upon their posterity. Nor was this opposition made to counteract the genuine principles of the government of which they were subjects, but the abuse of them, and the strides which prerogative was making upon the freedom of the nation, and which, at that time, were most sensibly perceived in America. The alarm was excited by the usurpation of principles, which would lead directly to slavery.
Evils expected are frequently greater incentives to action, than those already felt. The extent and force of the latter are known, and the power to endure has passed an experiment: but evils in prospect are incalculable, and the exertions to avert them will be proportionably greater. Thus the Americans had much already to endure; but more, and they knew not how much, to expect; and by this uncertainty their exertions were increased.
Scattered over an immense territory, undisciplined for war, without arms or ammunition, [Page 9] without money, and without credit; such were the circumstances in which the Americans found themselves, on the approach of a haughty, powerful, and inveterate enemy! Gloomy indeed must have been these prospects to a pusillanimous people! But resolution and fortitude are truly American characteristics. These difficulties did not damp their ardour. Their cause was just, and they relied upon their valour, and the GOD of their fathers, for success!
Of heroes and patriots, America produced a rich harvest; and to their virtues and exertions she owes her Independence, and her unexampled glory, prosperity, and happiness, in a national capacity. These her sons have employed the hundred tongues of Fame; and yet their talents, their services, and their merits, are undeclared. Peace to the ashes, and glory to the memories, of those illustrious heroes who fell in the conflict! A grateful remembrance shall dwell in our hearts, and latest posterity shall chant their praise. To thee, great WASHINGTON, thou still surviving parent of our Independence, our national honour and sovereignty, who leddest our armies to victory and triumph, and cast the laurels won, at the feet of those in whose defence they were gathered, the incense of a grateful country shall never cease to arise! In the office of Chief Magistrate of the United States, thy wisdom, integrity, patriotism, and firmness, have called forth our love, respect, and veneration; and in thy Farewel Address we recognize the Philosopher, the Politician, the Christian, and the Friend!
[Page 10]ADAMS, our illustrious President, great in negociation, firm in difficulties and discouragements, and presiding with a dignity, wisdom, and simplicity, that mock the pageantry of kings, deserves and has the reward of his past services and present exertions, in the full confidence and esteem of every American heart!
May the long list of Worthies, who fought and bled for the blessings of Liberty; who, amidst the struggle for Independence, faithfully served our country, both in the cabinet and field, and who are still the ornaments and pillars of our nation; ever enjoy the mild and genial influence of steady public favour, undiminished by faction, and unchanged by lapse of years!
In a long and bloody contest, the various and multiplied resources of our country were opened to view. The American character was established, for courage, patriotism, and perseverance; and thus a foundation laid for that respect and importance among the nations of the world, to which the United States have since arisen.
Success crowned our exertions against that power which designed to subjugate and enslave us. But this success was not followed by the aggrandizement of any individual, or number of individuals, as has happened in most countries where revolutions have taken place. No popular leader assumed the power, which our vanquished enemy had sought to exercise. The Americans, having gained their Liberty, knew better how to preserve it, than to entrust it to the unlimited direction and management of any individual: but their jealousy [Page 11] and extreme timidity involved them in difficulties, which were too near terminating in the horrors of anarchy. Yet a few years' experience convinced them, that the Confederation, formed on the emergency of invasion, and which had been supposed sufficient for their security, was too brittle a tie to unite a number of large and independent States, whose manners, customs, and interests, were in many respects materially different. This discovery gave rise to that excellent CONSTITUTION, which now unites and secures the interests of all the States; the basis of which is Liberty and Order, Energy and Mildness. Under this, the United States for several years experienced unexampled prosperity, harmony with foreign nations, and domestic tranquillity; and still, so far as a government can secure national welfare, it continues to render us happy and flourishing.
But what, alas! are constitutions and forms of government—what are wisdom and justice, in their administration, if, when foreign powers disturb our repose, we forsake and abandon them? If foreign influence and intrigue destroy our attachment to our government, and our confidence in those we have appointed to administer it, is not the very essence of our Independence, the vitals of our national sovereignty, at once annihilated? Are not the objects so noble and important —for which our ancestors, with such perseverance and warmth of zeal, contended, and to obtain which, the best blood of our countrymen has been spilt thus idly—madly lost? Americans! will you continue a Nation? Will you still be free and independent? [Page 12] or will you become the slaves of the first resolute invader that attempts your coasts? "Choose this day for yourselves." If the former, support your Constitution, and the measures adopted in conformity to it: If the latter, suffer foreign emissaries to guide your councils, and direct your national affairs!
When good faith and impartiality, with the strictest observance of treaties and the laws of nations, characterize us as a Nation, have we not a complete right to expect, that we may enjoy the peaceable fruits of our industry—be permitted "to sit under our own vines and fig-trees, and have none to molest or make us afraid?" Yet how uncertain are all our hopes! how delusive all our calculations!
