An oration, prepared, to be delivered in St. Phillip's Church, before the inhabitants of Charleston, South-Carolina, on the Fourth of July, 1798. In commemoration of American independence. : By appointment of the American Revolution Society. Published at the request of that society, and also of the South-Carolina State Society of the Cincinnati. / By Henry William Desaussure, a member of the Revolution society, and intendant of the city of Charleston.

An oration, prepared, to be delivered in St. Phillip's Church, before the inhabitants of Charleston, South-Carolina, on the Fourth of July, 1798. In commemoration of American independence. : By appointment of the American Revolution Society. Published at the request of that society, and also of the South-Carolina State Society of the Cincinnati. / By Henry William Desaussure, a member of the Revolution society, and intendant of the city of Charleston.

Table of contents

Title page

Extract from the Minutes of the REVOLUTION SOCIETY, at their Anniversary Meeting, at Williams's Coffee-House, on Wednesday, 4th of July, 1798.

ORATION.

[Page]

ORATION.

Friends and Fellow-Citizens,

IT hath been a custom peculiar to republics to celebrate the glories of their country by public orations. Greece and Rome furnished the example, and our infant commonwealth had scarcely assumed its character, before it adopted this method of commemorating the great events, which, growing out of the revolution, gave dignity to that event, and rendered it deeply interesting to future ages, as well as to present times. Pericles, the Athenian, whose sublime eloquence and wonderful energy, procured him the surname of the Olympian, and whose mighty genius ruled above forty years, with irresistable authority, the turbulent democracy of Athens, did not disdain to celebrate in the public assemblies of the people, the glory of those who died in defence of their country, and [Page] to depict the free constitution of the republic in glowing and captivating colours. Several of the most distinguished actors in our own revolution, have followed his example, and have given celebrity, by their eloquence, to the great events which they had witnessed, or to which they had contributed. With equal zeal, but with inferior powers, I come, in pursuance of this custom of our country, and in obedience to the injunction of a portion of my fellow-citizens, who had a right to impose the duty, to celebrate the anniversary of the auspicious day, on which the representatives of our nation, assembled in awful council, announced the glorious declaration, which broke a foreign yoke, and created an independent empire.

By this immortal act the United States of America were declared to be free and independent, ‘with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do:’ And for the support of this declaration, the patriots and the statesmen who then guided our councils, ‘with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, mutually pledged to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor.’ America accepted the declaration as a boon of high value, and the representatives of the people of this state, solemnly pronounced ‘that they thankfully [Page] received the notification, and rejoiced at it; and were determined, at every hazard, to endeavor to maintain it, that so, after they had departed, their children, and their latest posterity, might have cause to bless their memory.’ How gloriously this noble declaration was supported, and by what efforts of heroic valor it was maintained! How much was greatly done, and how much was patiently suffered, is for the historians of the revolution; and the relation will brighten their pages with unfading splendor to the latest ages.

The intimate knowledge which you all possess of these scenes, in which so many, who now hear me, were great and virtuous actors, dispenses with the duty of entering into long details of the causes, which impelled America to separate herself from Great-Britain, and to hold her, ‘as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war; in peace, friends.’ Still less is it necessary to swell the account of the revolutionary struggle. A brief review of those causes, and of these scenes, will bring them glowing to the mind of every American.

The parent state, after having cherished its American colonies with fond affection in their infancy, became jealous of their growing importance in their riper age. She dreaded a rival, where she should have seen only a friend. Under the unhappy influence of an ill-judged policy, she determined to [Page] check the growth of her children, advancing rapidly to maturity. To effect this purpose, she limited their commerce, restricted their manufactures, shackled their spirit of enterprize, obstructed the administration of justice, destroyed their charters, suspended their legislatures, and manifested, by a thousand injurious acts, that spirit of domination, which finally issued in the assertion of an unqualified right in the British parliament, to bind in all cases whatever, unrepresented America. The colonies, filled with affection and kindness towards a nation, which they fondly and truly esteemed their parent, and kindling into anger, slowly and with regret, resorted to every means of conciliation. They supplicated the monarch for a remedy to their evils, and they solicited the parliament for redress of their grievances. Their supplications were treated with scorn, and their solicitations were rejected with contempt. Their patience▪ under suffering, and their forbearance, under wrongs, were construed into timidity, and the bearers of their petitions were refused an audience. Great Britain had come out of her last war, which had been conducted by the vast and fervid genius of Chatham, flushed with unparalelled success. Encircled with her victories, and strong in her immense resources, she could not condescend, after she had given law to the most powerful nations in Europe, to treat with indulgence, or respect, a handful of people, whom she called [Page] rebellious subjects. In a dark hour, when her evil genius presided, she spurned her suppliant children from her feet, and declaring them out of the protection of her laws, waged cruel war upon them. America receding slowly and reluctantly from her fond attachment, and from her earnest hope of conciliation, was gradually forced to take up arms in self-defence. Unskilled in the art, and unprovided with the munition of war, she suffered every calamity, which superior force, directed by experience, and sharpened by resentment, could inflict. Her provinces were overrun—her towns were pillaged and burnt—her citizens were exiled, or immured in dungeons—her undisciplined armies were dissipated, and a dark cloud hung over her fortunes, and threatened their ruin. But that characteristic temper of Americans, which, in times of peace, is forbearance and gentleness, rose under the pressure of the war into invincible fortitude. Like the founder of the Russian grandeur▪ they learned to draw victory out of defeat; and they acquired the art of war from their enemy. The gallant defence of Bunker's hill by undisciplined provincials, taught the British troops the vanity of their hopes of a speedy conquest. The vigorous invasion of Canada, by new troops, penetrating through a wilderness, never before trodden by civilized man, displayed a hardihood of enterprize, not equalled by the great Wolf, in his more fortunate attack on Quebec: and [Page] was likened, at the time of its execution, to Hannibal's famed passage of the Alps. The skilful retreat through the Jersies, and the decisive blow at Trenton, displayed combinations of patience, judgment, and active valor; which evinced, that America, though "in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone of manhood," could not be subdued by foreign invasion. The gallant and unceasing attacks at Bennington, Saratoga, and Stillwater, which compelled the haughty Burgoyne to lay down his arms, were pledges of ultimate success. The glorious defence of Fort Moultrie, the brilliant achievement at Stoney Point, the decisive blow at King's Mountain, the fortune-changing victory at the Cowpens, and the hard fought battles of Guilford and the Eutaws, were the great harbingers of that glorious day, when the surrender of Cornwallis put the seal to the American independence.

