AFTER the peace of seventeen hundred and sixty-three, the British ministry proposed to raise a revenue by act of Parliament, from their American colonies. The sum, which, in this man­ner, they determined to raise, was indeed small, and not equal to the hazard of a revolution, or the expence of a war; but the people of America saw that a violation of principle ought to be resisted in the first instance, and at all hazards; and that, if they once yielded to extortion, there would be no end of demands; and if they once abandoned their right of self-government, there would be no restraint on oppression.

Resistance, war, and a revolution ensued. Pro­vidence countenanced the American cause, raised [Page 4]up to us allies among the rivals and enemies of Bri­tain, and the colonies were acknowledged free and independent States.

But as waves long agitated by the wind do not subside at the moment of the calm, the rancorous passions excited by the revolution war were not soothed by the peace of 1783; but reciprocally stirred in the bosom of Britain and America. Con­cealed enmity, a delay of justice, and alternate in­jury, were the consequences. The treaty of peace was not executed on either side. They complained that they were not permitted to recover their debts. We, that we were not permitted to occupy our posts. These, still maintained by British garrisons, pre­vented the sale and settlement of an extensive coun­try, and if they did not excite and countenance, at least disabled us from suppressing, a pernicious and expensive Indian war.

During all this time, America regarded France with a gratitude and affection approaching enthu­siasm. France, next to the courage and perseve­rance of the American people, was regarded as an instrument under God of securing American inde­pendence. Yet France herself never pretended that she engaged in our contest from any affection for liberty, or for the United States; but from hos­tility to Britain and a desire to weaken this ancient [Page 5]enemy, by depriving her of the ample source of commerce and wealth which the American colonies furnished.

It is thus that the Almighty in whose hands are the hearts of kings and of all men, sometimes con­verts their worst passion; into instruments of useful purposes. The lust of Henry VIII. was made an instrument of the reformation in England; and the enmity of France against Britain was made an instrument of American independence.

The theories of philosophy and the practical les­sons of the American revolution kindled a fire of liberty in France which soon blazed into a flame and consumed the fabric of her former govern­ment.

America viewed the commencement of the French revolution with sympathy and hope, and its progress with exultation and triumph. The cause of France was considered as the cause of li­berty—as our cause. We excused her outrages, we deplored her defeats, we rejoiced in her victories, as if they were all our own. She needed not, she declared that she did not desire the aid of our arms. But we made every exertion to supply her and her colonies with provisions, in the most seasonable and efficacious manner. We received her citizens with [Page 6]every mark of hospitality. Our government in­stantly, and first of all the nations of the earth, acknowledged her as a Republic, and defying all chance of counter-revolution and the risk of Bri­tish resentment, paid to the agents of this republic, at a time of urgent necessity, and before it was due, every dollar of our debt to the king. France can­not charge the people of America with want of gra­titude, nor the government of America with want of justice.

Yet though the American government went to the utmost extent of duty, by a punctual and a ge­nerous performance of her treaties and obligations, as France declared it to be her wish, America knew it to be her interest, by not overstepping the boun­dary of duty, to preserve herself from war. Ame­rica in the European war would have been but as a drop in the bucket, and her entering into it on the side of France, would have increased her debt, ruined her trade, and made her an useless ally, and an impoverished and burdened nation. She could aid France better by neutrality than by being a party in the war.—Our government, therefore, and with professions of approbation from France, de­termined on a strict and impartial neutrality, and, while consistently with neutrality, she honestly and usefully served France, adhered to this determina­tion with unimpeachable sincerity and perseverance. [Page 7]Ample proof has been made of this by Mr. Jeffer­son, in his letter for the recall of Mr. Genet.

But the professions and the purposes of France did not agree. Mr. Genet, the very minister, who on his arrival at Philadelphia, publicly declared, that it was not the wish nor interest of France that America should engage in the war, afterwards pub­lished instructions given him by the French govern­ment before his departure from France, enjoining him to endeavour to engage America in the war against Britain. The inflexible prudence of the President precluded all hope of Mr. Genet's suc­ceeding with the government, in this subject of his instructions. He had recourse, therefore, to other means. He fitted out privateers in our ports, he commissioned and engaged our citizens to enter on board those privateers. British ships were taken within our jurisdiction, and sold in our ports. Clubs or societies were, under his suggestions, formed throughout the continent; to hang on the skirts of government, censure all its measures and weaken its authority, by rendering it suspected, and to rouse the passions of the people, and prepare them for a submission and even ardent devotion to the will of France. The inevitable tendency of the measures of Mr. Genet to embroil us with Bri­tain, engage us in the war, and thus make us de­pendent on France, is clearly exposed by Mr. Jef­ferson [Page 8]in the letter already referred to.—The mea­sures of Mr. Genet were pursued though less openly with not less perseverance by his successors: and it has been the constant object of the ministers of France to give to that government an influence in this country, by dividing the people from our administration, and turning the efforts of the peo­ple against the efforts of the executive to subject our public counsels to the will of France, to main­tain among the people an hostile disposition to Britain, and, by gradual and indirect means com­pel our government into open war with that nation.

