A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE YELLOW FEVER, AS IT APPEARED IN NEW-LONDON, IN AUGUST, SEPTEMBER, AND OCTOBER, 1798: WITH An accurate list of those who died of the disease, the donations, &c. &c. &c.
BY CHARLES HOLT.
New-London: PRINTED BY C. HOLT, AT THE BEE-OFFICE. 1798.
THE public are not here to expect a labored and scientific investigation of the origin and various phenomena of the extraordinary malady which occasioned the publication of this account. A simple and correct narrative of circumstances, as they appeared to a common eye, with some consequent remarks, are all that is attempted. And they will suffice, it is hoped, to gratify the curiosity of such as never witnessed so lamentaable a scene, and relieve the anxiety of those whose sympathy interested them in our sufferings.
New-London, Nov. 1, 1798.
Introductory remarks.
THE year 1798 seemed to have been marked by Providence as pregnant with uncommon fatality to the people of the United States. Philadelphia, New-York, Boston, Portsmouth, and several places of inferior note, were doomed to see their streets depopulated, and their inhabitants cut off by a merciless pestilence. The dreadful Yellow Fever, which had lately made such lamentable ravages in some of our capital towns, appeared this year with increased violence.— New-London, though heretofore remarkable for the salubrity of its air, had nevertheless its portion in the bitter cup.
With respect to the immediate causes of this melancholy visitation, the opinions of the philosopher, the physician, and the divine, are at variance. By some it was attributed to infection imported from abroad; by others to domestic origin from putrid animal substances; by others to the excessive and continued heat of the weather; and by some to the judgment of heaven in punishment of national iniquities. The inhabitants of the United States, it is true, had been for some time looking for a diminution of their numbers: but it was a diminution by other means which they expected. Preparations for hostilities were actively going forward, the din of arms resounded in all our ports, and the noise of war was heard in every corner of the land. But, like David, we were destined to "fall into the hands of God rather than man." The bustle of politics suddenly died away, the noise and [Page iv]pomp of military parade ceased; and in their stead a general stillness and dismay prevailed, business and cares of every kind but that of self-preservation were neglected, and the public prints were either suspended or filled with the records of disease and death.
Thus in the space of one month was the face of American affairs entirely changed. How were the mighty fallen! how were the hopes of the great destroyed!
A short Account, &c.
ON the 26th of August the inhabitants of New-London were somewhat alarmed by the death of capt. Elijah Bingham, keeper of the Union Coffee-House, after an illness of but two or three days. His funeral was immediately attended, it being Sunday, by the Union Lodge of Free Masons, of which he was a member, and an unusual number of people whom the solemnity of the ceremony and esteem for the deceased drew together. It was, however, remarked at the time, that if the extreme hot weather continued it would be long before the burying-ground would be so thronged again: and the remark was too fully verified. Two days after three persons in the neighborhood died of the same disease, which was soon ascertained to be the dreadful Yellow Fever, The citizens now perceived their danger and removed from the infected part, the corporation and civil authority left their posts, and a Health Committee, consisting of Messieurs John Woodward, John Ingraham, James Baxter, and Ebenezer Holt, jun. were appointed to attend to the burial of the dead, the care of the sick, and the relief of the indigent. The sickness rapidly increasing, the next week witnessed no less than twenty-five deaths, among whom were some of the most respectable characters belonging to the city or state, and the wife, a son and a daughter of the late capt. Bingham, in the vicinity of whose house the contagion was yet principally confined. This very great mortality among so small a number of people filled the citizens with consternation; the dead were interred with all possible speed, and without the [Page 6]least formality, the hearse being commonly attended only by the sexton and two or three black assistants, one of whom died of the prevailing disease. Laying out the corpse, ornamenting the coffin and covering it with a pall, &c. were generally dispensed with, every consideration giving way to the important duty of consulting the safety and convenience of the survivors.— The country people naturally shunned the pestilential air of the devoted city, and the adjoining towns took measures for preventing our flying inhabitants from spreading the infection.
From this period the progress of the disease was varied according to the favourable or unfavourable changes in the air, the effects of which were visibly perceived on the persons of the sick and the number of new cases which occurred. That portion of the city where it first appeared being almost entirely abandoned, it gradually extended into most of the compact parts within the distance of an hundred rods; but decreased in the violence of its symptoms and frequency of its attacks as the season advanced, and by the 14th of October it had so far abated that the citizens began to return to their dwellings and resume their usual occupations.