The commotions—the horrid and unparalleled scenes of slaughter and bloodshed, which, for several years past, have convulsed and drenched the nations of Europe, have extended, contrary to our hopes, and contrary to our utmost exertions, their baneful effects to this our late happy and unalarmed country. How happy should we have been, if the wise policy of our late President and his successor, sanctioned by majorities in our legislative councils, had succeeded! If America could have been preserved from the effects of that European policy, which has unceasingly striven to implicate us in the rancorous contest which has crimsoned the old world, and for which end, the system of Neutrality was early adopted and religiously pursued, we should not now, my countrymen, be compelled to shudder at the probable approach of war to [Page 13] these our peaceful shores—we should not, at this time, witness an unparalleled plunder of our property; our coasts infested with the authorized cruisers of a foreign nation, between whom and us there now exists a treaty of alliance; or the genial influences and operations of a Constitution, the most perfect which the wisdom of man ever devised, counteracted by the intrigues, the villanies, and outrages of foreign emissaries.
In the cause of Freedom, Americans have ever been enthusiasts. Slavery and bondage were ever their detestation; and even when they had obtained their own liberties, they could not repress a sigh at the fate of the millions still in chains—still groaning under the lash of despotism. With regret did they behold France, when aid was lent us against the power of Great-Britain, still galled with the chain of slavery, and borne down with the weight of a rich, luxurious, and powerful nobility and clergy. It was with feelings bordering upon rapture, that Americans beheld the first dawn of the French revolution; and they ceased not to offer up the sincerest prayers for their speedy emancipation. The excesses, the outrages and bloodshed which succeeded in France, were seen with regret; but the mantle of charity covered their faults, and imputed them to unavoidable causes; and even while we condemned the means, we wished success to the supposed object of the revolution.
But have we not sad and unwelcome proofs, that whatever might have been the design of those who first promoted and produced a change in their government, the object of those who now hold the [Page 14] reins of state in that unhappy and deluded country, is not the Liberty and Equality of which they have so vociferously boasted; but despotic and universal dominion? Have we not the most satisfactory and incontestable evidence—evidence that must convince incredulity and partiality themselves—that the present rulers of France have become the most arrant Tyrants, the most insidious and dangerous Despots the world ever beheld? Can Rome, the ancient mistress of the world, or Turkey, or Barbary, afford a parallel? Yet they boast, that they are establishing the Rights of Man—that they will give Liberty to all the world! Does not the intelligence from our Envoys, and from other sources of the highest credit, prove the sordidness of their views, the haughtiness of their dispositions, and the unprincipled ravages they have made, are making, and threaten, towards all nations within their reach? Yet they incessantly chant the syren sounds of Liberty and Equality, while ruin and devastation mark their way!
Do we still doubt? Let us ask Holland her sentiments of French Liberty. What would her intelligence be, if she dared to speak? Let us inquire of Venice, an ancient Republic, who has been stripped of her property, parcelled out and sold to one of the greatest tyrants in Europe, the Emperor of Germany. Let us visit the Italians, and learn their opinion of French Liberty and French embraces! But what will Switzerland say to us? Switzerland, the last victim of their liberty-giving army? Will she utter a syllable? or will she rather, in silent horror, point to her butchered [Page 15] citizens—to the heads of her leaders, stuck on French-Liberty bayonets, and carried in triumph through her pillaged cities—and to the four hundred defenceless women, with circumstances of horrid brutality, slaughtered by the savage soldiery!!!
But what has been the conduct of this Republic towards America? Does not the whole strain of it evince a design to assume, into their own hands, the reins of our government? Have not their successive ministers in this country, attempted to influence our elections, corrupt the officers of our government, and dictate our public measures? Has not this Republic, for two years past, been seizing our property, and imprisoning and enchaining our citizens, without cause? Have we not repeatedly solicited an adjustment of our differences? and has she not as repeatedly insulted our advances, treated our messengers of peace, and through them our nation, with disdain, and with an arrogance heretofore unknown at the most arbitrary courts; and finally refused to receive or acknowledge them? And, in the mean time, as well as before, has she not used every measure in her power, to disturb the operations of our government, by emissaries sent to work upon the credulity of our unsuspecting citizens? Has not every expedient been tried, to draw us from a state of neutrality, and make us a partner with them in all their ferocious and bloody projects? In short, what American will not despise and abhor that government, which, by means it is ashamed to avow, by secret agents and degrading artifices, will descend so low as to attempt to extort money from [Page 16] our country, as the price of being admitted to state our complaints? If their modesty at the outset will permit them to demand £50,000, to fee their minister to entreat his masters to give our Envoys an audience, what will be their demand as the price of settlement? Will all our property, our towns, our cities—nay, the whole territory of the United States, satisfy their rapacity? No: Our services, our lives must be devoted to their will and pleasure. Then only will they cease to demand, when we have nothing left to give; and, Alexander-like, they will weep that their plunder and rapine are at an end!
After a stay of more than six months, in fruitless expectation, our Envoys inform us, there is no hope left of accomplishing the object of their mission. And what have we left to expect, but that, at the first favourable moment, because we have refused to pay them immense sums of money, in token of homage and fealty to their sovereign power, their fleets and armies will invade our peaceful shores? Do they not threaten us with the fate of Venice, already torn in pieces? Do they not boast of their powers of intrigue, and that their party in America is sufficient to overturn our government?
