MAY this be the language of every American, until the globe shall be lost in undistinguished ruin, and empires rise and fall no more! Never may we be so at­tached to any nation on the whole earth, as not to feel it to be the summit of our political felicity that we dwell among our own people! The benevolent spirit of our government; its originating in the wishes, the senti­ments of individuals; its subjection to future amend­ments at the sovereign will of community; and the high state of prosperity enjoyed by all classes of citi­zens, at a period too, when distresses are carried, in eve­ry form, into all quarters of the world, induce more reasons to wish to dwell among our own people than could ever have existed in the mind of the Jewess of Shunem.

THE good Shunamite seems to have been a bright constellation of the virtues. Hospitable, in the most generous manner; with abundance equal to the goodness [Page 6] of her heart; artless in her kindness; unaffected in her piety, often had she entertained the prophet of the Col­lege of Gilgal. In just returns of gratitude, the holy man of God was not to be excelled. In strong sensibility of his obligations, he had thoughts of using his influence at the Court of his nation to bring such modest merit in­to public-view. His grateful mind was busy to disco­ver what particular objects would meet her wishes. "Be­hold! thou has been careful for us with all this care. What shall be done for thee? wouldest thou be spoken for to the king? or to the Captain of the host?" To most minds this grand proffer would have been pecu­liarly attractive; which pride and ambition could hard­ly have resisted. But she had learned to put a different estimate upon human life. That calm enjoyment, after which the heart of man perpetually sighs, refuses to re­side in high stations; forsakes the pageantry of courts; dreads the keenn [...]s [...] of rivalship, the competition of inter­est, and the wild envy of the ambitious. Attentive only to what promotes knowledge, virtue and happiness, the prospect was much more inviting [...]n the humble mansion of Shunam than in the gorgeous palace of Jehosaphat, or in the honor of alliance with the General of Judah.—Contented in a more obscure but more peaceful situation in her native city; delighted with opportunities of artless hospitality; attached to her own Countrymen: prospe­rous under the reign of laws and government, foreign influence could not have bribed her vanity, nor the hopes of distinction have supplanted her patriotic at­tachments. To every proposal, either of generous grati­tude, or of base intrigue, she would have answered them all, "I dwell among mine own people." Such an an­swer would well become the true sons of Columbia▪ and would be sufficient to repel the soft insinuations of the [Page 7] designing, the misrepresentations of the discontented, and the corruptions of bribery, and leave the American cha­racter firm, unsullied and covered with glory.

THIS passage of holy writ naturally leads us to con­sider patriotism as an important duty; and to what par­ticular objects that duty ought to be directed.

1. WE are to consider attachment to our Country as an important duty. The sacred scriptures present us with some of the most sublime instances of love to their Coun­try, which ever were exhibited; some of the most patri­otic heroes, who ever shone on the stage of human action. Moses and David seem desirous to sacrifice themselves on the altar of their Country, could their destruction expiate the crimes of their subjects, and procure their happiness. St. Paul, the learned orator of Tarsus, could wish himself separated from Christ and his church, might such an event secure the conversion and redemp­tion of his Jewish brethren. The patriotic psalmist breathed out the most ardent love to his Country, and made it the most pathetic part of his devotion. "If I for­get thee, O Jerusalem! let my right hand forget her cun­ning; if I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth; if I do not prefer thee above my chief joy!" Frequent and ardent are the prayers, which ascended up from ancient Saints, supplicating for the prosperity of their nation. It was a divine direction to the captive Jews of Babylon to "seek the peace of the city, where they were carried away captive; and pray unto the Lord for it; for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace." How much more solemn the duty to seek the welfare and pray for the land, which, instead of cap­tivity, gave us birth, freedom and happiness?

[Page 8] IT has been objected against the gospel revelation that patriotism is not among the express laws of the chris­tian legislator. His religion, indeed, is all moral and spiritual. It would have been unworthy of his glorious design to have published a system of human laws and po­litics. His kingdom is not of this world. A political system, which would have been proper for one portion of mankind or one degree of national improvement, would have been impossible or injurious to another.—His religious system was not designed to interrupt the order of human affairs; but, by making us holy, wise and good, to render us happy.

