CHAP. I.

THERE is perhaps no problem in history so singular and unaccountable as the decadence of the power and splendor of the extensive States of Barbary; which, while Carthage was in the meri­dian of its glory, were the seat of unrivalled great­ness, and anterior so Rome itself in arts, in science, in magnificence and refinement.

The original inhabitants of this country, ac­cording to the most authentic historians, were the Phoenecians, and after them the Carthagenians, the [Page 14] formidable rivals of the Romans, and one of the most warlike nations of antiquity. The beginning of the Carthagenian history, like that of all other nations, is extremely obscure and uncertain. In the 7th year of Pygmalion king of Tyre, his sister Eliza, or Dido, is said to have fled, with some of her companions and vassals, from the cruelty and avarice of her brother Sichaeus.

She first touched at the island of Cyprus, where she met with a priest of Jupiter, who was desirous of attending her; to which she consented. At that time it was a custom in the island of Cyprus, for the young women to go, on certain stated days before marriage, to the sea-side, and there to look for strangers, that might possibly arrive on their coasts, in order to prostitute themselves for gain, that they might thereby acquire a dowry. Out of these wo­men, the Tyrians selected eighty, whom they car­ried along with them, and then sailed directly for the coast of Africa: and at last safely landed in the province called Africa Propria, not far from Uti­ca, a Phoenician city of great antiquity. The com­mon fable is, that the Phoenecians imposed upon the Africans in the following manner: They desired for their intended settlement, only as much ground as an ox's hide would encompass. This request the Africans laughed at; but they were surprized when, upon granting it, they saw Eliza cut the hide into the smallest shreds, by which means it sur­rounded a large territory; in which she built the ci­tadel called Byrsa. The learned, however, ex­plode this fable; but it is certain that the Cartha­genians for many years paid an annual tribute to the Africans for the ground they possessed.

From this period commences the history of the Carthagenians, one of the most celebrated nations of [Page 15] antiquity, whose armies under the command of Hannibal, and other eminent generals, invaded the Roman territory, and threatened the downfal of Rome itself. But it is not the design of the present work to enter into a detail of this history, which would form of itself a large and interesting volume.

The city of Carthage, by order of the Roman Senate, was plundered and destroyed by the Roman army under AEmilianus. Before he proceeded to execute their order, he performed those religious ceremonies which were required on such occasions. He first sacrificed to the gods, and then caused a plough to be drawn round the walls of the city. After this, the towers, rampa [...]ts, walls, and all the works which the Carthagenians had raised in the course of many ages, were levelled with the ground. The edifices of this proud metropolis were set on fire, which consumed them all, not a single house escaping the flames. The sire began in all quarters of the city at the same time, and continued to burn with incredible fury for the space of seventeen days, at the end of which time the whole city was reduced to ashes.

Thus sell Carthage, about 146 years before the birth of Christ. The treasure carried off [...]y AEmi­lianus, even after it was plundered by the soldiers, according to the computation of Pliny, amounted to 4,470,000 pounds weight of silver. About twenty-four years after this event C. Gracchus under­took to rebuild it. Maxentius laid it in ashes about the sixth or seventh year of Constantine's reign, and Genseric, king of the Vandals, [...]ook it in the year 4 [...]0 after Christ; but about a century afterwards it was re-annexed to the Roman empire by the renown­ed Belisarius. At last the Saracens, under Ma­homet's successors, towards the close of the seventh [Page 16] century, so completely destroyed it, that there are now scarce any vestiges of it remaining.

After the reduction of the Carthagenian empire, the Romans for a long time maintained their power in Africa. But in the year 426, Bonifacius supreme governor of all the Roman dominions in this quarter, being compelled to revolt by the treachery of another general called Aetius, and finding himself unable to contend with the whole strength of the Roman empire, invited Genseric king of the Vandals to his aid; who thereupon abandoned his conquests in Eu­rope, and passed over into Africa. Bonifacius, how­ever, being soon after reconciled to his empress Pla­cidia, endeavoured in vain to persuade the Vandals to retire. Hereupon a war ensued, in which the barbari­ans proved victorious, and quickly over-ran all the Ro­man provinces in Africa. In the year 435, a peace was concluded; whereby Numidia and some other coun­tries were ceded to the Vandals, who soon after seized the rest. But these barbarians did not long enjoy their conquests: for about the year 535, Belisarus, the Greek emperor Justinian's general, drove them out, and annexed the provinces to the eastern empire.

In the years 647, the Saracens, having conquered Mesopotamia, Egypt, Phoenicia, Arabia and Pales­tine, broke like a torrent into Africa, which they quickly subdued. This last revolution happened about the middle of the seventh century; and the Arabs continued masters of the country till the year 1051. This year, one Abubeker-ben-Omar, or as the Spaniards call him, Abu-Tex­esien, an Arab of the Zinhagian tribe, being pro­voked at the tyranny of those despots, gathered, by the help of his marabouts or saints, a most power­ful army of malcontents, in the southern provinces of Numidia and Lybia. His followers were nick-named [Page 17] Marabites or Morabites; by the Spaniards Almoravides; probably from their being assembled principally by the saints, who were also called Mo­rabites. The khalif of Keyem's forces were at this time engaged in quelling other revolts in Syria, Mesopotamia, &c. and the Arabs in Spain entered into the most bloody wars; so that Texesien having nothing to fear from them, had all the success [...]e could wish against the Arabian cheyks or petty ty­rants, whom he defeated in many battles, and at last drove them not only out of Numidia and Ly­bi [...], but out of all the western parts, reducing the whole province of Tingitania under his dominion.

Texesien was succeeded by his son Yusef, or Jo­seph, who was a warlike prince. In the beginning of his reign he laid the foundation of the city of Morocco, which he intended as the capital of his empire During the building of this city he sent an embassy of marabouts to Tremesen, a province of Algiers, for the purpose of restoring the Zeneti, a Mahometan sect, to the true faith, as it was called. But the Zeneti contemning all overtures of this na­ture, assembled at [...], or Amfa their capital, and murdered the ambassadors. Not content with this act of outrage and insolence, they invaded Jo­seph's dominions with an army of 50,000 men.

Joseph justly exasperated at these proceedings, levied an army with all possible expedition, inva­ded their territory, and destroyed all before him with [...]ire and sword. The Zeneti instead of repel­ling the invasion, retreated towards Fez, where they expected assistance. But they were fatally dis­appointed in this expectation; for the Fezz [...]s marched out against them, and meeting the mise­rable Zeneti, encumbered with their families and baggage, and ready to expire with hunger and fa­tigue, [Page 18] fell upon them and cut them all to pieces, except a few who were either drowned in their at­tempts to swim across a river, or dashed to pieces from the precipices of rocks to which their enemy had pursued them.

In the mean time the march of Joseph's army was marked by havoc and desolation; the territory of the unhappy Zeneti was desolated and reduced to a heap of smoking ruins. Their country was, however, soon after re-peopled by numerous immi­grations of Fezzans, who formed colonies under the protection of the reigning princes. According to the most authentic accounts it appears, that nearly a millon of men, women and children, of the Zeneti, lost their lives in this murderous campaign.

Joseph, who was a prince of restless ambition, was not long disposed for peace. He proclaimed war against the Fezzans whom [...]e rendered tribu­tory, and extended his conquests along the coasts of the Mediterranean. His next attack was upon some Arabian cheyks, whom he pursued through the Lybian desarts with such fury, that neither the clifts of the most craggy rocks, nor secret recesses, afforded them shelter from the vengeance of their pursuers. He reduced all their castles and fortresses, which till then were deemed impregnable, and the extent of his conquests spread general consternation and grief through the other nations of Africa.

Thus was the empire of the Morabites founded; but its existance was of short duration; for they were expelled from their new possessions in the 12th century by Mohavedin a marabout. This race of priests was subdued by Abdulac, governor of Fez, who was divested in his turn of his new conquesta, in the 13th century, by the Shariffs of Hascen, who [Page 19] were the descendants of those Arabian princes whom Abu-Texe [...]ien had formerly conquered.

The Shariffs divided their new acquired domi­ons into several petty provinces, and the kingdom of Algiers was divided into Tremesen, Tenez, Algiers Proper, and Bujeyah, for their greater secu­rity against the invasions of neighbouring princes. The four first monarchs laid so solid a foundation to their empire, by a judicious balance of power, that they continued in mutual peace and harmony for several succeeding centuries; but the king of Tre­mesen having violated some articles of their com­pact, Abul-Farez declared war against him, and re­duced Tremesen to a tributory kingdom.

Abul-Farez did not long survive this event. His kingdom was divided among his three sons, and mu­tual discord and animosity was the consequence of this division. Debilitated by these commotions, they became an easy conquest to the Spanish govern­ment, who transported a powerful fleet and army against Barbary, under the command of the Count of Navarre, in the year 1505. This commander soon completed the conquest of Oran, Bujeyah, and other important cities; which spread such an alarm among the Algerines, that they invited the pro­tection of Selim Eutemi, an Arabian prince re­nowned for the prowess of his arms. He came to their assistance with a large army of his most warlike subjects, attended by Zaphira his queen, and a son about twelve years of age. This force was not, how­ever, sufficient to repel the incursions of the Spa­niards; they effected the landing of an army the same year near the city of Algiers, and compelled the me­tropolis to become tributory to Spain. Nor could all the powers of Eutemi prevent the establishment of a formidable Spanish garrison of 200 men on the island, [Page 20] in front of the city, which did immense damage to the corsairs that attempted to sail either in or out of the harbour.

To this galling yoke the Algerines were obliged to submit, and they continued tributory till the death of Ferdinand king of Spain, which happened in the year 1516. They were then determined to shake off their Spanish yoke, and in order to effectuate this design, they sent an embassay to Aruch Barbarossa, to solicit his assistance against the Spaniards, and pro­mised him an adequate compensation for his services.

Barbarossa, so called from the red colour of his beard, was the son of a potter in the isle of Lesbos, being prompted by a restless and enterprising spirit, he and his brother Hayradin forsook their father, and joined a crew of pirates. In this new profession they soon distinguished themselves by their acti­vity and prowess; they became masters of a small brigantine, and conducted their piracies with such success, that they soon assembled a fleet of twelve galleys, besides many vessels of smaller force. Bar­barossa was admiral of this fleet, and Hayradin se­cond in command. Their names soon became terri­ble from the Straits of the Dardanelles to those of Gi­braltar. Their ambitious views extended with their power: being no less dreaded for their valour than their surprising success, and while acting as cor­sairs, they assumed the ideas, and acquired the ta­lents of conquerors. They often carried the prizes they had taken on the coasts of Spain and Italy, into the ports of Barbary. The convenient situa­tion of these harbours, lying so near the great com­mercial states of Christendom, prompted them to the desire of effecting an establishment in the country of Barbary. An opportunity of accomplishing this [Page 21] project soon presented itself, and they did not suf­fer it to pass unimproved.

Barbarossa received the Algerine embassy at Hi­gir, about 170 miles to the eastward of Algiers. He promised them every assistance in his power, and se­cretly exulted in so favourable an opportunity of ren­dering himself master of their city. To carry his de­signs into execution, he fitted out a fleet of 18 gal­leys, on board of which was embarked a powerful Turkish army, with a fine train of artillery, and am­ply provided with military stores, and dispatched them to the city of Algiers.

Barbarossa in the mean time advanced toward the city by land, with an army of 800 Turks, 3000 Jigelites, and 2000 Moorish volunteers. But instead of taking the nearest road to Algiers, he directed his course towards Sharshel, (about 60 miles west of Algiers), where Hassan, another famous corsair un­der his command, had settled himself; and dis­patched a messenger to his fleet, which by this time had anchored at Algiers, with orders to repair im­mediately to Sharshel. His design by this march was to punish the treachery of Hassan, who had se­duced a considerable part of the fleet stationed there into his service, and was upon the point of making a descent upon the Spanish coast. But he was much astonished when he found Barbarossa was so near, and instantly prepared to oppose the approach of his army; but discovering the inefficiency of the force he had raised, he deemed it most prudent to adjust all differences by an amicable compromise, and af­ter he had received a promise of pardon from his commander, surrendered himself a prisoner. Bar­barossa, however, felt little disposed to pardon the offence, and, by his command, Hassan was execu­ted in the presence of the Turkish army.

[Page 22] After these events, he compelled the people of Sharshel to acknowledge [...] their sovereign, and garrisoned a detachment of his army in that place for the security of his conquest. His army and fleet then directed their course towards Algiers. On the approach of his army he was met by Selim Eutemi, then regent of Algiers, attended by an immense concourse of people from the city, who welcomed this celebrated conqueror, whom they deemed in­vincible, with every demonstration [...] joy. He was conducted into the city amidst the acclamations of the people, and lodged in one of the noblest apartments of Eutemi's palace, where a most sump­tuous banquet was prepared for his entertainment.

Elated beyond measure with the great marks o [...] dis­tinction which were conferred upon him, he conceived the design of becoming king of Algiers. The day after his arrival he commenced his arrangements for the reduction of the Spaniards, who had been so long obnoxious to the Algerines. He ordered an entrenchment to be formed, and a battery raised against a Spanish fortress stationed upon a small island in the harbour, about 500 yards from the city. Be­fore the commencement of the intended siege of the island, he dispatched a courier to the Spanish garri­son, to inform them, that upon condition they would surrender the fortress they should be well [...]ated and sent to Spain; but if not, they should all be put to death. The commander of the garrison re­jected all overtures of capitulation, and returned for answer, that he would hold out [...]ill the very la [...]t extremity.

Incensed at this answer, Barbarossa commenced a brisk cannonade of the island, which was kept up, with little intermission, for twenty days; but his [Page 23] ordnance, consisting only of small field pieces, made but little impression upon the garrison.

In the mean time, the greater part of Barbarossa's army were rioting in every species of excess, and in their intercourse with the citizens, committed every act of violence and atrocity. The Algerines were soon roused to a sense of their danger, and Se im Eutemi, greatly exasperated at the outrages of the Turks, entreated Barbarossa to withdraw his army from the city. But his sole view now was the conquest of the city, and the more effectually to accomplish his project, he resolved to murder Eutemi in a private manner, and to proclaim himself king of Algiers.

In order to execute his design, he [...]ole into a small apartment where Eutemi had one day retired for the purpose of bathing, and finding the prince alone, he suddenly seized him and strangled him to death. When he had perpetrated this atrocious act, he secretly withdrew, and left the prince float­ing in the water. Returning shortly after with his attendants, to the bath, he affected great asto­nishment at the death of Eutemi, who, he alleged, had been drowned in a swoon.

His death was, however, generally imputed to the cruelty of Barbarossa, and the citizens, who were panic struck at this event, seemed more anx­ious to screen themselves from oppression, than to avenge the death of their sovereign.

Barbarossa now caused himself to be publicly pro­claimed king; and, as he rode along the streets, his Turks and Moors exclaimed, "Long live king Aruch Barbarossa, the invincible king of Algiers, the chosen of God to deliver the people from the oppression of the Christians; and destruction to al [...] that shall oppose, or refuse to own him as [...] lawful sovereign." These last threatening words [Page 24] so intimidated the inhabitants, already apprehensive of a general massacre, that he was immediately ac­knowledged king; and he summoned all the wealthi­est part of the citizens before him, to whom he promised honors and promotion if they would acquiesce in his sovereignty. The unhappy princess Zaphira made an unsuccessful attempt to stab him with a dagger; but not succeeding, it is said she poisoned herself, to avoid the brutality of her new sovereign.

Barbarossa was no sooner seated on the throne, [...]an he treated his new subjects with such cruelty, that they used to shut up their houses, and hide themselves, when he appeared in public. The Turks finding themselves complete masters of the town, indulged themselves in every species of vio­lence and rapacity. Their enormities commenced with insulting language, and the scene terminated in public plunder, murder, and the violation of women.

In this extremity of insult and misery, the citi­zens held a secret correspondence with the gover­nor of the Spanish garrison; in which they inform­ed him that a plot was laid to massacre the whole Turkish army, solicited his assistance, and promis­ed, in consequence, to become again tributory to the king of Spain.

The commander readily acceded to their wishes, and the following plan was devised. A considera­ble number of Moors, with daggers concealed un­der their clothes, were to enter the city for the purpose of trading; at the same time a number of galliots without the town were to be set on fire; and while the Turks were gone to extinguish the flames the gates of the city were to be shut upon them, and the Spaniards to be instantly landed from the garrison to assist the citizens. But the vigilance [Page 25] of Barbarossa discovered the conspiracy; in conse­quence of which, he strongly fortified the town, augmented his guards both in the galli [...]ts and at the city-gates, and thus totally frustrated this deep laid scheme.

The most tragical events succeeded this discovery. For though Barbarossa had detected the conspir [...]y, yet he prete [...]ded he had not discovered the principals; and one Friday (which is the Mahometan Sunday) he paid a visit to the grand Mosque in the city, where the chief part of the conspirators had conver [...]ed. An uncommon concourse of people assembled, and a­mong the crowd the tyrant had ordered a number of his [...]urks to be stationed. The moment their re­ligious ceremonies commenced, Barbarossa ordered the doors of the Mosque to be shut, and the whole congregation to be mace prisoners: out of whom he selected twenty of the principal leaders of the faction, whom he conceived to be the most obnoxious, and by his orders they were instantly led into the stee [...]s and there beheaded. After the execution of this atrocious order their bodies were exposed naked to public view, and their heads rolled about the city for several days, till at length becoming offensive, they were buried in a dunghill. This event took place in the year 1517.

While these things where transacting Selim Eute­mi's son, apprehensive of danger, fled to Oran, where he put himself under the protection of the marquis of Gomarez, general of that place, and laid before that nobleman a plan for putting the city of Algiers into the hands of the king of Spain. Gomarez approv­ed of the plan, and sent young Selim Eutemi to Spain, where he laid his scheme before Cardinal Francisco Ximenes and the councils of Spain, who likewise ap­proved of it, and sent a fleet with 10,000 land forces, [Page 26] under the command of young Selim and Don Dieg [...] de Vera, to restore the young prince to his kingdom. But deplorable was the fate of this army; for they were no sooner come within sight of land, than a tempest arose, which raged with such violence that the whole fleet was involved in destruction; many vessels ran foul of each other; some were swallowed up by the ocean, and others dashed to pieces against the rocks. Young Selim and Ximenes were never heard of again; and th [...]s was the greatest part of this army destroyed; those who escaped the vio­lence of the elements were either murdered by the Turks, or subjected to the most miserable slavery.

The pride of Barbarossa was greatly elated at this disaster, and though he had nothing to boast on this occasion, yet his vanity and insolence were now swelled to such a degree, that he imagined himself invincible, and fancied that the very elements had conspired to render him so. By this misfortune all hopes were lost of expelling Barbarossa, and re­storing the heirs of Selim to the regency of Algiers.

Barbarossa's tyranny became at length so insup­portable, that the Arabians, who inhabited the low­er parts of the country, implored the assistance of Hamidel Abdes king of Tenez to drive the Turks out of Algiers. That prince undertook to grant them all the aid in his power, upon condition that the Arabians would agree to settle the kingdom on himself and his descendants.

This proposal was readily accepted, and Hami­del Abdes immediately set out at the head of an ar­my of 10,000 Moors. He began his march in June 1517, and, upon his entering the Algerine domi­nions, was joined by all the Arabians in the coun­try, who openly avowed themselves the enemies of the tyrant. Barbarossa, gaining intelligence of the [Page 27] approach of Hamidel Abdes, raised an army of 1000 Turkish musqueteers, and 500 Granada Moors, and consigning the government of Algiers to the care of his brother Hayradin, came out with this inconsiderable force to meet Hamidel Ab­des. After a march of about twelve leagues to the westward of Algiers, Barbarossa came up with him, and a desperate engagement commen­ced. Victory was for some time d [...]bious, and the most horrible carnage ensued. But the Turks, be­ing disciplined to the use of fire arms, displayed great superiority, and the enemy having only ar­rows and javelins, began to give way. Their nu­merous army was totally defeated, and Barbarossa pursued them to the gates of their capital; of which he easily made himself master. Hamidel Abdes still retreated towards mount Atlas, and the unfortunate city, without the least resistance, fell a victim to every species of violence and brutality, and Barbarossa was proclaimed king.

The fame of this decisive victory was soon spread over all Africa, and no sooner had Barbarossa be­come master of Tenez, than he received an embassy from the inhabitants of Tremesen, (about 50 leagues westward), who were dissatisfied with the administra­tion of their king, principally on account of his having dethroned his nephew; whom he obliged to fly to Oran; and they offered to invest Barbarossa even with the sovereignty, in case he accepted their proposal. An application of this nature, as may well be imagined, was highly pleasing to him, and he was determined not to lose so favourable an op­portunity of extending his conquests. In conse­quence of this embassay he wrote to his brother Hayradin to send him forward some pieces of ar­tillery and military stores; and upon the receipt [Page 28] of these articles he set out for Tremesen, having consigned the command of Tenez to his third bro­ther Isaac Benijo [...]b.

The king of Tremesen, not suspecting the treachery of his subjects, raised an army of 6000 horse and 3000 foot, and met the tyrant in the plains of Aganel in advance of the city, where a bloody action took place; in which the king, unable to stand before Barbarossa's artillery, was totally routed, and fled with the remains of his army to the capital, where he was taken prisoner and behe [...]ded by his subjects. After which they sent ambassadors with his head to Barbarossa, and ordered. them to deliver the keys of the city into the hands of the conqueror.

Two days after, he made a triumphal entry [...] Tremesen, amidst the [...]cclamations of a multitude of citizens, who met him, and treated him [...]ith every mark of attention. As soon as he was in possession of the city, he began to tyrannize as usual; but his new subjects soon convinced him they were not so passive as the citizens of Algiers. Suspicious of opposition to his administration in the government of Tremesen, and apprehensive of a precarious reign in consequence of his enormities, he entered into an alliance with Muley Hamet king of Fez, each stipulating to render each other mutual assistance against their enemies. After which he took care, for the purpose of greater security, to garrison Tremesen with troops, as well as the rest of the cities in his kingdom. some of these, however, soon after revolted; upon which he sent one of his corsairs, named Escander, no less ferocious than him­self, to reduce them. Isaac Benijoub in particular, the commander of Tenez, became extremely ob­noxious in his administration; which induced a ge­neral [Page 29] revolt among the Moors of the country, and he fell a victim to their fury.

The Tremesenians soon repented sincerely that they had courted the assistance of such a tyrant; and held consultations on the most effectual means of expelling him from their city, and restoring Abu­chen Men, their lawful prince. But their cabals were soon discovered, and a great number of the conspi­rators were massacred in the most cruel manner.

Abuchen Men, who had fortunately escaped to Oran, was taken under the protection of the mar­quis of Gomarez, who sent immediate advice of it to Charles V. then lately arrived in Spain, with a powerful fleet and army, and gave him a particular account of the transactions that had taken place in Africa. Charles immediately ordered an army of 10,000 men to be raised and put under the command of Gomarez, and the guidance of Abuchen Men; who began their march towards Tremesen; and in their way were joined by prince Selim with a great num­ber of Arabs and Moors. Their first resolve was to attack the important fortress of Cala [...], situated be­tween Tremesen and Algiers, and commanded by the corsair Escander, at the head of about 300 Turks. They invested it closely on all sides, with a design to decoy Barbarossa from Tremesen to its re­lief, and to afford the Tremesenians an opportunity of shutting their gates against him. But the tyrant kept close lodged in his capital, embarrassed by the fears of a general revolt, and the dangerous delays of the king of Fez, who had neglected to send for­ward the auxiliaries he had promised. The garrison of Calau in the mean time made a vigorous defence, and in a fortie they made in the night killed 300 Spaniards. This encouraged them to make a second sally; but they were repulsed with great loss, and [Page 30] Escander himself was wounded. The garrison un­able to hold out any longer, capitulated upon honor­able terms; but they were all massacred by the Arabians except sixteen, who clung close to the stirrups of the king and the Spanish general.

After the reduction of this fortress they began their march to lay siege to Tremesen. Barbarossa receiving intelligence of their approach, was deter­mined to wait no longer for reinforcements from the king of Fez, and came out of his capital with a troop of 1500 Turks and 5000 Moorish horse, to op­pose the progress of the Spaniards. But gaining in­telligence of the superiority of their force, his coun­cils advised him to return and fortify himself in his capital. This advice however came too late. The inhabitants of Tremesen had shut their gates against him, and were resolved to open them only to their lawful sovereign, when he appeared. In this extrem­ity he deemed it most prudent to retire to the citadel, and defend himself there till he could find an oppor­tunity of stealing away with his men and treasure. Here he made a vigorous defence, but his pro­visions failing, he effected his escape by night through a subterraneous passage, which he had caused to be dug for that purpose, and carried off all his immense treasures with him. But his flight was soon discovered, and Gomarez ordered an im­mediate pursuit. Barbarossa finding himself so closely pursued, caused a considerable quantity of money, plate, jewels, &c. to be scattered along the rout he had taken, in order to amuse the enemy, and to retard their pursuit in gathering it up, while he effected the passage of the river Fluexda, But this stratagem, through the vigilance of the Spanish commander, did not succeed; for Gomarez, order­ed his men to march on, without waiting to gather [Page 31] up the spoils, and they soon overtook the fugitive on the banks of the river, about eight leagues from Tremesen. Barbarossa had just crossed the river with his vanguard; and the Spanish army furiously attacked his rear on the other side, and cut them all to pieces. Gomarez then crossed the river, and a bloody engagement ensued, in which his Turks fought with the greatest fury. But being overpow­ered by numbers, the tyrant fell, and 1500 Turks were left dead upon the field of battle.

Thus terminated the career of this powerful ty­rant, who died in the year 1519, in the 44th year of his age; four years after he had aspired to the royal title of [...]igel of the adjacent country; two years after he had assumed the sovereignty of Al­giers; a twelvemonth after the reduction of Tre­mesen; and after he had infested the seas and spread havoc and desolation through the country of Barbary for the space of fourteen years.

After this important victory Gomarez returned in triumph to Tremesen, amidst the shouts of the multitude, who came out to meet him, with the head of Barbarossa carried upon the point of a spear; and Abuchen Men was proclaimed king, to the great joy of all the inhabitants.

About fourteen days after the battle, the king of Fez made his appearance at the head of 20,000 Moorish horse; but hearing of Barbarossa's defeat, he retired with all possible expedition, to avoid an attack from the enemy. Gomarez soon after de­parted from Tremesen, and returned to Oran, leaving Abechen Men in peaceable possession of his kingdom.

CHAP. II.

THE news of Barbarossa's death spread the utmost consternation among the Turks at Algiers; and his brother Hayradin was immediately proclaimed king. The Spanish commander very imprudently neglected to follow up his victories at this auspicious juncture, and sent back the emperor's forces without attempting the reduction of Algiers. Hayradin in his present critical situation, apprehensive of a Spanish invasion, and dreading the consequences of his tyrany and that of his officers, sent an embassy to solicit the protection of the Grand Signior; which was rea­dily granted. He was appointed Bashaw or Viceroy of Algiers, and received such considerable rein­forcements [Page 33] as completely effected the subjugation of the unhappy Algerines, who d [...]st not make the least resistance or complaint. In consequence of these reinforcements, his armies were further aug­mented by such numbers of Turks that continually resorted to him, that he was enabled not only to keep the Moors and Arabs in subjection at home, but to annoy the Christians at sea.

His next step was the reduction of the Spanish fortress in front of the city, which was a great nuis­ance to the metropolis, and of which the Spaniards held possession till the year 1 [...]30. His galleys were, in consequence, always obliged to anchor near the gate of B [...]baz [...]n, out of the reach of their cannon, where they were continually exposed to the danger of tempests. He was therefore deter­mined to reduce it, and his first attempt was by stra­tagem. Having made choice of two Moo [...]sh lads, and given them instructions how to act, he sent them to the fort, where they requested permission to enter, declaring that they were desirous of em­bracing the Christian religion, and residing with the Spaniards. The lads were received and treat­ed with great kindness: and one Easter Sunday, while Martin de Vargas, the commander, and his men were at church, these lads ascended a tower that commanded a prospect of the city, from whence they waved a flag, as a signal, that the Spaniards were off their guard. The flag being observed by the commander's servant maid, she ran immediately and acquainted her master with the circumstance. Vargas and his men repaired to the t [...]w [...]r instantly, where they seized the lads, and prepared to oppose the landing of the enemy. Hayradin finding his plan had miscarried, desisted from his design; and when the alarm had subsided, the two lads were [Page 34] brought out, and at the command of Vargas, were both hanged upon an eminence in sight of the city. Hayradin was greatly exasperated at the sight, and was resolved upon the immediate reduction of the fort. Whereupon he dispatched a renegado to the fort to acquaint Vargas, that if he would deliver up the garrison, he and his men should be well treated, and sent to Spain; but if not, they should all be put to death. Vargas returned for answer, that he would hold out to the last extremity. Haraydin up­on the receipt of this answer, raised a formidable battery, and commenced a vigorous cannonade upon the island, which continued for fifteen days and nights without intermission; at the end of which time almost all the walls of the garrison were bat­tered down, and the greatest part of the besieged were killed. Hayradin now ordered a descent to be made upon the island, which was effected with­out opposition, and the whole garrison were made prisoners. Vargas suffered imprisonment for about three months, at the end of which time he was or­dered into the presence of Hayradin, and bastina­doed to death.

After this event he set about building a strong mole from the island to the city, for the protection of his ships, and in this he employed 30,000 Chris­tian slaves, who were engaged in this work for three years without intermission, in which time the work was completed. He then caused the fort ta­ken from the Spaniards to be repaired, and placed a strong garrison in it to prevent foreign vessels from entering the harbour without giving an ac­count of themselves. By these two important works, Hayradin soon became dreaded not only by the Arabs and Moors, but also by the maritime [Page 35] Christian powers, especially the Spaniards. The viceroy failed not to acquaint the Grand Signior with his success, and obtained from him a fresh supply of money, by which he was enabled to build a stronger fort, and to erect batteries on all places that might favour the landing of the enemy. All these have since received greater improvements from time to time, as often as there was occasion for them.

In the mean time the Sultan, either out of a sense of the great services Hayradin had done, or per­haps out of jealousy lest he should make himself independent, raised Hayradin to the dignity of bashaw of the empire, and appointed Hastan Aga, a Sardinian renegado, an intrepid warrior, and an experienced officer, to succeed him as bashaw of Algiers. Hassan had no sooner taken possession of his new government, than he began to pur­sue his ravages on the Spanish coast with greater fury than ever; extending them to the ecclesiasti­cal states, and other parts of Italy. But Pope Paul III. being alarmed at this, exhorted the emperor Charles V. to send a powerful fleet to suppress these frequent and cruel piracies; and, that no­thing might be wanting to render the enterprise successful, a bull was published by his holiness, wherein a plenary absolution of sins, and the crown of martyrdom, were promised to all those who either fell in battle, or were made slaves. The emperor on his part needed no spur; and therefore set sail at the head of a powerful fleet, consisting of 120 ships and 20 galleys, having on board 30,000 chosen troops, an immense quantity of money, arms, amunition, &c. In this expedition ma­ny young nobility and gentry attended as volunteers, and among these many knights of Malta, so remark­able [Page 36] for their valour against the enemies of Chris­tianity. Even ladies of birth and character attended Charles in his expedition, and the wives and daughters of the officers and soldiers followed them with a design to settle in Barbary after the conquest was completed. All these meeting with a favour­able wind, soon appeared before Algiers: every ship displaying the Spanish colours on the st [...]rn, and another at the head, with a crucifix to serve them for a pilot.

By this prodigious armament the Algerines were thrown into the utmost consternation. The city was surrounded only by a wall with scarce any out­works. The whole garrison consisted of 800 Turks and 6000 Moors, without fire-arms, and poorly disciplined and acco [...]tred; the rest of their forces being dispersed in the other provinces of the king­dom to levy the usu [...] tribute on the Arabs and Moors. The Spaniards landed without opposition, and immediately built a fort, under the cannon of which they encamped, and diverted the course of a spring which supplied the city with water. Being now reduced to the utmost distress, Hassan receiv­ed a summons to surrender at discretion, on pain of being put to the sword with all the garrison. The herald was ordered to extol the vast power of the emperor both by sea and land, and to exhort him to return to the Christian religion. But to this Hassan only replied, that he must be a mad­man that would pretend to advise an enemy, and that the advised must still act more madly who would take counsel of such an advisor. He was, however, on the point of surrendering the city, when advice was brought him, that the forces be­longing to the western government were in full march towards the place; upon which it was re­solved [Page 37] to defend it to the utmost. Charles, in the mean time, resolving upon a general assault, kept a constant firing upon the town; which, from the weak defence made by the garrison, he looked up­on as already in his hands. But while the divan, or Algerine senate, were deliberating upon the most proper means of obtaining an honorable capi­tulation, a mad prophet, attended by a multitude of people, entered the assembly, and foretold the speedy destruction of the Spaniards before the end of the moon, exhorting the inhabitants to hold out till that time. This prediction was soon verified in a most surprising and unexpected manner: for, on the 28th of October 1541, a dreadful storm of wind, rain, and hail, arose from the north, ac­companied with violent shocks of earthquakes, and a dismal universal darkness both by sea and land; so that the sun, moon and elements seemed to com­bine together for the destruction of the Spaniards. In one night, some say in less than half an hour, 86 ships and 15 galleys were destroyed, with all their crews and military stores; by which the ar­my or shore was deprived of all means of subsist­ence. Their camp also, which spread itself along the plain under the fort, was laid quite under wa­ter by the torrents which descended from the neigh­bouring hills. Many of the troops, by trying to remove into some better situation, were cut in pie­ces by the Moors and Arabs; while several gal­leys, and other vessels, endeavouring to gain some neighbouring creek along the coasts, were immedi­ately plundered, and their crews massacred by the inhabitants.

The next morning Charles beheld the sea co­vered with the fragments of ships, and the bodies of men, horses and other creatures swimming on [Page 38] the waves; at which he was so disheartened that he abandoned his tents, artillery, and all his heavy baggage, to the enemy, and marched at the head of his army, though in no small disorder, towards cape Malabux, in order to reimbark in those ves­sels which had weathered out the storm. But Has­san, who had watched his motions, allowed him just time enough to get to the shore, wh [...] he sal­lied out and attacked the Spaniards in the midst of their hurry and confusion to get into their ships, killing great numbers, and bringing away a still greater number of captives; after which he return­ed in triumph to Algiers, where he celebrated, with great rejoicings, his happy deliverance from such distress and danger^*.

Soon after this the prophet Yusef, who had fore­told the destruction of the Spaniards, was not only declared the deliverer of his country, but had a considerable gratuity decreed him, with the liber­ty of exercising his prophetic function unmolested. It was not long, however, before the marabouts, and some interpreters of the law, made a strong oppo­sition against him; remonstrating to the bashaw, how ridiculous and scandalous it was to the nation, to ascribe their deliverance to a poor fortune-teller, which had been obtained by the fervent prayers of a saint of their own profession. But though the bashaw and his divan seemed, out of policy, to give into this last notion, yet the impression which Yusef's predictions, and their late accomplishments, had made upon the minds of the common people, proved too strong to be eradicated; and the spirit of divination and conjuring has since got into such credit among them, that not only their great states­men, [Page 39] but their priests, marabouts, and santoons, have applied themselves to that study, and digni­fied it with the name of Mahomet's Revelations.

The unhappy Spaniards had scarce reached their ships, when they were attacked by a fresh storm, in which several more of them perished; one ship in particular, containing 700 soldiers, besides sailors, sunk in the emperor's sight, without a possibility of saving a single man. At length, with much labour, they reached the port of Bujeyah, at that time pos­sessed by the Spaniards, whither Hassan king of Tunis soon after repaired, with a supply of provi­sions for the emperor, who received him graciously, with fresh assurances of his favour and protection. Here he dismissed the few remains of the Maltese knights and their forces, who embarked in three shattered galleys, and with much difficulty and danger reached their own country. Charles himself staid no longer than till the 16th of November, when he sailed for Carthagena, and reached it on the 25th of the same month. In this unfortunate ex­pedition upwards of 120 ships and galleys were lost, above 300 colonels and other land and sea officers, 8000 soldiers and mariners, besides those destroyed by the enemy on the reimbarkation, or drowned in the last storm. The number of prisoners was so great, that the Algerines sold some of them, by way of contempt, for an onion per head.

Hassan, elated with this victory, in which he had very little share, undertook an expedition a­gainst the king of Tremesen, who, being now de­prived of the assistance of the Spaniards, was for­ced to procure a peace by paying a vast sum of money, and becoming tributory to him. The bashaw returned to Algiers, laden with riches; and soon after died of a fever, in the 66th year of his age.

[Page 40] From this time the Spaniards were never able to annoy the Algerines in any considerable degree. In 1555, they lost the city of Bujeyah, which was taken by Salha Rais, Hassan's successor; who next year set out on a new expedition, which he kept a secret, but was suspected to be intended against Oran: but he was scarcely got four leagues from Algiers, when the plague, which at that time ra­ged violently in the city, broke out in his groin, and carried him off in 24 hours.

Immediately after his death the Algerine sol­diery chose a Corsican renegado, Hassan Corso, in his room, till they should receive further orders from the Porte. He did not accept the bashawship without a good deal of difficulty; but immediately prosecuted the intended expedition to Oran, dis­patching a messenger to acquaint the Porte with what had happened. They had hardly begun their hostilities against the place, when orders came from the Porte, expressly forbidding Hassan Corso to begin the siege, or, if he had begun it, enjoining him to raise it immediately. This news was receiv­ed with great grief by the whole fleet and army, as they thought themselves sure of success, the garrison being at that time very weak. Neverthe­less, as they dared not disobey, the siege was im­mediately raised.

Corso had hardly enjoyed the dignity four months, before news came, that eight galleys were bringing a new bashaw to succeed him; one Tekel­li, a principal Turk of the Grand Signior's court; upon which the Algerines unanimously resolved not to admit him. By the treachery of the Levantine soldiers, however, he was admitted at last, and the unfortunate Corso was thrown over a wall, in which a number of iron hooks were fixed; one of which [Page 41] caught the ribs of his right side, and he hung three days in the most exquisite torture before he expired.

Tekelli was no sooner entered upon his new government, than he behaved with such cruelty, that he was assassinated, even under the dome of a saint, by Yusef Calabres, the favorite renegado of Hassan Corso; who for this service was unani­mously chosen bashaw, but died of the plague six days after his election.

Yusef was succeeded by Hassan the son of Hay­radin, who had been formerly recalled from his bashawship, when he was succeeded by Se [...]ha Rais; and now had got the good fortune to get himself reinstated in his employment. Immediately on his arrival, he engaged in a war with the Arabs, by whom he was defeated with great loss. The next year, the Spaniards undertook an expedition against Mostagan, under the command of the count d'Al­candela; but were utterly defeated, the comman­der himself killed, and 12,000 taken prisoners. This disaster was owing to the inconsiderate rash­ness, or rather madness, of the commander; which was so great, that after finding it impossible to rally his scattered forces, he rushed, sword in hand, into the thickest of the enemy's ranks, at the head of a small number of men, crying out, "St. Jago! St. Jago! the victory is ours, the enemy is defeated;" soon after which he was thrown from his horse, and trampled to death.

Hassan having had the misfortune to displease his subjects, by allowing the mountaineers of Cuco to buy ammunition at Algiers, was sent in irons to Constantinople, while the aga of the Janisaries, and general of the land forces, supplied his place. Hassan easily found means to clear himself; but a new bashaw was appointed, called Achmet; who [Page 42] was no sooner arrived, than he sent the two deputy-bashaws to Constantinople, where their heads were struck off. Achmet was a man of such insatiable avarice, that upon his arrival at Algiers, all ranks of people came in shoals to make him presents; which he the more greedily accepted, as he had bought his dignity by the money he had amassed while head gardener to the Sultan. He enjoyed it, however, only four months; and after his death, the state was governed other four months by his lieu­tenant; when Hassan was a third time sent viceroy to Algiers, where he was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy.

The first enterprise in which Hassan engaged, was the siege of Marsalquiver, situated near the ci­ty of Oran, which he designed to invest immedi­ately after. The army employed in this siege con­sisted of 26,000 foot and 10,000 horse, besides which he had a fleet consisting of 32 galleys and galliots, together with three French vessels laden with biscuit, oil, and other provisions. The city was defended by Don Martin de Cordova, brother of the count d'Alcandela, who had been taken pri­soner in the battle where that nobleman was killed, but had obtained his liberty from the Algerines with immense sums, and now made a most gallant defence against the Turks. The city was attacked with the utmost fury by sea and land, and several breaches were made in the walls. The Turkish standards were several times planted on the walls, and as often dislodged; but the place must in the end have submitted, had not Hassan been obli­ged to raise the siege in haste, on the news that the famous Genoese admiral Doria was approaching with considerable succours from Italy. The fleet accordingly arrived soon after; but missing the Al­gerine [Page 43] galleys, bore away for Pennon de Velez, where they were shamefully repulsed by a handful of Turks who garrisoned that place; which, how­ever, was taken the following year.

In 1567, Hassan was again recalled to Constan­tinople, where he died three years after. He was succeeded by Mahomet, who gained the love of the Algerines by several public spirited actions. He incorporated the [...]anisaries and Levantine Turks together, and by that means put an end to their dissentions, which laid the foundation of the Algerine independency on the Porte. He likewise added some considerable fortifications to the city and castle, which he designed to render impregnable.

But while he was thus studying the interest of Al­giers, one John Gascon, a bold Spanish adventurer, formed a design of surprising the whole piratic navy in the bay, and setting them on fire in the night time, when they lay defenceless, and in their first sleep. For this he had not only the permission of king Philip II. but was furnished by him with pro­per vessels, mariners, and fire-works, for the exe­cution of his plot. With these he set sail for Al­giers in the beginning of October, the most proper season, when most, if not all the ships lay at an­chor there, and easily sailed near enough, unsus­pected, to view their manner of riding, in order to surprise them at a time when the greater part of their crews were dispersed in their quarters. He came accordingly, unperceived by any, to the very mole-gate, and dispersed his men with their fire-works; but to their great surprise, they found them so ill mixed, that they could not with all their art make them take fire. In the mean time, Gascon took it into his head, by way of bravado, to go to the mole-gate, and give three loud knocks at it with [Page 44] the pommel of his dagger, and to leave it fixed in the gate by its point, that the Algerines might have cause to remember him. This he had the good fortune to do without meeting any disturbance or op­position; but it was not so with his men; for no sooner did they find their endeavours frustrated, than they made such a bustle as quickly alarmed the guard posted on the adjacent bastion, from which the uproar quickly spread itself through the whole garrison. Gascon now finding himself in the utmost danger, sailed away with all possible haste; but was pursued, overtaken, and brought back a prisoner to Mahomet; who no sooner got him into his power, than he immediately caused a gibbet of considerable height to be erected on the spot where Gascon had landed, ordering him to be hoisted up, and hung by the feet to a hook, that he might die in extreme tor­ture; and to show his resentment and contempt of the king his master, he ordered his commission to be tied to his toes. He had not, however, hung long in that state, when the captain who took him, accom­panied by a number of other corsairs, interceded so strongly in his behalf, that he was taken down, and put under the care of a Christian surgeon; but two days after, some Moors reporting that it was the common talk and belief in Spain, that the Algerines durst not hurt a hair of Gascon's head, the unfortunate Spaniard was hoisted up by a pully to the top of the execution-wall, and from thence thrown down up­on hooks which were fastened in it, one of which caught him by the ribs as he fell, and gave him such a wound that he expired without a groan.—Thus ended the expedition of John Gascon, which has procured him a place among the Spanish martyrs; while on the other hand, the Algerines look upon his disappointment to have been miraculous, and [Page 45] owing to the efficacious protection of the powerful saint Sidi Outededda, whose prayers had raised such a terrible storm against the Spanish fleet.

Mahomet being soon after recalled, was succeed­ed by the famous renegado Ocha [...], who reduced the kingdom of Tunis; which, however, remain­ed subject to the viceroy of Algiers only till the year 1586, when a bashaw of Tunis was appointed by the Porte.

The kingdom of Algiers continued to be go­verned till the beginning of the seventeenth centu­ry, by viceroys, or bashaws appointed by the Porte; concerning whom we find nothing very remarkable, further than that their avarice and tyranny was intolerable both to the Algerines and the Turks themselves. At last the Turkish Janisaries and militia becoming powerful enough to suppress the tyrannic sway of these bashaws, and the people being almost exhausted by the heavy taxes laid up­on them, the former resolved to depose these petty tyrants, and set up some officers of their own at the head of government. The better to succeed in this attempt, the militia sent a deputation of some of their chief members to the Port [...], to complain of the avarice and oppression of these bashaws, who sunk both the revenue of the state, and put the mo­ney remitted to it from Constantinople into their own coffers, which should have been employed in keep­ing up and paying the soldiery; by which means they were in continual danger of being overpower­ed by the Arabians and Moors, who, if ever so little assisted by any Christian power, would hardly sail of driving all the Turks out of the kingdom. They represented to the Grand Vizir how much more honorable, as well as easier and cheaper, it would be for the Grand Signior to permit them to choose [Page 46] their own dey, or governor, [...] [...]ong them­selves, whose interest it would [...] to see that the revenue of the kingdom was rightly applied, in keeping up its forces complete, and supplying all other exigencies of the state, without any farther charge or trouble to the Porte than that of allow­ing it protection. On their part, they engaged al­ways to acknowledge the Grand Signiors as their sovereigns, and to pay them their usual allegiance and tribute, to respect their bashaws, and even to lodge and maintain them and their retinue, in a manner suitable to their dignity, at their own charge. The bashaws, however, were for the fu­ture, to be excluded from assisting at any but gene­ral divans, unless invited to it; and from having the liberty of voting in them, unless when their ad­vice was asked, or the interest of the Porte was likely to suffer by their silence. All other con­cerns, which related to the government of Algiers, were to be wholly left under the direction of the dey and his divan.

These proposals having been accepted by the Porte, the deputies returned highly satisfied; and having notified their new privileges, the great di­van immediately proceeded to the election of a dey from among themselves. They compiled a new code of laws, and made several regulations for the better support and maintenance of this new form of government, to the observation of which they obli­ged all their subjects to swear; and the militia, navy, commerce, &c. were all settled pretty near­ly on the footing upon which they now stand: though the subsequent altercations that frequently happened between the bashaws and deys, the one endeavouring to recover their former power, and the other to curtail it, caused such frequent com­plaints [Page 47] and discontents at the Ottoman court, as made them frequently repent their compliance.

In the year 1601, the Spaniards, under the com­mand of Doria the Genoese admiral, made ano­ther attempt upon Algiers, in which they were more fortunate than usual, their fleet being only driven back by contrary winds, so that they came off with­out loss. In 1609, the Moors being expelled from Spain, flocked in great numbers to Algiers; and as many of them were very able sailors, they un­doubtedly contributed to render the Algerine fleet so formidable as it became soon after; though it is probable the frequent attempts made on their ci­ty would also induce them to increase their fleet. In 1616 their fleet consisted of 40 sail of ships be­tween 200 and 400 tons, their admiral 500 tons. It was divided into two squadrons, one of 18 sail, be­fore the port of Malaga; and the other at the Cape of Santa Maria, between Lisbon and Seville; both of which fell foul of all Christian ships, both French and English, with whom they pretended to be in friendship, as well as Spaniards and Portuguese, with whom they were at war.

The Algerines now became very formidable to the European powers. The Spaniards, who were most in danger, and least able to cope with them, solicited the assistance of England, the pope, and other states. The French, however, were the first who dared to shew their resentment of the perfidi­ous behaviour of these miscreants; and in 1617, M. Beaulieu was sent against them with a fleet of 50 men of war, who defeated their fleet, took two of their vessels, while their admiral sunk his own ship and crew, rather than fall into his enemies hands.

[Page 48] In 1620, a squadron of English men of war was sent against Algiers, under the command of Sir Robert Mansel; but of this expedition we have no other account, than that it returned without doing any thing; and the Algerines becoming more and more insolent, openly defied all the European powers, the Dutch only accepted; to whom in 1625, they sent a proposal, directed to the prince of Orange, that in case they would fit out 20 sail of ships the following year, upon any good service against the Spaniards, they would join them with 60 sail of their own.

The next year, the Coulolies, or Cologlies, (the children of such Turks as had been permitted to marry at Algiers), who were enrolled in the mi­litia, having seized on the citadel, had well nigh made themselves masters of the city; but were at­tacked by the Turks and renegadoes, who defeated them with terrible slaughter. Many scores of them were executed, and their heads thrown in heaps upon the city walls, without the eastern gate. Part of the citadel was blown up; and the remaining Coulolies were dismissed from the militia, to which they were not again admitted till long after.

In 1623, the Algerines and other states of Barbary threw off their dependence on the Porte altogether, and set up for themselves. What gave occasion to this was the 25 years truce which Sultan Amurath IV. was obliged to make with the emperor Ferdinand II. to prevent his being overmatched by carrying on a war against him and the Sophi of Persia at the same time. As this put a stop to the piratical trade of the Algerines, they proceeded as above mentioned; and resolved that whoever desired to be at peace with them, must, distinctly and separately, apply to their government. No sooner was this resolution [Page 49] adopted, than the Algerines began to make prizes of several merchant ships belonging to powers at peace with the Porte. Nay, having seized a Dutch ship and poleacre at Scanderoon, they ventured on shore; and finding the town abandoned by the Turkish aga and inhabitants, they plundered all the magazines and warehouse and set them on fire.

About this time Lewis XIII. undertook to build a fort on their coasts, instead of one formerly built by the Marsilians, and which they had demolished. This, after some difficulty, he accomplished; and it was called the Bastion of France: but the situa­tion being afterwards found inconvenient, the French purchased the port of La Calle, and ob­tained liberty to trade with the Arabians and Moors. The Ottoman court, in the mean time, was so much embarrassed with the Persian war, that there was no leisure to check the Alge­rine piracies. This gave an opportunity to the vizir and other courtiers to compound matters with the Algerines, and to get a share of their prizes, which were very considerable. However, for form's sake, a severe reprimand, accompanied with threats, was sent them; to which they replied, that "these depredations deserved to be indulged to them, see­ing they were the only bulwark against the Chris­tian powers, especially against the Spaniards, the sworn enemies of the Moslem name. Adding, "that if they should pay a punctilious regard to all that would purchase peace, or liberty to trade with the Ottoman empire, they would have nothing to do but set fire to all their shipping, and turn camel-drivers for a livelihood."

In the year 1635, four young brothers of a good family in France, entered into an undertaking so desperate, that perhaps the annals of knight-er­rantry [Page 50] can scarcely furnish a parallel.—This was no less than to retort the piracies of the Algerines upon themselves; and as they indiscriminately took the ships of all nations, so were these heroes indiscrimi­nately to take the ships belonging to Algiers; and this with a small frigate of ten guns!—In this ridicu­lous undertaking 100 volunteers embarked; a Mal­tese commission was procured, together with an able master and 36 mariners. They had the good fortune, on their first setting out, to take a ship laden with wine, on the Spanish coast: with which they were so much elated, that three days after they madly encountered two large Algerine corsairs, one of 20 and the other of 24 guns, both well manned, and commanded by able officers. These two large ves­sels having got the small frigate between them, racked her so furiously with broadsides, that they soon carried away her mainmast: notwithstanding which, the French made so desperate a resistance, that the pirates were not able to take them, till the noise of their firing brought up five more Al­gerines; when the French vessel, being almost torn to pieces, was boarded and taken. The young knight-errants were punished for their teme­rity by a dreadful captivity, from which they re­deemed themselves in 1642, at the price of 6000 dollars.

CHAP. III.

THE Algerines continued to prosecute their pira­cies with impunity, to the terror and disgrace of the European powers, till the year 1652; when a French fleet being accidently driven into Algiers, the admiral took it into his head to demand a re­lease of all the captives of his nation, without ex­ception. This being refused, the Frenchman, with­out ceremony, carried off the Turkish viceroy, and his cadi or judge, who were just arrived from the Porte, with all their equipage and retinue. The Algerines, by way of reprisal, surprised the Bas­tion of France already mentioned, and carried off the inhabitants to the number of 600, with all their effects; which so provoked the admiral, that he sent them word that he would pay them another visit the next year with his whole fleet.

The Algerines, undismayed by the threats of the French admiral, fitted out a fleet of 16 galleys [Page 52] and galliots, excellently manned and equipped, under the command of admiral Ha [...]i Pinchinin. The chief design of this armament was against the treasure of Loretto; which, however, they were prevented by contrary winds from obtaining. Upon this they made a descent of Puglia, in the kingdom of Naples; where they ravaged the whole territory of Necotra, carrying off a vast number of captives, and among them some nuns. From thence steering towards Dalmatia, they scoured the Adriatic; and loading themselves with immense plunder, left those coasts in the utmost consternation.

At last the Venetians, alarmed at such terrible depredations, equipped a fleet of 28 sail, under the command of admiral Capello, with express orders to burn, sink and take all the Barbary cor­sairs he met with, either on the open sea, or even in the Grand Signior's harbours, pursuant to a late treaty of peace with the Porte. On the other hand, the captain bashaw, who had been sent out with the Turkish fleet to chase the Florentine and Maltese cruisers out of the Archipelago, under­standing that the Algerine squadron was so near, sent express orders to the admiral to come to his assistance. Pinchinin readily agreed; but having first resolved on a descent upon the island of Lissa, or Lisina, belonging to the Venetians, he was over­taken by Capello, from whom he retired to Va­lona, a sea port belonging to the Grand Signior, whither the Venetian admiral pursued him, but the Turkish governor refusing to eject the pirates ac­cording to the articles of the peace between the Ot­toman court and Venice, Capello was obliged to content himself with watching them for some time. Pinchinin was soon weary of restraint, and ventu­red out; when an engagement immediately ensu­ed, [Page 53] in which the Algerines were defeated, and five of their vessels disabled; with the loss of 1500 men, Turks and Christian slaves; besides 1600 galley-slaves who regained their liberty. Pinchinin, after this defeat, returned to Valona, where he was again watched by Capello; but the latter had not lain long at his old anchorage before he received a letter from the senate, desiring him to make no far­ther attempt on the pirates at that time, for fear of a rupture with the Porte. This was followed by a letter from the governor of Valona, desiring him to take care lest he incurred the Sultan's displeasure by such insults. The brave Venetian was forced to comply; but resolving to take such a leave of the Al­gerines as he thought they deserved, observed how they had reared their tents, and drawn their booty and equipage along the shore. He then kept firing among the tents, while some well-manned galliots and brigantines were ordered among their shipping, who attacked them with such bravery, that, without any great loss, they towed out their 16 galleys, with all their cannon, stores &c. In this last en­gagement, a ball from one of the Venetian gallies, happening to strike a Turkish mosque, the whole action was considered as an insult upon the Grand Signior. To conceal this, Capello was ordered to sink all the Algerine ships he had taken, except the admiral; which was to be conducted to Venice, and laid up as a trophy. Capello came off with a severe reprimand; but the Venetians were obliged to buy, with 500,000 ducats, a peace from the Porte. The Grand Signior offered to repair the loss of the Algerines, by building ten galleys for them, up­on condition that they should continue in his service till the end of the ensuing summer; but [...]inchi­ [...], who knew how little the Algerines chose to [Page 54] lie under obligations to him, civilly declined the offer.

In the mean time, the news of this defeat and loss filled Algiers with the utmost grief and confu­sion. The whole city was on the point of a ge­neral insurrection, when the bashaw and divan is­sued a proclamation, forbidding not only com­plaints and outcries, under the severest penalties; but all persons whatever to take their thumbs from within their girdles, while they were deliberating on this important point. In the mean time, they applied to the Porte for an order that the Venetians settled in the Levant should make up their loss. But with this the Grand Signior refused to comply, and left them to repair their losses, as well as build new ships, in the best manner they could. It was not long, however, before they had the satisfaction to see one of their corsairs land, with a fresh supply of 600 slaves, whom he had brought from the coast of Iceland, whither he had been directed by a mis­creant native on board a Danish ship.

Our pirates did not long continue in their weak and defenceless state; being able, at the end of two years, to appear at sea with a fleet of 65 sail. The admiral Pinchinin equipped four galliots at his own expence; with which, in conjunction with the chiayah, or secretary of the bashaw of Tripoli, he made a second excursion. This small squadron, consisting of five galleys and two brigantines, and manned with their most able seaman, fell in with an English ship of 40 guns; which, however, Pinchinin's captains refused to engage; but being afterwards reproached by him for their cowardice, they swore they would attack the next Christian ship that came in their way. This happened to be a Dutch merchantman, of 28 guns and 40 men, deep­ly [Page 55] laden, and unable to use her sails by reason of a calm. Pinchinin immediately summoned her to surrender; but receiving an ironical answer, drew up his squadron, by means of oars, in the form of a half-moon, that they might pour their shot all at once into their adversary. But the mo­ment they were preparing to discharge a tremen­dous broadside into her, a breeze of wind fortu­nately sprung up, and enabled him to change his position; which threw the Algerine squadron into such confusion that they ran foul of each othe [...] during which Pinchinin ran his own galley alo [...] side of the merchantman, and 70 Algerines board­ed him with cutlasses in their hands; some cutting away the rigging, and others plying the hatches with hand-grenadoes; but the Dutchmen, hav­ing well secured themselves in their close quar­ters, began to fire upon the Algerines on board their vessel from two pieces of cannon loaded with small shot, which made such slaughter among them, that they were all either killed or forced to submit. Pinchinin, in the mean time, made several unsuc­cessful attempts to relieve his men, as well as to surround the Dutchman with his other galleys: but that ship lay so deep in the water, that every shot did terrible execution among the pirates. Every effort to recover from their confusion was vain, and the Dutchman continued to pour into them such vollies of grape-shot and bars of iron, that in less than ten minutes above 200 of them were killed, and a much greater number wounded; among whom was the chiayah himself, who received a wound in the belly, of which he died shortly af­ter. The squadron now retired with the utmost ex­pedition, and returned to Algiers in the most dis­mal plight.

[Page 56] But though Pinchinin thus returned in disgrace, the rest of the fleet captured vast numbers of slaves, and an immense quantity of rich spoils; insomuch that the English, French and Dutch, were obliged to cringe to the Algerines, who sometimes vouch­safed to be at peace with them; but swore eternal war against Spain, Portugal, and Italy, whom they looked upon as the greatest enemies to the Maho­metan name. At last Lewis XIV. provoked by the grievous outrages committed by the Algerines on the coasts of Provence and Languedoc, ordered, in 1681, a considerable fleet to be fitted out a­gainst them, under the Marquis du Quesne, vice-admiral of France. His first expedition was against a number of Tripolitan corsairs; who had the good fortune to outrow him, and shelter themselves in the island of Scio belonging to the Turks. This did not, however, prevent him from pursuing them thi­ther, and making such terrible fire upon them as quickly destroyed 14 of their vessels, besides bat­tering the walls of the castle.

This severity seemed only to be designed as a check to the piracies of the Algerines; but, find­ing they still continued their outrages on the French coast, he sailed to Algiers in August 1682, connonading and bombarding it so furiously, that the whole town was in flames in a very little time. The great Mosque was battered down, and most of the houses laid in ruins; insomuch that the inhabi­tants were on the point of abandoning the place; when on a sudden the wind turned about, and o­bliged Du Quesne to return to Toulon. The Algerines immediately made reprisals, by sending a number of galleys and galliots to the coasts of Provence, where they committed the most dread­ful outrages, and brought away a vast number of [Page 57] captives: upon which a new armament was order­ed to be got ready at Toulon and Marseilles, a­gainst the next year; and the Algerines, having received timely notice, put themselves into as a good state of defence as the time would allow.

In May 1683, Du Quesne with his squadron cast anchor before Algiers; when being joined by the Marquis d'Affranville, at the head of five stout ves­sels, it was resolved to bombard the town next day. Accordingly 100 bombs were thrown into it the first day, which did terrible execution; while the besieged made some hundred discharges of their cannon against them, without doing any consider­able damage. The following night the bombs were again thrown into the city in such numbers, that the dey's palace and other great edifices were almost destroyed; some of their batteries were dis­mounted, and several vessels sunk in the port. The dey and Turkish bashaw, as well as the whole sol­diery, alarmed at this dreadful havoc immediately sued for peace. As a preliminary, the immediate surrender was insisted on, of all Christian captives who had been taken fighting under the French flag; which being granted, 142 of them were im­mediately delivered up, with a promise of sending him the remainder as soon as they could be got from the different parts of the country. Accord­ingly, Du Quesne sent his commissary-general and one of his engineers into the town; but with express orders to insist upon the delivery of all the French captives without exception, together with the ef­fects they had taken from the French; and that Mezomorto their then admiral, and Hali Rais one of their captains, should be given as hostages.

This last demand having embarrassed the dey, he assembled the Divan, and acquainted them with it; [Page 58] upon which Mezomorto fell, into a violent passion, and told the assembly, that the cowardice of those who sat at the helm, had occasioned the ruin of [...] ­giers; but that, for his part, he would never con­sent to deliver up any thing that had been taken from the French.

He immediately acquainted the soldiery with what had passed; which so exasperated them, that they murdered the dey that very night, and on the morrow chose Mezomorto in his place. This was no sooner done, than he cancelled all the articles of peace which had been made, and hostilities were renewed with greater fury than ever.

The French admiral now kept pouring in such vollies of bombs, that in less than three days, the greatest part of the city was reduced to ashes, and the fire burnt with such vehemence, that the sea was enlightened with it for more than six miles round. Mezomorto, unmoved at all these disasters, and the vast number of the slain, whose blood ran in rivulets along the streets; or rather grown furi­rious and desperate, sought only how to wreak his vengeance on the enemy; and not content with causing all the French in the city to be cruelly mur­dered, ordered their consul to be tied hand and foot, and fastened alive to the mouth of a mortar, from whence he was shot away against their navy. By this piece of inhumanity Du Ques [...]e was so exaspe­rated, that he did not leave Algiers till he had utterly destroyed all their fortifications, shipping, almost all the lower part, and above two thirds of the up­per part of the city; by which means it became lit­tle else than a heap of ruins.

The haughty Algerines were now thoroughly con­vinced that they were not invincible; and, therefore immediately sent an embassy into France, begging [Page 59] in the most humble terms, for peace; which Lewis immediately granted, to their inexpressible joy. They now began to pay some regard to other na­tions, and to be a little more cautious how they wan­tonly incurred their displeasure. The first bombard­ment by the French had so far humbled the Algerines, that they condescended to enter into a treaty with England; which was renewed, upon terms very ad­vantageous to the latter, in 1686. It is not to be sup­posed, however, that the natural perfidy of the Algerines would disappear on a sudden: notwith­standing this treaty, therefore, they lost no oppor­tunity of making prizes of the English ships when they could conveniently come at them. Upon some infringement of this kind, captain Beach drove them ashore and burnt seven of their frigates in 1695; which produced a renewal of the treaty five years after: but it was not till the taking of Gibraltar and port Mahon, that Britain could have a sufficient check upon them to enforce the obser­vation of treaties; and these have since proved such restraints upon Algiers, that they still continue to pay a greater deference to the English than to any other European power.

The present century furnishes but few very re­markable events with regard to Algiers. The fa­mous city of Oran was, however, taken from the Spaniards in 1708, which they recovered in 1737. In 1710 the Turkish bashaw was expelled, and his office united to that of the dey. This introduced the form of government which still continues in Algiers.

In 1775 the Spaniards made another descent up­on Algiers. They fitted out this year a very formi­dable fleet consisting of six ships of the line, twelve frigates, nine xebeques, and twenty-four other armed [Page 60] vessels, commanded by Don Pedro de Castijon; on board of which was embarked a body of 24,447 men, including infantry, cavalry, dragoons, artil­lery-men, mariners, and 600 deserters to serve as workmen, all under the command of Lieutenant general Conde de O'Reilly, a personal favorite of the late king of Spain. They had likewise [...] service 176 pieces of artillery, mortars, and [...]vit­zers, with a suitable quantity of military stores. The Spaniards entertained the most sanguine ex­pectations of success in this expedition, and a grand ceremonial was performed by the principal officers at the church of St. Francisco, in honor of La Pu­rissima Concepcion, patroness of all Spain, imploring her protection, and success to the king's arms, af­ter which O'Reilly delivered a pompous oration.

On the 23d of June the fleet set sail from the port of Carthagena in Spain, and on the 1st of July an­chored in the bay of Algiers. They observed a large encampment, placed behind a battery, east of the little river Xarach, which lies to the eastward of the city, and several Moors on horseback about the beach. On the second of July a council of the principal officers was held, and orders were given that the troops should hold themselves in readiness to disembark the next morning at day-break. But as the succeeding night was windy, and a swell had set in from the shore, these orders were countermanded. From this day until the 6th was an interval of inac­tivity; frequent councils were held, in which violent contests arose, and a quarrel ensued between O'Reil­ly, and major general Romana, a Spaniard of an impetuous temper, who appearing to thwart the measures of the commander in chief, received from him some severe reproaches.

[Page 61] On the 6th, all the principal officers were again assembled to receive their ultimate instructions, when the orders of the 2d of July were strongly recommended; which, however, offended the offi­cers in general, by allotting severe punishments for trivial neglects. In these orders the comman­der in chief enjoined the troops not to break their order; as nothing but united force and discipline could ensure them success against an enemy so ac­tive and skilful in desultory war. He particularly warned them of the practice of the Moors, who al­ways feign a most violent attack, and upon the least resistance fly with precipitation, in order to draw their enemy into an ambuscade. But he pointed out to them the very error which they after­wards committed, and the snare into which they were betrayed. On landing, he commanded each brigade to form a column of a company in front, six deep; and the guards of half a company in front: and directed them to gain some heights which were supposed requisite to ensure success a­gainst the city. The disposition of the march was ordered to be in four columns, with the light in­fantry in advance, and on the flanks; each column was to have four field pieces in front, to be increased as exigencies might require: two redoubts were to be formed at the place of disembarkation, and a communication to be kept up between the army, those fortifications, and the fleet. In the afternoon of the 6th, some ships of war were ordered to fire against three batteries to the eastward of Algiers. But they were stationed at so great a distance, through the fear of being raked by the Algerine batteries, that their shot did not reach the shore!—except those of the St. Joseph, of 74 guns, which received some damage [Page 62] from the enemy. At sun-set this very cautious at­tack ceased.

On the 7th at day-break, between eight and nine thousand men were put on board of boats for land­ing. They advanced very near the shore, about a mile to the westward of the river Xarach, under the protection of seven galleys, and two long boats with a twelve pounder each; not a Moor appear­ing to oppose their landing. At seven o'clock in the morning they returned on board the transports, and not a shot was fired on either side the whole day! Orders were then given for the transport long boats to be manned with Spanish seamen, and to be in readiness at day-break the next morning.

On the 8th at day-break the ships were posted to batter the different forts to the right and left of the place of disembarkation, and 8000 troops were put on board of boats, which formed in six columns; at the head of which were the grenadiers, preceded by the armed xebeques, galliots, &c. that were to cover their landing. The firing from the ships began, and the troops moved on to the place of disembarkation, where they effected their landing on the beach, (about a league to the eastward of the city), between the intervals of firing from the cover­ing vessels; and immediately above 80,000 Moors appeared in sight, two-thirds of which were caval­ry, under the bey of Constantina; but they did not attempt to oppose the landing of the Spanish for­ces. The Turks in the mean time remained to defend the city, and not one of them appeared to dispute the ground. It is said that the whole num­ber of Africans collected on this occasion was not less than 150,000, of which 100,000 were cavalry. As soon as the 8000 Spaniards had made good their landing, they formed six deep, according to or­ders; [Page 63] the armed vessels divided to the right and left, to cover their flanks; and the boats returned to bring the rest of the army on shore with all ex­pedition. The troops of the first disembarkation had scarcely formed, when a detachment of the enemy appeared in their front; but upon observing a movement of the Spaniards towards them, they fled in disorder. The troops then marched for­ward, by the beat of drum, with the volunteers of Arragon and Catolonia in front, until they were engaged in a close country, which the enemy had occupied in small parties; but posted so advanta­geously in ditches and fortresses, that they made great havoc among the Spaniards, without receiv­ing any injury in return. The Spanish grenadiers, and light infantry, which had been detached in advance, were repulsed. At this juncture they were reinforced by the troops of the second disem­barkation, and some heavy cannon coming up which protected their march, they again advanced towards some inclosures, where they directed a hea­vy fire; but without being able to dislodge the ene­my. Great numbers of the Spaniards fell without gaining the least advantage; in consequence of which their whole body fell into confusion. The zeal and intrepidity of the officers was insufficient to contain the men; some advanced, and others retired, in an indiscriminate manner, just as they judged it expedient, without any regard to the command of their officers. While they were in this critical situation, a drove of camels appeared, ex­tending on their left, conducted by some Moors, with a design of drawing the fire of the enemy upon them. Great was the slaughter of the Spaniards, and in this extremity a cry was spread that they were cut off by the Moorish horse. The utmost [Page 64] confusion succeeded, and the whole body fled with the greatest precipitation, leaving on the field of battle an immense number of wounded, whom they were obliged to abandon to the mercy of their ene­mies. By this time the workmen and troops of the third disembarkation were forming entrench­ments, which they had already fortified with three eight pounders; which did great execution; at the same time the Tuscan commanders drew their frigates close into shore, and kept up such a well-directed fire, that the Spaniards were enabled to make good their retreat into their entrenchments, which were, however, scarcely large enough to contain their army. In this crowded situation they were much annoyed by a thirty-six pounder which the enemy brought out of one of their batteries, and an elevated fire from the fort of Xarach con­tributed much to the mischief. The Moors at­tacked them in their trenches, but they were re­pulsed with great slaughter, and in this situation the Spaniards remained till dark, when they began their re-imbarkation in great tumult and confusion; but what discovered the ignorance of the Moors, was their neglecting so favourable an opportunity of obtaining the completest of victories.

The loss sustained by the Spaniards on this occa­sion, amounted to 27 officers killed, and 191 wound­ed; 501 men killed, and 2,088 wounded. The Marquis of Romana was killed at the head of his brigade in the commencement of the action. The loss of the Moors it is said, was between five and six thousand killed, and as many wounded; but this seems improbable^* The government of Algiers [Page 65] had offered a premium of ten sequins for every Spa­niard's head, and consequently the wounded Spa­niards, who were left on the field of battle, were all murdered. The unfortunate invaders left behind them on their retreat, 15 pieces of cannon, three howitzers, and a great number of small arms and ammunition.

On the 12th of July, the troops, and the great­est part of the fleet set sail on their return to Spain, and thus terminated this Quixotic expedition; of which a Spanish serjeant, in giving an account to his wife, ludicrously says, Nos mandaron a tierra, como si ibemos a beber cafè con los Moros; "we were commanded a-shore as if we were to drink coffee with the Moors."

When the melancholy intelligence was announ­ced of the failure of this expedition, from which the Spanish nation had formed such sanguine expecta­tions of success, the national feelings were indis­cribable. O'Reilly was in consequence so cordi­ally detested, that mobs assembled upon the road to Alicant with an intent to wreak their vengeance up­on him. They stopped many carriages, and that O'Reilly (who was lame) might not be concealed, they made the people get out and walk before them. Had the liberty of the press prevailed the world would have known the sentiments of the Spanish nation upon this occasion. The king was threaten­ed if his favorite should ever appear at court again, [Page 66] and to appease the turbulence of the people he was soon after removed from the governorship of Madrid.

Since the failure of this expedition the Spaniards have attempted nothing decisive against Algiers. In the years 1783 and 1784, indeed, they renewed their attacks by sea to destroy the city and galleys; but after spending a great quantity of ammunition, bombs, &c. they were obliged to retire without ei­ther its capture or extinction.

CHAP. IV.

AFTER the establishment of the American inde­pendence, when the United States had relin­quished their maritime dependence upon the English nation, it followed as a natural consequence, that the American commerce must fall a sacrifice to the ravages of the Algerine corsairs; and no doubt it was through the intrigues of the British cabinet, who were chagrined at our recent emancipation, that their hostile disposition was so quickly manifested. Various circumstances concurred to render them eligible objects of piratical rapacity. America was situated at the distance of more than three thousand miles from the theatre of their piracies, and as she supported no maritime force they were enabled to [Page 68] continue their depredations with impunity. Her extensive commerce with Europe presented a splen­did allurement to the pirates, who were well aware that the prevention of their aggressions would re­quire a naval armament greatly superior to the sub­stantial benefits that could be derived from an at­tempt to reduce them to submission. It is, how­ever, by no means problematical, that the naval force of the United States, with judicious comman­ders, would prove fully competent to reduce their fleet, if not to effect the destruction of their city. According to the most authentic accounts, their na­vy is at present extremely inconsiderable, and ma­ny of the American captives concur in the assertion, that the fleet of this regency only amounted in 1796 to five frigates, two xebecks, and one half gal­ley! a force by no means to be put in competition with that which could be raised by the United States. But to bring all their ships of war to a re­gular engagement at once, would be totally im­practicable; for whenever an hostile armament scours the Mediterranean they immediately fly for refuge to the guns of their fortifications.

When we reflect upon the peculiar encourage­ment they had to commit depredations on our com­merce, it becomes rather a matter of wonder that we suffered so little, than that we suffered so much. For this security we were greatly indebted to the wars which existed between the Algerines, the Portuguese and the Dutch, at the time they com­menced their ravages upon our trade; either of which powers are greatly superior to the corsairs in maritime strength, and they so narrowly watched the entrance of the Mediterranean for the protection of their own commerce, that the pirates were sel­dom able to cruise out into the Atlantic. Those [Page 69] American vessels that sometimes ventured into the streights were generally safe; for they derived their security either from forged or purchased Mediter­ranean passports.

Notwithstanding the vigilance with which the Portuguese guarded the streights, the Algerines sometimes stole out into the Atlantic, and in one of these excursions, which happened while the Por­tuguese fleet were ordered upon some secret expedi­tion, the schooner Maria, captain Stephens, be­longing to Mr. Foster of Boston, was captured by a corsair off Cape St. Vincents, on the 25th of July 1785; and five days afterwards, the ship Dolphin, captain O'Brien, belonging to Messrs. Irvines of Philadelphia, was taken by another about 50 leagues to the westward of Lisbon. These vessels, with their cargoes and crews, about 21 in number, were carried into Algiers, where they were made slaves.

Towards the latter end of the year 1793, a truce was made between the court of Lisbon and the regency of Algiers, for the period of twelve months, and in consequence, nine sail of Algerine cruisers passed out through the Streights of Gibral­tar into the Atlantic ocean. Their cruising sta­tion was between Cape St. Vincents and the wes­tern islands, where they continued to cruise the greatest part of the winter, contrary to their former custom of retiring from the ocean in November. In consequence of this truce, the courts of Lisbon and Madrid granted convoys to American vessels homeward bound, to a certain latitude where they were free from thè corsairs.

On the 18th of October 1793, about five leagues from Gibraltar, captain John M'Shane of the Mi­nerva, was boarded by a xebeck of 20 guns, be­longing [Page 70] to Algiers, who after coming within mus­ket-shot, kept a constant firing with small-arms until the yards of the American vessel were manned from those of the cruiser. The firing then ceased; they came down sword in hand and made the Ame­rican crew prisoners; stripped them of their clothes, and put them on board the xebeck, which carried them to Algiers, where they arrived the 30th of Octo­ber. As soon as they had arrived they were taken before the dey, and after examination, were or­dered to the Bagnio, where the slaves are kept lock­ed up at night. The next day they were bound with iron chains, each about 40 pounds weight, which reached from their legs to their hips, and sent to the marine, where they were kept at hard labour from day-light till dark.

On the 23d of October, captain William Pen­rose, of the ship President of Philadelphia, discov­ered, about 9 o'clock in the morning, a sail to the windward bearing down upon him, which the ship's company at first imagined to be a Spanish privateer. But they were soon fatally deceived; for she proved to be an Algerine corsair. As soon as she discovered the American flag she hoisted out her boat immediately, and 30 men armed with pistols and drawn cutlasses furiously boarded his vessel. The first salutation the captain received was a violent stroke with a cutlass; after which they compelled the whole ship's company to jump over the rail of the vessel into their boat, without suffering any one to go below for their clothes, and other necessary articles. The crew were then car­ried on board the cruiser, where they were stripped naked, and a few old rags were given them in re­turn, neither sufficient to conceal their nakedness, nor protect them from the cold.

[Page 71] In this situation they were obliged to lie on deck, where they suffered great hardships from the inclemency of the season. Captain Penrose tells us he was forced to lie on the poop, where he was almost perished by a bitter north-east wind; till at length an old man, more humane than the rest, furnished him with a blanket. The provisions given them to eat, were black bread and water, and some­times a few rotten olives, which they regarded as a great dainty.

In this forlorn situation they continued eight days, and on the 30th of October they arrived at Algiers. Here they were subjected to a new se­ries of misery. They thought themselves cruelly treated on board the cruiser; but their treatment there was pleasure when contrasted with the mise­ries they afterwards experienced. They were scarcely on shore when they were loaded with irons, and immediately put to hard labour like so many criminals.

The number of American prisoners now amounted to about 130, among whom were captains Stephens and O'Brien, whose crews had been reduced to ten by the plague, and the severity of their treatment for upwards of eight years. The small pittance they had received from the United States had been withheld about three months before; and their only subsistence was a little black bread and water, and sometimes nothing.

In their October expedition they captured ten sail of American vessels, nine of which safely entered the harbour of Algiers on the 30th of October where the vessels anchored, amidst the shouts of the people^*.

[Page 72] The Algerine corsairs, greatly animated with the success of this expedition, immediately set sail to re­sume their former station; while others were equip­ping in the harbour with the utmost speed. But for­tunately the miscreants only captured one Ameri­can vessel, about a month afterwards, belonging to captain Joseph Ingraham; for the Americans were extremely cautious how they came within the sphere of their rapacity; and, after these captures, they never fell in with any American vessels, but those that were protected by convoys.

After these events, the American prisoners were subjected to a series of misery which humani­ty blushes to record. As soon as they landed in Algiers, they were immediately ordered to the dey's palace, where they were drawn up in files, in a back court, and underwent a strick examination. The dey, attended by his cook, passed and re­passed in front of them, and was extremely pleased with their appearance. He selected from their num­ber all the boys and younger men, whom he em­ployed in his palace at different occupations, ge­nerally of a servile nature; some were ordered to sweep the apartments, some to wash clothes, and others to wait upon the dey and take care of his wardrobe. The rest of the prisoners were then dismissed, and as they withdrew from the royal presence, the dey said to them, in the tone of sa­vage triumph, "Go now you dogs and eat stones." They were then escorted to the Bagnio Baleck, [Page 73] where they were lodged in different apartments among the old slaves, and each prisoner furnished with a couple of coarse blankets for his bedding. In this dismal region of misery and oppression, amidst the clanking of chains and the cries of suf­fering humanity, they were left to brood over their misfortunes at leisure. The gloomy prospect that presented itself [...] [...]he heart with the most poig­nant emotions of [...]guish and despair.

About midnight they were roused from their meditations by the cry of Sursa, Sursa, rise up all hands. The Lisbero, or guardian of the Bagnio, then entered their apartments, and loaded each prisoner with chains of thirty or forty pounds weight. The next morning about day-break they were ordered to the marine, where, after their names were called over, they were employed in discharging the cargoes of their own vessels, which consisted of wheat, flour, wine, sugar, and other articles. Their general employment in the ma­rine was the rigging and fitting out of cruisers, and whenever any foreign vessel lay in the harbour they were obliged to wear this enormous weight of chains, lest they should make their escape; but at other times they were freed from their load, ex­cept those who were turbulent, or by any particu­lar misconduct had forfeited this privilege of the slaves.

The hour of four in the afternoon is called lazar, at which time a white flag is hoisted upon the tops of all the mosques in the city, as a signal for the inhabitants to quit their labour, and repair to pub­lic worship. At this hour the labour of the prison­ers ceased, and they were permitted to go on shore, except when any business of importance occurred, [Page 74] and when that was the case they were generally con­fined till dark.

As soon as they were ordered on shore they were provided with instruments to carry stones from the mole to a grand mosque, which the dey was build­ing in the city adjoining his seraglio. These in­struments were formed of cross pieces of timber, called burrils, to which the ston [...], timber, cannon or whatever else was necessary to be carried, were suspended beneath by ropes, and borne upon the shoulders of four men, who were appointed to carry each burril. A particular load was always assigned them, and the weak and the strong were indiscri­minately compelled to carry these burdens, without any attention being paid to the comparative bodily strength of the labourer. To persons of robust constitutions these loaded burrils were tolerable, but to those of weak habits of body they were en­tirely insupportable; and hence it happened, that many persons, by being overstrained, were either blinded, or extremely injured in their constitutions.

When the procession of loaded burrils was ready to move, the warden bashaw, who stood at the port of the marine, waved his wand as a signal for the slaves to advance to the port, where they were ex­amined by the wardens of the marine, for the pur­pose of discovering whether they had stolen any particular articles from the vessels. After this ex­amination they were permitted to pass with their loads, which they deposited at the new mosque, and then retired with their instruments to their respect­ive lodgings; some to the Bagnio Baleck, and others to the Bagnio Gallaro, where their names were called over by the clerks, and each slave as he pas­sed received a loaf of black bread for his supper.

For some time they were obliged to sleep upon [Page 75] the ground; but they soon constructed for them­selves a kind of wooden frames, which were swung like hammocks one above another, and upon these they threw their clothes and blankets when they were about to retire to rest: but to add to their mise­ries, their sleep was incessantly disturbed by infinite numbers of vermin with which these Bagnios swar­med. In the morning they again repaired with their burrils to the marine, where their names were called over; and in this manner were they constantly employed whenever the equipment of the Algerine corsairs was necessary.

Many of the slaves, however, were distributed in different parts; some were sent into the country, and whenever the sea was calm, and no particular emergency required their labour in the marine, great numbers of others were employed in remov­ing stones from a mountain called Babloet, or ra­ther Bublywhite, about a league from the city, in or­der to defend the mole from the impetuosity of the waves. These stones were blown by slaves from the immense rocks which lie deposited in the moun­tain, and some of them were twelve or fifteen feet in diameter. In order to convey them more con­veniently to the water, the slaves were engaged for more than a year, in forming a passage through a large hill, which they removed and carried into the sea, where they formed a large mole or wharf to protect their pantoons, or carrying boats, from the violence of the waves. In forming this passage they dug through a Moorish burial ground, from whence they removed immense numbers of human bones. These repositories of the dead are always regarded as sacred by the Moors, and the whole neighbour­hood, and particularly the women, were, in conse­quence, thrown into the greatest consternation. [Page 76] They resorted to this scene of sacrilege, and in­dulged the most immoderate grief over this devas­tation among the relics of their friends. But such were the orders of the dey, and they were obliged to submit patiently to his will.

After this passage was formed, these immense fragments of rocks were dragged by slaves, with great labour and difficulty, from the mountain, and placed upon strong carriages about two feet high; upon which they were conveyed to the wharf, by upwards of two hundred slaves to each carriage, where they were thrown into pantoons; from thence they were transported by water, and discharged at the mole before the city.

But when the sea was tempestuous and the pan­toons could not be navigated, the slaves were then employed in carrying smaller stones by land. After having suspended a load to their burrils, of such a weight as some were scarcely able to stagger un­der, they proceeded in gangs of different numbers, attended by a crew of savage drivers, who goaded them forward whenever they halted or happened to faulter under the pressure of their burdens. The extremity of their sufferings in this laborious em­ployment is better conceived than expressed. The most barbarous punishments were wantonly inflic­ted, and the violence of a scorching sun, which poured its fervid rays upon them, seemed to complete the measure of human wretchedness. With this enormous weight of stones they moved forward, attended by wardens who preceded them in order to clear the streets of the city through which they passed, where every person was obliged to give way at their approach. After having dis­charged their loads at the mole they returned, and in this manner were they employed during the [Page 77] summer season, when no particular emergencies demanded their labour in the marine. This mole, in consequence of the encroachments of the sea du­ring the winter, requires an eternal supply of stones, and in this manner is this Sisyphaean labour conducted by a herd of wretches who are of­ten doomed to this abject servitude for life. The dey commonly rides out to his country-seat about twice a week, where his favorite wife resides in the summer season, and in passing and repassing he would sometimes condescend to distribute some trifling presents among the slaves.

The overseers in their treatment towards the slaves seemed actuated by a principle of the most savage cruelty, and inflicted the most rigorous pu­nishments through mere caprice and wantonness, in order to feast their malignant souls with the ago­nies of the trembling wretch who stood ready to ex­pire beneath their h [...]nds. Among this troop of furies, a certain cheriff, a name given to all those who are born on Friday, most eminently distin­guished himself. The inordinate ferocity of this barbarian had proved the death of many of slave, and the miscreant was most cordially detested wherever he came. One day as he was pursuing a Genoese slave through the upper apartments of one of the magazines on the sea-side, he fell, by some accident, from a considerable eminence upon a heap of stones, where he met with so hard a recep­tion that he instantly expired. This accident pro­duced the most extravagant joy among the slaves, which was only marred with the apprehension that the savage would recover: but they soon had the satisfaction of seeing him safely lodged in the earth.

It would perhaps be improper to descend to par­ticulars here, and we must therefore refer the reader [Page 78] for particular anecdotes, occurrences, and other ar­ticles which regard our countrymen, to our obser­vations upon the slaves.

In the mean time, the sufferings of our fellow citizens in Algiers were the universal subject of sympathy and regret; and measures were soon adopted to effect their deliverance from this region of unparalleled misery. Colonel Humphreys, who had been appointed American consul for Algiers, left America in April 1795, in company with Jo­seph Donaldson, Esq. of Philadelphia, who had been appointed consul for Tunis and Tripoli, and whom Colonel Humphreys was authorised to em­ploy in the negociation of a treaty of peace and amity with Algiers, while he proceeded to France for the purpose of obtaining the co-operation of that government in this negociation.

They arrived at Gibraltar the 17th of May, where Col. Humphreys concluded that it would be expedient for Mr. Donaldson to go first to Alicant, to the northward of Carthagena in Spain, rather than to Algiers, there to reside for some time, in order that he might be near the scene of negocia­tion, and take advantage of any favorable occur­rences that might happen. Mr. Donaldson receiv­ed his instructions accordingly, and immediately set out for that place; and in the mean time Col. Humphreys, having also given instructions to Mr. Simpson, the American consul at Gibraltar, to re­new a peace with the emperor of Morocco, sailed from Gibraltar the 24th of May, and on the 26th of June following arrived at Havre de-Grace in France; from whence he immediately set out for Paris, where he soon after communicated the ob­ject of his mission to Col. Monroe, the American [Page 79] minister, and to the Committee of Public Safety of that Republic.

On the 1st of July Col. Humphreys receive [...] a ver­bal notification that the French Republic was disposed to exert its influence in forwarding the negociation in question; and on the 28th he received the favorable intelligence, that immediate measures should be a­dopted for giving particular instructions to the agents of the Republic to use its influence in the promotion of the treaty in contemplation. The multiplicity of national concerns with which the officers of the French government were then occupied, and the time requisite for obtaining from London ( where funds had been deposited) the sums of money in­tended as peace presents, retarded the conclusion of arrangements at Paris till some time in Septem­ber.

In the mean time it had been deemed expedient by Cols. Monroe and Humphreys, that Joel Bar­low, Esq. should be consulted, and if his assent could be obtained that he should be employed in negociating with the Barbary States: to which Mr. Barlow consented. By the 11th of September all the papers on the part of Col. Humphreys relative to Mr. Barlow's mission were in readiness, and as soon as the peace presents were prepared for him, he set out, with instructions and powers from the Re­public of France to its agents in Barbary, to exe­cute the business that had been entrusted to him.

On the 12th of September Col. Humphreys left Paris, and arrived at Havre-de-Grace the 14th; where he found the captain and mate of the United States brig Sophia both sick with fevers. While he was waiting here with great impatience for their recovery, he received information from the Ameri­can consul at Marseilles, that Mr. Donaldson had [Page 80] concluded a treaty of peace with the dey of Al­giers. He judged it expedient, notwithstanding, that Mr. Barlow should proceed with the presents, and if they were not wanted at Algiers they would be necessary in the negociation with Tunis and Tri­poli.

Col. Humphreys sailed from Havre-de-Grace about the 5th of October, and after a stormy pas­sage of more than forty days, arrived at Lisbon the 17th of November, where he found captain O'Bri­en, who had arrived about the 1st of October, with the treaty with Algiers. Mr. Donaldson arrived at Algiers on the 3d of September; the treaty was concluded on the 5th, and the peace presents immediately given by a loan. As Mr. Donaldson knew that funds had been lodged in London to fulfil the stipulations of the treaty, he engaged to make the payments in three or four months.

Col. Humphreys had received advice, under date of the 30th of July, from the Messrs. Barings in London, to whom the funds had been remitted, that having made considerable progress in the [...]ales of the United States stock, they should have at his disposal the whole of the value of 800,000 dollars, meaning to furnish, by anticipation, the value of that part which remained unsold, if the service of the United States required it. Col. Humphreys, calculating upon the certainty of payment after this period, sent captain O'Brien from Lisbon to Lon­don in the brig Sophia to receive the money. But owing to contrary winds he did not leave Lisbon till the 24th of December.

In consequence of the disappointments in the pecuniary arrangements the treaty was in the most imminent danger of being ultimately frustrated; the dey became impatient, and threatened to aban­don [Page 81] it; and it was with the utmost difficulty that it was prevented. Mr. Barlow did not arrive at Alicant until February 1796, where he pr [...]osed to wait the arrival of the funds; but shortly after receiving intelligence from Algiers that the Ame­rican negociation was in a most critical situation, he determined to go thither immediately with the hopes of soothing the dey. He arrived there the 5th of March. The time for the payment of the stipulated sums had before been prolonged to the 8th of April. On the 3d of that month the dey declared that his final determination was, that Mr. Barlow and Mr. Donaldson should leave Algiers in eight days; and if the money was not paid in 30 days after, the treaty should be at end, and his corsairs be permitted to bring in American vessels. Under these imperious circumstances, and as the last hope of saving the treaty, they were induced to offer the dey the present of a frigate; which fortunately succeeded. But Col. Humphreys con­ceiving himself not authorised to confirm this pro­mise, dispatched captain O'Brien in the brig So­phia to America, for the purpose of referring the matter to the executive of the United States, and obtaining his concurrence. There was evidently no alternative, and therefore the executive was un­der the absolute necessity of confirming the pro­mise. This frigate^* was built in Portsmouth, New-Hampshire, and in conformity to promise is shortly to be sent to the dey.

[Page 82] While the business was in this precarious situa­tion, owing principally to the convulsions in Europe, Mr. Donaldson set out for Leghorn, where he pro­cured a loan of 400,000 dollars of the Messrs. Fon­nereau, and as that port was blockaded by the British fleet, Mr. Donaldson obtained permission from the court of Great Britain that the money might be ex­ported from thence without being subject to capture, and it was soon after sent in a Venetian vessel to Algiers.

Captain O'Brien after he had received the deter­mination of the executive, set sail from Philadel­phia in June 1796, and arrived in Lisbon sometime in July. In the mean time Col. Humphreys had advantageously negociated bills on London for 225,000 dollars, which he had received, and this sum was embarked on board the brig Sophia, con­signed to the care of captain O'Brien. This mo­ney was insured at a small premium against the dan­gers of the seas; but against all risks so high a pre­mium was demanded that Col. Humphreys judged it inexpedient to give it, seeing the Sophia was a vessel of the United States having a special passport from the President, as well as one in the Turkish lan­guage under the seal of the dey of Algiers.

On the 4th of August capt. O'Brien set sail for Algiers, and on the 18th he was captured off that ci­ty by a Tripolitan corsair, who carried his vessel, money and crew in triumph to Tripoli, (which lies on the Mediterranean, about 130 miles to the south-eastward of Algiers), accompanied by the ship Bet­sy of Boston, whose crew were made slaves. This immense sum in specie, more perhaps than they had ever captured at once before, was landed amidst the firing of cannon, the display of colours, and the shouts of the populace. The extravagance of their [Page 83] joy, however, was soon abated when capt. O'Brien exhibited to them the passport of the dey of Algiers; he demonstrated to them that he was still the slave of the dey, and though the money had been deli­vered to him by the United States, yet it was the the same in effect as if it had been delivered to the dey himself. After an examination of two days the vessel was liberated, and capt. O'Brien immedi­ately set sail for Algiers, where he arrived the first of October, and delivered the money to the Ameri­can consul residing there; who had previously pro­cured the loan of the necessary sums from the Messrs. Buckras, a Jewish company in Algiers, who had received satisfactory information of the certain­ty of repayment. With this timely loan Mr. Bar­low fulfilled his stipulations with the dey, who was so highly pleased with the present, and in consequence reposed such confidence in the United States, that he offered Mr. Barlow upon their account the loan of such sums as would enable him to negociate a treaty of peace with the Tunisian and Tripolitan powers, which he judged proper to accept.

By the judicious arrangements of Mr. Barlow with the dey, capt. O'Brien was appointed com­missioner on behalf of the United States to negoci­ate a treaty with the regencies of Tunis and Tripo­li. He set sail upon this business the 10th of Octo­ber, and arrived at Tunis on the 16th, where he had an interview with the bey, to whom he present­ed a letter from the dey of Algiers, enclosing a command that he should make peace with the Ame­rican commissioner upon the terms therein prescri­bed. But the bey totally rejected the terms, and demanded the payment of a sum equal to thrice that amount. After many audiences and conferences, capt. O'Brien, finding that the bey would neither [Page 84] accept of a less sum, nor accede to the terms of the dey, transmitted the Tunisian demand to Mr. Bar­low in Algiers, which he communicated to the dey, who was much exasperated in consequence, and would not suffer him to acquiesce in so exorbitant a demand.

In this situation capt. O'Brien left the Tunisian business, and proceeded to Tripoli, where, after much difficulty, he concluded a peace with that power upon the 4th of November, and procured the release of the American prisoners who were captu­red in the ship Betsey. He left captain Joseph In­graham, the American charge des affaires, in that place, and sailed from thence the 27th of Novem­ber, bringing away the remaining part of the crew of the ship Betsey. On the 7th of December, in his return to Algiers, he again touched at Tunis, where he received orders from Mr. Barlow and the dey, by whom he had been invested with discretionary powers to conduct the negociation, to demand a definitive answer from the bey of Tunis, whether he would negociate a treaty of peace with the United States upon the terms prescribed by the dey? but he found that the bey still persisted in the exorbitancy of his demands; and after many conferences and fruitless efforts he sailed from Tu­nis, and arrived in Algiers the 3d of January 1797, where he communicated to Mr. Barlow and the dey the unsuccessful result of his mission. The dey was violently enraged at the insult offered to his dignity by this rejection of his intercession in the affairs of the United States, and actuated by some former animosities that still subsisted between them, he issued immediate orders to his eastern camp of 60,000 men to enter the Tunisian terri­tory. This army was soon set in motion to en­force [Page 85] a compliance on the part of the bey. In their rout through the Tunisian dominions they cut off some hundreds of heads and ears, and after commit­ting great ravages upon the inhabitants, they returned to the territory of Algiers. This harsh expedient was adopted in order to ascertain the political dis­position of the government of Tunis, and to de­cide whether they would submit to the controul of the dey; for the powers relative to the American pacification, the dey expressly declared, were un­der his immediate guarantee. Capt. O'Brien, by the dey's orders, left Algiers the 14th of February, and arrived in Philadelphia the 1st of April 1797.

The truce which Mr. Barlow concluded with the Tunisian regency, on the 15th of June 1796, for six months, expired on the 15th of December following. This truce had been obtained without any presents, by Mr. Famin the French agent at Tunis, who had been recommended to Mr. Barlow by the French consul Herculais. Since its ex­piration the American vessels have been subject to capture by the Tunisian corsairs, and captain O'Brien, in his publication of April 5th, 1797, says, "I now tell you candidly, that no American ves­sel should enter the Mediterranean until our peace with all the Barbary States is fully established, and published by the authority of the United States." But with regard to the Tunisian negociation, little apprehension is entertained, and it is highly proba­ble that Mr. Barlow, through the powerful interces­sion of the dey, has already concluded a treaty with that government.

At the conclusion of the Algerine treaty, an universal joy diffused itself among the American prisoners, and they triumphed in the delight­ful anticipation of visiting their native shores again. [Page 86] They had long been the victims of the most com­plicated calamities, and become familiar with the gloomy prospect of death. They were haunted with the dismal apprehensions of a servitude for life, and hope, the pleasing illusion that gilds the dark regions of adversity, seemed fled for ever. To add to the catalogue of their miseries, the plague commenced its awful visitation; many of their companions fell a sacrifice to this dreadful contagion, while others invoked the friendly hand of death to terminate their sufferings and despair. When intelligence of the treaty was announced, the captives indulged the animated expectation of an immediate deliverance, and the sudden transition from such a dark state of despondence, inspired them with the most ineffable joy. But the fatal delays occasioned in the remittances of the necessary sums endangered the existence of the treaty, and over­clouded the pleasing prospect. In consequence of these unfortunate delays, which were principally owing to the convulsions in Europe, the captives were still consined at hard labour, and the period of their misery was unfortunately protracted from the 5th of September 1795, the time when the treaty was formed, till the 9th of July following, when the stipulated payments were made. Mr. Barlow then paid them a visit while they were at labour, and when he announced the pleasing intelligence to them, it was so unexpected that [...] of them would believe him; but their incredulity deserted them when orders were presented for their immediate appearance before the dey; they bade an eternal adieu to the huge stones of Bublywhite, and imme­diately repaired to the palace with every demon­stration of the most extravagant joy; where they were arraigned in the dey's presence, who sat in [Page 87] state, attended by the cassan aga, or prime minis­ter, the aga and other officers of government. After a short pause, the head clerk presented each captive with a Tiscoree, or passport, and informed them they were at liberty to make immediate pre­parations for their return home. Forty-eight Nea­politans were liberated at the same time; one of whom, in a transport of joy, prostrated himself be­fore the dey and kissed his hands and feet; but the Americans, who were not quite so servile, repaired with all expedition to the port of the marine, and embarked on board the ship La Fortune, which had been chartered for them by the Messrs. Buckras, for the purpose of conveying them to Marseilles.

The original number of the Americans was now reduced to 85. Many of them died with the plague, a few with the small pox, and others with the severity of the labour which had been imposed upon them. Captain Wallace of Richmond met with an untimely death as he was leaning against the bannisters of an ancient building, which gave way, and he fell from a considerable height into the street, where he instantly expired. The plague raged with such violence when the captives left Algiers that five of them died within a few weeks previous to their departure; another who was attacked by that fatal malady was left behind, and many others had their constitutions much injured by the disorder. One of them was in a state of total blindness, and another was rendered nearly so. Three of them carried the marks of unmerciful treatment, in ruptures produ­ced by hard labour; several of them were render­ed incapable of gaining their living, and conse­quently are objects of the benevolence of their countrymen.

Mr. Barlow was fully sensible of the necessity of [Page 88] their immediate removal from this most wretched of all conceivable abodes, and was justly apprehen­sive that they could not be embarked without some danger of the infection. After his arrival he was most sedulously employed in effecting their delive­rance, and by his benevolence, which was ever ex­tended to the captives, their condition was render­ed more tolerable, till the final obtainment of their liberty. To this worthy character, whose heart vibrated with their finer feelings of philanthropy, while his life was in imminent danger, the most ar­dent tribute of gratitude is due, and the captives speak in terms of the warmest affection for his uni­form exertions in rescuing them from this region of horror.

After preparing the necessary articles for their voyage, the Americans set sail, with the 48 Neapo­litans, in the ship La Fortune, under the command of capt. Calder, and soon bade an eternal adieu to the land of bondage.

While these things were transacting, the Alge­rines were prosecuting their piracies against vari­ous maritime powers in Europe. An attempt at ne­gociation between the "invincible militia" and Por­tugal was instituted in November 1793, and a Por­tuguese frigate was dispatched to Algiers upon this business. The terms prescribed by the dey were, 1,200,000 Mexican dollars for the treasury; 600,000 dollars for the voice of the dey, and the great officers of the regency, ambassadorial and con­sular presents, equal to what Spain gave; and the payment of 150,000 dollars for the redemption of 75 Portuguese captains. With these propositions the Portuguese frigate set sail from Algiers the 7th of November, and arrived at Lisbon soon after. But upon further consideration the dey was not satis­fied [Page 89] with this sum, and the next day he desired capt. Logie, an English agent, to write to Portugal that he demanded 600,000 dollars for his family and friends, in addition to what he had previously ex­pressed.^* These terms were of course never compli­ed with, and the Portuguese and Algerines still continue in a state of warfare.

The Dutch truce expired on the 10th of December 1793. But a peace was concluded in April follow­ing, and all the Dutch prisoners were liberated. The principal powers with which the Algerines are now at war, are the Portuguese and the Pope. They declared war against the republic of Venice on the 26th of October 1796, the issue of which we have not heard. But with France, Spain, Eng­land and America they now are at peace.

About the beginning of 1796, the affairs of the Danes assumed a very disasterous complexion. One of the Neapolitan cruisers had taken a Danish ves­sel freighted with 300 Turks, who were bound from the Levant to Algiers. These Turks were carried to Naples, where they were made slaves; which so exasperated the dey, that he issued immediate or­ders for the capture of Danish vessels, and thirteen sail were shortly after brought into Algiers, where they were obliged to lie for four months, till the Danish government had negociated the ransom o [...] the 300 Turks: after which the Danes were libe­rated; [Page 90] but their cargoes, which consisted chiefly of perishable articles, were mostly destroyed.

About the beginning of 1795, upwards of 200 Corsicans were captured as they were seeking for co­ral off the Barbary coasts. While they were busily employed in a number of fishing boats, under con­voy of an English brig^*, two French frigates hove in sight, and soon after a smart engagement took place between the French, and the English brig; but she was soon captured, and the Corsican boats fled for refuge to the Barbary shore near Constantina, where they were all kidnapped by the Moors, and taken to Algiers, where they were made slaves. After they had amused themselves among the rocks of Bublywhite for about a year, Mr. North was sent as British agent to negociate their ransom, and he procured their liberty upon the payment of about 120,000 dollars, besides the promise of an armed vessel.

Some time in September 1796, the English sent in a French xebeck of inconsiderable value, lately made a prize, which displeased the dey so much that he ordered her immediately out of the port. The commanders of two English frigates which then lay off the harbour, highly resenting this piece of conduct, hauled their vessels close in under the castle on the mole, and prepared to pour a broad side into the city. When the dey observed these preparations, he was thrown into the most violent consternation; the slaves were immediately ordered to clear away the lumber in the castle, and to get the guns in rea­diness for defence. At the same time the fleet of Admiral Jervis, consisting of 25 sail of the line [Page 91] was cruising off the harbour, and from this force, the dey expected nothing less than the total destruc­tion of Algiers. At this critical juncture he made application to Mr. Barlow to use his influence with the British commanders, to dissu [...]de them from their designs, and after distributing some presents to a considerable amount among the officers of the fri­gates, they hauled off to a distance, and did not put their design in execution.

In the beginning of June 17 [...]5, a most bloody and obstinate battle was fought near Corsica, be­tween an Algerine rover of 34 guns and two Nea­politan frigates of 20 guns each, in conjunction with one of the Pope's garda costas, of 10 guns and a number of swivels. The action lasted from ten o'clock in the morning till four in the afternoon without intermission, and the combatants were for the greatest part of the time within pistol shot of each other. The corsair fought under the bloody flag, and rode the greatest part of the time between an incessant and well directed fire, which cut away almost all her rigging, and made terrible havoc among her c [...]ew; yet the russians fought with the utmost fury and desperation, and attempted several times to board their enemies; but were repulsed with great loss. In the heat of the engagement all the officers were killed, and the captain had both his legs carried away by a chain shot, as he was firing a blunderbuss; yet the barbarian still refused to be taken from the deck, and died while he was giving the word of command. This loss did not in the least intimidate the furious crew, who swore they would not submit while a single man existed. The Christians displayed equal fury during the whole conflict, and were to a man determined either to conquer or die. Unfortunately one of the frigates [Page 92] which made the greatest impression upon the corsair, blew up with a tremendous explosion, and most of the crew perished.

In a short time another disaster occurred. The Pope's cruiser, after a gallant resistance, was sunk by the enemy's shot. The crew of the remaining frigate were then obliged to tow her away; while the corsair lay like a log upon the water, with her fore and main-masts carried away by the board, and her hull so much shattered that the sunk shortly af­ter the action.

On the 13th of July following the American prisoners set sail from Algiers, and on the 19th they arrived off Marseilles, where they were obli­ged to ride quarantine for 80 days; after which they were permitted to go on shore at that city, where Stephen Catalon, jun. the American consu [...], provided a Swedish bark for their transportation to America, and procured each of them a suit of clothes, besides an allowance of 35 cents a day for their subsidence. Fourteen of their number enter­ed on board of an American ship at Marseilles, to go on a trading voyage up the Mediterranean, and a few were detained by sickness. Capt. Penrose, who came with them from Algiers, went to Ali­cant at the request of Mr. Montgomery, the Ame­rican consul who resided there, to take charge of a vessel intended to ply between that place and Philadelphia; but she not being ready, captain Penrose returned from thence in another vessel, and landed at Boston.

The remainder of the captives, after a residence of 20 days at Marseilles, set sail for the port of Philadelphia on the 12th of November, in compa­ny with the two sons of the duke of Orleans, and after a passage of near three months, they arrived [Page 93] at Marcus Hook, where the vessel was detained by the ice which was then in the Delaware. On the 8th of February 1797, they were brought to Phi­ladelphia in carriages, escorted by many hundreds of their fellow citizens who went out to meet them. Upon their arrival at the Indian Queen tavern, the streets were so thronged as to render their passage difficult, and as they entered the house, an ardent acclamation expressed the satisfaction of the people at their return. Those who had friends in the city to provide for them, retired to receive their congratulations; but it has been reported by some of the captives, that those who were not so fortunately accommodated, were left entirely desti­tute to wander the streets of the city, at that incle­ment season of the year, without friends, or a sin­gle cent to provide for their subsistence. If this be true, it reflects a dishonor upon the humanity of our government, that these unfortunate men should be rescued from the regions of misery to starve in a land of freedom.

It must inspire the breasts of the Americans with great regret and mortification, when they reflect upon the exorbitant sums of money that have been expended in the negociation of the Algerine treaty, besides the annual payment to the dey of 12,000 Algerine sequins^* in maritime stores, according to the last article of the treaty; and their mortification will not be diminished when they reflect, that they have now become the tributaries of a ci-devant Tur­kish soldier! This additional weight to the Ame­rican taxation, which had before encreased in a rapid progression, is not the most comfortable re­flection, [Page 94] and would almost induce one to arraign the negociation as highly impolitic, were there not a dan­ger of incurring the imputation of a want of huma­nity. It is, however, very problematical whether the advantages to be derived from the Mediterra­nean trade will ever compensate for the expenditure of these enormous sums; and it seems rather un­just that the great burden of guaranteeing this trade should rest upon the shoulders of the people, while its benefits result to a few individuals, who ought perhaps to support this branch of commerce under the sanction of insurance.

I have thought proper, in order to represent the Algerine negociation in a more comprehensive point of view, to subjoin an estimate of the pecu­niary disbursements, and the several corresponden­ces that have taken place in this business, accor­ding to the following reports.

These are all the official estimates and correspon­dencies that have as yet transpired in the Algerine business. But these enormous expenditures are not the sole loss that has been sustained by the Ameri­cans. They have incurred the additional expence of equipping a number of vessels, in conformity to [Page 110] an [...] of Congress passed soon after the Algerine captures, empowering the President to purchase, or cause a number of vessels to be built, for the pro­tection of the commerce of the United States against the Algerines. Another item to be included in the account is the loss of the eleven sail of Ameri­can vessels, and their cargoes, the most of them very valuable. The dey sold several of these vessels for a considerable price to the Swed [...] [...] in Algiers, who now employs them in the Levant trade. The value of these vessels and their cargoes, with many contingent expences that have never been included, will amount to at least 180,000 dol­lars, which, added to the sum total, as stated by the Secretary of the Treasury, will amount to the sum of 1,172,446 dollars and 25 cents,—the whole loss that the people of the United States have sustained by the piratical aggressions of this miscreant nation.

CHAP. V.