Though the prudent and active spirit of the Pre­sident preserved us from the full effect of those insidious machinations—an open war with Britain, and a consequent dependence on France; yet those machinations and the intemperate partiality and zeal for France manifested by the people, and by a strong party in Congress, could not fail to draw on us the suspicion of Britain, that we could not long resist those inducements to war, and should very soon be actually engaged in it. France had, with respect to our trading ships, very early in the war, cast off any regard to the treaty of commerce between her and America. Britain had no commercial treaty with us, and was bound to us in this respect, only by the general law of nations. Even this law both nations soon ceased to regard. [Page 9]France set, and Britain followed the example, of making unjustifiable spoliations of our trade. What will not men do, when they have power with­out immediate controul! The spoliations of Bri­tain had amounted to a vast sum, and threatened the ruin of our commerce; when measures were proposed by those called the friends of France in Congress to check those spoliations. An embargo was adopted, and afterwards (at the request of the French minister, who wanted to send supplies to their West India islands) was taken off. Commer­cial regulations, a suspension of commerce with Britain, and a sequestration of British debts were proposed. Those members of Congress, who had approved the neutral measures of the President, and were desirous of preserving the United States in peace, considered those measures as necessarily tending to war with Britain, and some as being in fact a cause of it. The President seemed to have viewed them in the same light, and determined first to try whether a negociation would not obtain jus­tice. The friends of the measures thus prevented declaimed against a negociation under such circum­stances, loudly extolled the force and spirit of Ame­rica, reprobated the baseness of national submission to injustice, and declared, that there was no prospect of success in negociation unsupported by the pro­posed vigorous measures. Those of the same party in the Senate reprobated the appointment of the [Page 10]negociator. And pains were taken, that both he and the negociation should be considered as odious and unsuccessful.

All prophets, like Jonah, are angry, if their pro­phecy be not accomplished; and their endeavours are seldom wanting to promote its accomplishment. The prospect of a negociation with Britain seemed fatal to the hope of France and her agents here, of involving us in the war. Those in Congress whose propositions were thereby prevented, felt the chagrin of disappointment. Thus a vast interest was established in the United States against any treaty whatever with Britain. Even before the treaty was known, it was attacked by conjecture. No sooner was it known, than town-meetings as­sembled in the most tumultuous manner, and with­out argument or deliberation condemned it. It was censured for faults which had no existence, and evils created by imagination. The treaty was op­posed in every stage, and even after it became a law a strong party in the House of Representatives en­deavoured to defeat it. But it triumphed over all opposition, the posts were surrendered, our claims for spoliations were put in an equitable mode of adjustment. And great progress has, in con­sequence, been made in adjusting and paying them.

[Page 11] For a long time after the treaty was ratified and published, France made little if any objections to it; and if she made any they were suggested to her by her partizans among ourselves. Had they been silent, so would France have been. But it was evi­dent, if the prophecies of menace and resentment uttered by the partizans of France here were not fulfilled, they would lose all credit and consequence; our government would triumph; those popular leaders would sink into insignificance; the influ­ence of France on this country would cease; our government would be restored to its confidence and authority; and the United States become really independent.

Instigated therefore by their party here, and to preserve its hold on the people of this country, and keep them dependent, by weakening the administra­tion by a separation of the people from it, the French government at last complained that our treaty with Britain was injurious to France; of themselves took upon them to new-model their treaty with us; and proceeded to new and exorbitant spoliations on our commerce.

That their objections to the British treaty, and all their objections to the conduct of our government were but pretexts, and that the true motive of their resentment was to maintain their influence in [Page 12]this country to use the people against the govern­ment of the United States, and thereby subject both to the will of France; must be evident to every candid and intelligent man, who reads the French objections to the British treaty, and to other parts of the conduct of our administration, as stated in Mr. Adet's letter to our secretary of state; and compares it with that plain and satisfactory answer to all those objections in the letter of the secretary. It must be still more evident from the critical time which Mr. Adet chose to state those objections, and from his publishing them to the people just before the election of Electors of a President of the United States, when one of the candidates for that station was supposed to be devoted to the interests of France, and was zealously supported by all their par­tizans and agents in this country.