BUT the several duties of his religion necessarily imply the virtue of attachment to our country. Were the spirit of Christianity felt, were its laws universally obeyed, there would be nothing but pure patriotism and philanthropy. The conduct of Christ exhibits a most pathetic proof of national attachment. See his tears at the mount of Olivet, over the expected miseries of his corrupted, deluded countrymen; and let that most moving scene speak how high this virtue stood in his opinion!

CHRISTIANITY, indeed, does not limit our love to the nearest relatives, or to our own particular nation. It rises above parties, climates and divisions, to embrace, with unbounded benevolence, the world of mankind. As parts of human nature, as aiming to increase the measure of human happiness, christians are of no coun­try. They are citizens of the world. In every one of the human species, they discern a neighbor and a brother.

[Page 9] BUT the whole world is too large an object for the affections of the heart; and, in practical life, we exer­cise most our benevolent feelings towards the nearest ob­jects around us. The social affections, like the expand­ing wave, flow from smaller to larger circles. When they proceed beyond mere regard to ourselves, they embrace family, town, state and nation, until all mankind become the noble objects of benevolence. Attachment to our country, therefore, is as prominent a feature in human nature, as much a part in the social propensities, as that of love to the domestic circle; and to be destitute of regard and affection to the former is as black, unnatural and detestable as to reject the endearing ties of the latter.

THE history of human nature evinces that there is such a thing as love to our native soil, which none, but the most detestable part of mankind, can ever overcome. By a kind of natural instinct, nurtured by habit, strengthened by the reasoning powers, cemented by choice, it becomes one of the strongest emotions of the human soul. It is not eradicated from the bosom of man, until virtue takes her eternal flight from so Vile a residence.

THIS attachment to our native soil, in all ages, in all nations, has produced the most astonishing effects.—Appearances would seem to justify the sentiment that it has been the origin of most of the public spirit and vir­tue, which have ever blessed mankind. This was the virtue, which wrought up the ancients to high en­thusiasm, and is so much adored by the moderns. This long preserved the liberty of Greece, and made Rome the mistress of the world. It is this, which has success­fully repelled despotism and anarchy, and given mankind [Page 10] the principal blessings of liberty and peace. For facts have established it as an eternal truth among nations, that want of patriotic virtue to repel aggression leaves them an easy prey to every cruel invader!

OUR country contains all, which is most sacred and dear to man. As a sacred deposit, are committed to its soil the ashes of our nearest kindred, whose sleeping dust sympathy and affection are daily watering with tears.—In its clayey bosom, it holds the remains of many of those patriotic heroes, who sealed their blood as martyrs in the cause of independence. Even the man of Otaheite, or the savage of the West, would prove too noble to yield such a soil to the arts of foreign intrigue, or the hope of any invader. Here are the dearest charities of life, which can possibly bind man to man, and give us at­tachment to any spot on the globe. Our domestic con­nections and fertile soil; our religion, which sweetens life with the noblest hopes; and our laws, which secure to our enjoyment all our social advantages, all strengthen the virtue of patriotic attachments. Every feeling, every insinuation, contrary to this affection to our native soil, indicate a fatal tendency to all, which is base, designing and dreadful!

2. LET us consider some of the particular objects, to which the virtue of true patriotism ought to be direct­ed. In the social as well as individual capacity, the end and aim of man is to promote his felicity. The whole duty of patriotism, therefore, consists in promot­ing the means, and increasing the sum of national per­fection and public happiness. The better to secure the means of public felicity is the whole design of law, government and social compact. No further than this [Page 11] is the general effect, can administration be wise, or go­vernment prove a blessing. When general prosperity and happiness attend the great mass of the people, when compared with other nations of mankind, the testimony is complete, that government is founded on excellent principles, and exercised with wisdom. There is room for just complaint, only, when public misery, oppres­sion and injustice are the most prominent features of ad­ministration.