The mortality within the aforesaid limits, (viz. an hundred rods north and south from the market) was equal to that among the same number of inhabitants in any part of Philadelphia in the same length of time. In Bank-street, below the market, to the south corner of Goldenhill-street, of those who did not remove from the spot, but two persons over 12 years of age escaped the infection. In this space, excluding the buildings which were evacuated and the people who fled, are 15 houses, shops and stores, in which lived or were employed 92 persons, of whom 90 had the fever, 33 died, and 2 escaped entirely. The deaths above the market were not in so great a proportion.
[Page 7]By October 28th the fever had nearly disappeared, after having, in about eight weeks, cut off 81 persons, a list of whose names are hereafter subjoined.
Of the Physicians.
AS during the ravages of this terrible disorder medical assistance was the greatest concern of the people, it may not be improper to mention their accommodation in that respect. Early in the sickness all the physicians, but one who was too much indisposed to practise, and another, Dr. Rawson, who was violently attacked by the fever, deserted the city, excepting Dr. SAMUEL H. P. LEE, to whose lot it fell alone and unassisted to combat the fury of this dreadful pestilence. And his conduct on the occasion was such as will call the warmest sentiment of gratitude and esteem from the citizens of New-London as long as the remembrance of the Yellow Fever shall exist in their minds. He cheerfully sustained the arduous task of visiting and supplying with medicine from 30 to 50 patients daily, notwithstanding the great fatigue and danger of infection to which he peculiarly exposed himself. How many owe their safety to his skill and assiduity it is impossible to know; but in all probability there are many now enjoying the invaluable blessings of life and health who but for his benevolent care would have been tenants of the house of rest. In the discharge of the important duty to which he so nobly devoted himself he was seized with the prevailing disorder, but after a struggle of a few days was happily preserved from falling a sacrifice to his humanity. On his confinement Dr. James Lee, with a zeal and philanthropy that does him the highest honour, left his residence and business in the remote parts of the town and repaired to the city, where he ably supplied the [Page 8]place of his kinsman till there was no more occasion for his services. The Committee, also, had written to some of the neighbouring physicians, requesting their assistance; but none came to our relief, saving Dr. Amos Collins, from Westerly, who could not remain an unmoved spectator of our distress. Mr. Gurdon J. Miller, likewise, a gentleman of much professional ability, induced by the sufferings of his fellow-citizens, commenced practice in a line he had never designed to have been found in, and also refused any compensation for his unwearied and meritorious exertions. Such conduct needs no praise or comment: its reward is found in the heart.
These were our pilots through the fearful storm.
Of the Poor.
THE distresses of the labouring poor in this unexpected calamity were unavoidably great. Deprived of their ordinary means of support, and unable to remove where employment and subsistence might be had, they were exposed to the evils of poverty and danger of sickness united. To alleviate these a great part of the attention of the Committee was directed. But their utmost vigilance would have been of little avail, without the charitable assistance of the adjoining towns and our own wealthy citizens. By their goodness they were enabled to afford to the necessitous a considerable degree of comfort and security. Donations of money, produce, &c. (a catalogue of which are annexed) were daily received and distributed according to the urgency of circumstances; the courthouse, being in an elevated and healthy situation, was converted into an hospital; and medical assistance and nurses were provided for those who fell under the care of the Committee, while others in a superior situation [Page 9]might have perished for the want of them. In fact, such was the difficulty of procuring nurses and watchers, that some of our most opulent citizens were seen going from house to house with money in their hands, offering any price for assistance even for a single night in vain. This reluctance to attend the sick was occasioned by several having lost their lives by infection taken while employed in that office. Notwithstanding this discouraging circumstance, many were found whose humanity would not suffer them to withhold the least kind office in their power in a time of such unexampled distress.
Of the Health Committee.