To those who do not read, and to those who read without thinking, all argument on this head is vain. But to those who have considered the treaty, the objections, and the answers, I may safely appeal. And I challenge any man, to point out any part of the British treaty which is injurious to France, or which gives to Britain any advantage, which as an independent and neutral nation, we had not a right to give. If this be the case, and that it is the case has been often proved, and may be confidently believed, they must have a wretched opinion of the [Page 13]principles, moderation, and integrity of the French government, who can think the British treaty a cause of war by France against America. What! are we a sovereign and independent nation, and have we not a right to make such contracts as we please, harmless to other nations? are we yet in a state of infancy, and our acts to be considered void, and grounds of chastisement, unless approved by our guardians? Did we emancipate ourselves from the dominion of Britain, only to subject ourselves to the dominion of France? Are the United States independent, if they dare not make such treaties as they please, consistent with prior engagements, and the general law of nations? And is the spirit, of 1776 so completely extinguished in the American breast, that we shall now tamely submit to encroach­ments which then we resisted and repelled? Tame concessions to unjust demands, like the beginnings of strife, are, as the letting out of water: the dam once broken, an irresistable flood will rush in, and overwhelm us.

But supposing the making of the British treaty a cause of war by France against America, a violation of it, or a refusal to comply with it, would clearly have been a cause of war by Britain against Ame­rica. Britain had her complaints as well as we, and having proposed a reasonable accommodation, if we refused to comply with it, had a right to em­ploy [Page 14]force to compel us. This right would have been the same, if no treaty had been made, but merely a demand and refusal to pay British debts. We have not to consider now, only whether the British treaty be the cause of the resentment and aggressions of France; but also, what would have been our condition if that treaty had not been made, or being made, had been broken, or not exe­cuted. We should then, probably, have had an Indian war on our frontiers, and a war with Bri­tain at sea. It is not hard to determine whether that, or our present state, with all we can fear from France, be the greater evil. Supposing an inva­sion of our country from either, France could in­deed raise, but probably could not transport a greater army than Britain. But supposing, as perhaps is the case, an invasion not probable, and only a sea war; there is no comparison between the naval power of Britain and that of France, perhaps and that of the world: and our danger would be in proportion to the power of our enemy. If we have incurred therefore a danger, by making the British treaty, we have thereby escaped a far greater danger; an Indian war, and a sea war with the greatest naval power in the world.

But there is another difference between the two cases, a difference which by all who believe and re­gard a divine Providence will never be lost sight of. [Page 15]In our dispute with France we are contending for principle, for justice, and for our independent rights, and resisting oppression and unjust domi­nion. In the dispute to have been feared with Bri­tain, if we refused a peaceable accommodation, we should have had to contend for injustice and iniquity. In our dispute with France, we have a a good cause; in that with Britain, we should have had a bad cause. Courage, and, if we can trust in Providence, success, is in proportion to con­science.

But though the British treaty furnished no justi­fication, it was used as a pretext, for drawing on us the anger and vengeance of France. This ven­geance was thought necessary, to give consequence to their party, and maintain their hold on the people against the government of America. It was the only remaining mean of preventing the com­plete emancipation of the United States from the yoke of foreign influence.

At an important time to influence the election of a President of the United States, Mr. Adet an­nounced not only to the government, but to the people, the suspension of his diplomatic powers in this country, accompanied with vehement but silly and groundless complaints against the government of the United States. This menace failing to pro­duce [Page 16]the intended effect, the election of Mr. Jef­ferson as President, was soon followed by the gros­sest injuries to our trade, the capture of our vessels, on the most frivolous and unjustifiable pretexts; till the damages have amounted, it has been said, to thirty million of dollars. Payment was also refused of a large debt contracted by the agents of France for provisions furnished on the credit of that go­vernment. And it became the avowed object of France to compel the United States to an implicit submission to her will, or to ruin them.

To all these invasions of our rights, depreda­tions of our property, machinations against our peace and independence, and intrigues to draw us into the war, the French government had been en­couraged by our minister in France, a weak zea­lot, subservient to their ambition and insolence. He fostered their hope that the people of the United States were ready to make a common cause with France, and would cheerfully submit to any in­vasion of their rights or spoliations of their com­merce, that would contribute to the success of that cause. He neglected, in spite of the positive and repeated instructions of the President, effectually to remonstrate against the violations of our treaty and neutral rights, committed on our commerce by the French ships of war and privateers. He neglected also, contrary to express instructions, to give to the [Page 17]French government the necessary explanations of our treaty with Britain, and point out the miscon­ceptions on which the prejudice of France against it, and the conduct of our government generally were founded. And he not only encouraged but strongly recommended a loan of money, by the United States to France, which would have been a plain breach of neutrality, and an open taking part in the war, and, of course, a cause of war against us by all the enemies of France. By spe­culations in the French funds, he purchased a princely palace in the vicinity of Paris. His house was a resort for all discontented Americans, where they were instructed by him not in respect, but dis­affection of their own government. At his table he read and misrepresented our treaty with Britain. In his house he entertained the profligate and im­pious Paine, while he wrote his scandalous letter to General Washington, and had it recited to him as it was composed, for his amusement.—And, at a public entertainment, he retired, while the health of the President was drank, and immediately after returned. When such was the treacherous conduct of our minister, no wonder that the French govern­ment broke through all restraints of decency or justice to us, no wonder that the President recalled him, and no wonder that the Directory parted with him with regret.

