An oration, delivered before the citizens of Portland, and the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, on the fourth day of July, A.D. 1797. Being the anniversary of the independence of the United States of America. / By William Symmes.

An oration, delivered before the citizens of Portland, and the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, on the fourth day of July, A.D. 1797. Being the anniversary of the independence of the United States of America. / By William Symmes.

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Title page

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AN ORATION.

ERRATUM.

[Page]

AN ORATION.

AMERICANS!

WHILE other nations celebrate the birth, the restoration▪ or the death of a King, as the strange caprice of mankind makes one or the other the order of the day—you characteristica [...]ly observe the birthday of the People—when they became a Nation! This is an anniversary of dignified and affectionate feelings. To know that at this moment throughout our extensive continent a great and happy people are assembled round the altar of freedom to offer before it that incense most acceptable to heaven▪ a grateful heart—To see them in the sublime delight of their souls stretch forth their hands as one man and swear to preserve the liberty with which God ha [...] made them free—To behold them with disdainful aspect ranging themselves in front of the government which they have seen sit to choose—how noble and how affecting is the spectacle! The blood of a hermit grows warm at it, and the countenance of angels becomes animated!

Let your souls then kindle, and give free scope to an idea which can never be too well established, that you are, and that you will be one of the g [...]e [...]t nations of the earth, and that the name of an American shall shortly be as proud a stile, and as firm a character, [Page] as any in the world. The consciousness that you despise the sword as the criterion of truth among yourselves, and have submitted, and can again submit your greatest questions to your own discretion▪ while it is elevating every feature of the individual, is preparing foreign honours for the nation. And the high minded moderation which you are called upon to preserve, evincing the value you place upon the government which it attends upon, is slowly proving to the world the possibility of a republican, and the steadiness of a balanced, constitution. Time will come, when, after suitable trials and escapes▪ the public mind will be versed in difficulty and familiar with resources, when there will be no more self-denial in doing right; and then the will of Heaven will be accomplished that mankind shall perceive that knowledge, not ignorance, freedom not slavery, is the true secret of government.

It was indeed fortunate for these now United States, when in the order of things the time of emancipation from the state of pupillage was come, that they were furnished with as good forms of government as any which then existed. From a rigid and unreasonable parent they had inherited good constitutions at least, and such as after passing the ordeal of philosophy have only become a little more popular than before. I am aware that same will expect from the speaker a language that has now become improper. Great Britain, on this occasion, will be tre [...]ted with the respect due to one of the friends of the United States by treaty. It was highly fit, while any doubt of our ultimate independence remained, to cherish the resentment of indignation; and habit or apprehension fully justified the continuance of it a few years longer while no connection subsisted: But just sentiments of national character and obligations, together with that dignity [Page] of mind which we must cultivate, will teach us to lay aside alike the hacknied epithet, the tortured stigma, and the thread-bare jest. What! professing and allowed to be the school of political investigation, shall we be unable to surmount a prejudice no longer founded in a doubt of complete success?

But it is always useful to retrace the progress of power freely and periodically delegated by the people, usurped on the ground of precedent or practice to accumulate forever, or assumed with no appearance of one or the other justification. An accurate history of all times and nations respecting this particular would be a revelation of inestimable value. As it would thunder the truth, so possibly it might be celestial lightning upon our extravagant dispositions. Of the little history we have, scarcely two centuries and those the last, are exempt from fable, and not a year from fallacy. The true causes of known consequences are seldom discernible through the interested colouring, or the implicit credulity of the historian. So true it is that mankind have never yet had the heroism to know and to beware of themselves, or have not had power to preserve either the knowledge or the example.

But our date is recent. Less than two hundred years ago the territory of the United States was a wilderness, and the now embellished scene of six millions of people had for ages been only beaten with mutual dread by the wary foot of the wild beast and solitary savage. The truly great, because truly useful Columbus had imagined, sought, and explored this asylum from the misfortunes, discontents or persecutions of the old world. Our ancestors came hither to enjoy the freedom of their minds, and faithfully have they transmitted the same freedom to us. Gloomy [Page] was the immense forest which they had to penetrate; but with a courage which too I hope we inherit▪ they encountered and by degrees subdued it. What a birthright have they left to us! A territory near two thousand miles square▪ with all the climates of the temperate zone▪ abounding even to wantonness in all the blessings of nature, is the noble legacy of these poor persecuted men!—A thousand leagues from Europe, where every thing was artificial and vicious, they recovered a simplicity of mind, which was a yet m [...]re preci [...]us perquisite of the present generation —Thus possessed or ample territory and undebi [...]itated vigour of mind, what was wanting to [...]use the natural indo [...]ence of society, and compel us to press our for [...]unes to their destination, but the jealousy of Great Britain and the consequent war?—Even the latter was a necess [...]ry school for our generals and statesmen, and well— I spe [...]k without forgetting that some of them are present — well did they improve it. By their means the tre [...]ty of 1783 gave us all the rights of men and of nati [...]ns▪ never again to be disputed, and future destinies so high that the very contemplation of them might regenerate a people.