DIFFERENT nations have pursued different means of promoting public happiness. Some have pursued a sys­tem, which should aggrandize the nation with vast wealth. But the event has always evinced that national riches are not sufficient to secure national felicity. Wealth in­fallibly introduces a high state of luxury; which, in pro­portion as it prevails, destroys all the manly virtues; renders the mind weak, effeminate, mean and impious. It debilitates the hand of industry, and creates the in­troduction of idle habits, which are the greatest artificial evils to the human race. Luxury, the parent of idleness, has destroyed the most powerful nations, which are known on the pages of ancient history. Kingdoms have risen from small beginnings, have succesfully re­pelled the most potent enemies, which have themselves eventually fallen a prey to internal luxury, to the bribery and venality, which that has introduced. In Athens it produced that effeminacy, lethargy and want of public spirit to guard their liberties and defend their country, which the eloquence of Demosthenes could not reform, nor was the danger from a Phillip able to arouse to duty.

OTHER national councils have cherished the arts of war, as the most successful means of establishing [Page 12] public happiness and tranquillity. Strict attention to the means of defending ourselves is, perhaps, the only method to secure respect and to guard the blessing of peace, so long as the heart of man is depraved, and na­tions thirst for domination and universal empire. But to cultivate the arts of war for the sake of making con­quest, or acquiring wealth and territory, is the summit of national depravity. It carries distress into every quarter of the globe, and goes far towards extinguishing that benevolent temper, which is a primary duty of man, and disturbs that small portion of tranquillity, which might prove the lot of mortals. The arms, which conquer other countries, are frequently turned against their own vitals. Used with offensive intenti­ons, history, perhaps, does not afford us an instance, where they have eventually contributed to national felicity.

OTHER empires have endeavored to secure perma­nent happiness and durable government by cherishing a spirit of national pride. But as "pride was not made for men," so it is not suitable to be a fundamental prin­ciple of national policy. Instead of a tendency to in­crease the sum of human happiness, it increases that of hu­man misery. It is willing to oppress all the rest of man­kind to promote the imaginary honor of their own na­tion. It is an appeal to those disordered passions, which corrupt the heart.

INSTEAD of cultivating a peculiar regard to nation­al honor, some have substituted a deep policy. But modern improvements evince that the rules of govern­ment, like the primary laws of nature, are plain and obvious to every honest heart. Deep policy, like oracu­lar [Page 13] mysteries, cannot be necessary to maintain public or­der and happiness; and can only be necessary to cover design, and envelope a system, which tends to the ad­vantage of a few, and is foreign to the general good.

BUT secret intrigue is the base system more suc­cessfully adopted, in the present times. The French republic, it must be confessed by their warmest friends, as well as most inveterate foes, is a memorable example and alarming specimen of pursuing this system. By the artful intrigues of covert emissaries, previously ad­mitted into countries they mean to invade, the conquest is already made, the laurels already gathered, long before the formal appearance of an army. The sly, insidious arts of the Directory, in foreign governments, fight all the battles of a Buonaparte. Promises of private emo­luments; offers to faction of a revolution; polite profes­sions of humanity and eternal friendship; of removing every grievance of the discontented; and securing to the treacherous the hope of paradisiacal blessings, all this looks as fair, though it proves as fatal as the forbid­den fruit. It is the system, the language, and pro­duces the effects of the original tempter to the miserably deluded, who listen to the wiles of the arch charmer It is the foreground to the counterpart of treachery, wan­tonness, plunder, sacrilege, and the whole work of iniqui­ty, which would require more than the millions of tongues in the late republic of Venice and the ravaged incorpora­tions of Suabia to describe. This system of clandestine intrigue is extended over almost every quarter of the world, and every where produces the consummation of misery and wickedness.

NONE of these means can promote the permanent [Page 14] tranquillity and happiness of any nation. History and experience combine to prove that national perfection and felicity do not arise from aggrandizement of wealth; from cherishing the arts of war and conquest; from cul­tivating sentiments of national pride and honor; from deep policy; or from artful, secret intrigue. In a great part of the world, these are the very causes of their guilt and distress. The durability of government and perma­nency of all public happiness must be founded on prin­ciples, which are more congenial with the primary laws of nature, reason and virtue.

THE virtue of real patriotism must be directed to different systems. Every thing in the United States has taken a different course. Every plan of policy pursued, every law enacted have a practical effect upon the im­provement and happiness of the citizen. The whole experience of other nations is here brought into one cen­tre, incorporated into one code of wise laws. The prin­ciple of just equality pervades the whole mass of the people; and the happiness or the ruin of all orders of citizens are embarked equally in one enterprize, bound up in one destiny. No virtuous citizen having any se­parate interest, like one entire edifice, we stand or fall together.

THE means of promoting public happiness are the practice of the same virtues, which produce the honor, prosperity and lasting felicity of the individual. The same vices, which are disgraceful and injurious to the individual, will produce the wretchedness and dishonor of community. The virtues, which yield respect and happiness to a private person, would exalt any people to the summit of national dignity, lustre and perfection.

[Page 15] IT is, then, a self-evident axiom, that all public hap­piness begins in the temper, the character and self-go­vernment of the individual. All public virtue and hap­piness are made up of individual. As every particular person constitutes a part of the great whole, so every one of his virtues or vices has a good or bad aspect on the community; and effectually tends to give tone to public spirit, and goes far to establish national character.—None but virtuous persons, therefore, can be useful pa­triots. In the same proportion as vice, injustice, jea­lousy, profanity and impiety prevail in the life of any one, is he dangerous to the tranquillity and happiness of the public. In order to be useful citizens. we must be virtuous men. Even patriotism, not to say christianity, enforces upon all the important duty to be holy and ex­emplary; to meliorate the affections; to chain down the p [...]ions; and to subject themselves to the laws of reason, conscience and revelation. To encourage private vir­tue and personal goodness ought to be the first objects of civil government. To be "terrors to evil doers," to give encouragement to those, who do well, are the most interesting, the most successful means of increasing and preserving public order and enjoyment.

IN the retirement of his own heart, in the domestic circle, the private citizen can act the important part of the patriot. By instilling into the bosom of his family and children the principles of self-government, a peace­able temper and habits of virtue, he is sowing the seeds of public prosperity. Future generations will feel the bene­fits of all such worthy exertions. He deserves well of his country by his pious care to fit those of his charge to be useful subjects in its government. In the circle of family, the principles of subordination, peaceableness [Page 16] and benevolence are taught, which soon form the public character of a nation. In the youthful age, in the do­mestic circle, the seeds of future faction, insurrection and disorder are sown. Hence, these depraved and abandoned characters usually arise from the lowest ranks of life; from neglected education; from situations mean and degraded.

IN review of the means of promoting the public hap­piness of this growing American empire, nature seems to direct our attention to the art of agriculture. Proprie­tors of an extensive, fruitful soil, there is enough to re­ward the hardy labors of the tiller. This, of all em­ployments, is as honorable as it is useful. It was suited to the first pure, paradisiacal state of Eden; is still the nurse of virtue; and yields the farmer a high degree of comfort and independence. The habits of industry, when uncorrupted by idle emissaries of base intrigue and soft insinuation, are strong pillars of a virtuous republic. Ac­customed to domestic peace and subordination, they are natural enemies of divisions, faction and impatience of law.

THE general diffusion of useful knowledge is among the most interesting means of increasing the happiness of community. This enlarges the understanding, ripens the reasoning powers, and will not suffer the manners to be barbarous. Republicanism, above all other forms of government, depends for its very existence on an en­lightened people. Ignorance is the instrument employ­ed to erect the throne of despotism and ancient tyranny. Give any nation the means of science and information, and they will be free. The chief excellence of man's reasonable nature appears in being capable of cultivating [Page 17] an acquaintance with the arts and sciences; and no na­tion can be either great or happy, which is not wise and enlightened.

BUT permanency of public happiness cannot be es­tablished without cultivating in the public mind a sense of moral obligation. The understanding must be con­vinced, the heart touched with a realizing sense of duty, or the outward restraints of law and government will al­ways be weak and defective. Philosophy would per­swade us that the view of the nature and fitness of things is enough to enforce moral obligation; and the native beauties of virtue are sufficient inducements to lead men to practise it. Could such a system of religion ever be sufficient for philosophers, it could not avail with the great bulk of mankind, who are either blind to the beau­ties, or do not feel the force of moral virtue. Divine revelation here comes to the aid of virtue, and exhibits an eternal witness on high of all human thoughts, of all human actions; a divine legislator uttering his voice from heaven; speaking through his laws; and leading the imagination up to the last scene of account, the tremen­dous bar of God! These are thoughts, these are views, which restrain vice; which give virtue its surest support; which enforce moral obligation on the world; and sub­ject mankind to the reign of duty and law.

THE happiness of every government, therefore, must be very intimately connected with maintaining a public sense of piety to God. The connection of crea­tures with their creator is the primary, as it is the most interesting law of their nature. Godliness has em­phatically the promise of the life, which now is, and that [Page 18] which is to come. The very existence of social compact, seems to be threatened by the want of piety in the public mind. The very benefit and solemnity of an oath de­pend on maintaining a public sense of the all important relation of man to his maker. Weaken this sense of piety and reverence to the great God, and you are guilty of dissolving the bands of society, and doing an injury, which cannot be repaired. The sum of the greatest hap­piness will be enjoyed▪ when the individual, is such a holy character, and practises such amiable virtues as christianity demands. Public prosperity pervades every part of an empire, when its members are knowing, vir­tuous and pious. Misery is the infallible consequence of acting contrary to the purity and benevolence of the gospel. The experience of all ages has left an impres­sion of this eternal truth; righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach, a ruin to any people."

NOTHING, perhaps, can promote the public happi­ness of a nation so much as the belief of the christian reve­lation. Whatever you deny of the faith and doctrines of the gospel, you must allow, at least, that its belief has the power to sooth the troubled mind, to relieve the anxious heart. See! how the kind religion of the redeemer en­ters and cheers the solitary house of poverty; brightens up the fallen countenance of sorrow; consoles the deep­est scenes of human distress; and strives to alleviate every burden of mortality! See! how the young are guarded by its warning voice; how the aged lean upon its supports; how the sick recline their heads upon its consolations; and the dying lift a trembling eye to its all important hopes! Mark! how it sweetens the last cup of bitterness; how it brightens the last prospects of mor­tals; [Page 19] and converts the dark, terrible vale of death into the borders of paradise! How valuable, how interesting, then, must be this religion, which exhibits to view the bright chain, which connects both worlds together; and while it tends to make us holy, amiable here, sustains us with lively hopes in the last, awful moments, and pre­sents us with the certain prospects of happiness hereaf­ter, as lasting as it is perfect [...]

WERE it possible for all this to be a delusive pic­ture, drawn by the pencil of a glowing imagination, still the feelings of the heart lead us to wish to live and die in the firm belief of what cannot injure us; of what makes us better men; which holds out to the dying the last hope; and administers the last, friendly cordial to the departing soul. On this solid foundation the principal portion of public happiness rests; and to cherish such a pure, virtuous, humane system, exhibits both the duty and wisdom of a great nation.

BUT the infidel philosophy of the present times would strive to cloud these bright hopes and darken these consoling prospects. Facts evince, that in order successfully to spread the principles of revolution throughout the world, a bold, impious conspiracy has been formed in Europe against all religions and govern­ments. While any sense of piety and moral obligation remained, it was evident that the progress of revolution would be retarded, whenever it proceeded beyond cer­tain bounds. Men of any religious principle would re­volt at perpetration of crimes, which was necessary to assume power, more despotic than Europe ever dreaded; would shudder at enormities, which were necessary to [Page 20] the terrible work of revolutionizing the neighboring states. For this purpose, atheism and a disbelief of every thing sacred were substituted in the place of the holiness and pure faith of the gospel. The pleasing expectations of future immortality were deemed to be delusive hopes, and death to be an "eve [...]a [...]ting sleep." In the French republic, "in the school of public instruction, atheism is professedly taught. At an audience before the legis­lature, the head scholar declared, that he and his school fellows detested a God; a declaration received by the members with unbounded applause, rewarded with fra­ternal kisses of the president, and with the honors of the sit [...]ing." The direct consequences of this total destitu­tion of religious restraints are the dreadful abandonment of all moral obligation. Not a single virtue would stay, when their natural parents, religion and piety, were fled. The present state of morals may be ascertained, when, in the city of Paris only, 562 divorces took place in the short space of three months. The laws of humanity and veracity are not better observed, when whole armies live upon the spoils of conquest, or the effects of their devastations are sent home to enrich the rapacious; or levy repeated contributions, when they had entered into the most solemn promises to plunder but once.

THESE observations are introduced to show, that where all traces of religion and piety are eraced, there the virtues cannot reside. There the passions soon triumph over reason, justice and humanity. Wild ambition, jealousy and rivalship form a close succession. A series of facts demonstrate that nothing could prove so inju­rious to our country as the prevalence of infidel philo­sophy, French atheism and destitution of morals. Men [Page 21] are actual enemies to their country in the same propor­tion as they are profane, wicked, irreligious, or as they destroy the sanctions, which christianity cherishes.

THE moment the minds of Americans become corrupted with this false philosophy and abandonment of all religious principles, their character will become degraded, and they will render themselves deserving of the misery, which will follow. Anarchy and domination will rise up in the place of government; and, instead of law, you will witness to nothing but to secret intrigue and temporizing policy. The cultivating of the moral sense and religious obligation, in our favored land, af­fords the only sure support of law and government.—The certain hopes of christianity grow stronger as the scene grows darker; diminish life's sorrows; and sus­tain us in the last shock. If to promote the means of public happiness, be the grand objects of all civil insti­tutions, the interests of science, moral virtue and chris­tianity are most worthy the anxious care of a wise re­public!

THE personal presence of your EXCELLENCY for­bids expressions of high encomium on your administra­tion, which would be affrontive to great and delicate minds. Permit us to congratulate one another on your repeated election to the chair of state. The highest honors, which merit can receive, are the suffrages of a free, enlightened people. In you, we anticipate the friend of virtue, moral obligation and piety. Possessed of a relish for science, we view you as the patron of useful literature. Your exertions will be animated by the reflection, that the dearest interests of the common, [Page 22] wealth, and the happiness of the public are nearly con­nected with your fidelity and patriotism. Eminent acts of usefulness can only bestow distinguished honors on exalted stations. The voice of duty will continually sound in your hearing, "unto whom much is given, of him will much be required." The solemn truths of reve­lation will come to your aid, exhibit the tribunal of the supremely just, at which all men shall give account for every degree of trust reposed in them. Often lift the eye of faith to the future, eternal crown, which is now sparking with unfading lustre to reward, more than re­ward all your virtuous toils, your patriotic cares, your decided, persevering attachment to the public good.—In that awful moment, which shall dismiss you from a mortal scene, from the arduous cares of government, the applauses of a grateful people will follow your ascending spirit to that world of glory, which shall hail welcome kindred souls and the pious benefactors of mankind!

YOUR HONOR, the honorable the COUNCIL and the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES cannot lose sight, for a moment, of the interesting duties, which are now devolving upon you. To your wisdom and fidelity are entrusted the dearest rights of community. The grand object in view is the public happiness. Every enqui­ry should be, what will render your constituents wise, virtuous and happy. The consequences of your deli­berations and acts will be extensively felt. The lives, properties and happiness of 100,000 persons are a most sacred deposit in your hands. Your acts will serve as precedents, which will benefit or injure your prospe­rity. To make men wise and virtuous; peaceable and industrious; attentive to the art of agriculture; attach­ed [Page 23] to our native soil, to its laws, its government and its religion, are primary objects worthy of united wisdom and Legislative sanction.

THE interests of literature and education must al­ways lie near to heart of a wise, magnanimous nation.—You, civil fathers! are now to determine the character of the generation, which is to succeed you, when your own heads moulder in forgotton dust. Whether your de­scendants shall be wise or ignorant, depends on your decision in favor of science. Keep your subjects in ig­norance, and your descendants will ere long witness the despotism of the East, "sue for chains, and own a con­querer."

BUT, above all, to cherish a public sense of reli­gion, to inculcate a firm belief in the doctrines of chris­tianity, which is made up of all the virtues, will best se­cure the largest portion of public felicity. The preva­lence of its spirit will render rulers faithful and subjects peaceable, obedient. Then, men will universally perform those duties from choice, which power and despotism could never succesfully extort by fear and force. Your own amiable, virtuous, pious example will aid, beyond easy conception, the noble purposes of legislative author­ity. This course of eminent goodness will secure all the honors and applauses of grateful citizens; and when done with the transient honors of mortals, you may enjoy the brighter prospects of a celestial crown of glory, which fadeth not away!

MY BRETHREN, in the labours of the ministry▪ Hitherto it has been the distinguishing honor of the [Page 24] American Clergy, that they have exhibited some of the noblest specimens of patriotic attachment to their Country, in the mo [...]t perilous h [...]ur, in the most eventful crisis.—May it never be said that those of Vermont were the first to sully the glory already acquired. Be still DIS­CREET; but the exigency of the times demands that you be DECISIVE. The duties of your sacred office well ac­cord with the views of patriotism and politics. All aim at one object, the improvement of public virtue and hap­piness. Teach men to live "soberly, righteously and godly," to live so purely as to die in triumph, and you will effectually do the work of legislation in making them the best of citizens. This will sooth your own mo­ments of mortality, by encreasing the public happiness; and cause you, by turning many to righteousness, to rise as shining stars in a celestial, unclouded firmament!

MY audience and fellow citizens! every joy, which now swells your bosom; your fruitful fields and plenti­ous harvest: your peaceful families and defended rights, are all so many witnesses of a prosperous government and wise administration. Were the injured only to begin to complain, perhaps, not a complaining voice would be heard. But were not every governmental act to be the most eligible, in these unheard of times, when a perpet­ual succession of incalculable changes rules the political world, our astonishment is that the errors are not greater▪ Our admiration is excited, at what events have justified, that the guardian eye of the Executive department saw the cloud arising, when "no bigger than a man's hand," and took those salutary measures, which, admirable to relate! everted away the bosom of the tempest, before it over­spread our threatened heads! We should recollect the [Page 25] difficulties, which perpetually occur in governing a great [...]pire; which is cutting out a road of its own choice for itself; and is making the experiment of its own wisdom and virtue. We should be grateful, instead of being cen­ [...]. Governments, which are purely elective, sub­ject to be changed at the sovereign will of the people, should forever banish discontent and complaint. In­trigue and faction can only wish to conquer party, and [...] on its ruins to distinction and domination. Instead of this, let us echo the patriotism of the Roman, and his language be your motto, "what pity it is that we can die but once to save our Country!"

THE present times are the most eventful, which the historian ever recorded. A perpetual series of revolu­tions, and changes of revolutionary principles, have car­ried distress and crimes among a very large part of the human race. Men have become, astonishingly, impa­tient of all restraint, all law and religion. The lower classes of people are beginning to imagine themselves fully adequate to make "laws for the representative, de­bate for the Senate, and pass sentence for the Judge." Distresses, venality and crimes of foreign revolutionary governments should teach us the wisdom justly to esti­mate the tranquillity and prosperity of our own.

THE justice of the Almighty seems to be punishing the crimes of Europe, in a manner, which produces a conviction of the ruinous nature of atheism, deism and false philosophy, as being eventually destructive of all political order and public safety. The entire view evinces that government cannot be permanent, public happiness cannot be secure, which are not built on the [Page 26] knowledge, holiness and piety of the individual, and on the benevolence, subordination and virtue of families.—Such an eventful, distressful, impious system may still prevail among nations, until an adoring conviction, like that of the atheistical monarch of Babylon, shall be pro­duced, that "the Almighty ruleth in the kingdom of men." This universal conviction will tend to usher in the reign of law, benevolence, piety and religion. Even "the wrath of man will praise God." Every mouth will be stopped, and all the world become feelingly guilty be­fore a Being so astonishingly great, so holy, so just and so good!

AMEN!