THE Health Committee being appointed on the spur of this melancholy occasion, and the civil authority devolving principally upon them, some account of their proceedings will be given. They had power to do whatever in their judgment the exigencies of the case should require. They accordingly, being sensible of the helpless situation to which the poor must be reduced by the suspension of all business, and the distress they must suffer when attacked by sickness, made them the chief object of their care. Vigilant and persevering at all seasons in the execution of their new functions, they sought out proper subjects of their attention wherever they could be found, administering to them the necessaries and comforts of life, keeping a watchful eye over their health, and providing the most prompt and effectual assistance whenever they were seized by the disease. Exp [...]sed as they were to the greatest risque, a sense of danger never induced them for a moment to shrink from their strictest duty; and although three of the four of them were brought in a manner to the brink of the grave by the raging pestilence, [Page 10]yet was the fatiguing business of their employment performed with cheerful alacrity to the last. It was their province to feed the hungry, visit the sick, and inter the dead; a task, many parts of which were delicate, embarrassing and disagreeable in the highest degree. Yet with an impartial hand and firm undeviating step did they proceed till the expiration of their office. The services they rendered to the city in this trying season were great, and will long be gratefully remembered. Their names, as mentioned before, are JOHN WOODWARD, JOHN INGRAHAM, JAMES BAXTER, and EBENEZER HOLT, jun.
Of the cause of the Fever.
WHATEVER might have been the different opinions respecting the cause of this disease, the data from which a conclusion on the subject must be drawn are extremely few and obvious. The idea of imported infection, having neither fact or argument to support it, must of course be abandoned. From domestic causes, then, are we to account for its origin. And here might be mentioned a number of different articles in the neighborhood where the disease commenced, to which many attributed its origin. But as the opinions on this subject are extremely various and contradictory, and as it belongs properly to the province of the faculty, it is therefore left for their determination. It should, however, be remarked, that the weather for some weeks previous to the appearance of the fever was uncommonly dry and warm, as every one observed. Light breezes and calms had long prevailed, no rain had fallen for two months, vegetation was parched, wells were dried, and the crops within a few miles distance were about half cut off. The mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer frequently stood in the [Page 11]shade at 96 degrees, and several times at 98, a height never before witnessed here; and sea-captains complained that they never felt so much inconvenience from the warmth in the West-Indies. In this state of the atmosphere, when animal and vegetable substances are so liable to become putrid and engender a poisonous air, something might easily be found to kindle the fatal spark of contagion into a blaze. And it is therefore thought evident, even to a demonstration, that we owe this visit of this destructive pestilence neither to foreign, extraordinary or hidden causes, but to domestic origin from the sole action of heat, assisted by the dryness and calmness of the atmosphere.
History of the disease.
IT may not be improper to remark, that almost every person who remained in the central parts of the city, particularly those contiguous to Bank-street, or whose business called them there, although otherwise in perfect health, laboured under a high state of predisposition, being constantly affected with a slight and transient head-ache, a white furred tongue, and small shooting pains through the system. And those who came near this spot from other parts of the town very sensibly felt a difference in the state of the air producing in a greater or less degree some of these symptoms. This was undoubtedly owing to the atmosphere being impregnated with noxious miasmata or the seeds of contagion, which only required an exciting cause, such as violent exercise, excessive fear, exposure to cold or damp air, &c. to kindle the flame.
The disease generally announced its attack by a sense of chilliness or common ague-fit, attended with a pain in the head, and sometimes in the back and limbs. In the more dangerous cases the chilliness was not always [Page 12]perceived. The attack was usually preceded by languor and restlessness, and a strange and undescribable feeling through the whole system. On its commencement, the patient was frequently seized with nausea and vomiting, obstinate costiveness, and soreness of the whole body. The costiveness in some few cases could not be removed by the most powerful purgatives; calomel and jalap, salts, oil, and injections, were repeated without effect; and the passage from the stomach to the bowels seemed entirely closed until death. From this cause might proceed the load and pressure in the stomach, sometimes higher and sometimes lower, which, with very few exceptions, always attended the disease, and frequently continued some days after the patient was apparently recovered.
During the first stage the progress of the disease was commonly marked with gentle flushings in the face, alternating with a pale, shrunk, desponding and yellow countenance—the eyes were red, and their vessels appeared to be swoln with blood—some were almost totally blind, and others could not bear the least degree of light—but these symptoms, with the pain in the head, generally subsided after bleeding and other evacuations. The soreness of the muscles, the distress at the stomach, and pain in the head and back, corresponding with the extreme pains mentioned by writers on the fever of the West-Indies many years ago, called the "Break-bone Fever," continued—with the skin dry and parched, the tongue covered with a dark brown scurf, frequently scaling off and leaving the tongue red and sometimes sore—the fur was sometimes very white, and sometimes scarcely visible. Delirium, ravings, and great involuntary strength frequently appeared about this period, less violent in some than others, though equally dangerous. But some perfectly retained their senses, and complained of little pain, remaining in a stupid calm and indifference—upon being asked how they were, they always [Page 13]answered "very well"—their eyes were somewhat sunk, though red and inflamed, their cheeks purple and reddish, their extremities cold, their skin dry, and the usual nausea and oppression at the stomach. The pulses of the sick were variable; sometimes high, quick and strong, and at others low, quick, and very tense, like a stretched cord; and always rose upon bleeding.
