A sermon delivered at Rutland, West Parish, September 4, 1798. At the annual freeman's meeting. By Lemuel Haynes, Pastor of a church in Rutland.

A sermon delivered at Rutland, West Parish, September 4, 1798. At the annual freeman's meeting. By Lemuel Haynes, Pastor of a church in Rutland.

Table of contents

Title page

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THE INFLUENCE OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT ON RELIGION.

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A SERMON DELIVERED AT RUTLAND, WEST PARISH, SEPTEMBER 4, 1798. AT THE ANNUAL FREEMEN'S MEETING.

BY LEMUEL HAYNES, PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN RUTLAND.

PRINTED AT RUTLAND, VERMONT, BY JOHN WALKER, JUN. M, DCC, XCVIII.

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At a legal town meeting, holden at Rutland, on the first Tuesday of September, 1798.

VOTED, That the Selectmen of this town be requested in the name of this town, to return their thanks to the Rev. LEMUEL HAYNES, for his christian and patriotic discourse, this day delivered, and request a copy for the press.

NATHAN OSGOOD Town Clerk.

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THE Author is not insensible of the rep [...]ach to which the following publication may subject him, at a time of so great civil dissension; and has consented to have it appear abroad with a degree of reluctance. However, as all view it a detraction of their liberty, when they are not allowed with honesty and candor to speak their own sentiments: he presumes it will be a sufficient defence against any imputations from those who may differ with him is opinion.

THE INFLUENCE OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT ON RELIGION.

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PSALM XI.3.‘If the foundations by destroyed, what shall the righteous do?’

KING DAVID was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel. In various ways did he give evidence that he was a man of virtue and religion. His attachment to the commonwealth of Israel, and engagedness to support the laws and dignity of his country, were conspicuous ornaments in his character. Amidst the base inventions of designing men, to enervate the bands of government, assume the reigns, and disseminate discord among the people, animated with a holy regard to the rights of God and men, rendered him invincible to every rival. He could hear his competitors say as in verse first, Flee as a bird to your mountain; and behold the wicked bend their bow, and make ready their arrow upon the string, without abandoning his country's cause, or wantonly trifling with the liberties of men. If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? is a reflection worthy the king of Israel in a time of public calamity. By foundations, is generally thought to mean the civil laws or government of Israel, these were invaded, and threatened to be destroyed by proud and factious men, which David in the text considered as a violent attack upon religion and the good [Page] man's cause. If the laws and authority of the land are trampled upon, what shall the righteous do? Intimating that their religious interest would greatly suffer thereby.

"If government be once destroy'd,

(That firm foundation of our peace)

And violence makes justice void,

Where shall the righteous seek redress?"

THE influence of civil governnent upon religion and morality, and their connection, is a matter to which our candid attentions is called on the present occasion. That God is able to support his cause in the world without the intervention of legislative authority, and that they have no connexion, is a sentiment warmly advocated by many; and indeed none can dispute them, without calling in question the power of Omnipotence; but whether it be agreeable to the established constitution of heaven, in ordinary cases, to support religion without civil authority, or whether it be not favorable to virtue, is the inquiry. That God is able to appoint state officers without people's meeting to give their suffrages, is what God has done and has natural power to do; but none will infer from thence, that such appointment actually will take place without public exertions.

1. CIVIL government was appointed by God to regulate the affairs of men. Israel of old received laws, both of a civil and religious nature, from the great Legislator of the universe. This is evident to all who are acquainted with sacred or prophane history. He removeth kings, and Jetteth up kings, Dan. ii.21. Thou shalt in any wise set him king over thee whom the Lord thy God shall choose, Deut. xvii.15. St. Paul, to enforce obedience to magistracy, points to the origin of civil power, Rom, xiii. The powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God.—For he is the minister of God to thee for good. Every appointment of the Deity is favorable to religion, and conducive [Page] thereto, as there is no other object worthy divine attention; to suppose otherwise would be an impious reflection on the character of God.