The pressure of the times brought out those great minds which exist in every society of man, and which, laying dormant in tranquil seasons, remain in the shade of privacy, till some fit occasion arises, and demands them ‘to ride in the whirlwind and direct the storm.’ The Sidneys, and the Hampdens, who would else have remained mute, inert, and inglorious, came forth at their country's call; and guiding the councils, or conducting the armies of America, led her to victory and independence. Great Warren, skilled [Page] in the arts which adorn and dignify life, in the gilded scenes of peace, arose at the harsh notes of war, and gave, in the noble defence of Bunker's-Hill, a great example, in a glorious death, to his grieving countrymen. Montgomery, than whom a nobler spirit never was clothed in human form, offered up his life, a sacrifice, for that cause which he had ardently adopted; carrying with him, into immortality, the affections of his compatriots, and the admiration of his adversaries. By his side, at the gates of Quebec, perished in the moment, when the fate of the embattled legions seemed suspended upon their lives or their deaths, M'Pherson and a host of gallant youths, who scorned to survive their chief. Were I to indulge in the theme, and enumerate the multitudes, who sought honor in the field of glory, and who died a willing sacrifice for their country, I should swell the catalogue to an immeasurable size; and I should awaken too many sad recollections of the losses we have sustained. Yet some recollections press too strongly to be eluded, and force an unwilling, because a painful, remembrance. The gallant Mercer was slain in the vigor of his years, and in the arms of victory. The veteran Wooster fell covered with glory in the defence of his own immediate country. Nash, Scammel, Perry, Campbell, were the victims of their courage, and of their country.

It would be ingratitude to refuse a place in [Page] the roll of fame, to the ardent valour of Pu [...]i, the noble Pole, who, despairing of freedom in his own country, sought to win it in America, and freely gave his blood as the price. Nor less unjust would it be to withhold the eulogium of the great de Kaalb, who, covered with wounds in a cause, not his own, spent the last hours of his glorious life, in attesting the courage of the troops he had commanded.

Nor were there found wanting able and gallant men in our southern region, to vindicate their country's quarrel. The veteran Roberts, who first taught our Carolina youth the discipline necessary to regulate their valour, died gloriously in its defence, pointing out the road of honor to his son. The high spirited Huger, with the gallant Neyle and Moultrie, who left wealthy ease, for the hardships of camps, fell in the defence of our city. The wise and resolute Hyrne became the victim of an incurable wound, received in the ardent conflict. The brave Shepherd, Wilkins, Hume, and many other patriotic soldiers, freely shed their blood in the varied warfare. Wise, Motte, Rutherford, Joor, Simmons, Donnom, De Saussure, and a thousand other heroic officers, left "the warm precincts of the chearful day" for the cold chambers of death, in the inspiring cause of independence. Laurens, proud name! thy heroic spirit seemed born for other times, when high deeds of chivalry, [Page] surpassing human powers, gave a gigantic form to military enterprize. Even thee we were compelled to yield to the scythed tyrant, who sweeps the warlike hero and the peaceful citizen, indiscriminately before him.

High above all, towers the beloved name of Greene; who, yielding to fate, since the accomplishment of the revolution, could scarcely be admitted into this enumeration, if his pre-eminence in merit, as in station, did not dispense with the rule of confining our eulogium to those who died in the revolution. This great officer was in the South, what his illustrious chief was in the North, the saviour of his country. The Romans were proud of possessing chiefs, one of whom merited the title of the shield, and the other, the sword, of his country. Greene was at once the sword and the shield of the southern states; and their gratitude will be as eternal as his fame.

His unceasing activity never allowed the enemy to be at rest. His daring valour kept the foe in continual apprehension. His extraordinary resources of mind, amply compensated him for the almost total defect of military supplies. His campaign of 1781, is one of the finest models of military skill which can be exhibited. He eluded the enemy when too powerful to be attacked, and kept possession of the country with inferior forces. He beat them by detail when they ventured to detach; he carried almost all their fortified [Page] posts; and he reaped all the fruits of success from the hard fought and doubtful battles of Guilford, Camden, and Eutaw; enjoying the substance without the name of victory. Supported by many great men, he recovered the southern states and gave them peace.

By these, and such as these, was the revolution achieved. Ever honored be their memory! may they, in immortal bliss, enjoy the rich rewards of their toils and of their sacrifices! may they, if just spirits are permitted to look down on the scenes of this lower world, receive some increase of their ineffable joys from the gratitude of their countrymen, who have reposed in the lap of peace, and enjoyed the blessings of independence, purchased with their blood. May their noble example inspire an invincible resolution in the mind of Americans, to call forth the whole energies of their souls, and to endure all sorts of calamities, rather than yield up that independence which they acquired so gloriously, and transmitted to us as our best inheritance.

Yes, great spirits! be persuaded that you did not bleed in vain! your countrymen, fired by the recollection of your deeds, will guard, as their most valuable treasure, the sacred deposit you have left them; and if the storm of war comes upon them in its fury, they will follow your glorious example, even to death, in the defence of the country you so [Page] gloriously defended, and of the independence, you so dearly earned.

The services of the heroes who sleep with their fathers, were not unrivalled. In the career of glory, they were emulated by many gallant men, who, by the blessing of heaven, yet remain to us, to guide us, by their experienced wisdom, and to protect us by their tried valour. They repose under the shade of their laurels, enjoying the reward of their toils in the solid affections and respect of their fellow citizens. They also merit our eulogiums. But who shall venture to praise the living? Truth and delicacy are at war with each other. The former urges the full delineation of their deeds in glowing colours. The latter restrains the hand of the artist, and casts a veil over the picture. Yet I shall be indulged in drawing your attention to the immortal man, from whom the mind can never wander when reflecting on the revolution. His final retreat from public life, sanctifies, like death, the celebration of his glorious deeds.