This account principally describes the symptoms on the first or second day. If the disease was not by this time taken in hand by the physician, it was for the most part too late to be of any ultimate benefit. The patient now began to bring up matter from his stomach of the color and consistence of coffee-grounds, and sometimes blood—blood issued from the mouth, nose, and eyes—the fever raged without any intermission—respiration became quick and laborious—the skin and whites of the eyes became more yellow—sometimes he also sunk into a comatose or sleepy state, from which he could hardly be roused by any means, and then but for an instant—the eyes assumed a glassy appearance—the countenance exhibited a cadaverous hue, and a certain symptom of death which is better understood than described —with the black vomit, black and fetid stools came on —and the patient, often losing his senses, and often retaining them to the last, on the fourth or fifth day falls a prey to this most destructive malady.
In a few instances glandular swellings, or buboes, that deadly symptom in the Mediterranean plague, made their appearance. In one they were driven back into the system by strong mercurial applications, and the disease terminated favorably; in a second case the patient also recovered; but in a third the issue proved fatal.
In the latter stages of the disease a suppression of urine was commonly a symptom of great danger, but did not always indicate death, as several recovered after an entire [Page 14]stoppage of the urinary passages for one, two or three days.
Some in their last moments insensibly sprang from their beds, and required three or four to hold them; others would scream like a calf dragging to the butcher's block; while many at this period gave directions concerning their affairs, bid their attendants adieu, and surrendered to their fate with the utmost calmness and resignation.
If the patient survived the fifth or sixth day, he was generally out of danger; or if the physician, by large quantities of mercury applied internally and externally, could produce a salivation, it was a favorable circumstance, and never failed to prove successful. When the disease terminated fortunately they soon recovered, but were extremely liable to a relapse, from too much exercise, taking cold, or using improper diet, in which case they scarcely ever conquered the second assault; and by this means some of our most valuable citizens lost their lives.
In some the disease struck inwardly, and without any violent external symptoms gradually undermined the constitution, and carried off the patient in eight or ten days.
On persons of an intemperate habit the seeds of contagion operated like sparks of fire upon tinder, and in spite of every effort of medicine raged with irresistible violence till the vitals were consumed, generally terminating its progress upon the fifth day.
In many, however, a sweat and vomit, with bleeding and purging, removed the symptoms in a few hours; and in very few instances where medicine had a free action did the disorder prove fatal.
THE course of medicine which generally proved successful was—judicious bleeding, sweating, purging off the bilious redundancy of acrimonious matter in the [Page 15]stomach, bowels, &c. and salivation by mercury as soon as could possibly be procured. Blistering, warm baths, and injections, were administered with much advantage.
It is the opinion of Dr. S. H. P. Lee, whose opportunity, at least, of becoming a judge in the case, will not be disputed, that this disease is as easily managed, if taken at its commencement, as any disorder to which the human system is subject, and that the extraordinary mortality incident to such pestilential visitations is owing in a great measure to an unhappy idea that the disease, from a specific quality of the contagion, is in itself fatal to all without distinction whom it attacks.
THE case of one person in this fever was perhaps worth mentioning. He lived a few miles from the city, but was in town upon a wharf a few rods from the place where the contagion first made its appearance, and was exercising himself somewhat violently, after sunset, and in a considerable perspiration. In this situation he was suddenly struck by a nauseous and uncommon smell, occasioning a sickishness at the stomach. He mentioned this to his companion, and proceeded home, continuing to perceive the smell until he was some miles on his way. On going to supper he found his appetite much impaired, but did not think it deserved remarking, and took no more notice of the matter. In about fifty-two hours, however, without having been in the city since, he was awakened from his sleep by a fit of shivering and pain in the head, with a strong recurrence of the nauseous smell inhaled on the wharf. This scent was removed by a vomit; and the pain gradually left its first seat and concentred in the stomach, from which part it went off on the crisis of the fever, which took place on the fourth and fifth days. The pressure in his breast continued some days after, and the legs, which suffered an excruciating pain and soreness, exactly similar [Page 16]to the tooth-ache, remained so feeble that for six weeks after he was unable to mount his horse without assistance.