Eventful indeed has been the period in which we have lived. Nei [...]her history nor fable have mentione [...], neither fancy nor fiction have dreamed of any thing so vari [...]us and so great. In five years after the p [...]ace, our c [...]untry had fallen into a state of debility and spasm [...] removed from dissolution. Then it was that by an eff [...]t astonishing to all the world, THE PEOPLE assembled, and peaceably took down the crazy frame of the [...] revolutionary compact, laid foundations, and er [...]cted the fair and superb, the solid and magnificent castle of the Constitution.—Splendid moment for my country! Precious instance to the world! An attempt, which if ever it was made [Page] before, has always ended in war, and that most violent of the remedies of war, despotic monarchy, in this temperate and enlightened nation has complete effect! An elective republican government, by express compact of all the people of the United States, now bids fair not only to be sufficient to rule millions of men in spite of the interested maxims of reigning families and their venal philosophers, but to make the nation more respectable than all the falling despotisms of Europe, Asia, and Africa together.—Cherish it citizens, as you cherish those you most dearly love. The experiment is yet in infancy, and though in its cradle it has strangle [...] several serpents a [...]ready—yet oh! lean over it—watch for it—indeed it will amply repay you!

Wonderful age! No sooner had America taken the firm ground which was so necessary for her, than France, leavened by her legions sent to these shores with very different views, perceived within herself the revolutionary fermentation. The States had become independent and united; but excepting these two grand epochas, things remained essentially the same. France began with reformation; but the difference between us and France was in circumstance immense. In France a despotic monarchy, not less fantastical in government than the popedom is in religion, consisting of all the abuses of a thousand years, was to be corrected. The empiricism of financiers was in vain resorted to, for the cant of ages would no longer persuade. Whether it was through dreadful necessity, or the desperation of leaders, time will disclose; but the catastrophe was not the change of a dynasty as theretofore—The Monarchy itself fell!—and the artificial balance of Europe, so much boasted of in latter times, was probably destroyed. I am very unwilling to deduce from our moderate and defensive revolution [Page] the monstrous theories, and the abandonment to crime, which sudden freedom exposed poor human nature to betray. Alas! it could not be expected that France should understand the true nature of liberty, which is subjection to law. But we assuredly know that sooner or later this idea will be conceived in France, and then we shall shudder less at the horrors which too sl [...]wly lead to it. Shall we not pause a moment and ejaculate a bl [...]ssing for our own condition? Shall we not fervently pray the God of H [...]ven that whatever awaits us in the formidab [...]e future, we may never be disorganized, and left to ourse [...]ves!

In the question whether old establishments should be modified or unconditionally subverted, all mankind, wherever folded in their various cantonments, were obviously c [...]ncerned. The argument, therefore, to which physical force was app [...]ied, was whether the discussi [...]n o [...] it sh [...]uld be opened. France was central, powe [...]ful and active. She gallantly met b [...]th men and b [...]ks in support of the affi [...]mative, in a just confidence that where sh [...] cou [...]d weaken government [...], she cou [...]d proportiona [...]y direct the peop [...]e. Whether this conduct was the c [...]use or the eff [...]ct of the general combination ag [...]inst her, to us is immateria [...]—We have only to see how its principle affected the United States.