WHEN we consider the obvious end for which civil government was instituted, it is easy to see that it is designed as a support to virtue. To suppress vice and immorality—to defend men's lives, religion and properties, are the essential constituents of a good government.

THE wickedness of the human heart is so great, that it needs every restraint. To oppose the impetuous torrent of iniquity; to humanize the soul, and to conduct men in the way of felicity, are objects to which the laws of God and those which are commonly called the laws of men, do mutually point. Without our lives and interests are defended, how can we practise piety? Human laws, as well as divine, do in a sense respect the heart. The criminal is punished for his enormities, by the hand of the civil magistrate, because they are considered as flowing from a bad heart. To say that an institution tends to maintain order, justice, and the rights of men, or that it is favorable to religion, are expressions synonimous. Although the government of a commonwealth has a particular and a more immediate respect to the temporal interests of men, yet there is a higher object to which they stand related. and that renders them important.

3. FURTHER light will be cast on the subject by attending to the qualifications and work of the civil magistrate, as given in the word of God, from whence we derive the institution. The character required in any prof;ession, will at once determine the end and design of it. The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God, II Sam. xxiii.3. The character of a statesman is drawn by the pen of unerring wisdom, Deut. xvii. And it shall be when he sitteth upon the throne of his kingdom, that he shall write him a copy of this law in a book, out of that which is before; the priests the Levites. And it shall be with him, and he shall read therein all the days of [Page] his life: that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep all the words of this law, and these statutes, to do them: that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aside from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left. "The Hebrews have recorded thus, When the king fitteth upon the throne of his kingdom, he is to write him the book of the law for himself, beside the one which is left him by his father, &c. If his father has left him none, or if that be lost, he is to write him two books of the law, the one he is to reserve in his house, for so he is commanded. The other is not to depart from before him. If he go out to war, it goeth with him; if he sit in judgment, it is to be with him, &c. Maimony treat of Kings." See Ainsworth's annotation. This book contained what is commonly called the law of Moses, giving directions about civil and religious affairs: This shews that the lawyer should concern himself with the sacred oracles and that his profession is favorable to religion. St. Paul further informs us, That rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. For he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath, upon him that doeth evil, Rom. xiii—The design of civil government is in the best manner answered when kings are nursing fathers, and queens nursing mothers to the church of God, Isaiah, xlix.23.

4. WERE we to compare those countries and places where wholesome laws exist, and are executed, with those that are without them, we shall find the contrast striking.—Where there are no laws, no subordination, there licentiousness and barbarity hold their empire, and like a malignant fever diffuse their baneful influence without restraint. Every one that is acquainted with sacred or other histories, knows the propriety of the remark. Were we to [Page] advert to our own experience, we have the clearest conviction. Is it not the case in general, that a contempt of the good laws of the land, and impiety are inseparable companions?

WE have recent demonstration, that civil authority is in some sense, the basis of religion, and have too much reason to adopt the language in the text, If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do! It is far from my intention to appear in the habit of a partizan, or to stimulate dissension on an occasion like this, while I point you to the unprecedented conduct of a foreign power, as witness to the truth of the topic under consideration. To exaggerate matters I have no inclination, nor to wound the tender feelings of humanity by a tedious detail of French enormities. To pursue their lawless ravages would be to trace the cruel exploits of a blood thirsty Hannibal, or merciless strides of an imperious Alexander. Near twenty villages in Germany have become a sacrifice to the vengeance of a more than savage army. Switzerland, Geneva, (the latter, a place remarkable for their religion and good order) have fallen victims to their cruelties. The soothing words, liberty and equality, were so dear to us, that we were hoping that true republicanism was their object, and were almost decoyed into their wretched embraces; but they leave not the least traces of it behind them. It it evidently their design, to exterminate order and religion out of the universe, banquet on stolen, property, give rules to the world, and so become the tyrants of the earth.