Will AMERICANS, then, be supine and inattentive, and hug the idol of security, with so many threats of destruction sounding in their ears?— with so many examples of devastation, perpetrated by this aspiring power, staring in their faces?
America fought for her Liberty and Independence, and obtained them. Will she now resign [Page 17] them without a struggle? Is our Country, our Rights, our Liberty, less dear at this moment than twenty years ago, when we defended them against the haughty Britons? Will Frenchmen be milder masters than they? Fellow-citizens—I believe Americans have yet the fire of patriotism glowing in their souls, and that the blood of Freemen will never be cold, when their Liberty, their Constitution, and their Country are threatened! Let us unite, then, to support our Government; for by supporting that we defend our Independence, and our national existence. Let us convince France and the world, that we are NOT a divided people, as has been fondly hoped; that we WILL rally round the standard of our Constitution; that we WILL defend our Independence, our Constitution, our country, against every invader. Thus shall we continue to enjoy the happy fruits of that bloody and expensive struggle which was made for our Liberties, in spite of the malice, the rage, and the all-grasping ambition of our most embittered foes. Thus shall we render ourselves the worthy descendants of those who left us the invaluable patrimony of Freedom, and teach posterity to revere our memories, and imitate our example.
Gentlemen, Officers, and Soldiers of the two Companies of Militia, now present—
PERMIT me to suggest to your minds a few ideas on this important occasion. The nations of Europe, in order to carry into effect their schemes of ambition and aggrandizement, have constantly supported large and powerful standing armies. [Page 18] The expense and burthen thus brought upon their subjects, is beyond calculation. But America, unconnected with, and distant from, ambitious and powerful states or nations, has no necessity for these, for her common and ordinary defence; and as to projects of conquest and aggrandizement, they have not yet been conceived, and we hope never will. Peaceable possession of its own territory is sufficient to secure the political happiness of a nation.
The militia of the United States are therefore, in ordinary times, its only military guardians. This militia is so organized and arranged, as to be able to step forth, in cases of danger, for the defence of their country; and by this measure, the enormous and continual expense arising from a standing army, as well as other great evils, is avoided. It has ever been the policy of our governments, that the militia, in order to answer its intended purpose, should be officered, equipped, and disciplined, in a manner as nearly complete as possible. But the general enjoyment of peace, since the conclusion of our revolutionary war, except with the Indians, has, no doubt, given occasion to some inattention. Yet the prevailing expectation of war, has of late roused the martial spirit of the militia through the Union. Ambition begins to stimulate the different corps, to excel in the exactness of their equipments and discipline. This must be highly gratifying to those who behold them as their guardians and defenders.
You, Gentlemen, are a part of this militia. In you is reposed a share of the confidence of government, and of your fellow-citizens, to defend our [Page 19] common country. To you, in case of an invasion, we must look for our safety. I presume, so far as depends on your exertions, the expectations of the defenceless part of the community will not be disappointed. Great attention has already been paid to your equipment and discipline; but is there not much remaining to be done? and shall this be omitted, till an enemy reach our possessions? I presume it will not. The ardour which glows in the veins of our western brethren, will not, I am bold to say, be without a parallel in this eastern part of the country. The ravages of an enemy have once already been experienced here, when the inhabitants were too few to make resistance: but the number and spirit of the citizens, at this time, are such, that an enemy would find himself ill at ease in attacking our possessions; especially if the importance of your stations be impressed on your minds. For the success of your exertions to render yourselves complete in your equipments and discipline; in being, in every respect, ready to defend our country; and for your personal happiness, accept my sincere wishes.
IT is highly important, at this alarming crisis of our public affairs, that every order and class of citizens exert themselves in the cultivation of those sentiments and principles, on which rest our political happiness and national existence. Knowledge and Virtue are the supports of a republican government. The means of education, and moral and religious instruction, ought therefore to engage our serious and vigorous attention.
[Page 20]The principle of Representation, adopted in our Constitutions, renders it necessary that the people frequently assemble to elect their rulers. This invaluable privilege has been, and continues to be, shamefully neglected; especially in this part of the country. Shall that right, the very foundation of a free government, the full and general exercise of which is essential to its very being, be abandoned? Was it not one of the loudest complaints against the government of Great-Britain, that they taxed us without allowing us the privilege of Representation? Are we so soon cloyed with the enjoyment of what was then thought so important? Are we ready now to resign our government into the hands of those who are elected without our voice or concurrence? Fellow-citizens—we have slumbered too long. Our inattention has been too gross and palpable. The pure principles of our governments will be easily contaminated. Attention and watchfulness are necessary in a free government. Without these, unprincipled ambition will sweep away talents, integrity, and every patriotic virtue, from our public councils; and soon shall we have a government of men, and not of laws.
May the great Disposer of events, whose kindness and protection the United States have hitherto experienced, overrule the unjust designs of our enemies; preserve to us the invaluable blessings of peace, order, and good government; guide our national councils; and establish the Independence, the safety, and happiness of the United States, to latest posterity.