America, though providentially already safe by her c [...]nstitu [...]ion from intrigues which in her former situation w [...]uld certainly have ruined her, was young in experience, and very important to France. She was by no means l [...]ft out of their earliest calcu [...]ations.—Mr Genet▪ who had subv [...]rted Ge [...]eva, and even had the hardiness to plot against the imperial Catharine in the heart of her own dominions, was selected as the messenger of fraterna [...] greeting to the United States. [Page] It would be ridiculous at this day to maintain that the very selection did not prove the design. Accordingly Mr. Genet made a well concerted series of attempts to commit this country to a war with the combined powers long before he even delivered his dip [...]omatic papers to our Executive. He and his success [...]rs have termed our fair neutrality "insidious" upon no better ground than a sort of cabalistical gratitude by which they claimed that we were bound to France, though Mr. Genet has v [...]ry consistently exposed to us the endeavours of the old French court to prevent or destroy the success of our revolutionary war. The ambassador of France affected to receive and answer addresses which were intended, at least by him, to controul the government, and paralise the constitution, of the United States. The too amiable hospitality of the people encouraged him to arm and commission vessels in our ports, and troops in our territory, against the express orders of the President.—And when the conflict between foreign influence and our own constituted authorities could no longer be suppressed, wi [...]h an insolence most affrontive to the American understanding, he threatened to appeal from the government to the people.

Administration had such a people to confide in, that with a tone worthy of that people it demanded the recal of this too fascinating man. The pr [...]jects of France were yet unripe—and her government but momentary—he was readily reca [...]led. His successor appears to have fomented the commotion which M. Genet had excited, & only to have retired when the true nature of his mission was discovered in an intercepted letter. But it was reserved to the third and last minister to close the drama by a new and most artful diplomatic stroke—not war—not even asperity—but a reserve [Page] on the part of France easy to be reconciled when some affronts should be repaired.

But what eventually are the points which the people of America are invited to consider as concessible to a foreign nation?—The repeal of a law, the reversal of judiciary decisions, and the abolition of a treaty. Citizens, does not indignation warm your cheeks at the developement of a design so long and so well concealed? The friendship of America for France was sincere and full of a noble simplicity and singleness of heart. Was it well then, was it generous, to elevate esteem to love in order to betray?—What! repeal a law on foreign demand, without the least right to deliberate? Reverse judicial decisions, which by our constitution it is impossible for the legislative or executive power to do, which in no possible manner can be brought again before the courts, and would depress American justice below the idea of chance if they were thus to be reversed? Annul a treaty with a foreign nation, and so forever commit our inconstancy and persidy to history and to the world?—Modest demands indeed from a nation but little longer fated to speak imperiously to this, if you do not suffer them to despise a government which they affect to imitate.

Citizens, there is naturally no such thing as party in these highly favoured and enlightened States. The full horn of plenty forms the body, and an elective government the soul of our contentment. Depend upon it, that when you feel a great commotion, the hand of some foreign nation is inserted. The apostles of disaffection to your government are foreigners, and do you think disinterested and purely benevolent!—No, surely! their design is to dissolve your only cement by your own hands; and in the terrible event to laugh at your calamity and mock when [Page] your fear comes. Good God! what would have become of our country with thirteen heads instead of one!

France, having as she imagined a party in America which in some way or other would be able to perplex the government, by her own act, and at a very critical time, the election of the President, suspended all intercourse with the United States to give her party the last chance of laying the odium of her defection upon the President and Senate. Consummate politicians! But the cupidity of the nation has been a sad marplot to these really fine manoeuvres. The immense captures and detentions of our commercial property have opened all eyes, and the salvation of the country may yet result from its losses.!

Is this language which has not yet been heard? With a dignity that is his own, and which infinitely becomes his country, the President has laid before us a state of facts which it would be something more than heresy to misbelieve. It is a new era in this country. The Executive, in obedience to the constitution, declares that this can no longer be concealed. Both houses reverberate the sound. France has intermeddled with our domestic affairs, and attempted what she has every where attempted, by dividing the people from their government, TO TAKE AWAY LIBERTY FROM THE NATION. She has endeavored to throw us into situations with none or desperate alternatives. She has plowed with the heifer, and abused the generous but imprudent confidence of the people. She has put to hazard the existence of your constitution.

Is there one who hears me so infatuated by his errors, is there one so callous to the electric name of his [Page] country, so lost, and so abandoned, as not to see, and to see with indignation, that these things are true?—Are we then the degraded, divided, and dispirited people which the whole conduct of France implies that she dares to think us? Americans!—But you feel the p [...]se.