"ECCLESIASTICS, of every description, and particularly the professors of both sexes, says a late German writer) seem to be the chief objects of republican malevolence, immorality and cruelty; in which the soldiers were led on and encouraged by their officers." That an abolition of religion is an object of French insanity is too evident to be disputed; hence it is that they are so inimical to civil authority, as they view it favorable to morality. We [Page] cannot mistake them, when we consider their contempt of the Holy Scriptures, their atheistical decisions, and their more than beastly conduct. Libertinism, and its republicanism, is most certainly their object. It is an inquiry worthy of attention, wheather the few years revolution in France has not done more towards promoting infidelity, deism and all manner of licentiousness, than half a century before. The near connection of religion with wholesome laws, or civil authority, is doubtless an oftensible reason why the latter is so much the object of resentment. The contempt that these states have met with from the French Diretory, in their not receiving our Envoys: their insolent and enormous demands on our property—their blind and deceitful intrigues—their lawless depredations on our commerce at sea, are sufficient to shew that it is not peace, liberty and good order they are after, but to make themselves sole arbiters of tie world. Many have been caressed with the fascinating yell, Long live the republican!— and opened their gates to the French army, but have too late found their tender mercies to be cruelty, and themselves in the hands of a plundering banditti. What outrages have been committed on the persons of old and young! Wives and daughters abused in the presence of their husbands and parents.—Those in sacred orders, notwithstanding their age, illness and profession, dragged from their beds, their houses pillaged, and they have been the chief objects of spight and detestation. Let many villages of Swabia, in Germany, witness to the truth of this observation. Such are the sad effects of no law, no order, no religion and if the foundations be destoyed, what shall the righteous do?

THE candor and patience of this audience are requested, while a few reflections are deduced from the preceding observations.

1. IT is undoubtedly our duty to become acquainted with the laws of the land. That by which the commonwealth of Israel was governed, was to be well studied by their statesmen, [Page] Deut.xvii. Especially those who are to be representatives of the people, should well understand the laws of their country: those then of the profession are not disqualified to fit in the fear of government, by virtue of their knowledge in state policy. It is the design of civil government to secure the rights of men, which should be held sacred; it being so nearly connected with religion, renders it important.—It is a subject to which we ought to pay attention, that we may be in a capacity to pursue the best measures to promote it. It is a remark, not without foundation, that they who make the widest mouths against divine revelation, are commonly those who know the least about it, and form their opinion on popular cant. Whether this is not often the safe with many who set up against the good laws of the state, is a matter worthy of inquiry. He that can arraign and condemn the constitution and laws of his country without information, and will judge of a matter before he hears it, in the view of Solomon forfeits the character of a wise man.

2. Is there such a connection between civil and religious order, then we ought to support the former, would we prove ourselves friends to the latter. Indeed he that can oppose and destroy the good laws of his country, his religious character is greatly to be suspected.—He that loves religion, will value and prize that which tends to its support, and feels the influence of the idea in the text, If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? It is really the character of a good man, that he affords his influence, his property, yea his life in the defence of his country, if called for. We should most chearfully impart our substance for the support of the laws of the land, and strengthen the hands of the legislature when they are endeavoring to adopt good measures for raising a revenue. Many are complaining, that the wages of the State officers are too high; were I to attempt a decision on this point, perhaps I should appear contemptible, as being destiture of christian modesty and self-dissidence.—That men who [Page] leave their families and devote their time and talents in their country's cause, ought to have a compensation is agreed on all hands,—what is an adequate reward, is difficult for those who live several hundred miles from the seat of government to determine; an honest man under such a disadvantage would feel a delicacy in determining, lest he might do injustice to his neighbor. He would not view that man qualified to be a representative of the people that would be exorbitant in his demands; and rather choose to refer it to the members on the spot, who are the best judges of their own expences and retrenchments. The common labourer thinks it an infringement on his liberty, if his wages are to be determined by him who hires him. Should we set up office to vendue, and make low wages the test of our election, this would be an impious trifling with the sacred rights of men, an insult on the importance and dignity of government; in this way men of an ignorant, low and mercenary spirit, would creep into the seats of preferment.

OUR blessed Lord has taught us, by precept and example, to respect civil government, and to render tribute to Caesar. We have the same sentiments enjoined by St. Paul, Rom. xiii "Whoever therefore resisteth the power, shall receive to themselves damnation. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For this cause pay you tribute also: for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render therefore to all their dues."