In another instance, the person attacked was at his usual employment in the printing-office of the Bee, standing near an open window, when an offensive smell was perceived from a neighbouring house where they were removing a person who was dying with the fever. The windows were immediately shut, but he felt a nausea and want of appetite, until about twelve o'clock at night, when he was violently attacked by the common symptoms of the disease. Although he was of a sanguinary constitution and always perspired freely on the slightest occasion, the medicines given to excite a perspiration produced not the smallest effect, the body was instantly rendered costive, no kind of physic would operate, and every symptom rapidly increased. At length, in thirty hours from the commencement of the attack, the fever gave way, the costiveness abating on the second bleeding, large drops of sweat burst out on every part of the body, the medicines remained on the stomach, the vomiting ceased, the pain diminished, and the patient soon recovered.
In another case, in a corpulent subject, the disease went off by a profuse natural sweat, without any medical assistance whatever.
In another, a severe attack was carried off by a very powerful dose of Lee's New-London Bilious Pills; and in others it yielded to repeated purges alone.
Miscellaneous observations.
ON casting an eye over the list of persons deceased, it will be readily observed, that the ravages of this disease were not confined to any particular description of people, but embraced indiscriminately all [Page 17]who came within its reach. It is true, those of a sanguinary constitution or vitiated habit suffered more severely than others, few of them recovering from an attack; but in general, as noted before respecting a certain space, not many of any habit or constitution escaped infection. It was not here, as in some places, that the contagion shewed itself only in parts unusually filthy or confined. The houses where it appeared were generally large, not crowded with inhabitants, and belonging to persons of respectability. And the mortality swept off perhaps a greater proportion of the wealthy than of any other class of citizens. It will also be remarked that more men than women have died of the disorder, in the proportion of about four to three. But this will not appear strange, when we consider that men, by the nature of their employment, are more exposed to attacks than women; their business calls them into the streets, houses, shops, &c. where the disease rages, while their wives are employed at home in domestic concerns; and thus they alone have been taken off by the pestilence, while the rest of their families, remaining out of the infected limits, have continued in perfect safety.
IT was carefully remarked, during the progress of this disease, that the infection was confined to a particular part of the city, and was not spread or communicated by infected persons, clothes, or other substances. People who had been in the infected part sometimes carried the disease out with them, and there died with it; but without any other person receiving the infection from them. Two or three solitary instances, indeed, occurred, where the disease was taken from an infected person, without any previous communication with the contagious spot. General Marvin, an eminent physician of Norwich, was attacked while attending Mr. Stewart, at Mr. Haughton's, seven miles from [Page 18]the city, and went home and died. But no other person, it is believed, was taken off by the disorder, without having been nursing, or otherwise in the infected spot: and in general, those who lived at only a few rods distance, and avoided any nearer approach, were as secure from the effects of the fever as though they had removed an hundred miles in the country.
ALTHOUGH people generally made use of some kind of preventative against infection, such as smoking tobacco, chewing garlic, and smelling of vinegar, camphor, &c. yet it was not observed in the end that they were thereby preserved from the effects of the disease. Many died of it, who were the most careful to guard against it; while others who took no manner of precaution whatever escaped. It should nevertheless be remembered, that temperance was here the best preservative; and a habit kept open by gentle doses of physic taken occasionally was by far the most advantageous to encounter the disorder.
IN the commencement of this disease very few escaped who were severely attacked. But as the weather grew more temperate, and the physicians became better acquainted with the nature of the disorder, they rescued more from its devouring rage; and in the last stages of its duration it but seldom proved fatal. The whole number who were sick is computed at 350, of whom less than one fourth died. At first scarcely a third survived; but the mortality was less in proportion as the disease advanced, and towards its termination, of those who were affected nearly nine out of ten recovered.
Moral reflections.