It is made because the dignified moderation of our government has thought it not inconsistent with national honour to institute a fresh attempt at negociation, after the haughty rejection of a minister.—Death is a trifle compared with the forlorn necessity of believing that my countrymen have the "colonial spirit of fear." There must, and I thank God there will be another trial before one particle of our absolute freedom is resigned to France, however grateful we may be requested to be. But let us at present wish well to the new negociation.

Citizens▪ you are to expect that your forms of government will be weighed in Europe, and that while they preserve your liberty by being known, by being known they will also present the handle to plausible interference. If you desire any better judgment than your own, I do not know but you may find it in France, or any where else. But if you rely on your own, I am sure there is none so good.

It is no great boast that Great-Brita [...]n does not rule you, if y [...]u are to be ruled by France. Are you, or are you not, able to rule yourselves?—that is the question. It is indeed the question before the universe at this moment. You can decide it in the clearest affirmative: if you do not, the opinion of the world, though slow, will be sure, and abundantly fatal.

[Page]Is it to France, then, that you are about to extend the menacing look?—No▪ citizens▪ the magic name of France may amuse you, and if you please, may ruin you: But France has not solely the honor to concenter observation. She has indeed, like an epidemic pestilence, the glory of being our immediate dread—but the name of the demon which that party, [...]o called, which you have been pleased to stile your government, would destroy, if they could, is—FOREIGN INFLUENCE! the invisible hand which writes your fate upon the wall!

Considering this as the second great experiment to which our country has been committed, and more dangerous than the other, because more impalpable to sense I cou [...]d not but wish you to fix an immoveable eye upon it. Settle its lattitude and longitude, as you would that of a comet, and then l [...]se not sight of it ever for a moment. Paltry are y [...]ur losses by plunder compared with very possible events. Let us see whether the care of its concerns is safe with a people —You cannot be mo [...]e free—There will be no excuse—Your bane and antidote are both before you—Let us see which you wi [...]l take.

Strange it is perhaps that I should for a moment fancy myself addressing the whole American people. But if such a thing were possible, thus exactly would I commit them—it is of no importance how soon we throw aside a constitution which is not tenable. If you cannot continue republicans—confess the fact—and other governments are in reserve.

Oh Americans!—Shall the laurels of your youth, & the unfinished honours of your maturity, be tarnished? Will you forfeit the esteem of F [...]ance by submitting to France? Gallant nation! It is best for [Page] her, that you should resist her and prevail. Perhaps she will have the good sense to know this truth, so interesting to her present mode of existence. Perhaps she can even see that duration is an article not to be omitted in her estimate. But if, which is too probable, she has doomed the universe to her purposes, and will continue to put morality itself in occasional requisition, you must say what figure you choose to make. The figure you will make will certainly be the figure you choose.

Spread over so vast a surface, the people of the United States can never be united in a single measure, much less in a train of policy but by one maxim, not more plain and easy to be understood than safe and honorable to the people. This only maxim by which the power as well as the intelligence of the citizens can become operative to great a [...]d essential ends, is that We ought always to support the government, and more especially against foreign powers. Surely we are not addressing a region, a period, or a class of mankind addicted to the mean belief that their is no confidence to be reposed in any administration, and that there is always merit in cavilling at public services. How does it happen that in this fine country, under circumstances highly favorable to the reign of good sense, and with more obligations to its various representatives than any nation ever had, so much jealousy of elected servants should exist?—Would it not be natural to suppose that after gaining so great a point beyond all other nations, as free and frequent elections, the mind of man would be even more than quiet—that it would be satisfied?—Yet perhaps there never was a country nor an age wherein so much vile abuse and infamous calumny was heaped upon good and great men in the actual discharge of high offices, as has been witnessed in the United States.—This is a problem.

[Page]The habits of Americans have been formed upon the English model and I do not know, if no war had broken [...]ut between the two nations, whether any American wou [...]d have been more querulous and irritable than before. To the British habit of generally, and often with good reason, execrating ministers, the war added an eight years fever of the public mind; and the period subsequent to the war was a convalescence precarious and fretful. And then, no sooner had our excellent constitution placed us in the state of acquiring its correspondent turn of mind, than foreign influence, for want of more honest means among so happy a people, administered the dregs of former infelicities, and so forced us in some measure to relapse.

It is a truth that where the government is most despotic, there the people will complain the least; but ought it to f [...]llow that where the government is most free, there the people should complain the most? This seems to be the fact, however, in that inundation of deadly bitterness which appears in every form, and among others in that most detestable shape of wit which can be scurrilous on great affairs, but has yet no name. It tends to prostrati [...]n and revolution—Bu [...] what need have we of prostration and revolution?

The constitution has hitherto stood firm against foreign designs, and domestic errors. The sophistry which has [...]ss [...]ed it under the forms of false patriotism and meretricious p [...]pularity, like all fruitless attempts upon opinion, failing to shake, will probably establish it. If the peop [...]e, steadily awake to their true interest, give no encouragement to that flood of detraction which has poured in upon us—If they discern between the all important liberty of the press, and [Page] the most immoral prostitution of it—If they continue to bestow their confidence on chief magistrates of impregnable integrity and firmness—If they, as early as possible, distinguish between THEMSELVES and a clamorous faction—If they preserve their habits of industry, virtue and piety—To sum up all, if they resolve that, as they have deliberately formed, so they will firmly support their government in all cases; THE COUNTRY IS SAVED!—This dangerous crisis will pass away, prosperity and with it serenity will return, and one more great lesson will be added to our political education.

Look round upon this great and flourishing nation—Regard it as separate from all others, and at peace with all—Remember the distressing war which it has already sustained—Contemplate the immense addition to its wealth and resources—Reflect on the indissoluble union made by the constitution—Consider the firm and patriotic President and Congress now in office—See the federal spirit of your own and other States—And, if necessary, recollect that Washington still lives—Is this a country to be enslaved?—

But there is yet no need to extinguish the sincere regard of our nation towards France. She appears to be magnanimous in success, and may yet repair the wrongs of which we so justly complain. War has run its usual course, and weary human nature begs for peace. Heaven may accord it—and in that event, returning philanthropy and kindness will hardly suffer us to be the only exception. In the mean time let us keep alive the fervent wish that France may see the final establishment, and live in the peaceable enjoyment of a free constitution—that under its influence, she may become a blessing, and not a terror [Page] to the world—and that the name of liberty may yet be sacred where it is known!

And now, fellow-citizens, abounding as you do with every thi [...]g delightful upon earth, Freedom, Plenty, Government, Peace, Order, Virtue and Happiness▪ with no more anxiety than just to keep you watchful over these blessings; what remains but that you make holy the tie which binds you to them by that grat [...]ude to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for which he will certainly preserve them!—May you have the discernment, in this your day, to see the things which belong to your peace! As you possess inestimable things, so remember that the use of them only is yours. You must neither alienate, destroy, nor even impair them. For such prudence, vigilance▪ and firmness, history now at length become worth preserving, will reward your memories, and long! very long after you shall have obeyed the universal decree, your poste [...]ity shall rise up and call you blessed!

THE END.

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MR. SYMMES's ORATION. July 4th. 1797.

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AN ORATION, DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITIZENS OF PORTLAND, AND THE SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT OF MASSACHUSETTS, ON THE FOURTH DAY OF JULY, A. D. 1797, BEING THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

BY WILLIAM SYMMES.

PRINTED AT PORTLAND, BY JOHN K. BAKER.—1797

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THE following sketch prepared, delivered, and now published at the request of the Committee appointed to conduct the celebration of this anniversary, is given to the public with the sincerest wish that the overthrow of FOREIGN INFLUENCE may regenerate the independence of the United States; and that realizing the yet unformed idea that we are a seperate nation, we may learn to REVERENCE OURSELVES.

ERRATUM.

In the 15th page, 18th line, for "ever" read even.

Information about this book

Title statement

An oration, delivered before the citizens of Portland, and the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, on the fourth day of July, A.D. 1797. Being the anniversary of the independence of the United States of America. / By William Symmes.

Symmes, William, 1762-1807.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2005-03.

ID [DLPS]

N24815

ID [TCP]

N24815

ID [STC]

Evans 32900

ID [NOTIS]

APX4685

ID [IMAGE-SET]

32900

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99021464

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Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 32900.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N24815)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 32900)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 32900)

Source

— An oration, delivered before the citizens of Portland, and the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, on the fourth day of July, A.D. 1797. Being the anniversary of the independence of the United States of America. / By William Symmes., Symmes, William, 1762-1807..

Extent

19, [1] p. ; 21 cm. (8vo)

by John K. Baker.,. Printed at Portland [Me.], :: --1797.. (Half-title: Mr. Symmes's oration. July 4th, 1797.) ("Erratum."--p. 19.)

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