3. How absurd to discard the book, commonly called the Holy Scriptures, and yet be advocates for good civil government! They are so coincident and congenial in their nature and tendency, that it is really a doubt whether a man can, upon right principles, be an honest advocate for one, whose heart rises against the other. Hence it is, that those who have been votaries for religion, have generally been friendly to good civil authority.Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, and thy neighbor as thyself, is an epitome of the whole Bible system. He that is acquainted [Page] with the laws of the land, will see that they mostly point to this great object, and are a sort of comment on, or copy of the sacred oracles. A contempt of the Holy Scriptures, domination, anarchy, and immorality are inseparable companions.

IT is, truly, strange to see men of genius and education plead for the good laws of their country, and yet ununfriendly to divine revelation; They have certainly a reciprocal reflection on each other, and their influence in a great measure stand and fall together.

WOULD we be hearty friends to government, let us value and conform to the written word of God, that our conduct may not appear glaringly inconsistent and contradictory.

4. WE infer, That it is suitable for the ministers of the gospel to enforce obedience to the laws of the state. In this way they discover a laudable regard for the rights and properties of their hearers, plead for religion, and espouse the case of their divine matter.

Many think that state policy is a subject out of the sphere of Christ's ministers, that they ought to seek the peace and good will of their people, by avoiding such matters; but he that cannot sacrifice his own reputation, his living, yea, his own life in the cause of religion, and the good of his country, has forfeited his character as a faithful ambassador of the Prince of Peace.

PAUL was far from commending such clerical prudence as some plead for, Tit. iii. Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work, to speak evil of no man.

5. WE may learn, why there are so many sedition acts in the Bible, since religion and good government are so nearly connected. One we have, Eccle. x. 20, Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought. Another we have, Exod. xxii. 28. Thou shall no revile the Gods, nor curse the ruler of thy people. We have the same law repeated in another section of God's word, Acts. xxv 5, Thou shall not speak evil of the ruler of thy people. Compare Rom. xiii, The Apostle [Page] gives us direction how to escape the terrors of such laws, verse 3. Do that which is good, and thou, shall have praise of the same. When scandalous libels are cast at men in private life, they will have recourse to law for satisfaction when ministers of state are wickedly impeached, why should the libeller go with impunity? is not the crime enhanced by the dignity of the whole commonwealth? Shall the character of a chief magistrate, or of a whole country, be of less or of no more importance than a man in a private capacity? Can men think their liberties retrenched, when they cannot vent their spite and false invectives against civil rulers without detection? May we not as well cry out Aristocracy!—Tyranny!—and Oppression! because we cannot commit the most daring outrage on the person, character and property of our neighbor, without being plagued with the molesting hand of civil authority? From such kind of liberty, good Lord deliver us!†

6. THE subject sets before us the importance of the present occasion. Since it is so necessary to maintain civil government; our lives, liberties and religion, in a sense, depend upon it. Men should be appointed who are friendly to religion and morality, by which they will be peculiarly attached to the good and wholesome laws of their county, on account of the benign influence they have on practical godliness. Men of wisdom and understsanding, of force and stability, who will enforce the laws of the land by precept and example; who will not bear the sword in vain, but be a terror to evil doers, and [Page] a praise to them who do well. These are qualifications pointed out in the word of God, and ought to be sought for. Dissidence, in an ecclesiastical and civil minister, is a distinguishing ornament. The magnitude of the object will cause the good statesman to recoil at the thought in language similar to that of the chief magistrate of Israel, I Kings, iii. "And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made me king instead of David my father: and I am but a little child: I know not how to go out or come in. Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart, to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy so great a people?" He that would thrust himself into office, is a selfish man: is seeking his own, not the public good. Confidence in public opinion will dispose a man to acquiesce in their decisions about himself, unbiassed by fulsome flattery or bribery. He that would hire his neighbor to give him his suffrage, is to be suspected as an enemy to his country, and unfit to be intrusted with its impotant concerns. He has already declared that he values his own judgment about himself above all others, and will perhaps have the same sentiments in every thing in which he is called to act.