[Page 18] As the French government were thus seduced to a false confidence in the baseness and depravity of the American spirit; neither need we wonder that the American people were so long deluded by a false opinion of the virtue of France, and have only renounced that opinion, when it becomes too plain to be denied, that the French government have abandoned all regard to God, to government, to justice, or to decency. Vast and incessant pains have been taken throughout this country, to mislead the understanding and the judgment of the people. Pamphlets and newspapers have been continually issuing from the press, for the avowed purpose of destroying all trust in God, and all confidence in our government. No public character, not even the virtue of a Washington, nor religion itself, has escaped abuse and defamation. Every act of the government has been censured and misrepresented and even the motives and intentions of public offi­cers have been perverted and mistated. Every thing done by our government has been represented as constantly wrong, every thing done against us by the French, or any other government under their influence, as constantly right; till we have seemed more willing to obey a mandate of the French Direc­tory, than a solemn act of our own administration.

Those notoriously false statements of public trans­actions have been supported by many who having [Page 19]more concern in the administration, or being near the source of information might have known (if in fact they did not know) better. Many of our mem­bers of Assembly and members of Congress not only in conversations but in letters have taken the utmost pains to disseminate suspicions and ill opi­nions of the most respectable officers and necessary measures of the administration; and have rendered it impossible for the citizens to know the truth, or to form a right judgment of men or things. Hence the opinions and duties of the citizens were perverted. And, as the nature of man is prone to believe slander, the authors of those misrepresen­tations became popular in proportion to their ma­lignity, and influenced the opinions and elections of the people.

Of all whom I have had an opportunity of ob­serving, the member of Congress from the adjoin­ing district has been the most busy and mischievous. With a reputation for candour, patriotism and truth, which gave to all his statements the confi­dence of authenticity, his letters have filled the country with false opinions of the acts and officers of government, and false vindications of every thing done against it. The falsehood and malig­nity of many of his representations have been dis­covered, and, if he have any value of reputation, he will now cease to promote disaffection to the re­gular [Page 20]administration of public authority; or if he should persist, the credit of his reports has so much fallen, that they will be less injurious. But hitherto they have had a pernicious influence on the judg­ment and conduct of the people of this country. He has published them in newspapers. He has sent under cover to postmasters, whom he knew disposed to be organs of the propagation of his opinions, his letters to his correspondents open, for the purpose of being read and published by those postmasters. His letters have been very frequent, and his correspondents often of a sort not suffi­ciently qualified to detect or correct the error and poison conveyed in them. The late message of the President has been a complete confutation of some of the most malignant parts of them. It becomes every man to aid in exposing them, in order to re­store the people who have been misled by them, to a right judgment and conduct, and preserve the country from the dangerous effects of their delusion.

While the people of America were thus misre­presented by our minister in France, and misled by the partizans of France here, and while prejudice and false opinions of the American government were thus industriously suggested and cultivated, both there and here; we need not recur to the Bri­tish treaty, nor to any conduct of our administra­tion, for the causes of the French aggressions on [Page 21]America, for they may be accounted for from the nature of man and the general principles and con­duct of the French government.

Power without restraint or accountability seldom fails to be abused in the hands of men. The French had triumphed over all their enemies and were elat­ed with victory. It was the interest of those who possessed the powers of government to keep the na­tion embroiled, in order to maintain their station and influence. Early in the French revolution they publicly declared that they were ready to unite with a party in any nation to change the form of their government. And this, whatever they might after­wards profess, they incessantly pursued, wherever they had opportunity. It was indifferent to them whether the government which they assisted the disaffected to destroy was a monarchy or a republic, arbitrary or free. The point with them was to ex­cite and support a party, promote confusion, and so acquire influence, predominancy, and plunder. Flanders, Holland, Italy, Germany, Switzerland and Venice, are ample proofs of this spirit. The plunder of the church, the banishment and murder of their fellow citizens, the perpetual destruction and succession of parties, and above all the contempt and extinction of all principles of morality, hu­manity, and religion, shew, that we need not look beyond their own character, for causes of mischief [Page 22]from the French government. Can we expect jus­tice from men who deny it to each other? Will those respect the rights of man, who contemn the rights of God? Can we expect any decency or right from men with power in their hands, who de­ny a God and a future state?

It is not therefore in the British treaty, nor in any part of the conduct of our own government, but in the character of the French government, and in our own divisions excited by the slander and abuse of our public officers, and measures, that we are to look for the causes of the French aggressions. A love of plunder and universal domination is plainly seen in all the conduct of the French go­vernment. And the influence they had acquired here, and the fatal division between the people and the government, which they and their partizans had so incessantly and successfully promoted; shew­ed us to be weak, because divided, and therefore defenceless, and an easy prey. An house divided against itself cannot stand. The French govern­ment might therefore freely indulge their passion for plunder and power, unrelentingly persist in their violation of our rights, and spoliation of our com­merce, and set our government at defiance; since they had a party among ourselves of strength and disposition competent to defeat every purpose of the government, and render all its measures odious.