IN times like these, how many circumstances occur to wound the sensibility and pain the heart! Such an [Page 19]uncommon and alarming calamity could not fail to produce the most unexpected effects on the minds of people. Thus it has been seen, when children have been attacked by this plague, that parents, forgetting the accustomed duties of humanity, and attentive only to their personal safety, have refused even to see their offspring, and suffered them to perish without their assistance. Others have been deserted by their brethren and sisters, and died without beholding their countenances. Parents have been forsaken by their children, and had their eyes closed by strangers. And even the closer ties of husband and wife have been disregarded by the dread inspired by this terrible disease. Could it be believed that such things would have existed in an enlightened christian land? Yet such things were seen in America, and something nearly approaching to them in New-London; and such will ever be the case in any country where an all-destroying pestilence makes its dreadful appearance. Humanity, friendship, parental and filial affection, are all swallowed up in the terror that anxiety for our own preservation excites; and we fly on the wings of fear to any place of security, leaving every other concern behind. These remarks, however, must be understood as applying only to those timid persons who are frightened at the least symptom of danger, and want sufficient strength of mind to enable them to listen to the voice of reason or obey its dictates. Others of a different temperament nothing can alarm or tempt from their duty; and on occasions like this their services are an invaluable acquisition.
WHAT striking instances of the transitoriness of life does such a disease afford! We see men exulting in the bloom of youth and prime of health and strength, in three or four short days numbered with the dead. Our gayest companions, our loveliest friends, in less than a week are laid in the dust. When we are daily [Page 20]witnessing these scenes around us, who can avoid reflecting, often and feelingly, that his turn may be next! Yet the mind, when habituated to the most afflictive and extraordinary events, becomes hardened, and views them with unconcern and indifference. Disease and death, the most dreadful accidents that can afflict the human frame, when made familiar to the sight, cease to inspire dread, and are ranked with the most common occurrences.
- ALLEN, wife of Philip.
- Angel, Nancy, 22.
- Angel, James, 16.
- Angel, George, 13.
- Angel, Betsey, 10.
- BAILEY, Giles, at Groton, 23.
- Baxter, James's, black child.
- Bell, Abigail, a mulatto, 38.
- Bingham, capt. Elijah, inn-keeper, 62.
- Bingham, Mrs. his wife, 66.
- Bingham, Sluman, 26. their children.
- Bingham, Polly, 20. their children.
- Bloyd, widow of the late James, 60.
- Bloyd, James, her son, 19.
- CARROLL, wife of James.
- Carroll, Horace, her son, 15.
- Caulkins, Nehemiah, 20.
- Caulkins, Pember's black woman.
- Champlin, William, 16.
- Chapman, deac. Oliver, butcher and merchant. From the commencement of this calamity he was indefatigable in his exertions to comfort and assist the sick [Page 21]and poor, and continued his benevolent and praiseworthy practice till he was attacked by the fever and fell a sacrifice to his charitable zeal.
- Christie, widow of Adam, 55.
- Coit, the hon. Joshua, esq. 40. He was a member of the Federal Legislature for the state of Connecticut. A gentleman of smooth and polished manners, firm and dignified behaviour, pure and unshaken principles—an able statesman, upright patriot, and respected citizen.
- Cornell, William, painter, 30.
- Crocker, Catharine, 50.
- DESHON, wife of capt. Daniel, 34.
- Deshon, daughter of do. 5.
- Dodge, Ezra, watch and clock maker, gold and silver smith, brass-founder, gunsmith, locksmith, grocer, &c. 32. An ingenious mechanic, good man, and valuable citizen.
- Douglas, capt. Ebenezer, gauger and gaoler, 52.
- Douglas, Joseph, son of Jonathan, cooper, 20.
- ELLIOTT, Euclid, mathematical instrument maker. He also carried on the business of a sign-painter, gilder and glazier, founder, plumber, brazier, blacksmith, &c. and will be long missed by his numerous employers.
- FOSTER, Eunice, at Saybrook, 57.
- GARDINER, Jeffery, grocer.
- George, a black man.
- Giffin, John, schoolmaster, 44.
- Giffin, wife of do.
- Grace, wife of Walter.
- Greenleaf, Joseph, gold and silver smith, 20.
- Griffing, Joseph, shoemaker, 34.
- Griffing, James, jun. printer, 23.
- HAMLIN, L. baker.
- [Page 22]Helpin, Polly, 15.
- Hempsted, Benjamin, 44.
- Henry, wife of Daniel.
- Holt, wife of James, 2d.
- JONES, Thomas, grocer and auctioneer, 46.
- Jones, Rufus, mariner, 22.
- M'LEAN, wife of capt. Allan, 22.
- Miller, wife of James, 47.
- Miller, Betsey, daughter of do.
- Miller, daughter of do.
- Miner, Henry, son of Turner, 21, carried the infection with him to Stamford, and there died.
- NORRIS, a child of capt. Henry.