This extraordinary man seems to have been born to public utility. In the dawn of manhood, we find him commencing his career, and braving the savage foe who desolated the frontiers. Equally formed for council and for action, his vigorous exertions saved the remnant of that army, which his counsels would have preserved entire, and led to victory. Braddock's defeat, and Col. Washington's retreat, attested the rashness of the former [Page] and the skill of the latter. When the hatchet was buried, and the sword was turned into the ploughshare, we find him in private life, discharging all its duties with honor. In the enjoyment of an easy fortune, he possesed that independence which placed him above every want; and that regulated philosophic mind which elevated him above the tempest of the passions. Yet soon as Great Britain drew the sword, to enforce her imperious claims, he relinquished the sweets of ease and retirement▪ and came forth, among the foremost, in asserting the rights of his country. His virtues, and his talents, gave him, unsolicited, the first place in rank, as the first in danger and responsibility. Entering on his command, he found himself opposed to the disciplined troops of Great Britain, abounding in numbers, commanded by experienced officers, furnished abundantly with the means of war, and supported by a powerful navy. To resist these he was placed at the head of troops inferior in number, undisciplined, led by officers full of ardor indeed, but unskilled in the very elements of their profession; without any regular or competent supply of military stores. At one delicate crisis, he had neither pay, cloathing, or food for his troops; and revolt was added to the calamities which assailed him. At one awful moment, scarcely three thousand men remained with him to maintain the arduous struggle: With this glorious band, in the midst of the storms and [Page] tempests of winter, he crossed a freezing river, in the night, under multiplied difficulties; stopped the career of the victorious enemy; turned the tide of war; and taught his enemy to dread him, when most depressed. Trenton and Princeton witnessed his skill and his prowess, when the fate of his country was suspended on his sword. It would be unnecessary to follow his footsteps through the varied warfare which led him from the frozen regions of the north, to the plains warmed by the southern sun. He arose from defeat and disaster, with renewed force and courage; and retorted defeat and disaster on his adversaries, when most highly flushed with success. His magnanimous spirit never despaired of the republic, in the gloomiest hour of the struggle: and he persevered with his brave compatriots in arms, under complicated embarrassments, until the capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army, by extraordinary combinations of valor and military skill, achieved the independence of his country. It was his spirit which roused the indolent, invigorated the timid, confirmed the resolute, and sustained the fortunes of his country, seconded by the great men whom his renown drew around him, and whom his discernment selected for the most perilous services.

The moment of the discharge of a victorious, unpaid, and dissatisfied army, had been an eventful period in many a revolution. More than one Cromwell had availed himself [Page] of the discontents of the soldiery, to elevate himself to royalty. Washington's unshaken integrity resisted the temptation. His determined prudence stopped the beginning of mischief on a portentous day, boding mischief, if not ruin, to the American republic. A spark which was fanning into flame, by a daring spirit, was extinguished by his vigilance. Under his auspices, and by his skilful management, an army covered with glory, highly disciplined, irresistable, devoted to him, discontented with its country, was quietly disbanded without pay, and without serious tumult. Richly rewarded in the pure and grateful attachment of his countrymen, but without any other compensation, he gladly retired into the walks of private life; and he was not distinguished from the poorest citizen, but by his implicit submission to the laws, and by his unassuming deportment. A few years of tranquillity were allowed him in his beloved retirement. These he rendered useful to his country, by exciting that spirit of improvement in canals, and in agriculture, so beneficial to the husbandman and the merchant. This tranquil state was not destined to be durable. His country had occasion for his services in more important affairs. The confederation of the states had been formed in haste, in times of adversity and trouble, without much skill or compactness; and the ship of state was kept together, chiefly by the pressure of the surrounding waters. In times [Page] of peace it was found inadequate to the purposes of its creation. It was a government in name, and not in substance. The slender ties by which the states were bound together, were fast dissolving. No common interest was pursued. No common policy governed the American councils. Each state did what seemed good in its own eyes, and too frequently mistook evil for good. Dangerous remedies were resorted to for the evils produced by the war; and the diseases of the body politic were sharpened by the malignity of the poisons, which were administered as palliatives.

The debt of the United States, the price of their independence, remained unpaid, and even unliquidated. Public faith was scoffed at, and private confidence destroyed. America had neither union at home, nor respect abroad.—Anarchy and civil war seemed to threaten to fill up the measure of her calamities; whilst foreign nations scorning her imbecility, restricted her commerce at their pleasure; and disdained to meet her fairly in treaties, founded on the broad basis of mutual concession and reciprocity.

Urged by these imperious circumstances, to new model her constitution, and to infuse new energies into her government, America, in whose councils rational improvement is an inherent principle, called together her wise men; and committed to them the arduous task of forming a new constitution, and government, [Page] adapted to the interests and the wants of the nation. These enlightened patriots framed a constitution, not less distinguished for its happy combination of the national wisdom, with the public force, than for the security it extends to the rights of individuals. It professes to be framed ‘in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.’ The history of the last ten years will best prove, how greatly, beyond even hope, this government has answered the expectations of its framers. The states have been cordially united under its salutary influences; never to be severed. Justice has been administered, unimpeded by passionate or interested legislation. Domestic tranquillity has been secured in the most wonderful manner, under a police mild beyond example. A flood of prosperity, bursting upon the country, on the revival of confidence, has flowed into every quarter of the union, and fertilized almost every hamlet with its salubrious streams. The blessings of liberty have been enjoyed by us, in as eminent a degree, at as small a price, as the frailty of man will permit. Agriculture has been improved, and yields to the peaceful cultivator of the earth a superabundance of the necessaries and comforts of human life. Commerce hath expanded her wings to [Page] every quarter of the globe, and exchanging the productions of our country for the manufactures and elegancies of others, multiplies the enjoyments of man. Smiling Plenty crowns the land, and the patriot heart could scarcely form a wish but for the continuance of these blessings.

How large a share the illustrious Washington had in the formation of that wise constitution, and how faithfully he administered the government, confided to him by the unanimous voice of his country, is too well known, and too deeply impressed on the minds of his fellow-citizens, to require a recapitulation. In the language of a sensible legislator, who knew him well, discretion seemed to cover him with her mantle, and to regulate all his actions. In the internal affairs of our complicated government, order and economy were introduced and systematized.

In the foreign relations of our country, it was his fixed policy to maintain the neutrality which the natural position of America demanded, as impartially as the then enthusiastic attachment of all America to France, would permit. Through what difficulties, and under what embarrassing circumstances, he retained white robed Peace a guest in our land, is known to every well-informed man. Nor could even he have retained her, if the constitution of the United States had not been adopted at the critical moment it was formed. For it is hazarding no violent assertion [Page] to pronounce, that, had the stormy revolution of France, found the United States, under their feeble confederation, without a national government, disunited, weak, without resources, and without a common policy, they would, long since, have formed provinces of France. Her diplomatic skill would have availed itself of our situation, and some proconsul of the French republic, would have governed America, and united her fortunes, indissolubly, with France, in her dark and bloody career. By the especial care of a superintending Providence, the new government of the United States, was completely organized, and firmly established, at the moment of the bursting out of the whirlwind which has desolated the greatest part of Europe. Happily Washington presided over the government, and used, with wisdom and firmness, the means placed in his hands by the constitution to avert the storm.