[Page 23] Confident therefore in these means of defeating any exertion for maintaining our national sovereign­ty, and determined to reduce us to a state of sub­mission and dependence, when a minister was sent to Paris, who really would observe the instructions of the President, and would not submit to be a tool of the Directory; they refused to receive him and even threatened him with imprisonment, unless he left their territory. He accordingly retired to Hol­land, and waited for instructions from the President, to direct his future conduct.

To have a just feeling of this gross indignity, let us suppose that the British court had thus rejected Mr. Jay, obstinately rejected all communication of complaints for the injuries done us, and told him he must leave the country or perhaps go to prison: What would have been the indignation of Ameri­ca! And how would the cry of war have resound­ed from all the partisans of France, even from all spirited Americans! And, was not the rejection of Mr. Pinckney by the French, a greater indignity? Is not indignity from a friend whom we have loved, and praised, more grievous, than like treatment from a man whom we have hated and abused?

Yet the American government did not resent this indignity, but refrained from hostility; and the present President determined to make one effort [Page 24]more for reconciliation. And, to give it more so­lemnity, appointed three Envoys to the French Di­rectory, to endeavour to obtain justice and peace, by stipulating for compensation for past, and securi­ty against future injuries; in a new treaty settling all the disputed constructions of the former, and fixing the terms of our future intercourse with France.

It has been admitted by the greatest slanderers of the President, and even contrary to their own pre­vious suspicions and reports, that the instructions gi­ven by the President to his Envoys have been the most liberal and candid, that could have been justi­fiable. —They authorized the Envoys, if this were desired by the French, to modify the commercial treaty with France, according to the principles of the British treaty; to give up our claim for enemies property captured in vessels of the United States; to stipulate for our accepting securities payable at a future time, instead of money, for our claims for depredations on our commerce; and even not to insist on satisfaction of our claims as an indispensa­ble condition of the proposed treaty.

With full powers and such liberal instructions, the envoys arrived in Paris on the 4th of October last, and the day following announced their arrival and their mission to the minister of foreign affairs. [Page 25]His secretary gave information, that the Directory were exasperated at Parts of the President's speech, that the negotiation would be conducted under the direction of this minister, and they would have no audience of the Directory till it was finished. Two weeks after their arrival, authorized and acknow­ledged agents of this minister commenced conver­sations, preparatory to the negotiation. They be­gan by stating the pride of the Directory, their great offence at certain parts of the President's speech, and the humiliating apologies, disavowals, repara­tions, and explanations, which would be required from the envoys. These however, they fairly avow­ed to be only pretexts for the purpose of obtaining, what was their real object, and without which, the envoys were told, that they could expect no treaty nor even a reception, nor permission to remain in Paris; money! that with or without these apolo­gies, &c. money must be given. They must, in the first place, give to the minister about 223,000 dollars, to be employed by him in gaining the good will of the Directory. They must advance to the French government a sum equal to all the American claims against France, and the French government would then pay the claimants, and they lay out the money again in supplies to the French colonies. They must purchase from the French government Dutch debts to the amount of about six millions of dollars, as sometimes stated, and twelve million of [Page 26]dollars as stated at other times, paying twenty shil­lings in the pound, when in the market they were hardly worth ten. All this was to be done without any assurance, that a negotiation would be success­ful, without any statement of terms, and perhaps without even a suspension of hostilities. These terms the envoys positively rejected. Argument and menace were exerted in vain, to produce a compliance.—The wrath and power of the French government was set forth in strong terms. It was stated that the present Directors would probably not be long in power, and a temporary compliance might prevent a war. That we had to treat with men who disregarded the justice of our claims, and the reasoning with which we supported them: that they disregarded their own colonies, and consider­ed themselves as invulnerable with respect to us; that we would acquire an interest among them on­ly by a judicious application of money; that nothing was to be obtained there without money; and that all the neighbouring states had, in like manner, been obliged to purchase peace. That if we did not, they would confiscate our property, and em­bargo our vessels and ravage our coasts; that we might look for the fate of Venice, to be parcelled out, and bartered away; or at least have the form of our government changed, as that of Hamburgh and Switzerland would soon be; or partake of a like ruin as was hanging over Portugal and England. [Page 27]That France had lent us money, and we ought to shew the same friendship. That they had intelli­gence from the United States, that if Mr. Burr and Mr. Madison had constituted the mission, the differences would have been accommodated. That the minister was preparing a memorial, to be sent out to the United States, complaining of the en­voys, as being unfriendly to an accommodation with France. That they had a party in America strong­ly in their interest; and that the diplomatic skill of France, and the means which she possesses in our country, are sufficient to enable her, with the French party in America, to throw the blame of the rupture of the negotiations on the federalists.