THE true philanthropist wants the support of his country unsolicited, by which he is encouraged to undertake in its cause, and not from proud, selfish or peculinary motives. The dignity, modesty and goodness of his mind, will render him incapable of holding himself up to view as a candidate for office.

SHOULD the question be asked, How shall we know the man of virtue and patriotism? The answer is obvious, and rationally decided by unbearing wisdom, By their fruit ye shall know them.

WE infer the integrity of a Washington, and an Adams, from the invincible [...] they have manifested to the rights of men, through a long series of events, when they had it in their power to all their country and accumulate [Page] millions to themselves. To suppose such men, who have risked their lives, their all, in the cause of freedom for many years, should in the last stage of life turn traitors, when they would have nothing to promise themselves but endless disgrace, confronts every dictate of reason and experience. Perhaps it is not possible for the human mind to have a firmer basis for confidence; and to impeach such characters, without better foundation than ever has appeared, to me, at least appears disingenuous, and argues a jealousy more cruel than the grave.

WHO can reflect on the fatigue, vexation, and hazard to which a WASHINGTON has been exposed in espousing the contested rights of his country, and not feel a sort of indignation to hear his character villified and impeached without a cause? Are these the returns he is to receive from ungrateful countrymen!—It is true men are not to be idolized, but when we consider them as instruments qualified and raised up by God for great and peculiar service to mankind, it is undoubtedly our duty to love, honor and respect them.

IF I am not mistaken, we live in a day when our liberties are invaded, and the rights of men challenged beyond what we ever experienced, and that under the soothing titles of Republicanism, Democracy, &c. These are precious names if well understood; but when they are speciously subtsituted in the room of libertinism and licentiousness, they make us sick.

OUR internal dissensions have an unfavorable aspect and give pain to the human breast: by these things we lay ourselves open to foreign invasions, and augment taxation. Union and firmness is our country's cause becomes us at such a day as this—It is not a time for empty compliment; effeminate cowardice; nor for temporizing, when our all lies at stake. Our enemies with us to delay, and debate, and flatter, that they may make themselves master of all our property at sea.

THERE is no harm for the freeborn sons of America to tell Frenchmen , That we will not give up our rights unless [Page] our lives go with them; that they were bought at the expence of too much blood and treasure to be trifled with.

THAT the very ghosts of our brethren, who bled in their country's cause, would haunt our imaginations?—That we treat with contempt the insolent demands of a Talleyrand, aided by a sly intriguing Directory, who would wrest millions from our pockets to enslave us,—We may tell them in the most dicisive unequivocal language, without loss of time, That we have a right to choose our own Envoys, maintain our own neutrality, without the dictates of French despotism. Have we any evidence that the French nation are really seeking peace with us, while they refuse to treat with our Ambassador, such as we send to accomplish th desirable object? while they thrust the dagger at our heart? destroy our lives and property at every opportunity? May we not pertinently adopt the language of Jehu to Joram, II, Kings, ,ix. 22. And it came to pass when Joram saw Jehu, that he said, Is it peace, Jehu? and he answered, What peace, so long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel, and her witchcrafts, are so many?

Do they wish for peace, let them come with the olive branch in their hand, and make us restitution for the millions of our property that they have wantonly destroyed; and be ashamed for the innocent blood that they have mingled with the ocean, which calls for vengeance on both sides of the Atlantic. Then heaven-born peace shall erect her laurels on our shores, and gladden the heart of every free-born son of America.

LET us rise in the defence of our country, and shudder at the thought of a French invasion; viewing the last drop of our blood too small a sacrifice to be withheld when our rights, our religion, yea, our all lie at the stake. It is not the design of this discourse to obstruct a free and candid examination into political proceedings: this is a pity ledge belonging to every man, and no one has the right to take it from him.