He hath at length retired, full of years, and covered with glory. The love and the blessings of his country accompanied him in his last retreat. He carried with him the consolation of having deserved well of his country. He enjoys the sweet consolation which comforted the great Athenian, who, in the last hours of ebbing life, after a long administration in tempestuous times, deemed it his highest glory, ‘that none of his fellow-citizens had ever been obliged to put on mourning through him.’ It was the peculiar [Page] felicity of our great chief, to extinguish, even a rebellion, without shedding the blood of a single citizen. Reposing in the groves of Mount Vernon, he presents the most august spectacle among men. Long, very long, may he remain, honored, beloved, and tranquil; the pride and ornament of his country; the model of its chiefs!

When America threw off the yoke of Great Britain, and assumed her station among the nations of the earth, she fondly expected, that at the conclusion of the revolutionary war, she should enjoy, undisturbed, the right of modeling her institutions according to her own ideas of sound policy, adapted to the condition of her people. She earnestly hoped, that her distance would exempt her from taking any share in the European quarrels. Until recently, she has enjoyed these promised fruits of the revolution, unquestioned. She has had time to form her constitutions, and to mould her institutions, to the forms of her own choice; and she has presented to the world a spectacle of civil liberty, enjoyed in tranquillity, tempered and protected by laws, willed by the people, through their select representatives, as had been long desired, in vain, by the wisest men in all ages. Indulge me, whilst I slightly sketch the civil and political institutions, the moral and physical causes, which have produced these wonderful effects.

It was considered that in the formation of a government for a numerous people, doubling [Page] their population in less than twenty years, from the facility of acquiring a certain subsistence—inhabiting a vast extent of country, jealous of their liberties, yet wisely sensible of the necessity of energy in the laws, a peculiar organization was required. Accordingly, a system was adopted, essentially different from any other with which we are acquainted, yet particularly fitted to answer our purposes.

Each of the states has established a provincial government of its own, which regulates its internal affairs, legislates within its own limits, administers civil and criminal justice, among the citizens of its own territory, and superintends the police of the country. It is independent within its own sphere, but it is connected, and moves in harmonious concert, with its sister states, revolving around the general government; which, like the sun of the solar system, attracts, combines, animates, and superintends, the whole machinery, keeping all the revolving planets in their respective and appropriate orbits.

The United States have established a general government, framed by the consent of all, to which is confided the general interests of the nation. It exercises, exclusively, the powers of regulating commerce, raising and supporting armies and navies, calling out and governing the militia, declaring war and making peace, suppressing insurrections and repelling invasions; and it administers justice among all descriptions of persons, within the [Page] United States, not citizens of the same state. It lays taxes for the public service, exclusively on commerce, and concurrently on other objects of taxation. The produce of the country is exempt from all taxation, on its exportation. Direct taxation on the states, is proportioned to their representation in the legislature of the United States, in its most numerous branch; and their representation depends on their population. The forms of government are essentially the same in most of the states. They must be republican, and they are so, substantially. They are the reflected images of the general government, in some instances, clear and bright as the original, in other instances, a little weakened or obscured.

In all the states, the legislature is composed of two distinct bodies of men. A senate of fewer numbers, and of elder and more experienced men, supposed to represent the wisdom and the property of the country: A house of representatives, more numerous, expected to represent the feelings of the citizens, and therefore returning more frequently to the mass of their constituents.

In all, the chief magistrate, chosen for a short term, superintends the execution of the laws. In some, he is aided by a council; in others, he is left to his own discretion and responsibility: In some, he has a suspensive negative on the laws; in most, he is not so armed. In all, the judiciary power is exercised [Page] by independent bodies of magistrates, generally chosen by the legislature, sometimes by the executive. In most of the states, these hold their commissions during good behavior, at an immutable salary. In some, for a term of years with a mutable compensation.

In the government of the United States, the legislative power is exercised by two distinct bodies of men: a senate composed of two members from each of the states, elected by each in its national capacity, to serve for six years: a house of representatives, elected biennially by the people at large, qualified to vote, in their several states, in proportion to their numbers.

The executive of the United States, participates in the legislative power, by the exercise of a suspensive negative, controlable by two thirds of both houses.

The executive power of the United States is entrusted to a president, chose quadrennially by certain electors, who are themselves appointed, for the special occasion, at the discretion of the several states, by the legislatures, or by the people at large. He watches over the execution of the laws, and wields the energies of the nation, as commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia when in actual service. He exercises the godlike power of pardon.

The senate shares with the executive in [Page] the appointment to offices, and in the formation of treaties.

The senate and house of representatives share with the executive in the power of declaring war.

The judiciary, named by the president, and approved by the senate, hold their offices during good behavior, with an immutable salary.

It administers justice, exclusively, in all national questions, growing out of the constitution and laws of the United States, and treaties—in all cases relative to foreign ministers and consuls—in all maritime cases, civil and criminal—concurrently, with the judiciary of the several states, in all cases of alien suitors, or citizens of different states.

The vital principle of these free forms of government we have adopted, is the principle of representation. The people, in their various subdivisions, elect the men whom they prefer, to represent their interests, and their feelings, in the legislature composed of two branches. These elections are frequent. In most of the states, the representatives, in one branch, are elected for one year. In the general government, and in one of the states, for two years. In the other branch for three, four, or six years. At the expiration of his term of service, the legislator returns to the mass of his fellow-citizens, undistinguished, unprivileged, and subject, in common with [Page] them, to the full operation of the laws he has enacted.

This close connection between the constituent and the legislator, secures the people from rash or wicked laws, subversive of the public liberty, or destructive of the public interest.

Before this principle was discovered, or applied to the purposes of government, the republican form had but a small chance of utility or duration. In the diminutive Grecian democracies, where the people exercised the sovereign power, in person, in their public assemblies, factions and tumults eternally existed. Passion governed, and not reason.—And he who was defeated in the argument, became the victor in the tumult. The wise, and the good, fled from the discordant scene, and left the deep mouthed demagogue to guide assemblies, where the voice of reason could not be heard. They detested a government so illy calculated to procure the great objects of civil society, the tranquil and secure enjoyment of the rights of person and property. Licentiousness was substituted for liberty; and the venal demagogues, who had seduced and misled their countrymen, sold them for Macedonian gold, to the yoke of Philip and Alexander.

The Roman people, exercising the sovereign power in the public assemblies, succeeded no better. Whilst the rights of citizenship were confined to the inhabitants of [Page] their city, they were afflicted by frequent factions and tumults in the discussion of the public affairs; and the misery of the mass of the citizens formed a singular and striking contrast to the splendor of their military successes. And when they were obliged to admit all their Italian allies to the rights of citizenship, and to a share of the sovereign power, the forum became a field of battle, where force alone decided.—More than ten thousand men have been slain on the discussion of one public question, or at one election. These evils were too great to be borne—mankind prefer the torpid stillness of despotism, to such extreme democratic licentiousness.—Rome quickly sunk into a monarchy.

Had the representative principle been understood, and practised, by the Grecian and Roman republics, they might have long enjoyed, in tranquillity, that freedom they so ardently loved, and so dreadfully abused.

America, by the wise application of the representative principle, enjoys advantages of immense importance to her peace within, and to her security without.

It was formerly contended, that a republic could not exist on an extensive scale, or comprehend a numerous body of citizens. This was true, as it related to the democracies, where the sovereign power is exercised by the people in person. All beyond the seat of government must, in such a simple democracy, be subjects, and this happened wherever [Page] that form of government prevailed. But on the American model, a republic may exist on as large a scale as any empire; and the most distant inhabitants of the republic may participate in the government, as strongly, through their representatives, as those who reside in the capital.

Ambitious demagogues cannot so easily corrupt the people, and overturn the republic. The Pompeys, and the Caesars, easily found means to corrupt and seduce the numerous populace of a single city, and acquired an ascendancy by their gold, and their dependents, which led to their elevation to supreme power, on the ruins of the republic. No similar event can happen in America: No single citizen can, by any insiduous arts, acquire a dangerous ascendancy over a nation, inhabiting such an immense extent of country, with such a form of government, as has been described.—Reason, or force, may govern such a people; but art, corruption and intrigue, never can. It is of no advantage to a demagogue to excite a tumult, or stir up a sedition, in a single spot, as he cannot thereby rule the state.—These, therefore, are less frequent in the American republic, than in others. The capacity of being extended beyond the size of the ancient free republics, secures the United States from the fate of those small states, which were easily struck down by a single blow from nations of superior force.—They may be pressed by an invader, [Page] and some of them may be desolated, but they cannot be subdued.

The policy of America is different from that of all other nations; it is of a milder temper, and promises fairer fruit than a harsher system. She has not bolstered up her government by a religious establishment, exacting conformity. She leaves religion, as a matter between God and every man's conscience, without any state regulation. All men are protected in the worship of God, in the manner congenial to their minds; and a citizens faith is never enquired into by the government, whilst he demeans himself peaceably. The citizen is neither excluded, nor advanced, by his profession of any particular creed. The fruit already produced, is, that bigotry does not exist, and superstition is not known.

We have no privileged casts, or orders, of citizens, to monopolize the public employments, and to elude the public burthens. Talents combined with virtues, are the passports to public favor and to public appointments—all enjoy equal rights and equal protection under the laws. The conditions of men are various, because they are endowed with various degrees of intelligence, industry, economy and virtue; but they are equally under the sanction of the laws, in their various pursuits and conditions. A system of republicanism so tempered, furnishes no grounds for those jealousies, and apprehensions, which [Page] distracted the republics of ancient times, which were of a more democratic cast. On the one hand, the people are under no necessity of harbouring that jealousy, which anticipating tyranny, construed talents into criminality, and banished eminent men without offence, and without trial. The ostracism is not requisite to the security of the public liberty—On the other hand, there is no pretence for the exercise of those severe maxims, which rendered the aristocracies of modern Europe, more intolerable than the monarchies. No secret accusations are received, no private tribunals are established to decide on suspicion, and to condemn unheard. No council of ten, disposes of the lives, liberties, or properties, of the citizens at pleasure. The mild tenor of the government produces a correspondent mildness in the citizens—the peace of the community is preserved, and the laws are enforced without the aid of a single soldier—no furious parties are formed in the state, exhibiting hostile armies in the same community. Political questions are discussed with animation, but without any durable animosity. The government itself was new modelled, and essentially altered, without any bloodshed, and without any permanent resentments. Even the re-admission of many of the exiles, of the revolutionary contest, has produced no inconveniencies, or serious discontents.

I should furnish a very incomplete representation of the condition of our country, [Page] if I omitted to state the character and influence of the fair sex. In all the various modifications of human society, the gentle sex partakes and encreases our good, shares and diminishes our evil. It is a truth, highly honorable to the female sex, that in proportion to the existence of virtue, combined with suavity of manners, in any nation, the ladies have maintained their natural equality, and have even acquired an ascendancy over the heart of man. When the human race is found in a barbarous state, without the arts which embellish life; and man is ferocious as the tiger of the forest, unhappy woman partakes of his misery, and is the slave of his barbarity. When man carries refinement to extremes, and is corrupted by luxury, and sunk into every debasing vice, woman still shares in his condition, and is the victim of his vices. But when wise institutions, and sound morals, have rendered a nation virtuous, then the gentle sex resumes its empire over the heart of man, and charms and soothes him into a willing obedience to her dominion. Were it not too flattering to our nation, I would freely descant on the condition of the fair sex in our country, and I would easily prove their possession of that gentle authority, founded on the mild qualities, by which, they sooth and tranquilize the rougher temper of man. And I would thence infer, that the morals of our community, are in that sound state which is essential to the dominion [Page] of the sex. It would be highly unjust not to add, that to this gentleness of character, the ladies of this country united the most distinguished patriotism. They sustained the calamities of war with invincible fortitude, and submitted to the privation of the comforts of life, with the most exemplary patience. Did the public service require the sacrifice of private property, the arrows and the fire were furnished by the patriotic and amiable owner, to destroy the buildings, which sheltered the enemy. Did the enemy violate a sacred capitulation, and doom those to prison-ships, who were entitled to their parole, the matrons, whose sons were exposed to this calamity, became their encouragers and supporters. When the allurements of amusement were held out, to induce the fair sex to grace the gay assemblies of the conqueror, these were rejected, with scorn, and the abodes of misery, filled with captive Americans, were honored and cheered by the lovely guests. These are their claims to our best affections and tenderest regards.

Such is the state of our country, and such the multiplied blessings we enjoy, and it was the earnest hope of every good citizen, that our distance would exempt us from taking any share in the European quarrels, and that we should be long allowed the tranquil possession of these advantages. Unambitious ourselves, we did not desire to interfere with the rights or possessions of others. The nature [Page] of our government, forbids personal ambition. The vast extent of our country left no room for any inclination to extend our territory. It was our peaceable ambition, our wise policy, to fill this immense extent of country, with as great a population, and as large a share of happiness as human life is capable of; and we trusted that a policy, void of offence, to all nations, would have left us at leisure, to pursue, and to extend this pacific glory.

But these were Eutopian dreams, which the first rude blast of conflicting nations dissipated in empty air. No sooner had the first shocks of the French revolution agitated the world, than America found herself involved in the storm. Her affections to France, and her attachment to the principles which seemed to develope themselves in her early career, rendered her sincerely attached to the French revolution. She rejoiced that a great nation, to whom she was intimately allied, was preparing to modify her government, and infuse such portions of civil and political liberty into the system, as would substantially form a free government. America had no hesitation in expressing her joy at this regeneration of her ally—so cordial was her satisfaction, and so frank her avowal of it, that she incurred the resentment of the combined European powers. Their anger was kindled, and they threatened vengeance on the unoffending American republic, whose policy was peace, [Page] and whose partiality was chiefly in the mind, and not greatly in the act.

A firm, stout, and a resolute tone, saved America from this calamity. Her enemies were made to understand that she regretted war and wished to avoid it, but would defend herself against the invaders of her independence, and the plunderers of her commerce. They preferred her neutrality to her resentment, and secured most of the points on which she insisted, by treaty. Great Britain restored her long detained posts, placed her pecuniary claims, in an equitable train of settlement, and disavowed her own most injurious acts. Notwithstanding the animated interest which the United States took in the revolution of France, their obvious policy led to the maintenance of a fair neutrality. Her own great interests demanded this; nor did the well considered interests of France, seem to require a deviation from it. It appeared beneficial to her, that her only sincere ally, should be able, by a neutral position, to supply her with the provisions and stores, which her imperious necessities required. It may be added, emphatically, that France owes the possession of the colonies, which remain to her, to the neutrality of the United States. But a just and moderate policy has formed no part of the French revolution. Her arbitrary rulers, construed neutrality into enmity, and charged the United States with ingratitude and desertion. [Page] From reproaches they proceeded to acts of aggression, and their progress in deeds of hostility, has been so persevering and oppressive, that the patience of America, is, at length worn out, and she prepares to vindicate herself, by a just and necessary defence.

If the contest must be decided by the sword, it is of prime importance that we should be convinced that the sword is drawn in a just cause. The consciousness of this truth, will unite the hearts of our citizens, and will nerve the arm of the patriot soldier in the defence of his country. A short review of the relative conduct of France and America, to each other, will demonstrate the justice of the American cause.

The United States deeply affected with a sense of the benefits derived from the French government, in the revolutionary war, did not stoop to enquire into the motives for the assistance furnished by France. Filled with sentiments of affection and kindness, the government sought every occasion of expressing its attachment, and the people sometimes transcended the bounds of prudence, in the warmth of their zeal. The French had a decided weight in the councils of the United States, and to be a Frenchman was a passport to all the civilities of the citizens. In this temper, the revolution commenced. When in its progress the throne was subverted, all the powers of Europe withdrew their ministers from France, and prepared themselves [Page] to inflict, and to endure the calamities of war. The United States, faithful in their attachment, directed their minister to remain, and he was long the solitary diplomatic character at Paris.

When republican France deemed it essential to her interests to dispatch a new minister to America, he was received every where with kindness, and the continent resounded with congratulations. The government received him with cordiality, and the people with enthusiasm. These proofs of attachment were given, when the fortunes of the republic were at a low ebb. Great part of Europe was in arms against her—the short lived conquests of Dumourier had vanished; her own territory was invaded; her armies were defeated and disorganized, and dangers pressed her on every side. Aware of these dangers, America dared to avow her attachment, and to hazard the consequences.

When the march of this all destroying revolution, had ruined the internal resources of France, and every pecuniary claim became important to her, she solicited from the United States the prompt re-imbursement of the debt due to her, which had been promised at stipulated periods. The government of the United States, without regarding the imputation of a partiality strongly attributed to her; without calculating the consequences of a counter revolution, listening only to her [Page] affections, condensed seven years installments into two, and discharged them.

When the explosion of principles, subversive of social order, had overwhelmed the great colony of St. Domingo, and deluged the island with the blood of the inhabitants, many of them took refuge in America with the little remnant of their property. I forbear to describe how kindly they were received, how largely they were relieved. You enjoy the sweet reward of having contributed greatly to the relief of human beings, and of Frenchmen, afflicted with many sorrows. Be contented with the delightful consciousness of having done your duty. The recollection will wear well, and will comfort you in the hour of your own calamity. To the disgrace of the French government, these acts of kindness have been misconstrued, and made a subject of complaint.

Wherever a construction, favorable to France, could be put on the law of nations, or on our treaty, it was done; and so notorious were the friendly dispositions of the United States to the French, that the belligerent powers scarcely held them to be neutral, and threatened them with war for that cause alone.

America rejoiced in the successes of France; she lamented her defeats; and above all, she grieved for her aberrations from the great principles of republicanism and justice; for her bloody proscriptions, and her inhuman [Page] confiscations. She wept for her crimes, and would have drawn an eternal veil over them.

So sensible was France of the sincere affections of America, and of the proofs she gave of them, that she frequently expressed her gratitude, and her deep sense of the attachment displayed for her cause, and of the importance of the indirect aid she derived from her friendship.

Mr. Adet, so late as in 1795, pronounced a confidential communication, made to him, ‘a sure guarantee of the friendship of the American government towards France, and of the fidelity with which it always marks its conduct towards a faithful ally.’

But this fidelity was not sufficient for the purposes of France.—Her eager policy demanded that we should be made a party in the war, and she moved heaven and earth to drag us into the conflict. With this view she sent a minister to represent her, who with the Circaen song of peace and neutrality in his mouth, exercised infinite art and boldness to seduce, or force us into the war.

This daring man endeavored to usurp the sovereignty of our country.—He issued commissions to our citizens, and tempted them with the hopes of plunder, to fit out privateers, to cruize on the commerce of nations with whom we were at peace.—He granted commissions to our citizens, and excited them to enlist troops, subject to his disposition. [Page] Fearful that the firm measures of the government would defeat his machinations, he calumniated the constituted authorities, misrepresented their acts, and threatened to appeal to the people.

The government of the United States bore with this minister for a long time, and did not attribute to his nation his extraordinary conduct, until the publication of his instructions forced reluctant belief. He was recalled, and on the downfal of his party, demanded for punishment. The government which he had insulted had the magnanimity to refuse to deliver him up. His successors pursued the same march steadily, but more covertly.

The conduct of the French government has been no less unfriendly than that of its agents. At the very outset of her war with Great Britain, the convention decreed, that all neutral vessels, bound for the ports of Great Britain, should be carried into France: Thus taking upon itself to prohibit the commerce of the neutrals, without a single pretence of wrong, or impropriety, being committed by them. This decree was issued in May, 1793, at the very moment when their minister landed in America, and declared, solemnly, that his nation respected our neutrality. This decree has been followed by a long succession of others, each more severe and injurious than the preceding, which have been carried into effect with equal rapacity and atrocity. And it is an unquestionable [Page] truth, that by arbitrary seizures, in her own ports, by unjust captures on the open seas, on various false pretences, by forced loans, by unperformed contracts, and by open confiscation; France hath wrested from the citizens of the United States of America, a larger sum than they would have lost in a state of actual war. This is the deliberate opinion of our envoys, delivered to France, herself, in their memorials, demanding reparation. In the West-Indies, these decrees, and others, issued by the French agents, have been executed, with a rigour, ruinous to commerce; injustice was systematized, and robbery and confiscation were organized. How many of our respectable citizens are now embarrassed by the cruel privation of their means, employed in feeding this unjust ally? Too many of you my friends have been sufferers, and feel the injuries, too sensibly for me to dwell on this ungrateful theme. To these injuries have been added, personal wrongs—our citizens, after being plundered, have been imprisoned, and cast on shore, penniless, in strange countries; they have been forced to submit to the rod of the oppressor, and have been offered in exchange as prisoners of war.

This accumulation of wrongs and injuries, have been borne by the United States, with the most unexampled patience. For a long time they forebore even reproaches. They confided, that the justness of the ally and [Page] friend, would bind up the wounds inflicted in the fury of the revolutionary storm. Perseverance in a long course of oppressions, at length excited the sensibilities of America, and she instructed her ministers to expostulate mildly with France, in the terms of wounded friendship. She humbled herself before an unreasonable ally: in a manner, she would have scorned to submit to in any other instance. She appointed some of her most distinguished citizens, to go and seek peace, accommodation, and justice from France, even by the sacrifice of secondary interests. These great men, in representing the injuries, and urging the claims of their country, have stated truly, ‘That America avoided even defensive measures, and has sought unremittingly and assiduously, for such peaceful and amicable explanations, as might do away existing animosities, and restore, between the two republics, the harmony which America so truly desires. That America accustomed herself to perceive, in France, only the friend and ally. Consulting the feelings of her own bosom, she has believed that between republics, an elevated and refined friendship could exist, and that free nations were capable of maintaining for each other, a real and permanent affection. That America resists the opinion, that the present state of things grew out of a digested system, to which, Franco means to adhere.’ And, ‘that she recedes, even [Page] under the pressure of these aggressions, slowly and with difficulty, from the attachments she has formed. So entertwined with every ligament of her heart, have been the chords of affection, which bound her to France, that only repeated and continued acts of aggression, could tear them asunder.’

To these pathetic and just representations, France hath not deigned to return any official answer. She hath disdained to receive, or acknowledge, the ministers of peace. She hath exposed them to all sorts of vexations and contumely. These great and virtuous men, regardless of their personal feelings, have persevered, under the most discouraging embarrassments, in their endeavors to remove the obstacles to an accommodation, and to obtain the great objects of their mission, the maintenance of the national independence, and the reasonable reparation of the wrongs done to their injured country. But in vain.

You are too well acquainted with the humiliating demands which have been made upon our country, through these ministers. The relinquishment of the claims of our injured citizens—the payment of a large tribute, and the virtual surrender of the national independence. Your hearts have beat high with indignation at the degrading propositions. An electric shock hath awakened the American mind to an ardent sense of her injuries and oppressions. It is felt and understood, [Page] that the national independence, and all its concomitant blessings are at stake. That to yield to the demands of France, would be a base surrender of that pearl, of so much price, purchased with the treasures of our industry, and with the lives of our citizens. A high national spirit has arisen to vindicate our country, and to maintain her independence at every peril, and through every calamity. America remembers her patience, and long suffering, under the injuries of Great Britain; she remembers her petitions rejected, and her messengers of peace contemned. She recollects how gradually she was kindled into anger, and how firmly, and successfully, she resisted oppression. Pressed to the same issue by an ally, in whose disposition she was deceived; she has acted the same prudent and mild part; it only remains for her to re-act the heroic part she performed in her revolutionary struggle, and under the protection of God, the same result will follow. Nor can a question be made of what part America will take. It is brought by the arrogance of our adversary to this alternative, submit basely, or resist in arms. Nor can we long debate which of the two to choose. If we submit, we sink into the degraded condition of a colony, without self government: nay worse, of a conquered country. The fruits of our industry will be torn from us, to gratify the cravings, and endless wants of a nation, which in creating an universal dominion, hath abandoned industry, [Page] and the arts, to riot on the spoils of others. Our citizens would be exiled, and their estates would be confiscated. Our constitution and government would be overthrown. France would mould our government to her pleasure, and place her dependents in the administration of it. Our country would be bound to the chariot wheels of the oppressor, would be loaded with tributes, and would be permanently yoked to the system of European politics and dissensions. We should be governed by proud pro consuls, and a fierce soldiery, who would answer our complaints with scoffs, and our tears with taunting declarations, that we were too happy that they left us our eyes to weep. Believe me, my friends, this picture is not overcharged. The fate of so many nations, who have been beguiled, betrayed or forced into submission, serves as a warning and a beacon to us.

The unhappy Belgians, stripped of their wealth and of their liberties, bid us avoid their fate by a firm resistance. The cruelly oppressed Batavians warn us of their divisions, which delivered up their country, a prey to the invader, and teach us the importance of union. The flattered, betrayed, and ruined Venetians, beckon to us, in mournful silence, to prepare ourselves to make every sacrifice in a manly struggle, rather than tamely yield up our independence. The Swiss, in the deepest tones of agony and distress, cry aloud to us, to unite, like a band [Page] of brothers, in the defence of our country. Even the docile Spaniards, and the half subject Cisalpines, teach us, that the miseries and degradations of a tame submission, are more galling, than the calamities of war, open and declared.

If we take these warnings, and firmly resolve to maintain our independence, or perish in the struggle, we shall escape the calamities, which have invariably attended submission. France may, indeed, ravage our coasts. She may lay waste the exposed parts of our country; she may cripple our commerce, and inflict a thousand evils upon us. Nay, she may, and if we are torpid and cold in our own cause, she will light up a flame in the southern states, which may consume them. But America never can be subdued, if she be true to herself. Four millions of freemen, with arms in their hands, determined to be free, united, and inhabiting a great and fruitful country, can never be subjected by any enemy, however powerful, residing at the distance of three thousand miles.

We are called upon by every consideration, which ought to influence the human heart, to prepare ourselves, to make this manly struggle. The blood of our friends, shed in the acquisition of independence, cries to us, to maintain, firmly, what they bravely acquired. Millions, unborn, have a right to demand, that we should transmit, unimpaired, to them, the noble inheritance we derived [Page] from our fathers. I would alarm the man who sets a high value on the goods of fortune, by shewing him that his gold is exposed to hazard. I would arouse the patriotism of those, who attach adequate importance to civil and political liberty, by demonstrating that their ruin is involved in a base submission. I would arouse the piety of religious men, by pointing to their altars, in danger of demolition or pollution. I would call upon the honor of the citizen soldier, and point out the road to the temple of fame, up the mount of independence. And I would appeal to the tender affections of all who possess and who love parents, wives, children, brothers, and friends.

Yet why should I make these appeals? Do I not hear the loud tones of a high national spirit, resound from every part of the continent? Is not, the love of country alive in every heart? Are not the old men busied in planning, and advising the best means of defence? Are not the young men sharpening their swords and buckling on their armour, in the glorious cause of national independence? Every mind and every hand are employed. The rich give out of the abundance of their substance, bountifully, for the public defence. Those of moderate circumstances, give their labor. All unite in a firm resolution, never to bow the neck to a foreign yoke. All are deeply sensible that they have to contend with a daring, active, artful enemy, [Page] who never sleeps; to whom all means are lawful, and who practises, with wonderful skill, the maxim of dividing, in order to subdue. All therefore resolve to repel so insidious a foe, by firm decision, instant and vigorous preparation; and above all things by a determination to be united in heart and in action, and to endure every calamity, rather than yield up the national character and independence.

Yes, my friends and fellow-citizens, I swear in the awful name of that great and beneficent Being, in whose presence, and in whose temple we are now assembled, in whose hands is the fate of nations, and under whose divine protection we achieved our independence, that we will never basely surrender the precious acquisition, without a manly struggle to maintain it. It is for you, my friends, to ratify and preserve inviolate the oath I have taken in your name, and on your behalf—and may the God of our fathers sustain, protect and bless us in the defence of our rights and of our country; and may her liberties and independence be immortal.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN ORATION, PREPARED, TO BE DELIVERED IN ST. PHILLIP'S CHURCH, BEFORE THE INHABITANTS OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH-CAROLINA, ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1798.

IN COMMEMORATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.

BY APPOINTMENT OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION SOCIETY.

PUBLISHED AT THE REQUEST OF THAT SOCIETY, AND ALSO OF THE South-Carolina State Society of Cincinnati.

BY HENRY WILLIAM DESAUSSURE, A MEMBER OF THE REVOLUTION SOCIETY, AND INTENDANT OF THE CITY OF CHARLESTON.

CHARLESTON: PRINTED BY [...]. P. YOUNG, No. 4 [...], [...] 1798.

Extract from the Minutes of the REVOLUTION SOCIETY, at their Anniversary Meeting, at Williams's Coffee-House, on Wednesday, 4th of July, 1798.

[Page]

"THE society having met and formed a quorum, Judge Bee, the Rev. Mr. Furman, and Edward Rutledge, jun. esquire, were appointed a committee to wait upon HENRY WILLIAM DESAUSSURE, esquire, (who was nominated last year by the society, to deliver an oration on this day) to assure him of the condolence of the society, on the great loss he has lately sustained, by the death of a worthy parent; and to request that he would deliver the oration, which he had prepared in commemoration of this day, if, in his present distress of mind, he could do so.

"The committee, having accordingly waited on Mr. DESAUSSURE, returned, and informed the society, that they found him, as was to be expected, greatly distressed at the late unhappy event which had taken place in his family: that he received their condolence with gratitude, as it manifested the interest the society were pleased to take in his great misfortune: that he felt a reluctance to disappoint the society, in their expectation of his delivering the oration, more especially at this critical moment▪ and in the dangerous situation of the country; that painful as the task would be to him, he would consent, as far as depended on himself, to make a sacrifice of his feelings to the wishes of the society: but that he felt it a duty to consult his nearest relatives; whose feelings▪ upon being consulted, were so repugnant to his appearing [Page] in public, immediately after the severe loss his family had sustained, that he must beg the indulgence of the society, and be excused.

"The society then, after transacting some other business, elected the following officers, viz.

AR [...]L [...]US VANDER [...]ORS [...], esq. President.

THOMAS BEE, esq. Vice President,

And THOMAS W. BACOT, Secretary and Treasurer.

"The society having requested, and procured the manuscript of the oration from Mr. DESAUSSURE, and the Cincinnati, by invitation, attending, it was read before the two societies by Judge BEE.

"On motion, resolved, that the thanks of the society, with those of the Cincinnati, by their desire, be presented to HENRY WILLIAM DESAUSSURE, esq. for his excellent oration; and that he be requested to permit the same to be printed at the expense of the society. Judge Bee, Mr. Robert Hazlehurst, and Mr. Thomas R. Smith, were appointed to execute the foregoing resolve."

Information about this book

Title statement

An oration, prepared, to be delivered in St. Phillip's Church, before the inhabitants of Charleston, South-Carolina, on the Fourth of July, 1798. In commemoration of American independence. : By appointment of the American Revolution Society. Published at the request of that society, and also of the South-Carolina State Society of the Cincinnati. / By Henry William Desaussure, a member of the Revolution society, and intendant of the city of Charleston.

De Saussure, Henry William, 1763-1839.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2006-02.

ID [DLPS]

N25359

ID [TCP]

N25359

ID [STC]

Evans 33628

ID [NOTIS]

APX4757

ID [IMAGE-SET]

33628

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99021536

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Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 33628.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N25359)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 33628)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 33628)

Source

— An oration, prepared, to be delivered in St. Phillip's Church, before the inhabitants of Charleston, South-Carolina, on the Fourth of July, 1798. In commemoration of American independence. : By appointment of the American Revolution Society. Published at the request of that society, and also of the South-Carolina State Society of the Cincinnati. / By Henry William Desaussure, a member of the Revolution society, and intendant of the city of Charleston., De Saussure, Henry William, 1763-1839., American Revolution Society (Charleston, S.C.)., South-Carolina State Society of Cincinnati..

Extent

[2], iv, 45, [1] p. ; 20 cm.

Printed by W.P. Young, no. 43, Broad-Street.,. Charleston [S.C.]: :: 1798.. (With a half-title.)

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