To these proposals the Envoys replied, that, tho' sensible of the power of France, they could never consent to purchase peace by a surrender of their national independence. That submission to claims not founded in right, instead of procuring solid peace, would only invite a repetition of demands without end. That they expected to receive, and were prepared, in the amplest manner, to give jus­tice; and would make any reasonable sacrifice for the sake of peace. That they were anxious to avoid war; but if war forced itself upon them, the United States had nothing left, but to exert their means of self-defence; and that those means were sufficient to preserve them from subjection to any go­vernment. [Page 28]That while we were struggling for li­berty, we had solicited from France a loan of mo­ney as a favour, had not extorted it by threats or injuries, nor exacted it as a condition of doing jus­tice, or forbearing hostility; and that France had lent it in the time of our distress, of her own choice, and in order to maim and depress a rival nation. That France now stood in no need of money for her own defence, and wanted it only to extend her con­quests over other nations.—And that our lending it to France, while engaged in war for that purpose, was becoming parties in the war; and taking part in the war under the coercion of France was surren­dering our independence. That it would not be ea­sy for the minister to persuade the people of Ameri­ca, that the statements made by their Envoys are untrue; at any rate he might be assured, that the fear of censure would not induce them to deserve it. They would act according to their own judg­ment; and trusted they should be supported by the great body of candid and honest men. And that France miscalculated on the parties in America; for the extreme injustice offered to our country would unite every man against her.

The latest dispatches received from our Envoys, dated 8th January last, announce new measures tending to the utter destruction of our trade, and inform us, that after a stay of three months there, [Page 29]unnoticed and unacknowledged, they have no hope of being received, or of accomplishing the object of their mission. All this the President has announced to Congress, with a declaration, that no prospect remains of accommodating our differences with France, without a surrender of the essential princi­ples of our independence.

The crisis to which the United States are now brought, is one of the most extraordinary to be found in the history of nations. A sovereign state conscious of no offence is causelessly attacked by a proud and potent nation, and on pretexts as various as they are groundless, and every day shifting and multiplying, is spoiled of property to a vast amount, and threatened with the utter extinction of her trade and her means of defence. Desirous to avoid war, and to live on good terms with her spoiler, she sends to him messengers of peace, to discuss the causes and effects of her sufferings, and even to forgive all that is past, on condition that she may live securely in future. These messengers, the spoiler first refuses to hear, drives from him, and threatens with imprisonment.—They are sent back. They are still not suffered to unfold their complaints, or the powers of their mission. Frivo­lous grounds of complaint against the suffering state are fabricated. Submissions are required, on purpose to mark their degradation, and shew how [Page 30]far the spoiler might proceed in his plunder and demands. Those submissions are acknowledged to be mere pretexts for exacting further enormous sums of money, as bribes or loans, to men who professed no regard to justice, and might soon be out of authority. When all these terms were to be complied with, it was possible the messengers might be admitted to state their complaints, and propose terms of redress; but in the mean time the spoiler would proceed in his acts of violence.

That when the colonies sent petitions for redress to Britain, they were received contemptuously, was not matter of great wonder; for they were held as in a state of rebellion. But that when one sove­reign state, having received unexampled and un­provoked injuries from another, has sent ambassa­dors to discuss the grounds of injury, and means of redress, those ambassadors are treated contemp­tuously, and dismissed unheard; and are moreover told, that if ever they be heard, it shall be after a surrender of national dignity, independence, and self-government, and a great increase of their past damage, is a degree of insolence, and a contempt of justice, rarely experienced in the annals of the world. The nation that can impose such terms has no principle to restrain it. The nation that can submit to them is prepared for all oppression. [Page 31]Force only can decide between them; or the one must be a tyrant and the other a slave.

The dispatches are in the hands of every one, and no honest American but must burn with indig­nation at their insolent demand of concessions for the President's speech. Shall they impudently in­terfere in the discretionary administration of our government, not affecting them, and we not speak with resentment! Shall we pave the way to a ne­gociation by a disavowal of truth, and a profession of falsehood! O! if they had found the envoys base enough to submit to these terms, there would have been no humiliation so great that would not have been required of them.

But these were but pretexts. The real prelimi­nary was money. Money in bribes and in gifts under the name of loans. For a loan from a weaker to a more powerful government is but ano­ther name for a gift or tribute; especially when the government requiring the money is avowed to have no regard to justice, is publicly compared to the Indians and Algerines, and declared like them to sell peace and forbearance of their cruel aggres­sions. With such a government having made one concession, would there have been any end of de­mand, while we had any thing to give? Indeed, at once they avow, that their expectations are in pro­portion [Page 32]to our ability to pay. The first concession was putting our necks under their feet. And true interest, as well as true dignity, required that we should stop at the point of right.