[Page]IT is a matter worthy of serious inquiry, whether other present constitution and government have not the essential vestiges of free republicanism, according to the true meaning of the term. Does it not originate in the free suffrages of the people; who have it in their power to appoint to, and depose from office? Is it an infringement of our liberties to subject to the decision of the majority? True freedom does not consist in every man's doing as he thinks fit, or following the dictates of unruly passions; but in submitting to the easy yoke of good regulations and in being under the restraints of wholesome laws.

WE should do well to examine whether we do not too much despise and undervalue the civil government and independence that God by remarkable interpositions of providence has put into our hands. Whether our uneasiness under it, has not provoked Omnipotence to threaten our liberties, by letting loose a foreign power upon us. Let us learn to prize and support the good and wholesome laws of our land, that heaven may be at peace with us.

BUT few, if any will own themselves advocates for French measures; but I hope it will give no offence to those who of late appear unfriendly to our present civil administrations, if they are earnestly intreated to inquire, whether they are not practically espousing their cause, however good their intentions may be. That our foreign enemies consider them in this point of light, we have the clearest evidence, and are thereby encouraged to persevere in their lawless depredations.

WE have heard that it is the character of the good man to be subject to higher powers. That civil authority ought to be opposed when it becomes tyrannical, and oppressive, is agreed on all hands. We should all do well to examine the motives by which we are actuated, perhaps they are selfish. It is sometimes a proud haughty disposition than sets men against government, and a thirst to get themselves into the chair. This made Absalom so dissatisfied with the government of Israel, and caused him to disseminate dissensions among them, II. Sam. xv. 4. Absalom[Page]said, moreover, Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which harb any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do them justice.

ON the whole, let us in all these things view the hand of superintending Providence, that ruleth over the nations of the earth, and disposeth of all events, both in the natural and moral world, so as to accomplish the best good of the universe; will cause even the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder will restrain.

LET us repent of our sins, that are the cause of God's controversy with us, and obtain reconciliation with him through the mediation of Jesus Christ. Let us seek after a holy union of sentiment and affection in religion and this will tend to unite us in other things, and especially in that which is in some sense the barrier and support of it. The question would then become serious and general. If the foundations be destroyed what shall the righteous do? Let us support and execute the good laws of our land and endeavor to strengthen the hands of them who rule well. Let no root of bitterness spring up and trouble us, for while the mind is under the influence of prejudice and passion we cannot attend to any subject to advantage. We ssould exercise a spirit of love and forbearance towards those who differ from us, and endeavor to restore them in the spirit of meekness. May we all remember that whatever zeal or attachment we may seem to manifest towards civil institutions; yet if we are not in our hearts and lives in some good measure reconciled to the law and government of God, we shall finally be placed with the workers of iniquity.

Notes

†

Should it be said, that those precepts, that particularly respect our duty to rulers, are rendered unnecessary by those general laws that prohibit bearing false witness against our neighbor, and that enjoin decent behaviour toward all mankind, &c. We may observe That wickedly to impeach men who are intrusted with affairs of the commonwealth, is an insult cast upon the political body, tending to enervate the hands of government. If satisfaction is given to the magistrate only in a private capacity, this does not retrieve the character of the state, which has a right to enact and execute laws, with a more particular relation to itself, tending to support its own dignity and importance.

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Title statement

A sermon delivered at Rutland, West Parish, September 4, 1798. At the annual freeman's meeting. By Lemuel Haynes, Pastor of a church in Rutland.

Haynes, Lemuel, 1753-1833.

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Text Creation Partnership,

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2008-09.

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N25513

ID [TCP]

N25513

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Evans 33864

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APV5298

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33864

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99000647

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 33864.

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— A sermon delivered at Rutland, West Parish, September 4, 1798. At the annual freeman's meeting. By Lemuel Haynes, Pastor of a church in Rutland., Haynes, Lemuel, 1753-1833..

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17, [1] p. ; 22 cm.

by John Walker, Jun.,. Printed at Rutland, Vermont, :: M,DCC,XCVIII. [1798]. (Caption title (p. 3): The influence of civil government on religion.) (Pages 15-16 wrongly imposed after p. 4.)

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Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.