- PALMES, a child of the late Samuel.
- Parkin, Richard W. merchant, 49.
- Parkin, Richard, his black man.
- Penniman, Benjamin, merchant, 23. A worthy and hopeful young man.
- Potter, wife of William.
- Potter, daughter of John, 5.
- Prentice, wife of capt. Stephen, 68.
- Prudence, a black woman's child.
- RYON, wife of capt. William.
- SMITH, James, 64.
- Smith, wife of Stephen, 22.
- Smith, a child of do.
- Smith, Nathaniel, 34.
- Smith, a Dutch seaman, 26.
- Sole, Charles, painter, 34.
- Springer, wife of John, 49.
- Starr, Joshua, jun. blockmaker, 25. He was an amiable and promising young man, and had been married but a few months before his untimely death, which was lamented by all his acquaintance.
- [Page 23]Starr, James, another son of Joshua, merchant, 19.
- Stewart, William, merchant, 55.
- Stimel, John, painter, 38.
- TABER, Samuel, merchant.
- Tinker, wife of capt. Daniel, 37.
- Tinker, Rogers, 23.
- WAIT, Patty, daughter of the hon. Marvin, 16.
- Watson, John, shoemaker, 45.
- Way, Thomas, son of capt. John, 18.
- Wiley, wife of Thomas, 42.
- Wright, David, esq. attorney at law, 42.
- Wright, a child of do.
- A mulatto man.
WHAT a goodly number of citizens cut off in so short a space! Never, since the first settlement of the town, did New-London witness such a destruction among her inhabitants. Often has she felt the desolating scourges of pestilence and war—she has seen her streets enveloped in flames, and her children slaughtered by an insatiate enemy. But never, in so short a time, did she behold so many of her ornaments and supports cut off at so sudden a stroke. Long will she see and lament their loss—long will she miss their services—and long will it be before their places will be supplied.
Donations for the Poor.
THE benevolent example of contributing to relieve the necessities of the poor was set by Mr. William Hubbard, of Colchester, with 50 dollars. Roger Bulkeley, of do. 10 do. Elias Perkins, esq.* 100 do.
[Page 24]The others follow:
- Gen. Jedidiah Huntington, 110 dollars.
- John Coles, 50. Joseph Howland, Norwich, 50.
- Jonathan & Jared Starr, 30, and a barrel of pork.
- Samuel Corp, New-York, 25.
- From Hartford, private, 22. Nath'l Richards, 20.
- Uriah Rogers, esq. Southampton, L. I. 20.
- Rev. Henry Channing, 20. Capt. Simeon Smith, 15.
- Capt. Elisha Tracy, Norwich, 15.
- Samuel Taber 10, and 5 bushels apples.
- Rev. William Patten, Newport, 5.
- Merit Rockwell, 5.
- Norwich, Chelsea society, 75 dollars, 22 bushels corn, 23 do. rye, 2 bbls. beef, 1 cwt. rice, 1-2 do. sugar, 1 bbl. bread, 4 bushels potatoes, 15 bunches onions. More expected.
- Elisha Denison and others, Stonington, 30 dollars, a large fat ox, and 1 bbl. pork.
- First society in Wethersfield, 4 1-2 bbls. beef, 24 bushels rye, 36 bushels corn, 76 bushels potatoes, 286 bunches onions, 11 bushels do. 150 lbs. rye flour, and a quantity of beefs, carrots, cabbages and pumpkins.
- Isaac Treby, 1 bbl. pork.
- Thomas Fanning, Norwich, 200 lbs, cheese.
- Capt. Samuel Hurlbut, a fat cow.
- Capt. Thomas Allen, Fishers Island, one do.
- Joshua Raymond, Montville, one do.
- Capt. Charles Bulkeley, 2 bbls. beef.
- Pember Caulkins, 2 do. do. Capt. E Hinman, 1 do.
- Samuel Dolebeare, Montville, 1 do. do.
- James Tilley, 30 bushels corn.
- William Eldredge, 20 bushels rye and corn.
- Dr. Benjamin Butler, 10 fat sheep.
- Austin Ledyard, Groton, 2 quarters beef.
- Col. Samuel Green, 6 fat sheep.
- Capt. Daniel Deshon, a cart load potatoes.
- Eleazer Avery, Groton, 6 bushels rye.
- Richard Law, esq. 1 bbl. flour. Capt. Wm. Harris 1 do. do.