But would it not have been better to have made this concession? By no means. When a govern­ment disavows any regard to justice, declares that nothing is to be obtained from it without money; not pretending any claim of right, like Indians and Algerines, sets out on the principle of general plunder and exaction; and fairly owns that her demands will be measured by our means of satis­fying them; we can never hope, by any conces­sions, to stop exaction, while we have any thing to give: especially when the men whom we should now glut with our tribute might be out of power in a few weeks, and a new set not less ravenous and more hungry than they, on new pretences, and with the same terrors, might demand new supplies. Our envoys had no assurance, if all the demands were complied with, how the money could be disposed of, or what terms, or whether any terms of accommo­dation would be accorded to them. Nor, if they had received such assurance, could any confidence be placed in it: for whenever in mutual transac­tions, the basis of right, justice, and mutual interest is departed from, all confidence is gone; the party exacting what is not founded on this basis, becomes [Page 33]a knave, and if he have power, a tyrant; and the party yielding, lays himself at his feet, and must submit to whatever, is required of him. Besides, no concession from us can save us from her aggres­sions, while she is at war with England. For it is the ruin of England that she seeks, and her plun­dering us is one of her means of accomplishing that main object. And if we make the concessions required, while Britain is at war with France, we shall certainly draw on ourselves a war with Bri­tain.

But still would it not be better for us, by not re­sisting, to avoid a war with France?

What those men mean who, speaking of our pre­sent situation with respect to France, talk of avoid­ing war, or of keeping out of war, I have never been able to comprehend, unless they mean, that we ought to permit France in peace, to take all our seamen, our ships, and our property by piece meal; unmolested in peace, to reduce us to a state of starving beggars; and then, when we have no means of defence, if she think proper, to come in peace and cut our throats, parcel out our lands among her soldiers, and give up our wives and children to their lusts. This seems to be the dar­ling peace of those men. No resistance, unless our territory be invaded. Let France go on and [Page 34]take our ships, our seamen, and our wealth; it is true, that will deprive us of all means of self-de­fence, stop our agriculture, manufactures, and arts; but then we shall be at peace. If, indeed, France ever invade our country, then we shall go to war; and if then we be incapable of defence, and can procure neither arms, cloathing, nor provisions, we may console ourselves with the reflection, that we have sacrificed all these to peace; and in peace sur­render our lives, property, liberty, and indepen­dence to the French, and again sit down under the blessings of a colonial government.

But some may say France is too good for us to fear any such fate from her. Is not this the fate that all the states which she has cursed with her protection or invasion have experienced? Has she not in all of them stirred up troubles, discontents, commotions, seditions, and insurrections, and, under the pretence of aiding, or suppressing, or pu­nishing the insurgents, reduced them to implicit subjection to her will. What are Spain, Holland, the Italian kingdoms and republics, Switzerland, Rome, Flanders, and great part of Germany, but colonies or dominions of France, plundered of their wealth and reduced to poverty? What is Venice, a neutral nation over-run by the arms of France, re­ceived under her protection, and promised a demo­cratic form of government, incited to commotion [Page 35]reduced to the condition of a conquered country, plundered of her fleet and wealth, erased from the list of nations, and bartered to the Emperor. France was not too good to do all this to Venice: and this is the nation with whose fate we are now threatened by France.

France has long been carrying on war against us, in the safest and most effectual way for her, and the most destructive to us; a war on her side, and peace on ours. It is now upwards of five years since she began it.—From slender beginnings, she has proceeded to extravagant degrees of spolia­tion, extended the extravagance of her pretexts and plunder, according to the degree of our pa­tience. The government remonstrated; but the French government knew they dared not re­sent. They had a party among ourselves strong enough to defeat all the energy of our govern­ment, and they might safely proceed to any measure of oppression. In this party they yet confide; and in this confidence threaten us not only with further plunder, but with ruin. And unless we shew them by an open and unanimous approbation of the past, and confidence in the fu­ture conduct of our administration; that we are determined to support our government in a just resentment, they will proceed in their spoliation, extending the extravagance of their pretences and [Page 36]their violence, as we extend our patience; till they disable us from all means of defence, and re­duce us to absolute poverty, dependence, and sub­jection.

This is the only kind of war that France can carry on against us, with any prospect of accom­plishing her object, and subjecting us to her will. While she continues this war, and we continue our delusive peace, our ruin is as certain, as will be our security, if we now fix our foot and say, We will yield no more. Here we take our stand, and from this moment we will repel all aggressions. We will no longer seek shelter under the influence of a foreign government, but under the parental guardianship of our own. And the authority of our own government we will maintain, or perish with it.

But is there any hope, that we shall succeed in our resistance? Whether there be or not, our con­dition can hardly be worse. For, under the last decree of France, hardly any of our ships will es­cape condemnation, if they choose to take them; and their disposition to take them we cannot doubt. And as their resentment is violent against Britain, and our destruction would injure that nation, we can hardly doubt that after rendering us defence­less, they will seek to destroy us.

[Page 37] But there is hope that resistance will be success­ful, and obtain us peace, at least, if not justice. France has now nothing to fear, while we acquiesce in her violence; but if we resist we may repel, and even revenge, if not remedy it. While we can maintain a tolerable portion of shipping and com­merce, we can obtain such supplies, as will enable us to support ourselves against an invasion, if it should be attempted.—But we are at such a dis­tance from France, and such is the crippled state of her navy, that it is not likely that she will attempt an invasion of us, while she is at war with Britain, or if she do attempt it, it is not likely that it can be successful. If there be a prospect of an European peace, France must depend, for her future great­ness, on her manufactures, commerce, and ship­ping. These only can make her a rival to Bri­tain. And, to support these, she must have a fo­reign market. America is one of the most im­portant markets in the world for European manu­factures. If the French government find, that they can no longer maintain their influence here, by a di­vision or party among the people against the go­vernment, and find, that the people unite with the government in just resentment against them for their cruel and unprovoked aggressions; they must have lost all prudence, if they do not see that a continuance of injury will rivet indelible preju­dices against them in the American mind, and [Page 38]disappoint all hope of securing any tolerable share of trade with us; and they must have lost all re­gard for the future glory of their nation, and all resentment against Britain, if they do not change their conduct towards us, and, endeavour to conci­liate our affections.

On these grounds, it appears that France has long been carrying on an insidious and destructive war against us; that she will continue this kind of war, in proportion to our patience and submission, until she has first disabled, and then ruined and subjected us; that there is no other way of obtain­ing an end to this war, peace, and justice, but by resistance; and that a state of resistance to such war is more advantageous to us, than submission, and will be effectual to procure us peace, justice, and national independence.

It is therefore the duty of the government, hav­ing offered all reasonable terms, and exhausted all means of reconciliation, to prepare the nation for a state of self-defence; and to convince France, that we will no longer submit to unjust depredations, and violent invasions of our rights of property and sovereignty. War is a dreadful calamity. But in self-defence, it becomes a duty both for nations and individuals. And a government, which suffers ano­ther government unjustly and without resistance, to [Page 39]exhaust it by plunder, and render it defenceless, thereby to ruin and enslave it, is like a man who quietly suffers a robber to tie his hands and bleed him to death, thereby to seize his property.

The people also have duties to perform. When an independent and free nation has its sovereign rights attacked, and violated by another nation; it is a call of Providence to all the citizens to stand forth, and defend the cause of truth and national liberty. Union in resistance becomes as much a duty in all the citizens, as it is the duty of all the members of a family to unite in defence of the house against midnight assassins or incendiaries. And in the discharge of this duty, to which Provi­dence calls them, they ought to look up with holy confidence to the protection of that Providence which calls them out to trial, and to the strength of the Lord of Hosts, who calls them to battle. His providence and strength America hath hereto­fore experienced: and the Lord, which delivered us out of the paw of the lion, will deliver us out of the hand of the Philistine.

To a trust in God we ought to unite confidence in those men whom Providence hath called to rule over us. We see that the conduct of the President and his council has been virtuous, liberal and en­lightened; that he has done every thing practicable [Page 40]to avoid war; and that war is brought and conti­nued on us, by the malice and injustice of our ene­mies. Those slanders with which base men have obscured the light, truth, and wisdom of our go­vernment, have been chased away like mists before the sun. Let us return therefore from our error. Let us restore to our administration that confidence which never ought to have been withdrawn. And as our enemies have taken advantage of our jea­lousies and suspicions of our government, and made the divisions arising from them, grounds of their presumptuous hopes of destroying us; let us re­move this cause of danger, if we would avoid the danger itself. Let us shew, that the people and the government are of one heart and one mind. United we stand: divided we fall.

As, to remove danger, we must remove divisions, jealousies and suspicions, so to remove these, we must silence slanderers, and set our faces against them. We have seen the sad effects, and the gross misrepresen­tations of those lying newspapers, lying pamphlets, lying letters, and lying conversations, with which the country has been filled. It is no longer a sea­son to trifle with public opinion or popular passion; lest God give us up to strong delusion, and suffer us to fall into destruction. Let us turn a deaf ear to those lying prophets. Let us withdraw from them all belief, all aid, and all countenance. They [Page 41]are vipers in our bosom, vultures preying on our bowels, and fatal instruments of the malicious pur­poses of our enemies. No good man, with a just regard to his own reputation, will any longer sup­port or countenance them, for, by doing so, he gives them confidence, and enables them to be mis­chievous. Silence those slanderers, and we shall be as happy as we are free, as united as we are happy, and as formidable as we are united.

Finally, in order to remove the danger thereby threatened, it is our duty to endeavour to remove that impression, which our divisions have made on the French government. As they rest their hopes of injuring us on the belief that there is a party among ourselves devoted to their will; let us shew them that there is no such party. Let us unite in one band of unity among ourselves, and confidence in our administration; and, to testify this union and confidence to the world, let us unanimously sign an instrument, expressing to our government our con­fidence in the rectitude of its measures, our firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, for the support of our independence from a foreign yoke, on this as on a former occasion; and, for this support, now as then, pledging to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour.