An historical and geographical account of Algiers; comprehending a novel and interesting detail of events relative to the American captives. / By James Wilson Stevens.

An historical and geographical account of Algiers; comprehending a novel and interesting detail of events relative to the American captives. / By James Wilson Stevens.

Table of contents

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Title page

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PREFACE.

CONTENTS.

ERRATA.

THE HISTORY OF ALGIERS.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

A TREATY OF PEACE AND AMITY CONCLUDED SEPTEMBER 5, 1795, BETWEEN HASSAN BASHAW, DEY OF ALGIERS, HIS DIVAN AND SUBJECTS; AND GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, AND THE CITIZENS OF THE SAID UNITED STATES: WITH THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION, ANNOUNCING ITS RATIFICATION.

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A TREATY OF PEACE AND AMITY CONCLUDED, NOVEMBER 4, 1796, BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE BEY AND SUBJECTS OF TRIPOLI OF BARBARY, WITH THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION, ANNOUNCING ITS RATIFICATION.

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DESCRIPTION, &c.

CHAP. I.

RIVERS.

SOIL, CLIMATE and PRODUCTIONS.

ANIMALS.

ANTIQUITIES and CURIOSITIES.

INHABITANTS.

DRESS.

LANGUAGE.

GOVERNMENT.

CORSAIRS AND COMMERCE.

REVENUES.

PUNISHMENTS.

RELIGION.

CHAP. II.

THE CITY OF ALGIERS.

Its Origin.

Situation.

Houses.

Water.

Public Buildings, &c.

Bagnios.

Streets.

Gates.

City Wall.

Mole.

Castles and Fortifications.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

Letter from sundry captive American captains, to colonel David Humphreys, dated Algiers, December 29th, 1793.

To captain O'Brien, and the other captains, &c. of the United States, now prisoners in Algiers.

CHAP. V.

Attempt of fifteen slaves to escape.

Spanish desperado.

Detection of a Neapolitan slave.

Disappointment of the American slaves.

Flight of the Spanish consul.

The Renegado.

The Muleteer.

Anecdote of an American lad.

An expedition to gather cane.

Distribution of clothing.

The Americans bound in chains.

Succession of Vichelhadges.

Anecdote of an American black.

Spanish deserter.

The effects of jealousy.

Neapolitan conspiracy.

Avarice of the former dey.

Naval expeditions.

Departure of the Americans from Algiers.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

Subscriber's Names.

IN THE PRESS, HALYBURTON's ENQUIRY INTO THE PRINCIPLES OF THE MODERN DEISTS. Corrected by the Rev. Dr. CHARLES NISBET, President of Dickinson College.

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[Page]

The Manner of Bastinading

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AN HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT OF ALGIERS; COMPREHENDING A NOVEL AND INTERESTING DETAIL OF EVENTS RELATIVE TO THE AMERICAN CAPTIVES.

BY JAMES WILSON STEVENS.

PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED BY HOGAN & M'ELROY, GEORGE-STREET THIRD DOOR BELOW SOUTH-STREET.

August, 1797.

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ENTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS.

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TO JOEL BARLOW, ESQ. AS A TRIBUTE DUE TO HIS BENEVOLENCE, AND A MEMENTO OF HIS UNREMITTED EXERTIONS IN RESCUING OUR FELLOW-CITIZENS FROM BONDAGE, THE FOLLOWING WORK IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE.

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AFRICA, though contiguous to the most commercial nations in the world, from whom one would naturally suppose it might derive some portion of refinement, is yet involved in a state of the most deplorable barbarism; and its very atmosphere seems fraught with the most detestable depravity in human nature. Hence the spirit of discovery will ever be retarded, and travellers will have but little inducement to explore a region where they must be exposed to such a constant succession of dangers.

Since the destruction of Carthage, civilization seems not an attribute of the kingdom of Algiers, or of any of the states of Barbary; and such is the virulence of Mahometan antipathy to every thing that bears the name of Christian, that their contiguous to Europe has perhaps tended to render them even more ferocious.

In rendering an account of this famous regency who have so long signalised themselves by their villany, the [Page]author has av [...]ed himself of the most unexceptionable documents that could be procured, and perspicuity instead of elegance and the complete developement of TRUTH have been his primary objects in the compilation of the work.

In its execution he has laboured under several disadvantages. The first sheets were put to press but a few days after the work was commenced, and before half the materials were collected. Great expedition was therefore indispensibly requisite, and this circumstance will apologize for inaccuracies or desultory arrangements.

The work is, however, much more perfect than was originally contemplated. It exhibits a more circumstantial detail of Algerine affairs of a recent date than was ever before published, and will we presume afford the American reader a tolerable idea of this famous piratical regency, to which the United States have lately had the mortification of becoming tributory.

It comprehends, besides an ample account of the late American negociation, a variety of original observations upon the government, fortifications, customs and manners, punishments, religion, &c. of the Algerines; and for this original matter the public are under considerable obligations to Mr. ISAAC BROOKS, a gentleman of veracity and intelligence, who was one of the unfortunate number who were subjected to the miseries of this unparalleled servitude. The severity of his afflictions[Page]has reduced him nearly to a state of blindness; a misfortune which afforded him ample leisure for rendering a more minute account. In all his communications he has conscientiously adhered to the truth, detected misrepresentations, and related nothing but what will bear the test of the strictest examination.

The subject is particularly interesting to the American people, and as the author has recorded events which are recent in the memory of all the captives, he has been scrupulously circumspect in admitting nothing but matters of undisputed authenticity.

The last chapter is an abstract or compendium of the adventures of Emanuel D'Aranda, "a poor soldier" as he was pleased to call himself, probably with a design to evade the payment of the exorbitant sum demanded for the ransom of all persons of quality. We find, however, by a Latin eulogium in verse prefixed to the French edition of his work, that he is called nobili consultissimoque Emanueli D'Aranda, I. V. L.

These adventures were written above 150 years ago, and are now perhaps unknown in the literary world. In this work there is every appearance of candor, and the concurrence of various circumstances corroborate the presumption of its truth.

CONTENTS.

[Page]

HISTORY OF ALGIERS.

CHAP. I. THE Phoeniciaus and Carthagenians the original inhabitants. Destruction of Carthage. Expulsion of the Romans by the Vandals. Irruption of the Saracens. Arab princes subdued. Zeneti destroyed. Succeded by the Shariffs of Hascen. In danger from the Spaniards. Barbarossa invited. His treachery and cruelty. Is defeated and killed by the Spaniards. 13

CHAP. II. Barbarossa succeeded by Hayradin. Reduction of the Spanish fortress in front of the city. He is raised to the dignity of Bashaw of the empire, and Hassan Aga is appointed in his stead. Charles Vth's expedition against Algiers. The city in great consternation. Singular prediction of a mad prophet verified. Spanish fleet destroyed by a storm. Siege of Algiers raised. The mad prophet rewarded. Hassan reduces Tremesen. Bujeyah taken from the Spaniards. Hassan Corso elected bashaw. He is put to death, and succeeded by Tekelli. Hayradin's son Hassan reinstated. The Spaniards defeated. Siege of Marsalquiver. Succeeded by Mahomet. John Gascon's enterprise and death. The Algerines become formidable to Europe. Various expeditions. Become independent of the Porte. Desperate undertaking of four brothers. 32

[Page] CHAP. III. The Algerines fit out a formidable fleet, which is totally destroyed by the Venetians. Algiers in great confusion at the news. The Algerines fit out a new fleet. A Dutch merchantman defeats a number of their galleys. Lewis XIV. makes preparations against Algiers. The city bombarded and set on fire by the French. The Algerines commit great ravages in France. Their city again bombarded, set on fire, and almost destroyed. They sue for peace. Capt. Beach burns seven of their ships. The Turkish bashaw expelled. The Spanish expedition of 1775. 51

CHAP. IV. The Algerines begin their depredations upon the American commerce. Captains Stephens and O'Brien taken. A truce with Portugal. Eleven sail of American vessels captured, and their crews made slaves. Their treatment and sufferings. Col. Humphreys and Mr. Donaldson sent to treat with the Algerines. Mr. Barlow dispatched to the Barbary states. Mr. Donaldson concludes a treaty with Algiers. Captain O'Brien sent with 225,000 dollars to the dey. Captured by a Tripolitan corsair. Released and and arrives at Algiers. Treats with Tripoli. The Tunisian territories invaded. The American prisoners released. Desperate engagement between an Algerine corsair and two Neapolitan frigates. Various occurrences. Report of the Secretary of State. 67.

CHAP. V. Algerine and Tripolitan treaties. 111

DESCRIPTION OF ALGIERS.

CHAP. I. ITS division; rivers, soil, climate, and productions; animals, antiquities and curiosities; inhabitants, customs [Page] and [...], dress, language, corsairs and commerce; rev [...]es, government, punishments and religion. 129

CHAP. II. A short account of the principal cities. The city of ALGIERS. Its origin, situation, houses, water, public buildings, bagnios, streets, gates, walls, mole, castles, and fortifications. 184

CHAP. III. Inhabitants, customs and manners of the city of Algiers. 205

CHAP. IV. The Slaves of Algiers. 234

CHAP. V. Particular anecdotes, occurrences and occasional remarks, which throw some additional light upon the history, customs and manners

CHAP. VI. Succinct account of Algiers in the time of Pinchinin. 283

CHAP. VII. A compendium of the adventures of Emanuel D'Aranda, containing an account of the treatment of the Algerine slaves in the time of Pinchinin. 290

☞ The plate fronting the title page represents the manner of punishment by bastinading; for an account of which see page 164.

ERRATA.

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Page 222, the 20th line from the top, for bear read [...]are.

Page 240, the 18th line, for Turk read Turkish soldier.

Page 243, the 6th line, for confined read consigned.

Page 285, in the note, for about 84 cents read of [...] dollar 3 cents and 7 mills.

Page 276, 18th line, for the read he.

THE HISTORY OF ALGIERS.

[Page]

CHAP. I.

The Phoenicians and Carthagenians the original inhabitants. Destruction of Carthage. Expulsion of the Romans by the Vandals. Irruption of the Saracens. Arab princes subdued. Zeneti destroyed. Succeeded by the Shariffs of H [...]scen. In danger from the Spaniards. Barbarossa invited. His treachery and cruelty. I [...] defeated and killed by the Spaniards.

THERE is perhaps no problem in history so singular and unaccountable as the decadence of the power and splendor of the extensive States of Barbary; which, while Carthage was in the meridian of its glory, were the seat of unrivalled greatness, and anterior so Rome itself in arts, in science, in magnificence and refinement.

The original inhabitants of this country, according to the most authentic historians, were the Phoenecians, and after them the Carthagenians, the [Page] formidable rivals of the Romans, and one of the most warlike nations of antiquity. The beginning of the Carthagenian history, like that of all other nations, is extremely obscure and uncertain. In the 7th year of Pygmalion king of Tyre, his sister Eliza, or Dido, is said to have fled, with some of her companions and vassals, from the cruelty and avarice of her brother Sichaeus.

She first touched at the island of Cyprus, where she met with a priest of Jupiter, who was desirous of attending her; to which she consented. At that time it was a custom in the island of Cyprus, for the young women to go, on certain stated days before marriage, to the sea-side, and there to look for strangers, that might possibly arrive on their coasts, in order to prostitute themselves for gain, that they might thereby acquire a dowry. Out of these women, the Tyrians selected eighty, whom they carried along with them, and then sailed directly for the coast of Africa: and at last safely landed in the province called Africa Propria, not far from Utica, a Phoenician city of great antiquity. The common fable is, that the Phoenecians imposed upon the Africans in the following manner: They desired for their intended settlement, only as much ground as an ox's hide would encompass. This request the Africans laughed at; but they were surprized when, upon granting it, they saw Eliza cut the hide into the smallest shreds, by which means it surrounded a large territory; in which she built the citadel called Byrsa. The learned, however, explode this fable; but it is certain that the Carthagenians for many years paid an annual tribute to the Africans for the ground they possessed.

From this period commences the history of the Carthagenians, one of the most celebrated nations of [Page] antiquity, whose armies under the command of Hannibal, and other eminent generals, invaded the Roman territory, and threatened the downfal of Rome itself. But it is not the design of the present work to enter into a detail of this history, which would form of itself a large and interesting volume.

The city of Carthage, by order of the Roman Senate, was plundered and destroyed by the Roman army under AEmilianus. Before he proceeded to execute their order, he performed those religious ceremonies which were required on such occasions. He first sacrificed to the gods, and then caused a plough to be drawn round the walls of the city. After this, the towers, rampa [...]ts, walls, and all the works which the Carthagenians had raised in the course of many ages, were levelled with the ground. The edifices of this proud metropolis were set on fire, which consumed them all, not a single house escaping the flames. The sire began in all quarters of the city at the same time, and continued to burn with incredible fury for the space of seventeen days, at the end of which time the whole city was reduced to ashes.

Thus sell Carthage, about 146 years before the birth of Christ. The treasure carried off [...]y AEmilianus, even after it was plundered by the soldiers, according to the computation of Pliny, amounted to 4,470,000 pounds weight of silver. About twenty-four years after this event C. Gracchus undertook to rebuild it. Maxentius laid it in ashes about the sixth or seventh year of Constantine's reign, and Genseric, king of the Vandals, [...]ook it in the year 4 [...]0 after Christ; but about a century afterwards it was re-annexed to the Roman empire by the renowned Belisarius. At last the Saracens, under Mahomet's successors, towards the close of the seventh [Page] century, so completely destroyed it, that there are now scarce any vestiges of it remaining.

After the reduction of the Carthagenian empire, the Romans for a long time maintained their power in Africa. But in the year 426, Bonifacius supreme governor of all the Roman dominions in this quarter, being compelled to revolt by the treachery of another general called Aetius, and finding himself unable to contend with the whole strength of the Roman empire, invited Genseric king of the Vandals to his aid; who thereupon abandoned his conquests in Europe, and passed over into Africa. Bonifacius, however, being soon after reconciled to his empress Placidia, endeavoured in vain to persuade the Vandals to retire. Hereupon a war ensued, in which the barbarians proved victorious, and quickly over-ran all the Roman provinces in Africa. In the year 435, a peace was concluded; whereby Numidia and some other countries were ceded to the Vandals, who soon after seized the rest. But these barbarians did not long enjoy their conquests: for about the year 535, Belisarus, the Greek emperor Justinian's general, drove them out, and annexed the provinces to the eastern empire.

In the years 647, the Saracens, having conquered Mesopotamia, Egypt, Phoenicia, Arabia and Palestine, broke like a torrent into Africa, which they quickly subdued. This last revolution happened about the middle of the seventh century; and the Arabs continued masters of the country till the year 1051. This year, one Abubeker-ben-Omar, or as the Spaniards call him, Abu-Texesien, an Arab of the Zinhagian tribe, being provoked at the tyranny of those despots, gathered, by the help of his marabouts or saints, a most powerful army of malcontents, in the southern provinces of Numidia and Lybia. His followers were nick-named [Page] Marabites or Morabites; by the Spaniards Almoravides; probably from their being assembled principally by the saints, who were also called Morabites. The khalif of Keyem's forces were at this time engaged in quelling other revolts in Syria, Mesopotamia, &c. and the Arabs in Spain entered into the most bloody wars; so that Texesien having nothing to fear from them, had all the success [...]e could wish against the Arabian cheyks or petty tyrants, whom he defeated in many battles, and at last drove them not only out of Numidia and Lybi [...], but out of all the western parts, reducing the whole province of Tingitania under his dominion.

Texesien was succeeded by his son Yusef, or Joseph, who was a warlike prince. In the beginning of his reign he laid the foundation of the city of Morocco, which he intended as the capital of his empire During the building of this city he sent an embassy of marabouts to Tremesen, a province of Algiers, for the purpose of restoring the Zeneti, a Mahometan sect, to the true faith, as it was called. But the Zeneti contemning all overtures of this nature, assembled at [...], or Amfa their capital, and murdered the ambassadors. Not content with this act of outrage and insolence, they invaded Joseph's dominions with an army of 50,000 men.

Joseph justly exasperated at these proceedings, levied an army with all possible expedition, invaded their territory, and destroyed all before him with [...]ire and sword. The Zeneti instead of repelling the invasion, retreated towards Fez, where they expected assistance. But they were fatally disappointed in this expectation; for the Fezz [...]s marched out against them, and meeting the miserable Zeneti, encumbered with their families and baggage, and ready to expire with hunger and fatigue, [Page] fell upon them and cut them all to pieces, except a few who were either drowned in their attempts to swim across a river, or dashed to pieces from the precipices of rocks to which their enemy had pursued them.

In the mean time the march of Joseph's army was marked by havoc and desolation; the territory of the unhappy Zeneti was desolated and reduced to a heap of smoking ruins. Their country was, however, soon after re-peopled by numerous immigrations of Fezzans, who formed colonies under the protection of the reigning princes. According to the most authentic accounts it appears, that nearly a millon of men, women and children, of the Zeneti, lost their lives in this murderous campaign.

Joseph, who was a prince of restless ambition, was not long disposed for peace. He proclaimed war against the Fezzans whom [...]e rendered tributory, and extended his conquests along the coasts of the Mediterranean. His next attack was upon some Arabian cheyks, whom he pursued through the Lybian desarts with such fury, that neither the clifts of the most craggy rocks, nor secret recesses, afforded them shelter from the vengeance of their pursuers. He reduced all their castles and fortresses, which till then were deemed impregnable, and the extent of his conquests spread general consternation and grief through the other nations of Africa.

Thus was the empire of the Morabites founded; but its existance was of short duration; for they were expelled from their new possessions in the 12th century by Mohavedin a marabout. This race of priests was subdued by Abdulac, governor of Fez, who was divested in his turn of his new conquesta, in the 13th century, by the Shariffs of Hascen, who [Page] were the descendants of those Arabian princes whom Abu-Texe [...]ien had formerly conquered.

The Shariffs divided their new acquired domions into several petty provinces, and the kingdom of Algiers was divided into Tremesen, Tenez, Algiers Proper, and Bujeyah, for their greater security against the invasions of neighbouring princes. The four first monarchs laid so solid a foundation to their empire, by a judicious balance of power, that they continued in mutual peace and harmony for several succeeding centuries; but the king of Tremesen having violated some articles of their compact, Abul-Farez declared war against him, and reduced Tremesen to a tributory kingdom.

Abul-Farez did not long survive this event. His kingdom was divided among his three sons, and mutual discord and animosity was the consequence of this division. Debilitated by these commotions, they became an easy conquest to the Spanish government, who transported a powerful fleet and army against Barbary, under the command of the Count of Navarre, in the year 1505. This commander soon completed the conquest of Oran, Bujeyah, and other important cities; which spread such an alarm among the Algerines, that they invited the protection of Selim Eutemi, an Arabian prince renowned for the prowess of his arms. He came to their assistance with a large army of his most warlike subjects, attended by Zaphira his queen, and a son about twelve years of age. This force was not, however, sufficient to repel the incursions of the Spaniards; they effected the landing of an army the same year near the city of Algiers, and compelled the metropolis to become tributory to Spain. Nor could all the powers of Eutemi prevent the establishment of a formidable Spanish garrison of 200 men on the island, [Page] in front of the city, which did immense damage to the corsairs that attempted to sail either in or out of the harbour.

To this galling yoke the Algerines were obliged to submit, and they continued tributory till the death of Ferdinand king of Spain, which happened in the year 1516. They were then determined to shake off their Spanish yoke, and in order to effectuate this design, they sent an embassay to Aruch Barbarossa, to solicit his assistance against the Spaniards, and promised him an adequate compensation for his services.

Barbarossa, so called from the red colour of his beard, was the son of a potter in the isle of Lesbos, being prompted by a restless and enterprising spirit, he and his brother Hayradin forsook their father, and joined a crew of pirates. In this new profession they soon distinguished themselves by their activity and prowess; they became masters of a small brigantine, and conducted their piracies with such success, that they soon assembled a fleet of twelve galleys, besides many vessels of smaller force. Barbarossa was admiral of this fleet, and Hayradin second in command. Their names soon became terrible from the Straits of the Dardanelles to those of Gibraltar. Their ambitious views extended with their power: being no less dreaded for their valour than their surprising success, and while acting as corsairs, they assumed the ideas, and acquired the talents of conquerors. They often carried the prizes they had taken on the coasts of Spain and Italy, into the ports of Barbary. The convenient situation of these harbours, lying so near the great commercial states of Christendom, prompted them to the desire of effecting an establishment in the country of Barbary. An opportunity of accomplishing this [Page] project soon presented itself, and they did not suffer it to pass unimproved.

Barbarossa received the Algerine embassy at Higir, about 170 miles to the eastward of Algiers. He promised them every assistance in his power, and secretly exulted in so favourable an opportunity of rendering himself master of their city. To carry his designs into execution, he fitted out a fleet of 18 galleys, on board of which was embarked a powerful Turkish army, with a fine train of artillery, and amply provided with military stores, and dispatched them to the city of Algiers.

Barbarossa in the mean time advanced toward the city by land, with an army of 800 Turks, 3000 Jigelites, and 2000 Moorish volunteers. But instead of taking the nearest road to Algiers, he directed his course towards Sharshel, (about 60 miles west of Algiers), where Hassan, another famous corsair under his command, had settled himself; and dispatched a messenger to his fleet, which by this time had anchored at Algiers, with orders to repair immediately to Sharshel. His design by this march was to punish the treachery of Hassan, who had seduced a considerable part of the fleet stationed there into his service, and was upon the point of making a descent upon the Spanish coast. But he was much astonished when he found Barbarossa was so near, and instantly prepared to oppose the approach of his army; but discovering the inefficiency of the force he had raised, he deemed it most prudent to adjust all differences by an amicable compromise, and after he had received a promise of pardon from his commander, surrendered himself a prisoner. Barbarossa, however, felt little disposed to pardon the offence, and, by his command, Hassan was executed in the presence of the Turkish army.

[Page] After these events, he compelled the people of Sharshel to acknowledge [...] their sovereign, and garrisoned a detachment of his army in that place for the security of his conquest. His army and fleet then directed their course towards Algiers. On the approach of his army he was met by Selim Eutemi, then regent of Algiers, attended by an immense concourse of people from the city, who welcomed this celebrated conqueror, whom they deemed invincible, with every demonstration [...] joy. He was conducted into the city amidst the acclamations of the people, and lodged in one of the noblest apartments of Eutemi's palace, where a most sumptuous banquet was prepared for his entertainment.

Elated beyond measure with the great marks o [...] distinction which were conferred upon him, he conceived the design of becoming king of Algiers. The day after his arrival he commenced his arrangements for the reduction of the Spaniards, who had been so long obnoxious to the Algerines. He ordered an entrenchment to be formed, and a battery raised against a Spanish fortress stationed upon a small island in the harbour, about 500 yards from the city. Before the commencement of the intended siege of the island, he dispatched a courier to the Spanish garrison, to inform them, that upon condition they would surrender the fortress they should be well [...]ated and sent to Spain; but if not, they should all be put to death. The commander of the garrison rejected all overtures of capitulation, and returned for answer, that he would hold out [...]ill the very la [...]t extremity.

Incensed at this answer, Barbarossa commenced a brisk cannonade of the island, which was kept up, with little intermission, for twenty days; but his [Page] ordnance, consisting only of small field pieces, made but little impression upon the garrison.

In the mean time, the greater part of Barbarossa's army were rioting in every species of excess, and in their intercourse with the citizens, committed every act of violence and atrocity. The Algerines were soon roused to a sense of their danger, and Se im Eutemi, greatly exasperated at the outrages of the Turks, entreated Barbarossa to withdraw his army from the city. But his sole view now was the conquest of the city, and the more effectually to accomplish his project, he resolved to murder Eutemi in a private manner, and to proclaim himself king of Algiers.

In order to execute his design, he [...]ole into a small apartment where Eutemi had one day retired for the purpose of bathing, and finding the prince alone, he suddenly seized him and strangled him to death. When he had perpetrated this atrocious act, he secretly withdrew, and left the prince floating in the water. Returning shortly after with his attendants, to the bath, he affected great astonishment at the death of Eutemi, who, he alleged, had been drowned in a swoon.

His death was, however, generally imputed to the cruelty of Barbarossa, and the citizens, who were panic struck at this event, seemed more anxious to screen themselves from oppression, than to avenge the death of their sovereign.

Barbarossa now caused himself to be publicly proclaimed king; and, as he rode along the streets, his Turks and Moors exclaimed, "Long live king Aruch Barbarossa, the invincible king of Algiers, the chosen of God to deliver the people from the oppression of the Christians; and destruction to al [...] that shall oppose, or refuse to own him as [...] lawful sovereign." These last threatening words [Page] so intimidated the inhabitants, already apprehensive of a general massacre, that he was immediately acknowledged king; and he summoned all the wealthiest part of the citizens before him, to whom he promised honors and promotion if they would acquiesce in his sovereignty. The unhappy princess Zaphira made an unsuccessful attempt to stab him with a dagger; but not succeeding, it is said she poisoned herself, to avoid the brutality of her new sovereign.

Barbarossa was no sooner seated on the throne, [...]an he treated his new subjects with such cruelty, that they used to shut up their houses, and hide themselves, when he appeared in public. The Turks finding themselves complete masters of the town, indulged themselves in every species of violence and rapacity. Their enormities commenced with insulting language, and the scene terminated in public plunder, murder, and the violation of women.

In this extremity of insult and misery, the citizens held a secret correspondence with the governor of the Spanish garrison; in which they informed him that a plot was laid to massacre the whole Turkish army, solicited his assistance, and promised, in consequence, to become again tributory to the king of Spain.

The commander readily acceded to their wishes, and the following plan was devised. A considerable number of Moors, with daggers concealed under their clothes, were to enter the city for the purpose of trading; at the same time a number of galliots without the town were to be set on fire; and while the Turks were gone to extinguish the flames the gates of the city were to be shut upon them, and the Spaniards to be instantly landed from the garrison to assist the citizens. But the vigilance [Page] of Barbarossa discovered the conspiracy; in consequence of which, he strongly fortified the town, augmented his guards both in the galli [...]ts and at the city-gates, and thus totally frustrated this deep laid scheme.

The most tragical events succeeded this discovery. For though Barbarossa had detected the conspir [...]y, yet he prete [...]ded he had not discovered the principals; and one Friday (which is the Mahometan Sunday) he paid a visit to the grand Mosque in the city, where the chief part of the conspirators had conver [...]ed. An uncommon concourse of people assembled, and among the crowd the tyrant had ordered a number of his [...]urks to be stationed. The moment their religious ceremonies commenced, Barbarossa ordered the doors of the Mosque to be shut, and the whole congregation to be mace prisoners: out of whom he selected twenty of the principal leaders of the faction, whom he conceived to be the most obnoxious, and by his orders they were instantly led into the stee [...]s and there beheaded. After the execution of this atrocious order their bodies were exposed naked to public view, and their heads rolled about the city for several days, till at length becoming offensive, they were buried in a dunghill. This event took place in the year 1517.

While these things where transacting Selim Eutemi's son, apprehensive of danger, fled to Oran, where he put himself under the protection of the marquis of Gomarez, general of that place, and laid before that nobleman a plan for putting the city of Algiers into the hands of the king of Spain. Gomarez approved of the plan, and sent young Selim Eutemi to Spain, where he laid his scheme before Cardinal Francisco Ximenes and the councils of Spain, who likewise approved of it, and sent a fleet with 10,000 land forces, [Page] under the command of young Selim and Don Dieg [...] de Vera, to restore the young prince to his kingdom. But deplorable was the fate of this army; for they were no sooner come within sight of land, than a tempest arose, which raged with such violence that the whole fleet was involved in destruction; many vessels ran foul of each other; some were swallowed up by the ocean, and others dashed to pieces against the rocks. Young Selim and Ximenes were never heard of again; and th [...]s was the greatest part of this army destroyed; those who escaped the violence of the elements were either murdered by the Turks, or subjected to the most miserable slavery.

The pride of Barbarossa was greatly elated at this disaster, and though he had nothing to boast on this occasion, yet his vanity and insolence were now swelled to such a degree, that he imagined himself invincible, and fancied that the very elements had conspired to render him so. By this misfortune all hopes were lost of expelling Barbarossa, and restoring the heirs of Selim to the regency of Algiers.

Barbarossa's tyranny became at length so insupportable, that the Arabians, who inhabited the lower parts of the country, implored the assistance of Hamidel Abdes king of Tenez to drive the Turks out of Algiers. That prince undertook to grant them all the aid in his power, upon condition that the Arabians would agree to settle the kingdom on himself and his descendants.

This proposal was readily accepted, and Hamidel Abdes immediately set out at the head of an army of 10,000 Moors. He began his march in June 1517, and, upon his entering the Algerine dominions, was joined by all the Arabians in the country, who openly avowed themselves the enemies of the tyrant. Barbarossa, gaining intelligence of the [Page] approach of Hamidel Abdes, raised an army of 1000 Turkish musqueteers, and 500 Granada Moors, and consigning the government of Algiers to the care of his brother Hayradin, came out with this inconsiderable force to meet Hamidel Abdes. After a march of about twelve leagues to the westward of Algiers, Barbarossa came up with him, and a desperate engagement commenced. Victory was for some time d [...]bious, and the most horrible carnage ensued. But the Turks, being disciplined to the use of fire arms, displayed great superiority, and the enemy having only arrows and javelins, began to give way. Their numerous army was totally defeated, and Barbarossa pursued them to the gates of their capital; of which he easily made himself master. Hamidel Abdes still retreated towards mount Atlas, and the unfortunate city, without the least resistance, fell a victim to every species of violence and brutality, and Barbarossa was proclaimed king.

The fame of this decisive victory was soon spread over all Africa, and no sooner had Barbarossa become master of Tenez, than he received an embassy from the inhabitants of Tremesen, (about 50 leagues westward), who were dissatisfied with the administration of their king, principally on account of his having dethroned his nephew; whom he obliged to fly to Oran; and they offered to invest Barbarossa even with the sovereignty, in case he accepted their proposal. An application of this nature, as may well be imagined, was highly pleasing to him, and he was determined not to lose so favourable an opportunity of extending his conquests. In consequence of this embassay he wrote to his brother Hayradin to send him forward some pieces of artillery and military stores; and upon the receipt [Page] of these articles he set out for Tremesen, having consigned the command of Tenez to his third brother Isaac Benijo [...]b.

The king of Tremesen, not suspecting the treachery of his subjects, raised an army of 6000 horse and 3000 foot, and met the tyrant in the plains of Aganel in advance of the city, where a bloody action took place; in which the king, unable to stand before Barbarossa's artillery, was totally routed, and fled with the remains of his army to the capital, where he was taken prisoner and behe [...]ded by his subjects. After which they sent ambassadors with his head to Barbarossa, and ordered. them to deliver the keys of the city into the hands of the conqueror.

Two days after, he made a triumphal entry [...] Tremesen, amidst the [...]cclamations of a multitude of citizens, who met him, and treated him [...]ith every mark of attention. As soon as he was in possession of the city, he began to tyrannize as usual; but his new subjects soon convinced him they were not so passive as the citizens of Algiers. Suspicious of opposition to his administration in the government of Tremesen, and apprehensive of a precarious reign in consequence of his enormities, he entered into an alliance with Muley Hamet king of Fez, each stipulating to render each other mutual assistance against their enemies. After which he took care, for the purpose of greater security, to garrison Tremesen with troops, as well as the rest of the cities in his kingdom. some of these, however, soon after revolted; upon which he sent one of his corsairs, named Escander, no less ferocious than himself, to reduce them. Isaac Benijoub in particular, the commander of Tenez, became extremely obnoxious in his administration; which induced a general [Page] revolt among the Moors of the country, and he fell a victim to their fury.

The Tremesenians soon repented sincerely that they had courted the assistance of such a tyrant; and held consultations on the most effectual means of expelling him from their city, and restoring Abuchen Men, their lawful prince. But their cabals were soon discovered, and a great number of the conspirators were massacred in the most cruel manner.

Abuchen Men, who had fortunately escaped to Oran, was taken under the protection of the marquis of Gomarez, who sent immediate advice of it to Charles V. then lately arrived in Spain, with a powerful fleet and army, and gave him a particular account of the transactions that had taken place in Africa. Charles immediately ordered an army of 10,000 men to be raised and put under the command of Gomarez, and the guidance of Abuchen Men; who began their march towards Tremesen; and in their way were joined by prince Selim with a great number of Arabs and Moors. Their first resolve was to attack the important fortress of Cala [...], situated between Tremesen and Algiers, and commanded by the corsair Escander, at the head of about 300 Turks. They invested it closely on all sides, with a design to decoy Barbarossa from Tremesen to its relief, and to afford the Tremesenians an opportunity of shutting their gates against him. But the tyrant kept close lodged in his capital, embarrassed by the fears of a general revolt, and the dangerous delays of the king of Fez, who had neglected to send forward the auxiliaries he had promised. The garrison of Calau in the mean time made a vigorous defence, and in a fortie they made in the night killed 300 Spaniards. This encouraged them to make a second sally; but they were repulsed with great loss, and [Page] Escander himself was wounded. The garrison unable to hold out any longer, capitulated upon honorable terms; but they were all massacred by the Arabians except sixteen, who clung close to the stirrups of the king and the Spanish general.

After the reduction of this fortress they began their march to lay siege to Tremesen. Barbarossa receiving intelligence of their approach, was determined to wait no longer for reinforcements from the king of Fez, and came out of his capital with a troop of 1500 Turks and 5000 Moorish horse, to oppose the progress of the Spaniards. But gaining intelligence of the superiority of their force, his councils advised him to return and fortify himself in his capital. This advice however came too late. The inhabitants of Tremesen had shut their gates against him, and were resolved to open them only to their lawful sovereign, when he appeared. In this extremity he deemed it most prudent to retire to the citadel, and defend himself there till he could find an opportunity of stealing away with his men and treasure. Here he made a vigorous defence, but his provisions failing, he effected his escape by night through a subterraneous passage, which he had caused to be dug for that purpose, and carried off all his immense treasures with him. But his flight was soon discovered, and Gomarez ordered an immediate pursuit. Barbarossa finding himself so closely pursued, caused a considerable quantity of money, plate, jewels, &c. to be scattered along the rout he had taken, in order to amuse the enemy, and to retard their pursuit in gathering it up, while he effected the passage of the river Fluexda, But this stratagem, through the vigilance of the Spanish commander, did not succeed; for Gomarez, ordered his men to march on, without waiting to gather [Page] up the spoils, and they soon overtook the fugitive on the banks of the river, about eight leagues from Tremesen. Barbarossa had just crossed the river with his vanguard; and the Spanish army furiously attacked his rear on the other side, and cut them all to pieces. Gomarez then crossed the river, and a bloody engagement ensued, in which his Turks fought with the greatest fury. But being overpowered by numbers, the tyrant fell, and 1500 Turks were left dead upon the field of battle.

Thus terminated the career of this powerful tyrant, who died in the year 1519, in the 44th year of his age; four years after he had aspired to the royal title of [...]igel of the adjacent country; two years after he had assumed the sovereignty of Algiers; a twelvemonth after the reduction of Tremesen; and after he had infested the seas and spread havoc and desolation through the country of Barbary for the space of fourteen years.

After this important victory Gomarez returned in triumph to Tremesen, amidst the shouts of the multitude, who came out to meet him, with the head of Barbarossa carried upon the point of a spear; and Abuchen Men was proclaimed king, to the great joy of all the inhabitants.

About fourteen days after the battle, the king of Fez made his appearance at the head of 20,000 Moorish horse; but hearing of Barbarossa's defeat, he retired with all possible expedition, to avoid an attack from the enemy. Gomarez soon after departed from Tremesen, and returned to Oran, leaving Abechen Men in peaceable possession of his kingdom.

[Page]

CHAP. II.

Barbarossa succeeded by Hayradin. Reduction of the Spanish fortress in front of the city. He is raised to the dignity of bashaw of the empire, and Hassan Aga is appointed in his stead. Charles Vth's expedition against Algiers. The city in great consternation. Singular prediction of a mad prophet verified. Spanish fleet destroyed by a storm. Siege of Algiers raised. The mad prophet rewarded. Hassan reduces Tremesen. Bujeyah taken from the Spaniards. Hassan Cors [...] elected bashaw. He is put to death, and succeeded by Te [...]elli. Hayradin's son Hassan rei [...]stated. The Spaniards defeated. Siege of Marsalquiver. Succeeded by Mahomet. John Gascon's enterprise and death. The Algerines become formidable to Europe. Various expeditions. Become independent of the Porte. Desperate undertaking of four brothers.

THE news of Barbarossa's death spread the utmost consternation among the Turks at Algiers; and his brother Hayradin was immediately proclaimed king. The Spanish commander very imprudently neglected to follow up his victories at this auspicious juncture, and sent back the emperor's forces without attempting the reduction of Algiers. Hayradin in his present critical situation, apprehensive of a Spanish invasion, and dreading the consequences of his tyrany and that of his officers, sent an embassy to solicit the protection of the Grand Signior; which was readily granted. He was appointed Bashaw or Viceroy of Algiers, and received such considerable reinforcements [Page] as completely effected the subjugation of the unhappy Algerines, who d [...]st not make the least resistance or complaint. In consequence of these reinforcements, his armies were further augmented by such numbers of Turks that continually resorted to him, that he was enabled not only to keep the Moors and Arabs in subjection at home, but to annoy the Christians at sea.

His next step was the reduction of the Spanish fortress in front of the city, which was a great nuisance to the metropolis, and of which the Spaniards held possession till the year 1 [...]30. His galleys were, in consequence, always obliged to anchor near the gate of B [...]baz [...]n, out of the reach of their cannon, where they were continually exposed to the danger of tempests. He was therefore determined to reduce it, and his first attempt was by stratagem. Having made choice of two Moo [...]sh lads, and given them instructions how to act, he sent them to the fort, where they requested permission to enter, declaring that they were desirous of embracing the Christian religion, and residing with the Spaniards. The lads were received and treated with great kindness: and one Easter Sunday, while Martin de Vargas, the commander, and his men were at church, these lads ascended a tower that commanded a prospect of the city, from whence they waved a flag, as a signal, that the Spaniards were off their guard. The flag being observed by the commander's servant maid, she ran immediately and acquainted her master with the circumstance. Vargas and his men repaired to the t [...]w [...]r instantly, where they seized the lads, and prepared to oppose the landing of the enemy. Hayradin finding his plan had miscarried, desisted from his design; and when the alarm had subsided, the two lads were [Page] brought out, and at the command of Vargas, were both hanged upon an eminence in sight of the city. Hayradin was greatly exasperated at the sight, and was resolved upon the immediate reduction of the fort. Whereupon he dispatched a renegado to the fort to acquaint Vargas, that if he would deliver up the garrison, he and his men should be well treated, and sent to Spain; but if not, they should all be put to death. Vargas returned for answer, that he would hold out to the last extremity. Haraydin upon the receipt of this answer, raised a formidable battery, and commenced a vigorous cannonade upon the island, which continued for fifteen days and nights without intermission; at the end of which time almost all the walls of the garrison were battered down, and the greatest part of the besieged were killed. Hayradin now ordered a descent to be made upon the island, which was effected without opposition, and the whole garrison were made prisoners. Vargas suffered imprisonment for about three months, at the end of which time he was ordered into the presence of Hayradin, and bastinadoed to death.

After this event he set about building a strong mole from the island to the city, for the protection of his ships, and in this he employed 30,000 Christian slaves, who were engaged in this work for three years without intermission, in which time the work was completed. He then caused the fort taken from the Spaniards to be repaired, and placed a strong garrison in it to prevent foreign vessels from entering the harbour without giving an account of themselves. By these two important works, Hayradin soon became dreaded not only by the Arabs and Moors, but also by the maritime [Page] Christian powers, especially the Spaniards. The viceroy failed not to acquaint the Grand Signior with his success, and obtained from him a fresh supply of money, by which he was enabled to build a stronger fort, and to erect batteries on all places that might favour the landing of the enemy. All these have since received greater improvements from time to time, as often as there was occasion for them.

In the mean time the Sultan, either out of a sense of the great services Hayradin had done, or perhaps out of jealousy lest he should make himself independent, raised Hayradin to the dignity of bashaw of the empire, and appointed Hastan Aga, a Sardinian renegado, an intrepid warrior, and an experienced officer, to succeed him as bashaw of Algiers. Hassan had no sooner taken possession of his new government, than he began to pursue his ravages on the Spanish coast with greater fury than ever; extending them to the ecclesiastical states, and other parts of Italy. But Pope Paul III. being alarmed at this, exhorted the emperor Charles V. to send a powerful fleet to suppress these frequent and cruel piracies; and, that nothing might be wanting to render the enterprise successful, a bull was published by his holiness, wherein a plenary absolution of sins, and the crown of martyrdom, were promised to all those who either fell in battle, or were made slaves. The emperor on his part needed no spur; and therefore set sail at the head of a powerful fleet, consisting of 120 ships and 20 galleys, having on board 30,000 chosen troops, an immense quantity of money, arms, amunition, &c. In this expedition many young nobility and gentry attended as volunteers, and among these many knights of Malta, so remarkable [Page] for their valour against the enemies of Christianity. Even ladies of birth and character attended Charles in his expedition, and the wives and daughters of the officers and soldiers followed them with a design to settle in Barbary after the conquest was completed. All these meeting with a favourable wind, soon appeared before Algiers: every ship displaying the Spanish colours on the st [...]rn, and another at the head, with a crucifix to serve them for a pilot.

By this prodigious armament the Algerines were thrown into the utmost consternation. The city was surrounded only by a wall with scarce any outworks. The whole garrison consisted of 800 Turks and 6000 Moors, without fire-arms, and poorly disciplined and acco [...]tred; the rest of their forces being dispersed in the other provinces of the kingdom to levy the usu [...] tribute on the Arabs and Moors. The Spaniards landed without opposition, and immediately built a fort, under the cannon of which they encamped, and diverted the course of a spring which supplied the city with water. Being now reduced to the utmost distress, Hassan received a summons to surrender at discretion, on pain of being put to the sword with all the garrison. The herald was ordered to extol the vast power of the emperor both by sea and land, and to exhort him to return to the Christian religion. But to this Hassan only replied, that he must be a madman that would pretend to advise an enemy, and that the advised must still act more madly who would take counsel of such an advisor. He was, however, on the point of surrendering the city, when advice was brought him, that the forces belonging to the western government were in full march towards the place; upon which it was resolved [Page] to defend it to the utmost. Charles, in the mean time, resolving upon a general assault, kept a constant firing upon the town; which, from the weak defence made by the garrison, he looked upon as already in his hands. But while the divan, or Algerine senate, were deliberating upon the most proper means of obtaining an honorable capitulation, a mad prophet, attended by a multitude of people, entered the assembly, and foretold the speedy destruction of the Spaniards before the end of the moon, exhorting the inhabitants to hold out till that time. This prediction was soon verified in a most surprising and unexpected manner: for, on the 28th of October 1541, a dreadful storm of wind, rain, and hail, arose from the north, accompanied with violent shocks of earthquakes, and a dismal universal darkness both by sea and land; so that the sun, moon and elements seemed to combine together for the destruction of the Spaniards. In one night, some say in less than half an hour, 86 ships and 15 galleys were destroyed, with all their crews and military stores; by which the army or shore was deprived of all means of subsistence. Their camp also, which spread itself along the plain under the fort, was laid quite under water by the torrents which descended from the neighbouring hills. Many of the troops, by trying to remove into some better situation, were cut in pieces by the Moors and Arabs; while several galleys, and other vessels, endeavouring to gain some neighbouring creek along the coasts, were immediately plundered, and their crews massacred by the inhabitants.

The next morning Charles beheld the sea covered with the fragments of ships, and the bodies of men, horses and other creatures swimming on [Page] the waves; at which he was so disheartened that he abandoned his tents, artillery, and all his heavy baggage, to the enemy, and marched at the head of his army, though in no small disorder, towards cape Malabux, in order to reimbark in those vessels which had weathered out the storm. But Hassan, who had watched his motions, allowed him just time enough to get to the shore, wh [...] he sallied out and attacked the Spaniards in the midst of their hurry and confusion to get into their ships, killing great numbers, and bringing away a still greater number of captives; after which he returned in triumph to Algiers, where he celebrated, with great rejoicings, his happy deliverance from such distress and danger*.

Soon after this the prophet Yusef, who had foretold the destruction of the Spaniards, was not only declared the deliverer of his country, but had a considerable gratuity decreed him, with the liberty of exercising his prophetic function unmolested. It was not long, however, before the marabouts, and some interpreters of the law, made a strong opposition against him; remonstrating to the bashaw, how ridiculous and scandalous it was to the nation, to ascribe their deliverance to a poor fortune-teller, which had been obtained by the fervent prayers of a saint of their own profession. But though the bashaw and his divan seemed, out of policy, to give into this last notion, yet the impression which Yusef's predictions, and their late accomplishments, had made upon the minds of the common people, proved too strong to be eradicated; and the spirit of divination and conjuring has since got into such credit among them, that not only their great statesmen, [Page] but their priests, marabouts, and santoons, have applied themselves to that study, and dignified it with the name of Mahomet's Revelations.

The unhappy Spaniards had scarce reached their ships, when they were attacked by a fresh storm, in which several more of them perished; one ship in particular, containing 700 soldiers, besides sailors, sunk in the emperor's sight, without a possibility of saving a single man. At length, with much labour, they reached the port of Bujeyah, at that time possessed by the Spaniards, whither Hassan king of Tunis soon after repaired, with a supply of provisions for the emperor, who received him graciously, with fresh assurances of his favour and protection. Here he dismissed the few remains of the Maltese knights and their forces, who embarked in three shattered galleys, and with much difficulty and danger reached their own country. Charles himself staid no longer than till the 16th of November, when he sailed for Carthagena, and reached it on the 25th of the same month. In this unfortunate expedition upwards of 120 ships and galleys were lost, above 300 colonels and other land and sea officers, 8000 soldiers and mariners, besides those destroyed by the enemy on the reimbarkation, or drowned in the last storm. The number of prisoners was so great, that the Algerines sold some of them, by way of contempt, for an onion per head.

Hassan, elated with this victory, in which he had very little share, undertook an expedition against the king of Tremesen, who, being now deprived of the assistance of the Spaniards, was forced to procure a peace by paying a vast sum of money, and becoming tributory to him. The bashaw returned to Algiers, laden with riches; and soon after died of a fever, in the 66th year of his age.

[Page] From this time the Spaniards were never able to annoy the Algerines in any considerable degree. In 1555, they lost the city of Bujeyah, which was taken by Salha Rais, Hassan's successor; who next year set out on a new expedition, which he kept a secret, but was suspected to be intended against Oran: but he was scarcely got four leagues from Algiers, when the plague, which at that time raged violently in the city, broke out in his groin, and carried him off in 24 hours.

Immediately after his death the Algerine soldiery chose a Corsican renegado, Hassan Corso, in his room, till they should receive further orders from the Porte. He did not accept the bashawship without a good deal of difficulty; but immediately prosecuted the intended expedition to Oran, dispatching a messenger to acquaint the Porte with what had happened. They had hardly begun their hostilities against the place, when orders came from the Porte, expressly forbidding Hassan Corso to begin the siege, or, if he had begun it, enjoining him to raise it immediately. This news was received with great grief by the whole fleet and army, as they thought themselves sure of success, the garrison being at that time very weak. Nevertheless, as they dared not disobey, the siege was immediately raised.

Corso had hardly enjoyed the dignity four months, before news came, that eight galleys were bringing a new bashaw to succeed him; one Tekelli, a principal Turk of the Grand Signior's court; upon which the Algerines unanimously resolved not to admit him. By the treachery of the Levantine soldiers, however, he was admitted at last, and the unfortunate Corso was thrown over a wall, in which a number of iron hooks were fixed; one of which [Page] caught the ribs of his right side, and he hung three days in the most exquisite torture before he expired.

Tekelli was no sooner entered upon his new government, than he behaved with such cruelty, that he was assassinated, even under the dome of a saint, by Yusef Calabres, the favorite renegado of Hassan Corso; who for this service was unanimously chosen bashaw, but died of the plague six days after his election.

Yusef was succeeded by Hassan the son of Hayradin, who had been formerly recalled from his bashawship, when he was succeeded by Se [...]ha Rais; and now had got the good fortune to get himself reinstated in his employment. Immediately on his arrival, he engaged in a war with the Arabs, by whom he was defeated with great loss. The next year, the Spaniards undertook an expedition against Mostagan, under the command of the count d'Alcandela; but were utterly defeated, the commander himself killed, and 12,000 taken prisoners. This disaster was owing to the inconsiderate rashness, or rather madness, of the commander; which was so great, that after finding it impossible to rally his scattered forces, he rushed, sword in hand, into the thickest of the enemy's ranks, at the head of a small number of men, crying out, "St. Jago! St. Jago! the victory is ours, the enemy is defeated;" soon after which he was thrown from his horse, and trampled to death.

Hassan having had the misfortune to displease his subjects, by allowing the mountaineers of Cuco to buy ammunition at Algiers, was sent in irons to Constantinople, while the aga of the Janisaries, and general of the land forces, supplied his place. Hassan easily found means to clear himself; but a new bashaw was appointed, called Achmet; who [Page] was no sooner arrived, than he sent the two deputy-bashaws to Constantinople, where their heads were struck off. Achmet was a man of such insatiable avarice, that upon his arrival at Algiers, all ranks of people came in shoals to make him presents; which he the more greedily accepted, as he had bought his dignity by the money he had amassed while head gardener to the Sultan. He enjoyed it, however, only four months; and after his death, the state was governed other four months by his lieutenant; when Hassan was a third time sent viceroy to Algiers, where he was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy.

The first enterprise in which Hassan engaged, was the siege of Marsalquiver, situated near the city of Oran, which he designed to invest immediately after. The army employed in this siege consisted of 26,000 foot and 10,000 horse, besides which he had a fleet consisting of 32 galleys and galliots, together with three French vessels laden with biscuit, oil, and other provisions. The city was defended by Don Martin de Cordova, brother of the count d'Alcandela, who had been taken prisoner in the battle where that nobleman was killed, but had obtained his liberty from the Algerines with immense sums, and now made a most gallant defence against the Turks. The city was attacked with the utmost fury by sea and land, and several breaches were made in the walls. The Turkish standards were several times planted on the walls, and as often dislodged; but the place must in the end have submitted, had not Hassan been obliged to raise the siege in haste, on the news that the famous Genoese admiral Doria was approaching with considerable succours from Italy. The fleet accordingly arrived soon after; but missing the Algerine [Page] galleys, bore away for Pennon de Velez, where they were shamefully repulsed by a handful of Turks who garrisoned that place; which, however, was taken the following year.

In 1567, Hassan was again recalled to Constantinople, where he died three years after. He was succeeded by Mahomet, who gained the love of the Algerines by several public spirited actions. He incorporated the [...]anisaries and Levantine Turks together, and by that means put an end to their dissentions, which laid the foundation of the Algerine independency on the Porte. He likewise added some considerable fortifications to the city and castle, which he designed to render impregnable.

But while he was thus studying the interest of Algiers, one John Gascon, a bold Spanish adventurer, formed a design of surprising the whole piratic navy in the bay, and setting them on fire in the night time, when they lay defenceless, and in their first sleep. For this he had not only the permission of king Philip II. but was furnished by him with proper vessels, mariners, and fire-works, for the execution of his plot. With these he set sail for Algiers in the beginning of October, the most proper season, when most, if not all the ships lay at anchor there, and easily sailed near enough, unsuspected, to view their manner of riding, in order to surprise them at a time when the greater part of their crews were dispersed in their quarters. He came accordingly, unperceived by any, to the very mole-gate, and dispersed his men with their fire-works; but to their great surprise, they found them so ill mixed, that they could not with all their art make them take fire. In the mean time, Gascon took it into his head, by way of bravado, to go to the mole-gate, and give three loud knocks at it with [Page] the pommel of his dagger, and to leave it fixed in the gate by its point, that the Algerines might have cause to remember him. This he had the good fortune to do without meeting any disturbance or opposition; but it was not so with his men; for no sooner did they find their endeavours frustrated, than they made such a bustle as quickly alarmed the guard posted on the adjacent bastion, from which the uproar quickly spread itself through the whole garrison. Gascon now finding himself in the utmost danger, sailed away with all possible haste; but was pursued, overtaken, and brought back a prisoner to Mahomet; who no sooner got him into his power, than he immediately caused a gibbet of considerable height to be erected on the spot where Gascon had landed, ordering him to be hoisted up, and hung by the feet to a hook, that he might die in extreme torture; and to show his resentment and contempt of the king his master, he ordered his commission to be tied to his toes. He had not, however, hung long in that state, when the captain who took him, accompanied by a number of other corsairs, interceded so strongly in his behalf, that he was taken down, and put under the care of a Christian surgeon; but two days after, some Moors reporting that it was the common talk and belief in Spain, that the Algerines durst not hurt a hair of Gascon's head, the unfortunate Spaniard was hoisted up by a pully to the top of the execution-wall, and from thence thrown down upon hooks which were fastened in it, one of which caught him by the ribs as he fell, and gave him such a wound that he expired without a groan.—Thus ended the expedition of John Gascon, which has procured him a place among the Spanish martyrs; while on the other hand, the Algerines look upon his disappointment to have been miraculous, and [Page] owing to the efficacious protection of the powerful saint Sidi Outededda, whose prayers had raised such a terrible storm against the Spanish fleet.

Mahomet being soon after recalled, was succeeded by the famous renegado Ocha [...], who reduced the kingdom of Tunis; which, however, remained subject to the viceroy of Algiers only till the year 1586, when a bashaw of Tunis was appointed by the Porte.

The kingdom of Algiers continued to be governed till the beginning of the seventeenth century, by viceroys, or bashaws appointed by the Porte; concerning whom we find nothing very remarkable, further than that their avarice and tyranny was intolerable both to the Algerines and the Turks themselves. At last the Turkish Janisaries and militia becoming powerful enough to suppress the tyrannic sway of these bashaws, and the people being almost exhausted by the heavy taxes laid upon them, the former resolved to depose these petty tyrants, and set up some officers of their own at the head of government. The better to succeed in this attempt, the militia sent a deputation of some of their chief members to the Port [...], to complain of the avarice and oppression of these bashaws, who sunk both the revenue of the state, and put the money remitted to it from Constantinople into their own coffers, which should have been employed in keeping up and paying the soldiery; by which means they were in continual danger of being overpowered by the Arabians and Moors, who, if ever so little assisted by any Christian power, would hardly sail of driving all the Turks out of the kingdom. They represented to the Grand Vizir how much more honorable, as well as easier and cheaper, it would be for the Grand Signior to permit them to choose [Page] their own dey, or governor, [...] [...]ong themselves, whose interest it would [...] to see that the revenue of the kingdom was rightly applied, in keeping up its forces complete, and supplying all other exigencies of the state, without any farther charge or trouble to the Porte than that of allowing it protection. On their part, they engaged always to acknowledge the Grand Signiors as their sovereigns, and to pay them their usual allegiance and tribute, to respect their bashaws, and even to lodge and maintain them and their retinue, in a manner suitable to their dignity, at their own charge. The bashaws, however, were for the future, to be excluded from assisting at any but general divans, unless invited to it; and from having the liberty of voting in them, unless when their advice was asked, or the interest of the Porte was likely to suffer by their silence. All other concerns, which related to the government of Algiers, were to be wholly left under the direction of the dey and his divan.

These proposals having been accepted by the Porte, the deputies returned highly satisfied; and having notified their new privileges, the great divan immediately proceeded to the election of a dey from among themselves. They compiled a new code of laws, and made several regulations for the better support and maintenance of this new form of government, to the observation of which they obliged all their subjects to swear; and the militia, navy, commerce, &c. were all settled pretty nearly on the footing upon which they now stand: though the subsequent altercations that frequently happened between the bashaws and deys, the one endeavouring to recover their former power, and the other to curtail it, caused such frequent complaints [Page] and discontents at the Ottoman court, as made them frequently repent their compliance.

In the year 1601, the Spaniards, under the command of Doria the Genoese admiral, made another attempt upon Algiers, in which they were more fortunate than usual, their fleet being only driven back by contrary winds, so that they came off without loss. In 1609, the Moors being expelled from Spain, flocked in great numbers to Algiers; and as many of them were very able sailors, they undoubtedly contributed to render the Algerine fleet so formidable as it became soon after; though it is probable the frequent attempts made on their city would also induce them to increase their fleet. In 1616 their fleet consisted of 40 sail of ships between 200 and 400 tons, their admiral 500 tons. It was divided into two squadrons, one of 18 sail, before the port of Malaga; and the other at the Cape of Santa Maria, between Lisbon and Seville; both of which fell foul of all Christian ships, both French and English, with whom they pretended to be in friendship, as well as Spaniards and Portuguese, with whom they were at war.

The Algerines now became very formidable to the European powers. The Spaniards, who were most in danger, and least able to cope with them, solicited the assistance of England, the pope, and other states. The French, however, were the first who dared to shew their resentment of the perfidious behaviour of these miscreants; and in 1617, M. Beaulieu was sent against them with a fleet of 50 men of war, who defeated their fleet, took two of their vessels, while their admiral sunk his own ship and crew, rather than fall into his enemies hands.

[Page] In 1620, a squadron of English men of war was sent against Algiers, under the command of Sir Robert Mansel; but of this expedition we have no other account, than that it returned without doing any thing; and the Algerines becoming more and more insolent, openly defied all the European powers, the Dutch only accepted; to whom in 1625, they sent a proposal, directed to the prince of Orange, that in case they would fit out 20 sail of ships the following year, upon any good service against the Spaniards, they would join them with 60 sail of their own.

The next year, the Coulolies, or Cologlies, (the children of such Turks as had been permitted to marry at Algiers), who were enrolled in the militia, having seized on the citadel, had well nigh made themselves masters of the city; but were attacked by the Turks and renegadoes, who defeated them with terrible slaughter. Many scores of them were executed, and their heads thrown in heaps upon the city walls, without the eastern gate. Part of the citadel was blown up; and the remaining Coulolies were dismissed from the militia, to which they were not again admitted till long after.

In 1623, the Algerines and other states of Barbary threw off their dependence on the Porte altogether, and set up for themselves. What gave occasion to this was the 25 years truce which Sultan Amurath IV. was obliged to make with the emperor Ferdinand II. to prevent his being overmatched by carrying on a war against him and the Sophi of Persia at the same time. As this put a stop to the piratical trade of the Algerines, they proceeded as above mentioned; and resolved that whoever desired to be at peace with them, must, distinctly and separately, apply to their government. No sooner was this resolution [Page] adopted, than the Algerines began to make prizes of several merchant ships belonging to powers at peace with the Porte. Nay, having seized a Dutch ship and poleacre at Scanderoon, they ventured on shore; and finding the town abandoned by the Turkish aga and inhabitants, they plundered all the magazines and warehouse and set them on fire.

About this time Lewis XIII. undertook to build a fort on their coasts, instead of one formerly built by the Marsilians, and which they had demolished. This, after some difficulty, he accomplished; and it was called the Bastion of France: but the situation being afterwards found inconvenient, the French purchased the port of La Calle, and obtained liberty to trade with the Arabians and Moors. The Ottoman court, in the mean time, was so much embarrassed with the Persian war, that there was no leisure to check the Algerine piracies. This gave an opportunity to the vizir and other courtiers to compound matters with the Algerines, and to get a share of their prizes, which were very considerable. However, for form's sake, a severe reprimand, accompanied with threats, was sent them; to which they replied, that "these depredations deserved to be indulged to them, seeing they were the only bulwark against the Christian powers, especially against the Spaniards, the sworn enemies of the Moslem name. Adding, "that if they should pay a punctilious regard to all that would purchase peace, or liberty to trade with the Ottoman empire, they would have nothing to do but set fire to all their shipping, and turn camel-drivers for a livelihood."

In the year 1635, four young brothers of a good family in France, entered into an undertaking so desperate, that perhaps the annals of knight-errantry [Page] can scarcely furnish a parallel.—This was no less than to retort the piracies of the Algerines upon themselves; and as they indiscriminately took the ships of all nations, so were these heroes indiscriminately to take the ships belonging to Algiers; and this with a small frigate of ten guns!—In this ridiculous undertaking 100 volunteers embarked; a Maltese commission was procured, together with an able master and 36 mariners. They had the good fortune, on their first setting out, to take a ship laden with wine, on the Spanish coast: with which they were so much elated, that three days after they madly encountered two large Algerine corsairs, one of 20 and the other of 24 guns, both well manned, and commanded by able officers. These two large vessels having got the small frigate between them, racked her so furiously with broadsides, that they soon carried away her mainmast: notwithstanding which, the French made so desperate a resistance, that the pirates were not able to take them, till the noise of their firing brought up five more Algerines; when the French vessel, being almost torn to pieces, was boarded and taken. The young knight-errants were punished for their temerity by a dreadful captivity, from which they redeemed themselves in 1642, at the price of 6000 dollars.

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CHAP. III.

The Algerines fit out a formidable fleet, which is totally destroyed by the Venetians. Algiers in great confusion at the news. The Algerines fit out a new fleet. A Dutch merchantman defeats a number of their galleys. Lewis XIV. makes preparations against Algiers. The city bombarded and set on fire by the French. The Algerines commit great ravages in France. Their city again bombarded, set on fire, and almost destroyed. They sue for peace. Capt. Beach burns seven of their ships. The Turkish bashaw expelled. The Spanish expedition of 1775.

THE Algerines continued to prosecute their piracies with impunity, to the terror and disgrace of the European powers, till the year 1652; when a French fleet being accidently driven into Algiers, the admiral took it into his head to demand a release of all the captives of his nation, without exception. This being refused, the Frenchman, without ceremony, carried off the Turkish viceroy, and his cadi or judge, who were just arrived from the Porte, with all their equipage and retinue. The Algerines, by way of reprisal, surprised the Bastion of France already mentioned, and carried off the inhabitants to the number of 600, with all their effects; which so provoked the admiral, that he sent them word that he would pay them another visit the next year with his whole fleet.

The Algerines, undismayed by the threats of the French admiral, fitted out a fleet of 16 galleys [Page] and galliots, excellently manned and equipped, under the command of admiral Ha [...]i Pinchinin. The chief design of this armament was against the treasure of Loretto; which, however, they were prevented by contrary winds from obtaining. Upon this they made a descent of Puglia, in the kingdom of Naples; where they ravaged the whole territory of Necotra, carrying off a vast number of captives, and among them some nuns. From thence steering towards Dalmatia, they scoured the Adriatic; and loading themselves with immense plunder, left those coasts in the utmost consternation.

At last the Venetians, alarmed at such terrible depredations, equipped a fleet of 28 sail, under the command of admiral Capello, with express orders to burn, sink and take all the Barbary corsairs he met with, either on the open sea, or even in the Grand Signior's harbours, pursuant to a late treaty of peace with the Porte. On the other hand, the captain bashaw, who had been sent out with the Turkish fleet to chase the Florentine and Maltese cruisers out of the Archipelago, understanding that the Algerine squadron was so near, sent express orders to the admiral to come to his assistance. Pinchinin readily agreed; but having first resolved on a descent upon the island of Lissa, or Lisina, belonging to the Venetians, he was overtaken by Capello, from whom he retired to Valona, a sea port belonging to the Grand Signior, whither the Venetian admiral pursued him, but the Turkish governor refusing to eject the pirates according to the articles of the peace between the Ottoman court and Venice, Capello was obliged to content himself with watching them for some time. Pinchinin was soon weary of restraint, and ventured out; when an engagement immediately ensued, [Page] in which the Algerines were defeated, and five of their vessels disabled; with the loss of 1500 men, Turks and Christian slaves; besides 1600 galley-slaves who regained their liberty. Pinchinin, after this defeat, returned to Valona, where he was again watched by Capello; but the latter had not lain long at his old anchorage before he received a letter from the senate, desiring him to make no farther attempt on the pirates at that time, for fear of a rupture with the Porte. This was followed by a letter from the governor of Valona, desiring him to take care lest he incurred the Sultan's displeasure by such insults. The brave Venetian was forced to comply; but resolving to take such a leave of the Algerines as he thought they deserved, observed how they had reared their tents, and drawn their booty and equipage along the shore. He then kept firing among the tents, while some well-manned galliots and brigantines were ordered among their shipping, who attacked them with such bravery, that, without any great loss, they towed out their 16 galleys, with all their cannon, stores &c. In this last engagement, a ball from one of the Venetian gallies, happening to strike a Turkish mosque, the whole action was considered as an insult upon the Grand Signior. To conceal this, Capello was ordered to sink all the Algerine ships he had taken, except the admiral; which was to be conducted to Venice, and laid up as a trophy. Capello came off with a severe reprimand; but the Venetians were obliged to buy, with 500,000 ducats, a peace from the Porte. The Grand Signior offered to repair the loss of the Algerines, by building ten galleys for them, upon condition that they should continue in his service till the end of the ensuing summer; but [...]inchi [...], who knew how little the Algerines chose to [Page] lie under obligations to him, civilly declined the offer.

In the mean time, the news of this defeat and loss filled Algiers with the utmost grief and confusion. The whole city was on the point of a general insurrection, when the bashaw and divan issued a proclamation, forbidding not only complaints and outcries, under the severest penalties; but all persons whatever to take their thumbs from within their girdles, while they were deliberating on this important point. In the mean time, they applied to the Porte for an order that the Venetians settled in the Levant should make up their loss. But with this the Grand Signior refused to comply, and left them to repair their losses, as well as build new ships, in the best manner they could. It was not long, however, before they had the satisfaction to see one of their corsairs land, with a fresh supply of 600 slaves, whom he had brought from the coast of Iceland, whither he had been directed by a miscreant native on board a Danish ship.

Our pirates did not long continue in their weak and defenceless state; being able, at the end of two years, to appear at sea with a fleet of 65 sail. The admiral Pinchinin equipped four galliots at his own expence; with which, in conjunction with the chiayah, or secretary of the bashaw of Tripoli, he made a second excursion. This small squadron, consisting of five galleys and two brigantines, and manned with their most able seaman, fell in with an English ship of 40 guns; which, however, Pinchinin's captains refused to engage; but being afterwards reproached by him for their cowardice, they swore they would attack the next Christian ship that came in their way. This happened to be a Dutch merchantman, of 28 guns and 40 men, deeply [Page] laden, and unable to use her sails by reason of a calm. Pinchinin immediately summoned her to surrender; but receiving an ironical answer, drew up his squadron, by means of oars, in the form of a half-moon, that they might pour their shot all at once into their adversary. But the moment they were preparing to discharge a tremendous broadside into her, a breeze of wind fortunately sprung up, and enabled him to change his position; which threw the Algerine squadron into such confusion that they ran foul of each othe [...] during which Pinchinin ran his own galley alo [...] side of the merchantman, and 70 Algerines boarded him with cutlasses in their hands; some cutting away the rigging, and others plying the hatches with hand-grenadoes; but the Dutchmen, having well secured themselves in their close quarters, began to fire upon the Algerines on board their vessel from two pieces of cannon loaded with small shot, which made such slaughter among them, that they were all either killed or forced to submit. Pinchinin, in the mean time, made several unsuccessful attempts to relieve his men, as well as to surround the Dutchman with his other galleys: but that ship lay so deep in the water, that every shot did terrible execution among the pirates. Every effort to recover from their confusion was vain, and the Dutchman continued to pour into them such vollies of grape-shot and bars of iron, that in less than ten minutes above 200 of them were killed, and a much greater number wounded; among whom was the chiayah himself, who received a wound in the belly, of which he died shortly after. The squadron now retired with the utmost expedition, and returned to Algiers in the most dismal plight.

[Page] But though Pinchinin thus returned in disgrace, the rest of the fleet captured vast numbers of slaves, and an immense quantity of rich spoils; insomuch that the English, French and Dutch, were obliged to cringe to the Algerines, who sometimes vouchsafed to be at peace with them; but swore eternal war against Spain, Portugal, and Italy, whom they looked upon as the greatest enemies to the Mahometan name. At last Lewis XIV. provoked by the grievous outrages committed by the Algerines on the coasts of Provence and Languedoc, ordered, in 1681, a considerable fleet to be fitted out against them, under the Marquis du Quesne, vice-admiral of France. His first expedition was against a number of Tripolitan corsairs; who had the good fortune to outrow him, and shelter themselves in the island of Scio belonging to the Turks. This did not, however, prevent him from pursuing them thither, and making such terrible fire upon them as quickly destroyed 14 of their vessels, besides battering the walls of the castle.

This severity seemed only to be designed as a check to the piracies of the Algerines; but, finding they still continued their outrages on the French coast, he sailed to Algiers in August 1682, connonading and bombarding it so furiously, that the whole town was in flames in a very little time. The great Mosque was battered down, and most of the houses laid in ruins; insomuch that the inhabitants were on the point of abandoning the place; when on a sudden the wind turned about, and obliged Du Quesne to return to Toulon. The Algerines immediately made reprisals, by sending a number of galleys and galliots to the coasts of Provence, where they committed the most dreadful outrages, and brought away a vast number of [Page] captives: upon which a new armament was ordered to be got ready at Toulon and Marseilles, against the next year; and the Algerines, having received timely notice, put themselves into as a good state of defence as the time would allow.

In May 1683, Du Quesne with his squadron cast anchor before Algiers; when being joined by the Marquis d'Affranville, at the head of five stout vessels, it was resolved to bombard the town next day. Accordingly 100 bombs were thrown into it the first day, which did terrible execution; while the besieged made some hundred discharges of their cannon against them, without doing any considerable damage. The following night the bombs were again thrown into the city in such numbers, that the dey's palace and other great edifices were almost destroyed; some of their batteries were dismounted, and several vessels sunk in the port. The dey and Turkish bashaw, as well as the whole soldiery, alarmed at this dreadful havoc immediately sued for peace. As a preliminary, the immediate surrender was insisted on, of all Christian captives who had been taken fighting under the French flag; which being granted, 142 of them were immediately delivered up, with a promise of sending him the remainder as soon as they could be got from the different parts of the country. Accordingly, Du Quesne sent his commissary-general and one of his engineers into the town; but with express orders to insist upon the delivery of all the French captives without exception, together with the effects they had taken from the French; and that Mezomorto their then admiral, and Hali Rais one of their captains, should be given as hostages.

This last demand having embarrassed the dey, he assembled the Divan, and acquainted them with it; [Page] upon which Mezomorto fell, into a violent passion, and told the assembly, that the cowardice of those who sat at the helm, had occasioned the ruin of [...] giers; but that, for his part, he would never consent to deliver up any thing that had been taken from the French.

He immediately acquainted the soldiery with what had passed; which so exasperated them, that they murdered the dey that very night, and on the morrow chose Mezomorto in his place. This was no sooner done, than he cancelled all the articles of peace which had been made, and hostilities were renewed with greater fury than ever.

The French admiral now kept pouring in such vollies of bombs, that in less than three days, the greatest part of the city was reduced to ashes, and the fire burnt with such vehemence, that the sea was enlightened with it for more than six miles round. Mezomorto, unmoved at all these disasters, and the vast number of the slain, whose blood ran in rivulets along the streets; or rather grown furirious and desperate, sought only how to wreak his vengeance on the enemy; and not content with causing all the French in the city to be cruelly murdered, ordered their consul to be tied hand and foot, and fastened alive to the mouth of a mortar, from whence he was shot away against their navy. By this piece of inhumanity Du Ques [...]e was so exasperated, that he did not leave Algiers till he had utterly destroyed all their fortifications, shipping, almost all the lower part, and above two thirds of the upper part of the city; by which means it became little else than a heap of ruins.

The haughty Algerines were now thoroughly convinced that they were not invincible; and, therefore immediately sent an embassy into France, begging [Page] in the most humble terms, for peace; which Lewis immediately granted, to their inexpressible joy. They now began to pay some regard to other nations, and to be a little more cautious how they wantonly incurred their displeasure. The first bombardment by the French had so far humbled the Algerines, that they condescended to enter into a treaty with England; which was renewed, upon terms very advantageous to the latter, in 1686. It is not to be supposed, however, that the natural perfidy of the Algerines would disappear on a sudden: notwithstanding this treaty, therefore, they lost no opportunity of making prizes of the English ships when they could conveniently come at them. Upon some infringement of this kind, captain Beach drove them ashore and burnt seven of their frigates in 1695; which produced a renewal of the treaty five years after: but it was not till the taking of Gibraltar and port Mahon, that Britain could have a sufficient check upon them to enforce the observation of treaties; and these have since proved such restraints upon Algiers, that they still continue to pay a greater deference to the English than to any other European power.

The present century furnishes but few very remarkable events with regard to Algiers. The famous city of Oran was, however, taken from the Spaniards in 1708, which they recovered in 1737. In 1710 the Turkish bashaw was expelled, and his office united to that of the dey. This introduced the form of government which still continues in Algiers.

In 1775 the Spaniards made another descent upon Algiers. They fitted out this year a very formidable fleet consisting of six ships of the line, twelve frigates, nine xebeques, and twenty-four other armed [Page] vessels, commanded by Don Pedro de Castijon; on board of which was embarked a body of 24,447 men, including infantry, cavalry, dragoons, artillery-men, mariners, and 600 deserters to serve as workmen, all under the command of Lieutenant general Conde de O'Reilly, a personal favorite of the late king of Spain. They had likewise [...] service 176 pieces of artillery, mortars, and [...]vitzers, with a suitable quantity of military stores. The Spaniards entertained the most sanguine expectations of success in this expedition, and a grand ceremonial was performed by the principal officers at the church of St. Francisco, in honor of La Purissima Concepcion, patroness of all Spain, imploring her protection, and success to the king's arms, after which O'Reilly delivered a pompous oration.

On the 23d of June the fleet set sail from the port of Carthagena in Spain, and on the 1st of July anchored in the bay of Algiers. They observed a large encampment, placed behind a battery, east of the little river Xarach, which lies to the eastward of the city, and several Moors on horseback about the beach. On the second of July a council of the principal officers was held, and orders were given that the troops should hold themselves in readiness to disembark the next morning at day-break. But as the succeeding night was windy, and a swell had set in from the shore, these orders were countermanded. From this day until the 6th was an interval of inactivity; frequent councils were held, in which violent contests arose, and a quarrel ensued between O'Reilly, and major general Romana, a Spaniard of an impetuous temper, who appearing to thwart the measures of the commander in chief, received from him some severe reproaches.

[Page] On the 6th, all the principal officers were again assembled to receive their ultimate instructions, when the orders of the 2d of July were strongly recommended; which, however, offended the officers in general, by allotting severe punishments for trivial neglects. In these orders the commander in chief enjoined the troops not to break their order; as nothing but united force and discipline could ensure them success against an enemy so active and skilful in desultory war. He particularly warned them of the practice of the Moors, who always feign a most violent attack, and upon the least resistance fly with precipitation, in order to draw their enemy into an ambuscade. But he pointed out to them the very error which they afterwards committed, and the snare into which they were betrayed. On landing, he commanded each brigade to form a column of a company in front, six deep; and the guards of half a company in front: and directed them to gain some heights which were supposed requisite to ensure success against the city. The disposition of the march was ordered to be in four columns, with the light infantry in advance, and on the flanks; each column was to have four field pieces in front, to be increased as exigencies might require: two redoubts were to be formed at the place of disembarkation, and a communication to be kept up between the army, those fortifications, and the fleet. In the afternoon of the 6th, some ships of war were ordered to fire against three batteries to the eastward of Algiers. But they were stationed at so great a distance, through the fear of being raked by the Algerine batteries, that their shot did not reach the shore!—except those of the St. Joseph, of 74 guns, which received some damage [Page] from the enemy. At sun-set this very cautious attack ceased.

On the 7th at day-break, between eight and nine thousand men were put on board of boats for landing. They advanced very near the shore, about a mile to the westward of the river Xarach, under the protection of seven galleys, and two long boats with a twelve pounder each; not a Moor appearing to oppose their landing. At seven o'clock in the morning they returned on board the transports, and not a shot was fired on either side the whole day! Orders were then given for the transport long boats to be manned with Spanish seamen, and to be in readiness at day-break the next morning.

On the 8th at day-break the ships were posted to batter the different forts to the right and left of the place of disembarkation, and 8000 troops were put on board of boats, which formed in six columns; at the head of which were the grenadiers, preceded by the armed xebeques, galliots, &c. that were to cover their landing. The firing from the ships began, and the troops moved on to the place of disembarkation, where they effected their landing on the beach, (about a league to the eastward of the city), between the intervals of firing from the covering vessels; and immediately above 80,000 Moors appeared in sight, two-thirds of which were cavalry, under the bey of Constantina; but they did not attempt to oppose the landing of the Spanish forces. The Turks in the mean time remained to defend the city, and not one of them appeared to dispute the ground. It is said that the whole number of Africans collected on this occasion was not less than 150,000, of which 100,000 were cavalry. As soon as the 8000 Spaniards had made good their landing, they formed six deep, according to orders; [Page] the armed vessels divided to the right and left, to cover their flanks; and the boats returned to bring the rest of the army on shore with all expedition. The troops of the first disembarkation had scarcely formed, when a detachment of the enemy appeared in their front; but upon observing a movement of the Spaniards towards them, they fled in disorder. The troops then marched forward, by the beat of drum, with the volunteers of Arragon and Catolonia in front, until they were engaged in a close country, which the enemy had occupied in small parties; but posted so advantageously in ditches and fortresses, that they made great havoc among the Spaniards, without receiving any injury in return. The Spanish grenadiers, and light infantry, which had been detached in advance, were repulsed. At this juncture they were reinforced by the troops of the second disembarkation, and some heavy cannon coming up which protected their march, they again advanced towards some inclosures, where they directed a heavy fire; but without being able to dislodge the enemy. Great numbers of the Spaniards fell without gaining the least advantage; in consequence of which their whole body fell into confusion. The zeal and intrepidity of the officers was insufficient to contain the men; some advanced, and others retired, in an indiscriminate manner, just as they judged it expedient, without any regard to the command of their officers. While they were in this critical situation, a drove of camels appeared, extending on their left, conducted by some Moors, with a design of drawing the fire of the enemy upon them. Great was the slaughter of the Spaniards, and in this extremity a cry was spread that they were cut off by the Moorish horse. The utmost [Page] confusion succeeded, and the whole body fled with the greatest precipitation, leaving on the field of battle an immense number of wounded, whom they were obliged to abandon to the mercy of their enemies. By this time the workmen and troops of the third disembarkation were forming entrenchments, which they had already fortified with three eight pounders; which did great execution; at the same time the Tuscan commanders drew their frigates close into shore, and kept up such a well-directed fire, that the Spaniards were enabled to make good their retreat into their entrenchments, which were, however, scarcely large enough to contain their army. In this crowded situation they were much annoyed by a thirty-six pounder which the enemy brought out of one of their batteries, and an elevated fire from the fort of Xarach contributed much to the mischief. The Moors attacked them in their trenches, but they were repulsed with great slaughter, and in this situation the Spaniards remained till dark, when they began their re-imbarkation in great tumult and confusion; but what discovered the ignorance of the Moors, was their neglecting so favourable an opportunity of obtaining the completest of victories.

The loss sustained by the Spaniards on this occasion, amounted to 27 officers killed, and 191 wounded; 501 men killed, and 2,088 wounded. The Marquis of Romana was killed at the head of his brigade in the commencement of the action. The loss of the Moors it is said, was between five and six thousand killed, and as many wounded; but this seems improbable* The government of Algiers [Page] had offered a premium of ten sequins for every Spaniard's head, and consequently the wounded Spaniards, who were left on the field of battle, were all murdered. The unfortunate invaders left behind them on their retreat, 15 pieces of cannon, three howitzers, and a great number of small arms and ammunition.

On the 12th of July, the troops, and the greatest part of the fleet set sail on their return to Spain, and thus terminated this Quixotic expedition; of which a Spanish serjeant, in giving an account to his wife, ludicrously says, Nos mandaron a tierra, como si ibemos a beber cafè con los Moros; "we were commanded a-shore as if we were to drink coffee with the Moors."

When the melancholy intelligence was announced of the failure of this expedition, from which the Spanish nation had formed such sanguine expectations of success, the national feelings were indiscribable. O'Reilly was in consequence so cordially detested, that mobs assembled upon the road to Alicant with an intent to wreak their vengeance upon him. They stopped many carriages, and that O'Reilly (who was lame) might not be concealed, they made the people get out and walk before them. Had the liberty of the press prevailed the world would have known the sentiments of the Spanish nation upon this occasion. The king was threatened if his favorite should ever appear at court again, [Page] and to appease the turbulence of the people he was soon after removed from the governorship of Madrid.

Since the failure of this expedition the Spaniards have attempted nothing decisive against Algiers. In the years 1783 and 1784, indeed, they renewed their attacks by sea to destroy the city and galleys; but after spending a great quantity of ammunition, bombs, &c. they were obliged to retire without either its capture or extinction.

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CHAP. IV.

The Algerines begin their depredations upon the American commerce. Captain Stephens and O'Brien taken. A truce with Portugal. Eleven sail of American vessels captured, and their crews made slaves. Their treatment and sufferings. Col. Humphreys and Mr. Donaldson sent to treat with the Algerines. Mr. Barlow dispatched to the Barbary States. Mr. Donaldson concludes a treaty with Algiers. Captain O'Brien sent with 225,000 dollars to the dey. Captured by a Tripolitan corsair. Released and arrives at Algiers. Treats with Tripoli. The Tunisian territory invaded. The American prisoners released. Desperate engagement between an Algerine corsair and two Neopolitan frigates. Various occurrences. Report of the Secretary of State.

AFTER the establishment of the American independence, when the United States had relinquished their maritime dependence upon the English nation, it followed as a natural consequence, that the American commerce must fall a sacrifice to the ravages of the Algerine corsairs; and no doubt it was through the intrigues of the British cabinet, who were chagrined at our recent emancipation, that their hostile disposition was so quickly manifested. Various circumstances concurred to render them eligible objects of piratical rapacity. America was situated at the distance of more than three thousand miles from the theatre of their piracies, and as she supported no maritime force they were enabled to [Page] continue their depredations with impunity. Her extensive commerce with Europe presented a splendid allurement to the pirates, who were well aware that the prevention of their aggressions would require a naval armament greatly superior to the substantial benefits that could be derived from an attempt to reduce them to submission. It is, however, by no means problematical, that the naval force of the United States, with judicious commanders, would prove fully competent to reduce their fleet, if not to effect the destruction of their city. According to the most authentic accounts, their navy is at present extremely inconsiderable, and many of the American captives concur in the assertion, that the fleet of this regency only amounted in 1796 to five frigates, two xebecks, and one half galley! a force by no means to be put in competition with that which could be raised by the United States. But to bring all their ships of war to a regular engagement at once, would be totally impracticable; for whenever an hostile armament scours the Mediterranean they immediately fly for refuge to the guns of their fortifications.

When we reflect upon the peculiar encouragement they had to commit depredations on our commerce, it becomes rather a matter of wonder that we suffered so little, than that we suffered so much. For this security we were greatly indebted to the wars which existed between the Algerines, the Portuguese and the Dutch, at the time they commenced their ravages upon our trade; either of which powers are greatly superior to the corsairs in maritime strength, and they so narrowly watched the entrance of the Mediterranean for the protection of their own commerce, that the pirates were seldom able to cruise out into the Atlantic. Those [Page] American vessels that sometimes ventured into the streights were generally safe; for they derived their security either from forged or purchased Mediterranean passports.

Notwithstanding the vigilance with which the Portuguese guarded the streights, the Algerines sometimes stole out into the Atlantic, and in one of these excursions, which happened while the Portuguese fleet were ordered upon some secret expedition, the schooner Maria, captain Stephens, belonging to Mr. Foster of Boston, was captured by a corsair off Cape St. Vincents, on the 25th of July 1785; and five days afterwards, the ship Dolphin, captain O'Brien, belonging to Messrs. Irvines of Philadelphia, was taken by another about 50 leagues to the westward of Lisbon. These vessels, with their cargoes and crews, about 21 in number, were carried into Algiers, where they were made slaves.

Towards the latter end of the year 1793, a truce was made between the court of Lisbon and the regency of Algiers, for the period of twelve months, and in consequence, nine sail of Algerine cruisers passed out through the Streights of Gibraltar into the Atlantic ocean. Their cruising station was between Cape St. Vincents and the western islands, where they continued to cruise the greatest part of the winter, contrary to their former custom of retiring from the ocean in November. In consequence of this truce, the courts of Lisbon and Madrid granted convoys to American vessels homeward bound, to a certain latitude where they were free from thè corsairs.

On the 18th of October 1793, about five leagues from Gibraltar, captain John M'Shane of the Minerva, was boarded by a xebeck of 20 guns, belonging [Page] to Algiers, who after coming within musket-shot, kept a constant firing with small-arms until the yards of the American vessel were manned from those of the cruiser. The firing then ceased; they came down sword in hand and made the American crew prisoners; stripped them of their clothes, and put them on board the xebeck, which carried them to Algiers, where they arrived the 30th of October. As soon as they had arrived they were taken before the dey, and after examination, were ordered to the Bagnio, where the slaves are kept locked up at night. The next day they were bound with iron chains, each about 40 pounds weight, which reached from their legs to their hips, and sent to the marine, where they were kept at hard labour from day-light till dark.

On the 23d of October, captain William Penrose, of the ship President of Philadelphia, discovered, about 9 o'clock in the morning, a sail to the windward bearing down upon him, which the ship's company at first imagined to be a Spanish privateer. But they were soon fatally deceived; for she proved to be an Algerine corsair. As soon as she discovered the American flag she hoisted out her boat immediately, and 30 men armed with pistols and drawn cutlasses furiously boarded his vessel. The first salutation the captain received was a violent stroke with a cutlass; after which they compelled the whole ship's company to jump over the rail of the vessel into their boat, without suffering any one to go below for their clothes, and other necessary articles. The crew were then carried on board the cruiser, where they were stripped naked, and a few old rags were given them in return, neither sufficient to conceal their nakedness, nor protect them from the cold.

[Page] In this situation they were obliged to lie on deck, where they suffered great hardships from the inclemency of the season. Captain Penrose tells us he was forced to lie on the poop, where he was almost perished by a bitter north-east wind; till at length an old man, more humane than the rest, furnished him with a blanket. The provisions given them to eat, were black bread and water, and sometimes a few rotten olives, which they regarded as a great dainty.

In this forlorn situation they continued eight days, and on the 30th of October they arrived at Algiers. Here they were subjected to a new series of misery. They thought themselves cruelly treated on board the cruiser; but their treatment there was pleasure when contrasted with the miseries they afterwards experienced. They were scarcely on shore when they were loaded with irons, and immediately put to hard labour like so many criminals.

The number of American prisoners now amounted to about 130, among whom were captains Stephens and O'Brien, whose crews had been reduced to ten by the plague, and the severity of their treatment for upwards of eight years. The small pittance they had received from the United States had been withheld about three months before; and their only subsistence was a little black bread and water, and sometimes nothing.

In their October expedition they captured ten sail of American vessels, nine of which safely entered the harbour of Algiers on the 30th of October where the vessels anchored, amidst the shouts of the people*.

[Page] The Algerine corsairs, greatly animated with the success of this expedition, immediately set sail to resume their former station; while others were equipping in the harbour with the utmost speed. But fortunately the miscreants only captured one American vessel, about a month afterwards, belonging to captain Joseph Ingraham; for the Americans were extremely cautious how they came within the sphere of their rapacity; and, after these captures, they never fell in with any American vessels, but those that were protected by convoys.

After these events, the American prisoners were subjected to a series of misery which humanity blushes to record. As soon as they landed in Algiers, they were immediately ordered to the dey's palace, where they were drawn up in files, in a back court, and underwent a strick examination. The dey, attended by his cook, passed and repassed in front of them, and was extremely pleased with their appearance. He selected from their number all the boys and younger men, whom he employed in his palace at different occupations, generally of a servile nature; some were ordered to sweep the apartments, some to wash clothes, and others to wait upon the dey and take care of his wardrobe. The rest of the prisoners were then dismissed, and as they withdrew from the royal presence, the dey said to them, in the tone of savage triumph, "Go now you dogs and eat stones." They were then escorted to the Bagnio Baleck, [Page] where they were lodged in different apartments among the old slaves, and each prisoner furnished with a couple of coarse blankets for his bedding. In this dismal region of misery and oppression, amidst the clanking of chains and the cries of suffering humanity, they were left to brood over their misfortunes at leisure. The gloomy prospect that presented itself [...] [...]he heart with the most poignant emotions of [...]guish and despair.

About midnight they were roused from their meditations by the cry of Sursa, Sursa, rise up all hands. The Lisbero, or guardian of the Bagnio, then entered their apartments, and loaded each prisoner with chains of thirty or forty pounds weight. The next morning about day-break they were ordered to the marine, where, after their names were called over, they were employed in discharging the cargoes of their own vessels, which consisted of wheat, flour, wine, sugar, and other articles. Their general employment in the marine was the rigging and fitting out of cruisers, and whenever any foreign vessel lay in the harbour they were obliged to wear this enormous weight of chains, lest they should make their escape; but at other times they were freed from their load, except those who were turbulent, or by any particular misconduct had forfeited this privilege of the slaves.

The hour of four in the afternoon is called lazar, at which time a white flag is hoisted upon the tops of all the mosques in the city, as a signal for the inhabitants to quit their labour, and repair to public worship. At this hour the labour of the prisoners ceased, and they were permitted to go on shore, except when any business of importance occurred, [Page] and when that was the case they were generally confined till dark.

As soon as they were ordered on shore they were provided with instruments to carry stones from the mole to a grand mosque, which the dey was building in the city adjoining his seraglio. These instruments were formed of cross pieces of timber, called burrils, to which the ston [...], timber, cannon or whatever else was necessary to be carried, were suspended beneath by ropes, and borne upon the shoulders of four men, who were appointed to carry each burril. A particular load was always assigned them, and the weak and the strong were indiscriminately compelled to carry these burdens, without any attention being paid to the comparative bodily strength of the labourer. To persons of robust constitutions these loaded burrils were tolerable, but to those of weak habits of body they were entirely insupportable; and hence it happened, that many persons, by being overstrained, were either blinded, or extremely injured in their constitutions.

When the procession of loaded burrils was ready to move, the warden bashaw, who stood at the port of the marine, waved his wand as a signal for the slaves to advance to the port, where they were examined by the wardens of the marine, for the purpose of discovering whether they had stolen any particular articles from the vessels. After this examination they were permitted to pass with their loads, which they deposited at the new mosque, and then retired with their instruments to their respective lodgings; some to the Bagnio Baleck, and others to the Bagnio Gallaro, where their names were called over by the clerks, and each slave as he passed received a loaf of black bread for his supper.

For some time they were obliged to sleep upon [Page] the ground; but they soon constructed for themselves a kind of wooden frames, which were swung like hammocks one above another, and upon these they threw their clothes and blankets when they were about to retire to rest: but to add to their miseries, their sleep was incessantly disturbed by infinite numbers of vermin with which these Bagnios swarmed. In the morning they again repaired with their burrils to the marine, where their names were called over; and in this manner were they constantly employed whenever the equipment of the Algerine corsairs was necessary.

Many of the slaves, however, were distributed in different parts; some were sent into the country, and whenever the sea was calm, and no particular emergency required their labour in the marine, great numbers of others were employed in removing stones from a mountain called Babloet, or rather Bublywhite, about a league from the city, in order to defend the mole from the impetuosity of the waves. These stones were blown by slaves from the immense rocks which lie deposited in the mountain, and some of them were twelve or fifteen feet in diameter. In order to convey them more conveniently to the water, the slaves were engaged for more than a year, in forming a passage through a large hill, which they removed and carried into the sea, where they formed a large mole or wharf to protect their pantoons, or carrying boats, from the violence of the waves. In forming this passage they dug through a Moorish burial ground, from whence they removed immense numbers of human bones. These repositories of the dead are always regarded as sacred by the Moors, and the whole neighbourhood, and particularly the women, were, in consequence, thrown into the greatest consternation. [Page] They resorted to this scene of sacrilege, and indulged the most immoderate grief over this devastation among the relics of their friends. But such were the orders of the dey, and they were obliged to submit patiently to his will.

After this passage was formed, these immense fragments of rocks were dragged by slaves, with great labour and difficulty, from the mountain, and placed upon strong carriages about two feet high; upon which they were conveyed to the wharf, by upwards of two hundred slaves to each carriage, where they were thrown into pantoons; from thence they were transported by water, and discharged at the mole before the city.

But when the sea was tempestuous and the pantoons could not be navigated, the slaves were then employed in carrying smaller stones by land. After having suspended a load to their burrils, of such a weight as some were scarcely able to stagger under, they proceeded in gangs of different numbers, attended by a crew of savage drivers, who goaded them forward whenever they halted or happened to faulter under the pressure of their burdens. The extremity of their sufferings in this laborious employment is better conceived than expressed. The most barbarous punishments were wantonly inflicted, and the violence of a scorching sun, which poured its fervid rays upon them, seemed to complete the measure of human wretchedness. With this enormous weight of stones they moved forward, attended by wardens who preceded them in order to clear the streets of the city through which they passed, where every person was obliged to give way at their approach. After having discharged their loads at the mole they returned, and in this manner were they employed during the [Page] summer season, when no particular emergencies demanded their labour in the marine. This mole, in consequence of the encroachments of the sea during the winter, requires an eternal supply of stones, and in this manner is this Sisyphaean labour conducted by a herd of wretches who are often doomed to this abject servitude for life. The dey commonly rides out to his country-seat about twice a week, where his favorite wife resides in the summer season, and in passing and repassing he would sometimes condescend to distribute some trifling presents among the slaves.

The overseers in their treatment towards the slaves seemed actuated by a principle of the most savage cruelty, and inflicted the most rigorous punishments through mere caprice and wantonness, in order to feast their malignant souls with the agonies of the trembling wretch who stood ready to expire beneath their h [...]nds. Among this troop of furies, a certain cheriff, a name given to all those who are born on Friday, most eminently distinguished himself. The inordinate ferocity of this barbarian had proved the death of many of slave, and the miscreant was most cordially detested wherever he came. One day as he was pursuing a Genoese slave through the upper apartments of one of the magazines on the sea-side, he fell, by some accident, from a considerable eminence upon a heap of stones, where he met with so hard a reception that he instantly expired. This accident produced the most extravagant joy among the slaves, which was only marred with the apprehension that the savage would recover: but they soon had the satisfaction of seeing him safely lodged in the earth.

It would perhaps be improper to descend to particulars here, and we must therefore refer the reader [Page] for particular anecdotes, occurrences, and other articles which regard our countrymen, to our observations upon the slaves.

In the mean time, the sufferings of our fellow citizens in Algiers were the universal subject of sympathy and regret; and measures were soon adopted to effect their deliverance from this region of unparalleled misery. Colonel Humphreys, who had been appointed American consul for Algiers, left America in April 1795, in company with Joseph Donaldson, Esq. of Philadelphia, who had been appointed consul for Tunis and Tripoli, and whom Colonel Humphreys was authorised to employ in the negociation of a treaty of peace and amity with Algiers, while he proceeded to France for the purpose of obtaining the co-operation of that government in this negociation.

They arrived at Gibraltar the 17th of May, where Col. Humphreys concluded that it would be expedient for Mr. Donaldson to go first to Alicant, to the northward of Carthagena in Spain, rather than to Algiers, there to reside for some time, in order that he might be near the scene of negociation, and take advantage of any favorable occurrences that might happen. Mr. Donaldson received his instructions accordingly, and immediately set out for that place; and in the mean time Col. Humphreys, having also given instructions to Mr. Simpson, the American consul at Gibraltar, to renew a peace with the emperor of Morocco, sailed from Gibraltar the 24th of May, and on the 26th of June following arrived at Havre de-Grace in France; from whence he immediately set out for Paris, where he soon after communicated the object of his mission to Col. Monroe, the American [Page] minister, and to the Committee of Public Safety of that Republic.

On the 1st of July Col. Humphreys receive [...] a verbal notification that the French Republic was disposed to exert its influence in forwarding the negociation in question; and on the 28th he received the favorable intelligence, that immediate measures should be adopted for giving particular instructions to the agents of the Republic to use its influence in the promotion of the treaty in contemplation. The multiplicity of national concerns with which the officers of the French government were then occupied, and the time requisite for obtaining from London ( where funds had been deposited) the sums of money intended as peace presents, retarded the conclusion of arrangements at Paris till some time in September.

In the mean time it had been deemed expedient by Cols. Monroe and Humphreys, that Joel Barlow, Esq. should be consulted, and if his assent could be obtained that he should be employed in negociating with the Barbary States: to which Mr. Barlow consented. By the 11th of September all the papers on the part of Col. Humphreys relative to Mr. Barlow's mission were in readiness, and as soon as the peace presents were prepared for him, he set out, with instructions and powers from the Republic of France to its agents in Barbary, to execute the business that had been entrusted to him.

On the 12th of September Col. Humphreys left Paris, and arrived at Havre-de-Grace the 14th; where he found the captain and mate of the United States brig Sophia both sick with fevers. While he was waiting here with great impatience for their recovery, he received information from the American consul at Marseilles, that Mr. Donaldson had [Page] concluded a treaty of peace with the dey of Algiers. He judged it expedient, notwithstanding, that Mr. Barlow should proceed with the presents, and if they were not wanted at Algiers they would be necessary in the negociation with Tunis and Tripoli.

Col. Humphreys sailed from Havre-de-Grace about the 5th of October, and after a stormy passage of more than forty days, arrived at Lisbon the 17th of November, where he found captain O'Brien, who had arrived about the 1st of October, with the treaty with Algiers. Mr. Donaldson arrived at Algiers on the 3d of September; the treaty was concluded on the 5th, and the peace presents immediately given by a loan. As Mr. Donaldson knew that funds had been lodged in London to fulfil the stipulations of the treaty, he engaged to make the payments in three or four months.

Col. Humphreys had received advice, under date of the 30th of July, from the Messrs. Barings in London, to whom the funds had been remitted, that having made considerable progress in the [...]ales of the United States stock, they should have at his disposal the whole of the value of 800,000 dollars, meaning to furnish, by anticipation, the value of that part which remained unsold, if the service of the United States required it. Col. Humphreys, calculating upon the certainty of payment after this period, sent captain O'Brien from Lisbon to London in the brig Sophia to receive the money. But owing to contrary winds he did not leave Lisbon till the 24th of December.

In consequence of the disappointments in the pecuniary arrangements the treaty was in the most imminent danger of being ultimately frustrated; the dey became impatient, and threatened to abandon [Page] it; and it was with the utmost difficulty that it was prevented. Mr. Barlow did not arrive at Alicant until February 1796, where he pr [...]osed to wait the arrival of the funds; but shortly after receiving intelligence from Algiers that the American negociation was in a most critical situation, he determined to go thither immediately with the hopes of soothing the dey. He arrived there the 5th of March. The time for the payment of the stipulated sums had before been prolonged to the 8th of April. On the 3d of that month the dey declared that his final determination was, that Mr. Barlow and Mr. Donaldson should leave Algiers in eight days; and if the money was not paid in 30 days after, the treaty should be at end, and his corsairs be permitted to bring in American vessels. Under these imperious circumstances, and as the last hope of saving the treaty, they were induced to offer the dey the present of a frigate; which fortunately succeeded. But Col. Humphreys conceiving himself not authorised to confirm this promise, dispatched captain O'Brien in the brig Sophia to America, for the purpose of referring the matter to the executive of the United States, and obtaining his concurrence. There was evidently no alternative, and therefore the executive was under the absolute necessity of confirming the promise. This frigate* was built in Portsmouth, New-Hampshire, and in conformity to promise is shortly to be sent to the dey.

[Page] While the business was in this precarious situation, owing principally to the convulsions in Europe, Mr. Donaldson set out for Leghorn, where he procured a loan of 400,000 dollars of the Messrs. Fonnereau, and as that port was blockaded by the British fleet, Mr. Donaldson obtained permission from the court of Great Britain that the money might be exported from thence without being subject to capture, and it was soon after sent in a Venetian vessel to Algiers.

Captain O'Brien after he had received the determination of the executive, set sail from Philadelphia in June 1796, and arrived in Lisbon sometime in July. In the mean time Col. Humphreys had advantageously negociated bills on London for 225,000 dollars, which he had received, and this sum was embarked on board the brig Sophia, consigned to the care of captain O'Brien. This money was insured at a small premium against the dangers of the seas; but against all risks so high a premium was demanded that Col. Humphreys judged it inexpedient to give it, seeing the Sophia was a vessel of the United States having a special passport from the President, as well as one in the Turkish language under the seal of the dey of Algiers.

On the 4th of August capt. O'Brien set sail for Algiers, and on the 18th he was captured off that city by a Tripolitan corsair, who carried his vessel, money and crew in triumph to Tripoli, (which lies on the Mediterranean, about 130 miles to the south-eastward of Algiers), accompanied by the ship Betsy of Boston, whose crew were made slaves. This immense sum in specie, more perhaps than they had ever captured at once before, was landed amidst the firing of cannon, the display of colours, and the shouts of the populace. The extravagance of their [Page] joy, however, was soon abated when capt. O'Brien exhibited to them the passport of the dey of Algiers; he demonstrated to them that he was still the slave of the dey, and though the money had been delivered to him by the United States, yet it was the the same in effect as if it had been delivered to the dey himself. After an examination of two days the vessel was liberated, and capt. O'Brien immediately set sail for Algiers, where he arrived the first of October, and delivered the money to the American consul residing there; who had previously procured the loan of the necessary sums from the Messrs. Buckras, a Jewish company in Algiers, who had received satisfactory information of the certainty of repayment. With this timely loan Mr. Barlow fulfilled his stipulations with the dey, who was so highly pleased with the present, and in consequence reposed such confidence in the United States, that he offered Mr. Barlow upon their account the loan of such sums as would enable him to negociate a treaty of peace with the Tunisian and Tripolitan powers, which he judged proper to accept.

By the judicious arrangements of Mr. Barlow with the dey, capt. O'Brien was appointed commissioner on behalf of the United States to negociate a treaty with the regencies of Tunis and Tripoli. He set sail upon this business the 10th of October, and arrived at Tunis on the 16th, where he had an interview with the bey, to whom he presented a letter from the dey of Algiers, enclosing a command that he should make peace with the American commissioner upon the terms therein prescribed. But the bey totally rejected the terms, and demanded the payment of a sum equal to thrice that amount. After many audiences and conferences, capt. O'Brien, finding that the bey would neither [Page] accept of a less sum, nor accede to the terms of the dey, transmitted the Tunisian demand to Mr. Barlow in Algiers, which he communicated to the dey, who was much exasperated in consequence, and would not suffer him to acquiesce in so exorbitant a demand.

In this situation capt. O'Brien left the Tunisian business, and proceeded to Tripoli, where, after much difficulty, he concluded a peace with that power upon the 4th of November, and procured the release of the American prisoners who were captured in the ship Betsey. He left captain Joseph Ingraham, the American charge des affaires, in that place, and sailed from thence the 27th of November, bringing away the remaining part of the crew of the ship Betsey. On the 7th of December, in his return to Algiers, he again touched at Tunis, where he received orders from Mr. Barlow and the dey, by whom he had been invested with discretionary powers to conduct the negociation, to demand a definitive answer from the bey of Tunis, whether he would negociate a treaty of peace with the United States upon the terms prescribed by the dey? but he found that the bey still persisted in the exorbitancy of his demands; and after many conferences and fruitless efforts he sailed from Tunis, and arrived in Algiers the 3d of January 1797, where he communicated to Mr. Barlow and the dey the unsuccessful result of his mission. The dey was violently enraged at the insult offered to his dignity by this rejection of his intercession in the affairs of the United States, and actuated by some former animosities that still subsisted between them, he issued immediate orders to his eastern camp of 60,000 men to enter the Tunisian territory. This army was soon set in motion to enforce [Page] a compliance on the part of the bey. In their rout through the Tunisian dominions they cut off some hundreds of heads and ears, and after committing great ravages upon the inhabitants, they returned to the territory of Algiers. This harsh expedient was adopted in order to ascertain the political disposition of the government of Tunis, and to decide whether they would submit to the controul of the dey; for the powers relative to the American pacification, the dey expressly declared, were under his immediate guarantee. Capt. O'Brien, by the dey's orders, left Algiers the 14th of February, and arrived in Philadelphia the 1st of April 1797.

The truce which Mr. Barlow concluded with the Tunisian regency, on the 15th of June 1796, for six months, expired on the 15th of December following. This truce had been obtained without any presents, by Mr. Famin the French agent at Tunis, who had been recommended to Mr. Barlow by the French consul Herculais. Since its expiration the American vessels have been subject to capture by the Tunisian corsairs, and captain O'Brien, in his publication of April 5th, 1797, says, "I now tell you candidly, that no American vessel should enter the Mediterranean until our peace with all the Barbary States is fully established, and published by the authority of the United States." But with regard to the Tunisian negociation, little apprehension is entertained, and it is highly probable that Mr. Barlow, through the powerful intercession of the dey, has already concluded a treaty with that government.

At the conclusion of the Algerine treaty, an universal joy diffused itself among the American prisoners, and they triumphed in the delightful anticipation of visiting their native shores again. [Page] They had long been the victims of the most complicated calamities, and become familiar with the gloomy prospect of death. They were haunted with the dismal apprehensions of a servitude for life, and hope, the pleasing illusion that gilds the dark regions of adversity, seemed fled for ever. To add to the catalogue of their miseries, the plague commenced its awful visitation; many of their companions fell a sacrifice to this dreadful contagion, while others invoked the friendly hand of death to terminate their sufferings and despair. When intelligence of the treaty was announced, the captives indulged the animated expectation of an immediate deliverance, and the sudden transition from such a dark state of despondence, inspired them with the most ineffable joy. But the fatal delays occasioned in the remittances of the necessary sums endangered the existence of the treaty, and overclouded the pleasing prospect. In consequence of these unfortunate delays, which were principally owing to the convulsions in Europe, the captives were still consined at hard labour, and the period of their misery was unfortunately protracted from the 5th of September 1795, the time when the treaty was formed, till the 9th of July following, when the stipulated payments were made. Mr. Barlow then paid them a visit while they were at labour, and when he announced the pleasing intelligence to them, it was so unexpected that [...] of them would believe him; but their incredulity deserted them when orders were presented for their immediate appearance before the dey; they bade an eternal adieu to the huge stones of Bublywhite, and immediately repaired to the palace with every demonstration of the most extravagant joy; where they were arraigned in the dey's presence, who sat in [Page] state, attended by the cassan aga, or prime minister, the aga and other officers of government. After a short pause, the head clerk presented each captive with a Tiscoree, or passport, and informed them they were at liberty to make immediate preparations for their return home. Forty-eight Neapolitans were liberated at the same time; one of whom, in a transport of joy, prostrated himself before the dey and kissed his hands and feet; but the Americans, who were not quite so servile, repaired with all expedition to the port of the marine, and embarked on board the ship La Fortune, which had been chartered for them by the Messrs. Buckras, for the purpose of conveying them to Marseilles.

The original number of the Americans was now reduced to 85. Many of them died with the plague, a few with the small pox, and others with the severity of the labour which had been imposed upon them. Captain Wallace of Richmond met with an untimely death as he was leaning against the bannisters of an ancient building, which gave way, and he fell from a considerable height into the street, where he instantly expired. The plague raged with such violence when the captives left Algiers that five of them died within a few weeks previous to their departure; another who was attacked by that fatal malady was left behind, and many others had their constitutions much injured by the disorder. One of them was in a state of total blindness, and another was rendered nearly so. Three of them carried the marks of unmerciful treatment, in ruptures produced by hard labour; several of them were rendered incapable of gaining their living, and consequently are objects of the benevolence of their countrymen.

Mr. Barlow was fully sensible of the necessity of [Page] their immediate removal from this most wretched of all conceivable abodes, and was justly apprehensive that they could not be embarked without some danger of the infection. After his arrival he was most sedulously employed in effecting their deliverance, and by his benevolence, which was ever extended to the captives, their condition was rendered more tolerable, till the final obtainment of their liberty. To this worthy character, whose heart vibrated with their finer feelings of philanthropy, while his life was in imminent danger, the most ardent tribute of gratitude is due, and the captives speak in terms of the warmest affection for his uniform exertions in rescuing them from this region of horror.

After preparing the necessary articles for their voyage, the Americans set sail, with the 48 Neapolitans, in the ship La Fortune, under the command of capt. Calder, and soon bade an eternal adieu to the land of bondage.

While these things were transacting, the Algerines were prosecuting their piracies against various maritime powers in Europe. An attempt at negociation between the "invincible militia" and Portugal was instituted in November 1793, and a Portuguese frigate was dispatched to Algiers upon this business. The terms prescribed by the dey were, 1,200,000 Mexican dollars for the treasury; 600,000 dollars for the voice of the dey, and the great officers of the regency, ambassadorial and consular presents, equal to what Spain gave; and the payment of 150,000 dollars for the redemption of 75 Portuguese captains. With these propositions the Portuguese frigate set sail from Algiers the 7th of November, and arrived at Lisbon soon after. But upon further consideration the dey was not satisfied [Page] with this sum, and the next day he desired capt. Logie, an English agent, to write to Portugal that he demanded 600,000 dollars for his family and friends, in addition to what he had previously expressed.* These terms were of course never complied with, and the Portuguese and Algerines still continue in a state of warfare.

The Dutch truce expired on the 10th of December 1793. But a peace was concluded in April following, and all the Dutch prisoners were liberated. The principal powers with which the Algerines are now at war, are the Portuguese and the Pope. They declared war against the republic of Venice on the 26th of October 1796, the issue of which we have not heard. But with France, Spain, England and America they now are at peace.

About the beginning of 1796, the affairs of the Danes assumed a very disasterous complexion. One of the Neapolitan cruisers had taken a Danish vessel freighted with 300 Turks, who were bound from the Levant to Algiers. These Turks were carried to Naples, where they were made slaves; which so exasperated the dey, that he issued immediate orders for the capture of Danish vessels, and thirteen sail were shortly after brought into Algiers, where they were obliged to lie for four months, till the Danish government had negociated the ransom o [...] the 300 Turks: after which the Danes were liberated; [Page] but their cargoes, which consisted chiefly of perishable articles, were mostly destroyed.

About the beginning of 1795, upwards of 200 Corsicans were captured as they were seeking for coral off the Barbary coasts. While they were busily employed in a number of fishing boats, under convoy of an English brig*, two French frigates hove in sight, and soon after a smart engagement took place between the French, and the English brig; but she was soon captured, and the Corsican boats fled for refuge to the Barbary shore near Constantina, where they were all kidnapped by the Moors, and taken to Algiers, where they were made slaves. After they had amused themselves among the rocks of Bublywhite for about a year, Mr. North was sent as British agent to negociate their ransom, and he procured their liberty upon the payment of about 120,000 dollars, besides the promise of an armed vessel.

Some time in September 1796, the English sent in a French xebeck of inconsiderable value, lately made a prize, which displeased the dey so much that he ordered her immediately out of the port. The commanders of two English frigates which then lay off the harbour, highly resenting this piece of conduct, hauled their vessels close in under the castle on the mole, and prepared to pour a broad side into the city. When the dey observed these preparations, he was thrown into the most violent consternation; the slaves were immediately ordered to clear away the lumber in the castle, and to get the guns in readiness for defence. At the same time the fleet of Admiral Jervis, consisting of 25 sail of the line [Page] was cruising off the harbour, and from this force, the dey expected nothing less than the total destruction of Algiers. At this critical juncture he made application to Mr. Barlow to use his influence with the British commanders, to dissu [...]de them from their designs, and after distributing some presents to a considerable amount among the officers of the frigates, they hauled off to a distance, and did not put their design in execution.

In the beginning of June 17 [...]5, a most bloody and obstinate battle was fought near Corsica, between an Algerine rover of 34 guns and two Neapolitan frigates of 20 guns each, in conjunction with one of the Pope's garda costas, of 10 guns and a number of swivels. The action lasted from ten o'clock in the morning till four in the afternoon without intermission, and the combatants were for the greatest part of the time within pistol shot of each other. The corsair fought under the bloody flag, and rode the greatest part of the time between an incessant and well directed fire, which cut away almost all her rigging, and made terrible havoc among her c [...]ew; yet the russians fought with the utmost fury and desperation, and attempted several times to board their enemies; but were repulsed with great loss. In the heat of the engagement all the officers were killed, and the captain had both his legs carried away by a chain shot, as he was firing a blunderbuss; yet the barbarian still refused to be taken from the deck, and died while he was giving the word of command. This loss did not in the least intimidate the furious crew, who swore they would not submit while a single man existed. The Christians displayed equal fury during the whole conflict, and were to a man determined either to conquer or die. Unfortunately one of the frigates [Page] which made the greatest impression upon the corsair, blew up with a tremendous explosion, and most of the crew perished.

In a short time another disaster occurred. The Pope's cruiser, after a gallant resistance, was sunk by the enemy's shot. The crew of the remaining frigate were then obliged to tow her away; while the corsair lay like a log upon the water, with her fore and main-masts carried away by the board, and her hull so much shattered that the sunk shortly after the action.

On the 13th of July following the American prisoners set sail from Algiers, and on the 19th they arrived off Marseilles, where they were obliged to ride quarantine for 80 days; after which they were permitted to go on shore at that city, where Stephen Catalon, jun. the American consu [...], provided a Swedish bark for their transportation to America, and procured each of them a suit of clothes, besides an allowance of 35 cents a day for their subsidence. Fourteen of their number entered on board of an American ship at Marseilles, to go on a trading voyage up the Mediterranean, and a few were detained by sickness. Capt. Penrose, who came with them from Algiers, went to Alicant at the request of Mr. Montgomery, the American consul who resided there, to take charge of a vessel intended to ply between that place and Philadelphia; but she not being ready, captain Penrose returned from thence in another vessel, and landed at Boston.

The remainder of the captives, after a residence of 20 days at Marseilles, set sail for the port of Philadelphia on the 12th of November, in company with the two sons of the duke of Orleans, and after a passage of near three months, they arrived [Page] at Marcus Hook, where the vessel was detained by the ice which was then in the Delaware. On the 8th of February 1797, they were brought to Philadelphia in carriages, escorted by many hundreds of their fellow citizens who went out to meet them. Upon their arrival at the Indian Queen tavern, the streets were so thronged as to render their passage difficult, and as they entered the house, an ardent acclamation expressed the satisfaction of the people at their return. Those who had friends in the city to provide for them, retired to receive their congratulations; but it has been reported by some of the captives, that those who were not so fortunately accommodated, were left entirely destitute to wander the streets of the city, at that inclement season of the year, without friends, or a single cent to provide for their subsistence. If this be true, it reflects a dishonor upon the humanity of our government, that these unfortunate men should be rescued from the regions of misery to starve in a land of freedom.

It must inspire the breasts of the Americans with great regret and mortification, when they reflect upon the exorbitant sums of money that have been expended in the negociation of the Algerine treaty, besides the annual payment to the dey of 12,000 Algerine sequins* in maritime stores, according to the last article of the treaty; and their mortification will not be diminished when they reflect, that they have now become the tributaries of a ci-devant Turkish soldier! This additional weight to the American taxation, which had before encreased in a rapid progression, is not the most comfortable reflection, [Page] and would almost induce one to arraign the negociation as highly impolitic, were there not a danger of incurring the imputation of a want of humanity. It is, however, very problematical whether the advantages to be derived from the Mediterranean trade will ever compensate for the expenditure of these enormous sums; and it seems rather unjust that the great burden of guaranteeing this trade should rest upon the shoulders of the people, while its benefits result to a few individuals, who ought perhaps to support this branch of commerce under the sanction of insurance.

I have thought proper, in order to represent the Algerine negociation in a more comprehensive point of view, to subjoin an estimate of the pecuniary disbursements, and the several correspondences that have taken place in this business, according to the following reports.

REPORTS of the SECRETARY of STATE and of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY, relative to the late Negociation with the Dey and Regency of ALGIERS.

To the President of the United States, the Secretary of State respectfully makes the following brief representation of the affairs of the United States, in relation to Algiers*.

Such arrangements have been made by Messrs. Barlow and Donaldson at Algiers and Leghorn, as will doubtless ensure the payment of the 400,000 dollars, originally expected from the latter place; [Page] and the same house has become engaged to the Dey and Regency for the residue of the money due as the price of peace; without which he would not agree to the redemption of the captives. The Secretary of the Treasury estimates these further sums to be provided, to fulfil the terms of the treaty, at

Dols. | 255,759
For two years annuity to the dey, | 96,246
To which are to be added the 10,000 sequins promised by Messrs Barlow and Donaldson mentioned in their letter, | 1 [...],000
And the expences of the captives while performing quarantine at Marseilles, and for transporting them to America; estimated by the consul at Marseilles at about | 6,500
| Dols. 376,505

(Signed)

TIMOTHY PICKERING, Sec'ry of State.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Jan. 6, 1797.

The Secretary of the Treasury, in obedience to directions from the President of the United States, respectfully makes the following representation respecting the application of the fund destined for the execution of the treaty with Algiers.

In pursuance of an act passed the 21st day of February 1795, the sum of 800,000 dollars was borrowed of the Bank of the United States, which was paid in 6 per cent. stock. A conviction of the urgency of the case, and a disposition to accommodate the government, alone induced the bank [Page] to consent to the loan, as the stock was then saleable in large quantities at par, including interest. Bills of exchange were not readily obtainable, and the sudden exportation of so considerable a sum of specie would have been attended with inconvenient effects. Indeed no alternative offered but to renounce the negociation, or to remit stock as a fund.

Various causes co-operated to cause a depression of the prices of all kinds of public stock, soon after the remittances had been made.

The rates at which the sales have been made are as follows:

|  | £. | s. | d. | Dols. | cts.
560,000 dols. | sold for sterl. | 111,053 | 15 | 0 |  |
240,000 | remained unsold at the date of the latest advices, which may be estimated at 80 per cent. or | 43,200 | 00 | 0 |  |
800,000 | dollars in stock will therefore produce in sterling money | 154,253 | 15 | 0 | =685,572. | 22
Of the sum of 305,911 dollars 37 cents, appropriated for treaties with the Mediterranean powers, by the act of May 31st, 1796, there was estimated, for a deficiency on account of the treaty with Algiers, the sum of | 51,132. |
The whole of the grants for the Algerine treaty may therefore be considered as equal to an effective fund in London of Dols. | 736,704. | 22

[Page]

| Dols. | cts.
The expences of carrying the treaty into effect are estimated at | 525,000. | 00
To which are to be added, agreeably to Mr. Donaldson's calculation, for per centage on the captives. | 27,000. | 00
Other expences, | 90,000. | 00
Amount of money to be paid in Algiers, | 642,000. | 00

The expence of remitting the sum last mentioned, from London to Algiers, according to the best estimate which can he formed, will be as follows:

|  | £. | s. | d. | Dols. | cts.
140,000 | dols. procured at Leghorn, by bills on London, cost 4s10, 55-100 sterling per dollar, or sterling | 34,110 | 0 | 0 |  |
260,000 | dols. expected to be obtained at 5s. will be | 65,000 | 0 | 0 |  |
|  | 99,110 | 0 | 0= | 440,488. | 88
40,000 | dollars remitted to Hamburgh, cost sterl. | 7,200 | 18 | 8= | 40,013. | 04
225,000 | dols. procured at Lisbon, for which drafts have been passed for sterling | 50,007 | 16 | 0= | 222,256. | 89
665,000 | dollars placed in Leghorn, Hamburgh, and Lisbon, and supposed to be sufficient to discharge the pecuniary obligations of the treaty, will probably cost |  |  |  | 702,758. | 81
| Payments made to Col. Humphreys, sterling £. | 3,471 | 0 | 0 |  |
| Payment to capt. O'Brien, | 31 | 0 | 0 |  |
|  | 3,502 | 0 | 0 | 15,564. | 44

[Page]

The naval stores stipulated by Mr. Donaldson were estimated at 57,000 dollars, but which, agreeably to his enumeration of the articles, will cost, according to the estimate of the purveyor, | 124,413. | 00
The freight of the said stores is computed at | 50,000. | 00
The expence of the frigate lately promised, agreeably to the estimate of the Secretary at War, will be | 99,727. | 00
The whole expence of fulfilling the treaty according to the estimate, therefore, is | 992,446. | 25
From which sum the effective value of the provisions already made being deducted, as before estimated, | 736,704. | 22
There will remain to be provided, Dols. | 255,759. | 03
By the last article of the treaty, the United States were bound to pay an annuity of 12,000 Algerine sequins in maritime stores; the cost and freight of the articles required by the dey, for the two first years' annuity, will, agreeably to the purveyor's estimate, be Dols. | 144,246. | 63
From which the appropriations made by the act of May 6th, 1796, for two years, being deducted, | 48,000. | 00
There will remain to be provided on this account the sum of Dols. | 96,246. | 63

(Signed) OLIVER WOLCOTT, jun. Sec'ry of the Treasury.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 4. 1797.

[Page]

An Estimate of the probable cost of the articles of the Algerine treaty.

| £. | s. | d.
500 barrels of powder, at £.15 is | 7,500 | 0 | 0
66 tons of lead, at £.40 | 2,640 | 0 | 0
20,000 cannon ball, at £.276 | 2,760 | 0 | 0
5,000 double headed shot | 590 | 0 | 0
200 pieces of canvass | 1,100 | 0 | 0
2,000 gun barrels, | 2,000 | 0 | 0
50 masts, at £.100 | 5,000 | 0 | 0
100 spars, at £.40 | 4,000 | 0 | 0
10 cables, and cordage 45 tons, at £. 135 | 10,575 | 0 | 0
300 pine and oak plank, 6 inches thick and 50 feet long | 9,000 | 0 | 0
2,000 barrels tar | [...]00 | 0 | 0
200 pieces of scantling | 540 | 0 | 0
100 barrels of pitch | 150 | 0 | 0
10 cannon, &c. | 500 | 0 | 0
£. | 46,655 | 0 | 0
Equal to Dols. | 124,413. | 0 | 0

(Signed) TENCH FRANCIS Purveyor.

29th December, 1796.

An Estimate of the sum necessary to build and equip a frigate, to carry 36 guns for the dey of Algiers. To which is added an estimate of navigating the same to Algiers.

| Dols. | cts.
Carpenter's bill for building the hull, launching the same, together with a complete set of masts and yards, per ton, dols. 45, is | 24,210. | 00
Joiners, smiths, plumbers, boat-builders, carvers, coopers, block-makers, sail-makers, riggers and rigging, with ship-chandler's bill, dols. 55, | 29,590. | 00
Ship complete, of 538 tons, at 100 dollars per ton, is | 53,800. | 00
Copper sheathing, | 4,118. | 40
Cannon, | 8,428. | 60
Copper, pintles and braces, | 1,240. | 00
Powder, shot, and other military stores, | 13,551. | 00
Forty men, including officers, their pay and subsistence for five months, | 8,589. | 00
Contingencies. | 10,000. | 00
Dols. | 99,727. | 00

(Signed) JAMES M'HENRY.

WAR-OFFICE, 26th Dec. 1796.

In the execution of the business with which Baring and Co. have been entrusted, they have communicated to Mr. Pinckney, from time to time, every material circumstance which has occurred; but as the present position is extremely critical and important, they will endeavor to state as concise a narrative as possible from the commencement of the business, for the consideration and determination of Mr. King.

March 7, 1795. The President of the Bank remit to Baring and Co. 800,000 dollars in certitificates of 6 per cent stock, with orders to sell the same without causing a depression in the prices, and thus injuring the credit of American funds. The net proceeds, after deducting the usual commissions, are to be held at the disposal of Col. David Humphreys; [Page] and we are directed to inform Col. Humphreys of the progress we may make, from time to time, in the sales of the stock, and also of the terms upon which remittances can be made to Cadiz or Leghorn. This contains nearly the whole of our orders, or at least the whole of what we conceive to be necessary for the information of Mr. King, in the present moment; the further letters from America being almost wholly answers to our numerous letters, and do not contain a syllable of disapprobation with regard to our conduct, but the reverse.

March 31. Col. Humphrey writes from Philadelphia, that we would furnish him with information, assistance, &c. directed to him at Lisbon.

April 28. We wrote very fully to Col. Humphreys, communicating every information relative to the probable sale of the stock, and the various means by which he could execute his commission through London, Cadiz, Lisbon, and Italy in general.

May 19. We wrote still more fully, in answer to his letter of the 31st March, wherein we offered to anticipate a considerable sum, on the value of the effects in our hands, for which there was no demand at the moment. We explained to him the value of the Italian coin, those of Spain being well known; mentioning that it was easier to procure money at Leghorn, where there was no restraint, than at Cadiz where dollars were more plentiful, but the exportation was exclusively in the bank of St. Charles, from whom it was difficult to obtain permission. That we could procure any quantity in London: to which we added the names of our correspondents at the different places, offering every service in our power, direct or indirect.

May. 18. Col. Humphreys advises his arrival at Gibraltar.

[Page] July 21. We advise Colonel Humphreys that we had sold, 300,000 dollars:—that we were ready to pay 100,000, to his order; and if he wanted a further sum, we desired to be informed.

July 27. Colonel Humphrey directs us to pay 40,000 dollars to Mr. Deas, for Mr. Andrews, which was immediately complied with, by a credit on Hamburgh, for that value.

July 30. We inform Colonel Humphreys that having made further progress in our sales, we should hold the whole of the value of the 800,000 dollars at his disposal: meaning to furnish, by anticipation, the value of that part which remained at that time unsold, if the service of the United States required it.

November 28. Is the next letter from Colonel Humphreys, and the commencement of our difficulties;—he informs us, that he should send the Sophia, for the purpose of receiving Portugal gold and Spanish dollars, in London, to the amount of 650,000 Spanish dollars. He further opens credit in favour of Messrs. Dohrman, of Lisbon, which from the scarcity of paper at the time was effected to a very trifling amount.

This letter was followed and confirmed by others from Colonel Humphreys, dated the 16th, 22d, and 24th December, of a similar tenor, or very nearly so, and the arrival of the brig Sophia from Lisbon.

Although Col. Humphreys has not mentioned to us the reasons of this proceeding, we may impute it to the advice contained in our letter of the 19th May, and indeed the well known facility with which a sum of that description could be procured in London, of Spanish dollars, having ourselves never experienced the least difficulty in disappointments for large sums.

[Page] December 22. We answered these letters, advising Colonel Humphreys of the impossibility to procure Portugal gold, none having been received for many years. Of the extraordinary turn which had appeared with regard to bullion, in consequence of the immense drains upon this country, for carrying on the war, and which has finally compelled the minister to abandon his favorite project of a second loan to the emperor; but as the difficulty had only begun to appear, we hoped that with some delay, we should be able to collect the dollars for the purpose of executing the orders of Col. Humphreys.

Jan. 17, 1796. Finding it impossible to procure gold, and no silver arriving, we submitted the whole of the orders and correspondence to Mr. Pinckney; when it was determined to purchase such silver as might arrive; but, at all events, to detain the Sophia, which could not be wrong, as the westerly winds would have prevented her sailing.

In the mean while we wrote to Messrs. Parish and Co. of Hamburgh, to know whether Portugal gold or Spanish dollars could be obtained in that place.

January 19. 26—February 2, 12. Are letters we wrote to Colonel Humphreys, wherein we acquaint him with our prospects, from time to time, that Parish and Co. gave us reason to hope for the execution of a part of the order, but that no silver had arrived in London.

February 16. Having determined, with the approbation of Mr. Pinckney, to send the Sophia to Hamburg, in consequence of the encouragement of Messrs. Parish and Co. on applying to capt. Crandon, he observed that it was contrary to his instructions, which were to return to Lisbon: And as considerable doubts existed about proceeding to [Page] Hamburgh, Mr. Pinckney dec [...]d giving a positive order to captain Crandon, which proved fortunate, as immediately after advice was received from Messrs. Parish and Co. that the dollars they had in view had been purchased.

On this occasion, and under this date, we wrote to Colonel Humphreys, by the brig Sophia, and by the packet, acquainting him with our disappointment in toto; which we accompanied, at the intimation of Mr. O'Brien, with letters of credit on Madrid and Cadiz; and, in order to finish this part of the subject, as a justification for permitting the Sophia to return, we should observe, that if she had been detaintained for six months, we could not have procured one half of the quantity of Spanish dollars required.

March 1. We advised Colonel Humphreys that we had received a large sum in bills, drawn from Leghorn, on the British government; being for money sent to Algiers, and which appeared afterwards to be for the release of the Corsican prisoners.

March 21,—29. Are answers to letters from Col. Humphreys, relative to our accounts, chiefly dated the 27th February, and 9th March, which we do not notice, concluding that he was satisfied, as nothing appears in reply to us; but as there was reason to fear the business could not be executed in Spain, the government there refusing a licence, notwithstanding the endeavors of Messrs. Joyes and Sons, aided by the American minister or resident.

April 1. We wrote to Messrs. Fonnereau, of Leghorn, not only to open the necessary credit, but to explain to them, in a full and confidential manner, the nature and extent of our preceding disappointments; requesting (with the approbation of [Page] Mr. Pinckney and Col. Humphreys) that they would convey to Algiers such information as should satisfy the dey, that the delay in paying the money did not arise from the want of funds, credit, or endeavours on the part of the United States, but must be solely attributed to the political convulsions in Europe, which had annihilated the usual channels or modes of procuring the coin for the purpose.

It is unnecessary to quote dates of letters, as there appears but one opinion on the subject, namely, "that the business must finally be done at Leghorn, and both Mr. Pinckney and Col. Humphreys recommend most earnestly that the information alluded to should be conveyed to Algiers.

April 19. Fonnereau answer our letter of the 1st, promising to follow the orders of Col. Humphreys, and that—would communicate to Algiers every thing we had desired.

June 17. Fonnereau advise the delivery to them, on that day, of the orders from Col. Humphreys, to pay to the order of Mr. Donaldson, 400,000 Spanish milled dollars, which they acquaint him shall be immediately complied.

June 19. Mr. Donaldson acquaints Messrs. Fonnereau, that he should accept the sum; and on a meeting between them and—, the price of the dollars, with that of Agio, was settled to the satisfaction of—

June 20,—24. Fonnereau drew for what money they could procure, and on the 14th write, "enclosed you have Mr. Donaldson's receipt for dols. 140,000, paid to him by order of Col. Humphreys: This business might have been completely finished by our giving to Mr. Donaldson bills on you, or on Hamburg, for the remaining 260,000 dollars, which—offered to negociate for him, and to [Page] give him a receipt for the whole 400,000 dollars, which he engaged to ship to Algiers; but a certain diffidence on his side, would not permit him to sign receipts to us, for more than he had absolutely received in cash."

June 27. The French entered Leghorn, and Fonnereau embarked on board an English frigate.

July 15. Mr. Donaldson draws on us for the sum [...] of dollars 10,000;—under the same dates enquires about Mr. Donaldson's credit on us, and whether we have orders for more than dols. 400,000.

This question leads to a state of the account, with an estimate of the effects in our hands. On the original sum sent to us, we have only sold 560 m. dollars, the price having fallen at one time so low as 82, and believing that government would feel reluctant to sell under 90, we had determined to anticipate on the value of the remainder, waiting for our reimbursement in the due time.

| £.
The 560 dollars above, have procured Some part was sold above 90 per cent. and none below that price, which leaves scarce 3s11 1-2 per dollar. | 111,033
The present price is 86, with little demand; suppose the remaining 249 m. dollars produce 3s9 per dollar, the amount will be | 45,000
Total amount of sales and effects, | 156,053

The great defalcation in the nominal dollars, arises from the remittances being made in funds which sell at 10 per cent. under par, and the payments being made in foreign money, at a rate very much above par,—that at Leghorn in particular [Page] has advanced 16, 18 per cent. above what it was not a long time since.

Our payments are as follow: | £.
Credit on Hamburg, dollars 40 m. | 9,002
Drafts of Dohrman, | 50,000
Remittances to Col. Humphreys, | 3,036
His draft 12th December, | 455
Paid O'Brien, | 31
Paid sundry persons for the dividends on stock sold, | 2,497
Dollars 140 m. paid by Mr. Donaldson, we calculate pirce 4s10 55-100 each, | 34,110
| 99,118
Suppose the remaining dollars 260 m. which includes Mr. Donaldson's drafts, calculated at the same rate, the amount will be, at 5s. | 65,000
Total amount of payments, | 164,118
Ditto of sales and effects, | 156,653

The sum of £. 2,497 paid for us by dividends, will be received again by us from America, and of course, appear ultimately to the credit of the United States.

Under all the circumstances which have been stated, it is submitted to Mr. King,—what ought to be done in the present moment?

Mr. Fonnereau says, that reliance may be had on—having conveyed to Algiers the information requested; and moreover, that it will be thoroughly satisfactory at that place.

In the present situation of Leghorn there is in fact no exchange; and the drafts of Mr. Donaldson must be negociated elsewhere—The Italians, moreover, [Page] kn [...]w, that bills drawn from Leghorn subsequent to the entry of the French, cannot be paid in London without a license, &c.

Baring and Co. can have no difficulty with regard to themselves; they are directed to hold the proceeds, or value (which they conceive to be equally the intention of the United States) at the disposal of Colonel Humphreys, who directs them to pay 40,000 dollars to the order of Mr. Donaldson, which will be punctually complied with, to the extent of sales, and value of what remains, under a proper license: But that zeal which has induced them to follow this business into foreign parts, without any other motive for their so doing, induces them to submit the difficulties which occur with regard to the actual position of Leghorn,—a doubt whether the business can be executed from thence, at present,—and still more, the defalcations which must arise, respecting the funds, to the consideration of Mr. King, for his better judgment, and which, they trust, will serve as an apology for the detail with which they now trouble him.

156,053 | Sales and supposed value.
2,497 | Dividends.
158,550 |
5,568 | Deficient, supposing Mr. Donaldson can negociate the remaining dollars, 260 m. at 5s. those of Mr. Fonnereau having cost 4s10 55-100.
164,118 |

29th August, 1796.

[Page]

An estimate of the probable cost and freight of the maritime stores necessary for paying the first and second years' annuities to the Dey and Regency of Algiers.

1000 barrels powder, | £.15,000 | 00 | 0
2000 pine and oak planks, | 6,000 | 00 | 0
3000 pine boards, | 4,500 | 00 | 0
2000 pine staves, | 50 | 00 | 0
100 dozen long [...] brushes, | 100 | 00 | 0
34 cables, 80 tons, | 10,800 | 00 | 0
10 coils white rope, 11,200lb. | 500 | 00 | 0
5 tons yarn, | 975 | 00 | 0
100 bolts of canvass, | 550 | 00 | 0
[...] tons lead, | 120 | 00 | 0
55 tons spikes, | 3,597 | 10 | 0
2000 bomb shells, | 650 | 00 | 0
| £.42,842 | 10 | 0
Equal to Dols. | 114,246. | 0 | 0
To transport the above to Algiers, suppose | 30,000. | 0 | 0
Dols. | 144,246.00

TENCH FRANCIS. Purveyor.

29th December, 1796.

*

It will not be necessary to give the first part of this Report relative to the history of the negociation, as that has been before fully related.

↵

These are all the official estimates and correspondencies that have as yet transpired in the Algerine business. But these enormous expenditures are not the sole loss that has been sustained by the Americans. They have incurred the additional expence of equipping a number of vessels, in conformity to [Page] an [...] of Congress passed soon after the Algerine captures, empowering the President to purchase, or cause a number of vessels to be built, for the protection of the commerce of the United States against the Algerines. Another item to be included in the account is the loss of the eleven sail of American vessels, and their cargoes, the most of them very valuable. The dey sold several of these vessels for a considerable price to the Swed [...] [...] in Algiers, who now employs them in the Levant trade. The value of these vessels and their cargoes, with many contingent expences that have never been included, will amount to at least 180,000 dollars, which, added to the sum total, as stated by the Secretary of the Treasury, will amount to the sum of 1,172,446 dollars and 25 cents,—the whole loss that the people of the United States have sustained by the piratical aggressions of this miscreant nation.

[Page]

CHAP. V.

The Algerine and Tripolitan treaties.

A TREATY OF PEACE AND AMITY CONCLUDED SEPTEMBER 5, 1795, BETWEEN HASSAN BASHAW, DEY OF ALGIERS, HIS DIVAN AND SUBJECTS; AND GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, AND THE CITIZENS OF THE SAID UNITED STATES: WITH THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION, ANNOUNCING ITS RATIFICATION.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

To all to whom these presents shall come,—Greeting:

§

WHEREAS a Treaty of Peace and Amity has been concluded in the manner herein after mentioned, by the Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, and the Dey and Regency of Algiers; which Treaty, written in the Arabic language, being translated into the language of the United States, is in the words following, to wit: "A Treaty of Peace and Amity concluded this present Day Iima artasi, the twenty-first of the Luna safer year of the Hegira 1210, corresponding with Saturday the fifth of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, between HASSAN BASHAW, Dey of Algiers, his Divan and subjects, and GEORGE WASHINGTON, President [Page] of the United States of North America, and the citizens of the said United States.

ARTICLE 1st. From the date of the present treaty, there shall subsist a firm and sincere peace and amity between the PRESIDENT and citizens of the United States of North America, and HASSAN BASHAW, Dey of Algiers, his Divan and subjects; the vessels and subjects of both nations reciprocally treating each other with civility, honor and respect.

ARTICLE the 2d. All vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States of North America, shall be permitted to enter the different ports of the Regency, to trade with our subjects, or any other persons residing within our jurisdiction, on paying the usual duties at our custom house that are paid by all nations at peace with this Regency; observing that all goods disembarked and not sold here shall be permitted to be reimbarked without paying any duty whatever, either for disembarking or embarking. All naval and military stores, such as gunpowder, lead, iron, plank, sulphur, timber for building, tar, pitch, rosin, turpentine, and any other goods [...]enominated naval and military stores, shall be permitted to be sold in this Regency, without paying any duties whatever at the custom house of this Regency.

ARTICLE 3d. The vessels of both nations shall pass each other without any impediment or molestation; and all goods, m [...]ies or passengers, of whatsoever nation, that may be on board of the vessels belonging to either party shall be considered as inviolable, and shall be allowed to pass unmolested.

ARTICLE 4th. All ships of war belonging to this Regency, on meeting with merchant vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, shall be allowed to visit them with two persons only beside the rowers;—these two only permitted to go on [Page] board said vessel, without obtaining express leave from the commander of said vessel, who shall compare the passport, and immediately permit said vessel to proceed on her voyage unmolested. All ships of w [...] belonging to the United States of North America, on meeting with an Algerine cruiser, and shall have seen her passport and certificate from the Consul of the United States of North America, resident in this Regency, shall be permitted to proceed on her cruise unmolested: no passport to be issued to any ships but such as are absolutely the property of citizens of the United States: and eighteen months shall be the term allowed for furnishing the ships of the United States with passports.

ARTICLE 5th. No commander of any cruiser belonging to this regency, shall be allowed to [...]ke any person, of whatever nation or denomination, out of any vessel belonging to the United States of North America, in order to examine them, or under pretence of making them confess any thing defired; neither shall they inflict any corporal punishment, or any way else molest them.

ARTICLE 6th. If any vessel belonging to the United States of North America, shall be stranded on the coast of this Regency, they shall receive every possible assistance from the subjects of this Regency: all goods saved from the wreck shall be permitted to be reimbarked on board of any other vessel, without paying any duties at the custom house.

ARTICLE 7th. The Algerines are not, on any pretence whatever, to give or sell any vessel of war to any nation at war with the United States of North America, or any vessel capable of cruising to the detriment of the commerce of the United States.

[Page] ARTICLE the 8th. Any citizen of the United States of North America, having bought any prize condemned by the Algerines, shall not be again captured by the cruisers of the Regency the [...] at sea, although they have not a passport; and certificate from the Consul resident being deemed sufficient, until such time they can procure such passport.

ARTICLE the 9th. If any of the Barbary states at war with the United States of North America, shall capture any American vessel and bring her into any of the ports of this Regency, they shall not be permitted to sell her, but shall depart the port on procuring the requisite supplies of provision.

ARTICLE the 10th. Any vessel belonging to the United States of North America, when at war with any other nation, shall be permitted to send their prizes into the ports of the Regency, have leave to dispose of them, without paying any duties on sale thereof. All vessels wanting provisions or refreshments, shall be permitted to buy them at market price.

ARTICLE the 11th. All ships of war belonging to the United States of North America, on anchoring in the ports of the Regency, shall receive the usual presents of provisions and refreshments, gratis. Should any of the slaves of this Regency make their escape on board said vessels, they shall be immediately returned: No excuse shall be made that they have hid themselves amongst the people and cannot be found, or any other equivocation.

ARTICLE the 12th. No citizen of the United States of North America, shall be obliged to redeem any slave against his will, even should he be his brother: neither shall the owner of a slave be forced to sell him against his will: but all such agreements must be made by consent of parties. [Page] Should any American citizen be taken on board an enemy-ship, by the cruisers of this Regency, having a regular passport, specifying they are citizens of the United States, they shall be immediately set [...] liberty. On the contrary, they having no passport, they and their property shall be considered lawful prize; as this Regency know their friends by their passports.

ARTICLE the 13th. Should any of the citizens of the United States of North America die within the limits of this Regency, the Dey and his subjects shall not interfere with the property of the deceased; but it shall be under the immediate direction of the consul; unless otherwise disposed of by will. Should there be no consul, the effects shall be deposited in the hands of some person worthy of trust, until the party shall appear who has a right to demand them; when they shall render an account of the property. Neither shall the Dey or Divan give hindrance in the execution of any will that may appear.

ARTICLE the 14th. No citizen of the United States of North America, shall be obliged to purchase any goods against his will; but on the contrary, shall be allowed to purchase whatever it pleaseth him. The consul of the United States of North America, or any other citizen, shall not be amenable for debts contracted by any one of their own nation; unless previously they have given a written obligation so to do. Should the Dey want to freight any American vessel that may be in the Regency, or Turkey, said vessel not being engaged; in consequence of the friendship subsisting between the two nations, he expects to have the preference given him, on his paying the same freight offered by any other nation.

[Page] ARTICLE the 15th. Any disputes or suits at law, that may take place between the subjects of the Regency and the citizens of the United States of North America, shall be decided by the Dey in a po [...]on, and no other. Any disputes that may arise between the citizens of the United States, shall be decided by the consul; as they are in such cases not subject to the laws of this Regency.

ARTICLE the 16th. Should any citizen of the United States of North America, kill, wound, or strike a subject of this Regency, he shall be punished in the same manner as a Turk, and not with more severity. Should any citizen of the United States of North America, in the above predicament, escape prison, the consul shall not become answerable for him.

ARTICLE the 17th. The Consul of the United States of North America, shall have every personal security given him and his household: he shall have liberty to exercise his religion in his own house. All slaves of the same religion shall not be impeded in going to said Consul's house, at hours of prayer. The Consul shall have liberty and personal security given him to travel whenever he pleases, within the Regency: he shall have free licence to go on board any vessel lying in our roads, whenever he shall think fit. The Consul shall have leave to appoint his own Drogaman and Broker.

ARTICLE the 18th. Should a war break out between the two nations, the Consul of the United States of North America, and all citizens of North America, and all citizens of said States, shall have leave to embark themselves and property unmolested, on board of what vessel or vessels they shall think proper.

ARTICLE he 19th. Should the cruisers of Algiers capture any vessel, having citizens of the [Page] United States of North America on board, they having papers to prove they are really so, they and their property shall be immediately discharged. And should the vessels of the United States capture any vessels of nations at war with them, having subjects of this Regency on board, they shall be treated in like manner.

ARTICLE the 20th. On a vessel of war belonging to the United States of North America anchoring in our ports, the Consul is to inform the Dey of her arrival; and she shall be saluted with twenty-one guns; which she is to return in the same quantity or number. And the Dey will send fresh provisions on board, as is customary, gratis.

ARTICLE the 21st. The Consul of the United States of North America, shall not be required to pay duty for any thing he brings from a foreign country for the use of his house and family.

ARTICLE the 22d. Should any disturbance take place between the citizens of the United States and the subjects of this Regency, or break any article of this treaty, war shall not be declared immediately; but every thing shall be searched into regularly: the party injured shall be made reparation.

On the 21st of the Luna of Safer. 1210, corresponding with the 5th September 1795, JOSEPH DONALDSON, jun. on the part of the United States of North America, agreed with HASSAN BASHAW, Dey of Algiers, to keep the articles contained in this treaty sacred and inviolable; which we the Dey and Divan promise to observe, on consideration of the United States paying annually the value of twelve thousand Algerine sequins in maritime s [...]ores. Should the United States forward a larger [...] quantity, the overplus shall be paid for in money, by the Dey and Regency. Any vessel that may be captured [Page] from the date of this treaty of peace and amity, shall immediately be delivered up on her arrival in Algiers.

Signed,

VIZIR HASSAN BASHAW,

JOSEPH DONALDSON, jun [...].

Seal of Algiers stamped at the foot of the original Treaty in Arabic.

§

To all to whom these presents shall come, or be made known,

WHEREAS the underwritten David Humphreys, hath been duly appointed Commissioner Plenip [...] tentiary by letters patent under the signature of the President and seal of the United States of America, dated the 30th of March 1795, for negociating and concluding a treaty of peace with the Dey and Governors of Algiers; whereas by instructions given to him on the part of the Executive, dated the 28th of March and 4th of April 1795; he hath been further authorised to employ Joseph Donaldson, junior, on an agency in the said business; whereas by a writing under his hand and seal, dated the 21st of May 1795, he did constitute and appoint Joseph Donaldson, junior, agent in the business aforesaid; and the said Joseph Donaldson, junior, did on the 5th of September 1795, agree articles of the preceding treaty sacred and inviolable:

Now, know ye, That I David Humphreys, Commissioner Plenipotentiary aforesaid, do approve and conclude the said treaty, and every article and clause therein contained; reserving the same nevertheless for the final ratification of the President of the United States of America, by and with the [Page] advice and consent of the Senate of the said United States.

(Seal)

In testimony whereof, I have signed the same with my hand and seal, at the city of Lisbon, this 28th of November 1795.

DAVID HUMPHREYS.

§

Now be it known, That I GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States of America, having seen and considered the said treaty, do, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, accept, ratify, and confirm the same, and every clause and article thereof. And to the end that the said treaty may be observed and performed with good faith on the part of the United States, I have ordered the premises to be made public; and I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office civil or military within the United States, and all other citizens or inhabitants thereof, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty, and every article and clause thereof.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. (Seal)

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the seventh day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the twentieth.

G [...]. WASHINGTON. By the President.

TIMOTHY PICKERING, Sec'ry of State.

[Page]

A TREATY OF PEACE AND AMITY CONCLUDED, NOVEMBER 4, 1796, BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE BEY AND SUBJECTS OF TRIPOLI OF BARBARY, WITH THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION, ANNOUNCING ITS RATIFICATION.

JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

To all to whom these presents shall come,—Greeting:

§

WHEREAS a Treaty of Peace and Friendship has been concluded in the manner herein after mentioned, by the Plenipotentiary of the United States of America and the Bey and subjects of Tripoli of Barbary; which treaty written in the Arabic language, being translated into the language of the United States, is in the words following to wit:

TREATY OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP Between the United States of America and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli-of Barbary.

ARTICLE 1st. There is a firm and perpetual peace and friendship between the United States of America, and the bey and subjects of Tripoli of Barbary, made by the free consent of both parties, and guaranteed by the Most Potent Dey and Regency of Algiers.

ARTICLE 2d. If any goods belonging to any nation with which either of the parties is at war, shall be loaded on board of vessels belonging to the other [...]arty, they shall pass free, and no attempt shall be made to take or detain them.

ARTICLE 3. If any citizen, subjects or effects belonging to either party shall be found on board a [Page] prize vessel taken from an enemy by the other party, such citizens or subjects shall be set at liberty, and the effects restored to the owners.

ARTICLE 4. Proper passports are to be given to all vessels of both parties, by which they are to be known. And considering the distance between the two countries, eighteen months from the date of this treaty shall be allowed for procuring such passports. During this interval the other papers belonging to such vessels shall be sufficient for their protection.

ARTICLE 5th. A citizen or subject of either party having bought a prize condemned by the party, or by any other nation, the certificate of condemnation, and bill of sale, shall be a sufficient passport for such vessel for one year: this being a reasonable time for her to procure a proper passport.

ARTICLE 6. Vessels of either party putting into the ports of the other, and having need of provisions or other supplies, they shall be furnished at the market price. And if any such vessel shall so put in from a disaster at sea, and have occasion to repair, she shall be at liberty to land and reimbark her cargo, without paying any duties. But in no case shall she be compelled to land her cargo.

ARTICLE 7. Should a vessel of either party be cast on the shore of the other, all proper assistance shall be given to her and her people; no pillage shall be allowed, the property shall remain at the disposition of the owners, and the crew, protected and succoured till they can be sent to their country.

ARTICLE 8. If a vessel of either party should be attacked by an enemy within gun-shot of the [...]orts of the other, she shall be defended as much as possible. [Page] If she be in port she shall not be seized or a tacked when it is in the power of the other party to protect her; and when she proceeds to sea no enemy shall be allowed to pursue her fr [...] the same port within twenty-four hours after her departure.

ARTICLE 9. The commerce between the United States and Tripoli—the protection to be given to merchants, masters of vessels, and seamen—the reciprocal right of establishing Consuls in each country, and the privileges, immunities and jurisdictions to be enjoyed by such Consuls, are declared to be on the same footing with those of the most favored nations respectively.

ARTICLE 10th. The money and presents demanded by the Bey of Tripoli, as a full and satisfactory consideration on his part, and on the part of his subjects, for this treaty of perpetual peace and friendship, are acknowledged to have been received by him previous to his signing the same, according to a receipt which is hereto annexed, except such part as is promised on the part of the United States to be delivered and paid by them on the arrival of their Consul in Tripoli, of which part a note is likewise hereto annexed. And no pretence of any periodical tribute or further payment is ever to be made by either party.

ARTICLE 11th. As the government of the United States of America is not in any sense founded on the Christian religion, as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Musselmen—and as the said states have never entered into any war or act of hostility against any Mahomedan nation, it is declared by the parties, that no pretext arising from religious opinions [Page] shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries.

ARTICLE 12th. In case of any dispute arising from a violation of any of the articles of this treaty no appeal shall be made to arms, nor shall war be declared on any pretext whatever. But if the Consul residing at the place where the dispute shall happen, shall not be able to fettle the same, an amicable reference shall be made to the mutual friend of the parties, the Dey of Algeirs, the parties hereby engaging to abide by his decision. And he, by virtue of his signature to this treaty, engages for himself and his successors, to declare the justice of the case according to the true interpretation of the treaty, and to use all the means in his power to enforce the observance of the same.

Signed and Sealed at Tripoli of Barbary, the 3d day of Jumad, in the year of the Hegira 1211, corresponding with the 4th day of November 1796

—by

(L. S.) JUSSUF BASHAW MAHOMET, Bey.

(L. S.) MAMET. Treasurer.

(L. S.) AMET, Minister of Marine.

(L. S.) AMET, Chamberlain.

(L. S.) ALLY, Chief of the Divan.

(L. S.) SOLIMAN KAYA,

(L. S.) GALIL, General of the Troops.

(L. S.) MAHOMET, Cmdt. of the City.

(L. S.) MAMET. Secretary.

Signed and Sealed at Algiers, the 4th day of Argil, 1211, corresponding with the 3d day of January 1797,

by (L. S.) HASSAN BASHAW, Dey. And by the Agent Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. (L. S.) JOEL BARLOW.

[Page]

I Joel Barlow, Agent and Consul General of the United States of America, for the City and Kingdom of Algiers. certify and attest that the foregoing is a true copy of the treaty, concluded between the United States, and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli of Barbary, of which the original is to be transmitted by me to the Minister of the said United States, in Lisbon.

(L. S.) In testimony whereof, I sign these presents with my hand, affix thereto the seal of the Consulate of the United States

at Algiers, this 4th of January 1797.

JOEL BARLOW.

§

To all to whom these presents shall come or be made known:

Whereas the under written David Humphreys, hath been duly appointed Commissioner Plenipotentiary, by Letters Patent under the signature of the President and seal of the United States of America, dated the 30th of March 17 [...]5, for negociating and concluding a Treaty of Peace with the Most Illustrious, The Bashaw, Lords and Governors of the City and Kingdom of Tripoli: Whereas by a writing under his hand and seal, dated the 10th of February 1796, he did (in conformity to the authority committed me therefore) constitute and appoint Joel Barlow, and Joseph Donaldson, junior, agents, jointly and separately, in the business aforesaid: Whereas the annexed Treaty of Peace and friendship, was agreed upon, signed and sealed at Tripoli of Barbary on the 4th of November 1796, in virtue of the power aforesaid, and guaranteed by the Most Potent Dey and Regency of Algiers; and whereas the same was certified at Algiers on the 3d day of January 1797, with the signature [Page] and seal of Hassan Bashaw, Dey, and of Joel Barlow, one of the agents aforesaid—

Now know ye, That I David Humphreys commissioner plenipotentiary aforesaid, do approve and conclude the said treaty, and every article and clause therein contained, reserving the same nevertheless for the final ratification of the President of the United States of America, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the said United States.

In testimony whereof, I have signed the same with my name and seal,

at the city of Lisbon this 10th of February, 1797.

(L. S.) DAVID HUMPHREYS."

§

Now be it known, That I John Adams, President of the United States of America, having seen and considered the said Treaty, do, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, accept, ratify, and confirm the same, and every clause and article thereof. And to the end that the said Treaty may be observed and performed with good faith on the part of the United States, I have ordered the premises to be made public;—and I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all other citizens or inhabitants thereof faithfully to observe and fulfil the said Treaty and every clause and article thereof.

(L. S.) In the testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these Presents, and signed the same with my hand.

Done at the City of Philadelphia, the Tenth day of June, one Thousand [Page] seven Hundred and Ninety-seven, and of the Independence of the United States the Twenty-first.

JOHN ADAMS. By the President.

TIMOTHY PICKERING. Sec'ry of State.

END OF THE HISTORY.

Notes

*

Some of the old English historians inform us, that this destruction of the Spaniards was occasioned by witch-craft▪

↵

*

The above account is agreeable to the Spanish court gazettes, (in which truth is seldom expected), and agrees with Dalrymple's statement, who says it nearly corresponds with a letter from Algiers. But other writers state the Spanish loss much greater, and it is at least evident that there cannot be so wide a difference in the loss between the parties, especially as the Spaniards made so little impression on the Moors in their ditches, &c.

↵

*

The names of the American captains and their places of residence are as follows:—Captains Wallace, Virginia; Newman, Boston; Taylor, Rhode-Island; Furnace, New-Hampshire; Calder, Gloucester; Burnham, New-York; Bailey, Newbury; Moss, ditto; M'Shane and Penrose, Philadelphia.

↵

*

This frigate is to carry 36 guns, is sheathed with copper, and intended to be a vessel of 538 tons burden. The whole cost is above 90,000 dollars. She was launched in July 1797, and it is expected she will arrive at Algiers about the beginning of September next.

↵

*

The above terms were set forth in a letter of capt. O'Brien, dated at Algiers, the 28th of November 1793. When the American captives were informed that capt. O'Brien had published this exorbitant demand upon the Portuguese, they were highly offended, and arraigned the precipitancy of the publication; because such discouraging terms would have a tendency to retard, if not total [...]y frustrate, their ransom.

↵

*

It must be remembered here that Corsica was one of the pearls in his Britsh Majesty's crown; but it was afterwards evacuated by the British.

↵

*

The value of the Algerine sequin (pronounced sh [...]en) is 1.963 dollar; or 1 dollar 9 [...] cents and 3 mills.

↵

§

§

[Page]

DESCRIPTION OF ALGIERS; COMPREHENDING AN AMPLE ACCOUNT OF ITS TERRITORY AND INHABITANTS.

DESCRIPTION, &c.

[Page]

CHAP. I.

Its division; rivers, soil, climate, and productions; animals, antiquities and curi [...]ities; inhabitants, customs and manners; dress, language, corsairs and commerce; revenues, government, punishments and religion.

THE kingdom of Algiers is situated between 32 and 37 degrees of north latitude, which corresponds to that of the United States from near the southern boundary of Virginia to near the river Savannah in Georgia, and between 76 and 84 degrees 20 minutes east longitude from Philadelphia. It extends 480 miles in length from east to west along the northern coast of Africa, and 320 miles in breadth from north to south. It is bounded by the Mediterranean on the north, by the kingdom of Tunis on the east, by mount Atlas on the south, and by the river Mulvia, which separates it from the empire of Morocco, on the west, At the distance of 120 miles from the sea-coast, that part of Africa becomes a barren d [...]sart, almost entirely uninhabitable either by man or beast.

This country derives its name from its metropolis, and is at present divided into three provinces or districts, viz. the eastern, western, and southern. [Page] The eastern, or Levantine government, which is by far the most considerable of the three, and is also called Beylick, contains the towns of Bona, Constantina, Gigeri, Bugia, Steffa, Tebef, Zamoura, Biscara, and Necanz, in all which the Turks have their garrisons: besides which, it includes the two ancient kingdoms of Cuco and Labez, though independent of the Algerine government, to whose forces their country is inaccessible; so that they still live under their own cheyks, chosen by each of their adowars or hords. To these may be added a French factory at Calle, under the direction of the company of the French Bastion.—The western government includes the towns of Oran, Trem [...]sen, Mostagan, Tenez , and Sercelli, with its castle and garrison.—The southern government has neither town, village, nor even a house, which obliges the bey and his forces to be always encamped.

RIVERS.

THE most considerable rivers of Algiers, are 1. The Zha or Ziz, which crosses the province of Tremesen, and the desart of Anguid, along the frontier of Fez, and falls into the Mediterranean near the town of Tabecrita, where it takes the name of Sirut. Its water is clear and full of fish.

2. The Hued-Habra, which falls into the Ziz near the plains of Cirek. Along its banks live many desperate Arabs, who are troublesome neighbours to the province of Oran.

3. The Haregol, or Te [...]e, called Siga by Prolemy, descends from the great Atlas, crosses the desart of Anguid, and falls into the sea about five leagues from Oran.

4. The Mina, supposed to be the Chylematis of Pto [...]emy, a large river that runs northward through [Page] the plains of Bathala, waters that city and Mina, and falls into the sea near the town of Arzew. This river has lately received the name of Cena, from that of a Moabite who repeopled the town of Bathala, which had been destroyed by the Berimerines.

5. The Sheliff, Zilef or Zilif, a large river, descending from mount Gnanecexis, running through vast desarts, the lake Titteri, the frontiers of the Tremesen and Tenez, and falling into the sea a little above the city of Mostagan.

6. The Celef, supposed to be the Carthena of the ancients, falls into the sea about three leagues west of Algiers, after a short course of 18 or 20 leagues.

7. The Hued-alquiver, supposed to be the Nalabata, o [...] Nasaba, of the ancients, and called by the Europeans Zinganir, runs down with a swift course, through some high mountains of Cuco, and falls into the sea near Bugia. It abounds with fish, of which such immense quantities are caught that they are neglected. While they city of Bugia was in the hands of the Christians, as Marmol tells us, the mouth of this river was so choaked up with sand, that no vessels could came up into it: but in 1555, very soon after it was taken by the Moors, the great rains swelled it to such a degree, that all the sand and mud was carried off; since which time the galleys and other trading vessels have entered it with ease, where they lie sa [...] from storms and all winds but that which blows from the north.

8. The Suf-Gemar, or Suf-Gimmar al Rumniel, supposed to be the Ampsaga of Ptolemy, takes its rise on mount Auras, on the confines of Atlas; runs thence through some barren plains, and the fertile parts of Constantina, where its stream is [Page] greatly increased by the influx of other rivers; from thence running northward, along the ridges of some high mountains, it falls into the sea a little to the east of Gigeri.

9. The Ladag, or Ludeg, runs down from mount Atlas through part of Constantina, and falls into the sea a little to the eastward of Bona.

10. The Guadi, or Guadel Barbar, supposed to be the Tusca or Rubricatus of the ancients, springs from the head of Orbus, or Urbs in Tripoli, runs through Bugia, and falls into the sea near Tabarca.

SOIL, CLIMATE and PRODUCTIONS.

THIS country consists of eighteen provinces, the climate of which, along the sea-coasts, is remarkably delightful, and the air pure and serene.

The country of Algiers, and the states of Barbary in general, under the Roman empire were justly denominated the garden of the world; and to have a residence there was considered as the highest state of luxury. The produce of their soil formed those magazines which furnished all Italy, and a great part of the Roman empire with corn, wine and oil.

The soil is covered with almost a perpetual verdure, and is extremely fertile, particularly on the mountainous parts to the west of Tenez, Bugia, and Algiers Proper, which produce wheat and fruit in the greatest perfection; and the northern parts of Tremesen, towards the sea, abound in excellent pasture grounds, But as we advance into the country, it becomes more parched and barren.

Though the lands are now uncultivated, through the barbarity and oppression of their government, yet they still produce not only corn, wine, and oil [Page] in the greatest abundance, but dates, raisins, almonds, apples, pears, cherries, plums, citrons, lemons, oranges, pomegranates, &c. and plenty of roots and herbs grow in their kitchen gardens. Excellent hemp and flax grow on their plains; and by the report of those who have travelled thither, the country▪ abounds with all that can add to the pleasures of life.

Extreme heat is not common, and the climate is so temperate that the heat of summer never dries the leaves of the trees, nor the cold of winter makes them fall; so that they are constantly verdant. In February they begin to bud, and in May shew their fruit in full growth, which is ripe in June. Their vines are very large and thick, and the bunches of grapes on them are commonly a foot and an half long. The grapes are fit to gather in June, and the figs, peaches, nectarines, olives, nuts, &c. in August. The people find means to evade the sobriety prescribed by the Mahometan law, and make free with excellent wines and spirits of their own growth and manufacture. The plains of Moligia produce wheat, barley and oats, two or three times a year. Their melons are of an exquisite-taste; some of which ripen in summer, and others in winter. Algiers produces besides, salt-petre, and great quantities of excellent salt; and lead and iron have been found in several places.

The country round the city of Algiers is very fertile. Country seats, gardens and groves of trees are numerous. The Algerines are unacquainted with the art of pruning and grafting trees. Their gardens are not walled, but fenced round with a peculiar species of thorns, which, from their prickles, and the compactness with which their branches interweave [Page] are well adapted for that purpose. Among other rich tracts in the province of Algiers Proper, the great plain of Met [...]ijah is admired for its astonishing fertility. It is fifty miles in length, twenty in breadth, and includes many villas, fragant groves, and delightful gardens. The soil produces such a profusion of the most delicious fruits, rice, roots, and grain of every species, that the inhabitants enjoy annually two, and frequently three crops.

ANIMALS.

NEITHER the elephant nor the rhinoceros are to be found in the States of Barbary; but their desarts abound with lions, tigers, leopards, hyaenas, and monstrous serpents. The Barbary horses were formerly very valuable, and thought equal to the Arabian. Camels and dromedaries, asses, mules, and kumrahs (a most serviceable creature, begot by an ass upon a cow) are their beasts of burden. Their sheep yield but indifferent fleeces, but they are very large, as are their goats, Bears, buffaloes, wild boars, porcupines, foxes apes, hares, rabbits, ferrits, weasels, moles, cameleons, and most kinds of reptiles are found here.

There is a peculiar kind of animal, called the gapard, which can easily be tamed, and is made use of for hunting like a dog. The head of it resembles that of a cat; the hind legs are longer than the fore, and the tail is finely mottled. It is so apt to exhaust itself in running that the hunters are obliged to carry it now and then on their horses, till it has recovered itself. There is also another curious animal which is between a dog and a fox.

"Besides vermin," says Dr. Shaw, speaking of his travels through Barbary, "the apprehensions we were under in some parts of this country, of being [Page] bitten or stung by the scorpion, the viper, or the venemous spider, rarely failed to interrupt our repose."

But the most singular insects are the locusts, which the Doctor in his travels describes in the following manner. "They were much bigger than our common grass-hoppers, having brown spotted wings, with legs and bodies of a bright yellow. Their first appearance was towards the latter end of March, the wind having been for some time southerly; and in the middle of April their numbers were so vastly increased, that in the heat of the day, they formed themselves into large bodies, appeared like a succession of clouds, and darkened the sun. About the middle of May, each of these bodies began gradually to disappear, retiring into the Me [...]tijiah, and other adjacent plains to deposit their eggs. Accordingly in the month following, their young brood began gradually to make their appearance, and it was surprising to observe, that no sooner were any of them hatched, than they immediately collected themselves together, each of them forming a compact body of several hundred yards in square: which marching afterwards directly forward, climbed over trees, walls, and houses, ear up every plant in their way, and let nothing escape them. The inhabitants, to stop their progress, made trenches all over their fields and gardens, and filled them with water; or else placing in a row great quantities of heath, stubble, and such like combustible matter, they set them on fire upon the approach of the locusts. But all this was to no purpose; for the trenches were quickly filled up, and the fires put our by infinite swarms succeeding one another, whilst the front seemed regardless of danger, and the rear pressed on so close, that a retreat was impossible."

[Page] Partridges, quails, eagles, hawks, and all kinds of wild fowls are found on this coast; and of the smaller birds, the capsa sparrow is remarkable for its beauty, and the sweetness of its note, which is thought to exceed that of any other bird; but it cannot live out of its own climate. The seas and bays of this coast abound with the finest and most delicious fish of every kind, and were preferred by the ancients to those of Europe.

ANTIQUITIES and CURIOSITIES.

THESE matters are well worth the attention of an antiquary, but they are difficult of access. The reader must naturally conclude that the countries which were once under the dominion of the Carthagenians, and the pride of the Phoenician, Greek, and Roman works, are replete with the most curious remains of antiquity, but they lie scattered among ignorant and barbarous inhabitants. Some remains of the Mauritanian and Numidian greatness are still visible, and many ruins which bear evidence of their ancient grandeur and populousness. These point out the old Julia Caesarea of the Romans, which was little inferior in magnificence to Carthage itself. A few of the aqueducts of Carthage are said to be still remaining, but no ve [...]ige of its walls. The same is the fate of Uttica, and many other renowned cities of antiquity; and so over-run is the country with barbarism, that their very scites are not known even by their ruins, amphitheatres, and other public buildings which still remain in tolerable preservation. Besides those of classical antiquity, many Saracen monuments of the most stupendous magnificence, are likewise found in this tract of country. These were erected under the califs [Page] of Bagdad, and the ancient kings of the country, before it was subdued by the Turks, or reduced to its present form of government. Their walls form the principal fortifications in the country, both inland and maratime. We know of few or no natural curiosities belonging to the States of Barbary, except its salt pits, which is some places take up an area of six miles. Doctor Shaw mentions springs found here that are so hot as to boil a large piece of mutton in a quarter of an hour.

The hot baths of Meereega in the neighbourhood of the city of Algiers are also natural curiosities. The principal one is twelve feet square and four feet deep. The water is very hot, and when it has filled the larger bason, it runs through into another of a smaller size, where the Jews bathe, for they are not permitted to use the same bath with Mahometans. These hot fountains are conjectured to proceed from the great quantities of sulphur, nitre, and other inflamable substances in the bowels of the earth. To this cause likewise have been ascribed those earthquakes, to which the whole country, and Algiers in particular, is frequently subjected.

The city of Algiers has few subjects of antiquity, and little that merits the attention of the curious. There are, however, upon the tower of the great mosque some broken inscriptions; but the letters, though sufficiently large to be seen at a distance, are so filled up with lime and whitewash that they cannot be particularly distinguished.

INHABITANTS.

The inhabitants of the territory of Algiers, and particularly those along the sea-coasts, are a mixture [Page] of different nations; such as Moors and Morescos driven out of Catalonia, Arragon, and other parts of Spain, about the end of the sixteenth century, Jews, Janisaries, and great numbers of Turks, who come from the Levant to seek their fortune: as well as mulitudes of Christian slaves. &c.

The Berebers are some of the most ancient inhabitants of the country; and are supposed to be descended from the ancient Sabeans, who came hither from Arabia Felix, under the conduct of one of their princes. Others believe them to be the descendants of some of the Canaanites, who were driven out of Palestine by Joshua. These are dispersed all over Barbary, and divided into a multitude of tribes under their respective chiefs; most of them inhabit the mountainous parts; some range from place to place, and live in tents, or portable huts; others in scattered villages; they have, nevertheless, kept themselves from intermixing with other nations. The Berebers are reckoned the richest of all, go better clothed, and carry on a much larger trassic in cattle [...] hides, wax, honey, iron, and other commodities. They have also some artificers in iron, and some manufacturers in [...]he weaving branch. The name of Bereber is supposed to have been originally given them on account of their being first settled in some desart place. Upon their encreasing in process of time, they divided themselves into five tribes, probably on account of their religious differences, called the Zinhagians, Musamedins, Zene [...]i, Hoares, and Gomeres; and these having produced 600 families, subdivided themselves into a great number of petty tribes.

To these we may add the Z [...]owahs by European authors called the Azuagues, or Assagues, [Page] who are likewise dispersed over most parts of Barbary and Numidia. Great numbers of these inhabit the mountainous parts of Cuco, Labez, &c. leading a wandering pastoral life. The African historians assure us that they are some of the descendants of those Phoenicians or Canaanites, who fled from Joshua and the Israeli [...]es, according to an inscription in the Punic tongue engraved on a stone at a fountain, thus, We are fled hither from the presence of that great robber JOSHUA the son of NUN. They are a kind of Christians that neither shave their beards, nor cut their hair; and affect to wear a blue cross painted or burnt on their cheek or hand by way of distinction.

But the most numerous inhabitants are the Moors and Arabs, who trace their descent from those disciples of Mahomet, who formerly subdued this country; the former compose the great body of the inhabitants of the towns. But it may readily be supposed that among such a variety of different races, immense numbers cannot be said to belong to any particular tribe or nation whatever.

In this country there are many wandering bands of these Arabs, who live together in camps, and remove from one place to another as they want pasture for their herds and flocks, or as: any other accidental circumstance happens to make it necessary. They sometimes pay rent to landlords in corn, fruit, honey, wax, and other productions; and the dey likewise demands a tribute from them. The excellence of the climate renders this simple way of living tolerable, though the tents of these people are mean, their utensils of little value, and their lodgings filthy. The family and their domestic animals lie promiscuously in the same tents together, except their dogs, which are left as guards [Page] on the outside. They raise considerable numbers of bees, and silk worms. They subsist chiefly on bread, rice and fruit, Wine and spiritous liquors are almost entirely unknown to them.

The dress of the men who compose these tribes is only a long piece of coarse cloth wrapped round their shoulders, and falling down to their ancles, with a cap of the same stuff. The sheik, or chief of a tribe, wears a cap a of fine cloth. The women pay some more attention to the ornamental part of their dress; but their children are suffered to go stark naked till seven or eight years of age.

The customs, language and religion of these shepherds bear a strict affinity to those of Arabia. They are robust, and of a swarthy complexion. The men are active, the women prolific and the children healthy. They have neither to encounter the hardships incident to the life of a North American savage, nor are their constitutions enseebled, as is the case in manufacturing towns, by sedentary and unhealthy employments.

When a young man of these tribes would marry, he drives a number of cattle to the hut where the parents of his mistress reside. The bride is set on horseback, and led home amidst the shouts of a croud of young people, who have been invited to the nuptial feast. When she arrives at the hut of her lover, a mixture of milk and honey is given her to drink, and a song, suitable to the occasion, is sung. She then alights, and is presented with a stick, which she thrusts into the ground, and repeats some words to the following effect: ‘As this stick is fastened in the earth, so am I in duty bound to my husband; as nothing but violence can remove it, so death alone shall force me from his love.’ She then drives his stock to [Page] water and back again, to shew her willingness to perform any duty that he may assign her. These previous ceremonies being settled, all the company enter the hut, and the evening concludes with the greatest festivity that these people are capable of enjoying. After the marriage the wife is obliged to wear a veil, and she never stirs from her hut for the space of a month,

The Arabs are stout, warlike, and skilful horsemen. Their principal arms are a short lance and scymitar, and they are likewise acquainted with the bow and the musket. But they are so addicted to robbing, that one cannot safely travel through the country at a distance from the towns without a guard, or at least a marabout or saint for a safeguard. For they look upon themselves to be the original proprietors of the country, and not only as dispossessed by the rest of the inhabitants, but reduced by them to the lowest state of poverty, and in consequence they make no scruple to plunder all they meet by way of reprisal.

The inhabitants of this country, especially those near the sea-coasts, generally subsist by piracy; they are allowed to be bold intrepid mariners, and will fight desperately when they meet with a prize at sea. They are, notwithstanding, far inferior to the English, and other European states, both in the construction and management of their vessels.

The inhabitants of the metropolis are extremely vicious; and it is a general observation that the more distant the people are from the seat of government, the purer are their manners. Notwithstanding their poverty, they have much vivacity about them, especially those who are of Arabic descent, which gives them an air of contentment; and [Page] having little to lose, they are peaceable among themselves.

The Turks who compose the military force, have great privileges, pay no taxes, and are exempted from public punishment. The lowest soldier domineers over the most distinguished Moors at pleasure. The people are subjected to the most absolute despotism, and most cruelly oppressed by a handful of insolent Turks, the refuse of the streets of Constantinople. If a Turk finds a Moor better mounted than himself, he takes the liberty of exchanging horses without leave or ceremony, and he will take apples, oranges, nuts and other articles which the Moors bring to market, with as much indifference as if they were his property. The Turks have the exclusive privilege of carrying fire-arms. Such is the despotism of the Turkish soldiers that they not only turn others out of the way in the streets, but will go to the farm houses in the country for twenty days together, living on free quarters, and making use of every thing, not excepting the women. They are used more like men of quality than private centinels. They are lodged in spacious squares, attended by slaves, and generally maintained at the public expence. The a [...]y of the dey is principally composed of Turkish soldiers, who are called Janisaries; and though their numbers are small, yet they tyrannize in the most insolent manner over the native Moors throughout the whole country. Some good qualities, however, distinguish them, notwithstanding this excess of despotism. They never game for money, nor even trifles; and what cannot be said of Christians, they never profane the name of the Deity. They soon forget their private quarrels; and after the first paroxysm of resentment has subsided, [Page] it is infamy for a Turk to keep in remembrance the injuries [...]e has received. In this respect they are less barbarous than other nations that boast of their civilization.

When d [...]ficiencies happen in the army their corsairs are sent out to the Levant to procure recruits, which generally consist of peasants, outlaws, and persons of the meanest conditions. Mahomet Bashaw who was dey about the year 1732, was of this description, and in his celebrated dispute with the deputy of a neighbouring nation he said, My mother sold sheep's [...]eet and my father neat's tongues, but they would have been ashamed to have exposed to sale such a tongue as yours. These recruits, after they have been a little instructed by their fellow soldiers, and are furnished with caps to their heads, shoes to their feet, and a pair of knives to their girdles, quickly begin to assume airs of importance, and look upon the most considerable citizens as their slaves.

The Algerines eat as in Turkey, sitting cross legged round a table about four inches high, and use neither knives nor forks in eating. Before they begin, every one says B [...]isme Allah, ‘in the name of God.’ When they have done, a slave pours water on their hands as they sit, and then they wash their mouths. Their drink is water, sherbet and coffee. Wine is not allowed, though drank immoderately by some.

Both the men and women spend a great part of their time in indolence, the men in drinking coffee and smoking, and the women in dressing, bathing, conversing on their sophas, visiting the tombs of their relations, and walking in their gardens.

The Algerines in general, particularly about the sea-coasts, have a pretty fair complexion; but those [Page] in the interior parts of the country, and particularly the Arabs, are swarthy They are robust and well proportioned, and expert in the use of fire arms. The Algerine women are beautiful in their persons, and very delicate in their complexions, but the men are sun-burnt. They improve the beauty of their eyes by art, particularly by the powder of lead ore, the same pigment, according to the opinion of the learned Doctor Shaw, that Jezebel made use of when she is said to have painted her face;* the words of the original being that she set off her eyes with the powder of lead ore.

The Algerines by their law may have four wives, but they usually content themselves with two, or three at the most. The husband seldom sees his wife before marriage, but accepts her upon the description of a female confidant. When the match is agreed upon, the bridegroom sends a presen [...] of sweetmeats to the bride, and entertains her relations with a feast and a musical entertainment.

After the death of a man his corps is attended by a number of his male friends, or if the deceased be a woman she is attended by her female friends. The corps is washed with warm soap-suds and wrapt in clean linen. It is then laid in a coffin covered with green cloth, upon which a turban is placed, and carried with the head forward to the grave, attended by women who are hired to lament. These women scratch themselves till the blood runs, distort their countenances and make a most hideous noise. As the procession enters the burial ground some marabouts sing without intermission these words, Lahilla Lah Mahomet ressoul allah, ‘God is God and Mahomet is his prophet.’ It is then [Page] placed in the grave in an erect posture, with the face turned towards the south. If the deceased has been a person of distinction grave stones are erected at his head and feet, with epitaphs, inscriptions, or select sentences out of the Alcoran.

The chief furniture of their houses consists of carpets and mattr [...], on which they sit and lie. In eating their slovenliness is disgusting. They are prohibited gold and silver vessels, and their meat, which they swallow by handfuls, is boiled or roasted to rags. Their ordinary food i [...] rice and fine flour made into small grains like shot, which they call Cuzcuz; both which they boil with meat and fowls, and most commonly eat fruit and herbs with them.

The people in general in travelling walk on foot or use asses, and seldom ride on horseback, except the governors of provinces and other great personages. The women seldom walk on foot; but ride upon asses in a square box covered with a kind of canopy and drawn round with curtains. So that they are [...]ely concealed, and when they set out upon their journey they are attended by a driver.

DRESS.

The dress of the people in general is a linen shirt, over which they tie a silk or cloth ves [...]ment with a sash, and over that a loose coat. Their drawers are made of linen. The arms and legs of the wearer are bare; but they have slippers on their feet, and persons of rank sometimes wear buskins. They never move their turbans, but pull off their slippers when they attend religious duties, or the person of their sovereign. They are fond of striped and fancied silks. The viceroy and great men let their beards [Page] grow; but the common people shave both their head and face, and only leave a pair of whiskers, and a lock of hair upon the top of the head, by which they fancy they are drawn up to paradise.

The dress of the common people is very plain; they wear a pair of linen drawers over their shirt, and a loose white woolen jacket with a hood behind, or a mantle which is commonly black, and reaches only down to the knee, in which they wrap themselves; but in summer they only wear two shirts.

The men of fashion go more sumptuously clad. Their gowns are made of fur, silk, or cloth: they have rich garments finely embroidered with flowers of gold; their turbans are very curiously done up, and elegantly adorned with jewels; and their legs are covered with boots of shining leather.

The women pay more attention to the ornamental part of dress than men. There is not, however, much difference between the dress of the sexes; the drawers of the women are longer, and instead of a turban, they wear a sort of cawl on their heads. They tie their hair behind, and ornament it with jewels and other trinkets. They wear fine collars about their necks, bracelets about their wrists, large pendants in their ears, and curious caps on their heads. When they go abroad they usually throw over their faces a fine veil, which they fasten to their breast, and over their garments they wear an upper robe; so that they are not known, but by the slaves that attend them.

LANGUAGE.

THE Algerines are void of all literature. The original language of this country appears to have [Page] been the Phoenician; after which the Romans obliged them to exchange it (as they did all their conquered dominions) for their own. The Arabs afterwards introduced theirs, and after them the Turks. The native Moors make use of the Moresco; but the people of Algiers in general speak a compound of Arabic, Moresco, and the remains of the ancient Phoenician language. In the metropolis the Mahometans and Christians use the Lingua Franca, a mixture of Spanish, Portuguese, Italian and French. The natives of all denominations for the most part, understand this dialect, which, without being the proper language of any country on the coast of the Mediterranean, has a kind of universal currency all over that quarter of the world, as the channel of information for people who cannot understand each other through any other medium. The public business of the nation is transacted either in the Arabic or Turkish, but commonly the former, in which their late treaty with the United States of America is written.

It is curious that in conversation, the Turks transpose their nouns and verbs, in the same manner that the Greek and Latin writers have done. The Turkish is a lofty language, and the Turks when they speak affect a singular majesty of tone, as expressive of their superiority: which, however, consists in nothing but their indolence, for they are neither men of learning, nor warriors,—a truth that the Russians have long taught them.

GOVERNMENT.

THOUGH Algiers has some appearance of a military republic, yet it is in fact the most horrible of all monarchies in the world, and as mutable in its [Page] principles as the temper and disposition of those differ, who happen to be in administration.

Algiers was formerly subject to the Grand Signior, and is still under his protection; but the dey at present pays no other tribute to him, than that of a certain number of beautiful Arabian horses, and some other presents which are sent thither annually. The Grand Signior formerly sent a bashaw, or viceroy, to Algiers, in whom the sovereignty was vested; but those officers frequently exercised the most tyrannical power, and exacted from the people such exorbitant taxes, as produced popular insurrections; till at length the Janisaries and militia grew so powerful that they deposed them and elected others in their stead; at which the Porte was obliged to connive, lest they should be provoked to an open revolt, and entirely throw off the Turkish yoke; since which time the power of the Porte has been so gradually diminished that he can do nothing here without the concurrence of the dey.

The supreme authority of state is ves [...]el in the dey, who is an elective monarch, and his sons never inherit the sovereignty by descent. He is elected by the divan, and is compelled to accept the reins of government under penalty of death. He seldom secures his office without tumult and bloodshed, and often falls by the dagger of an assassin: so that out of six deys that have reigned since 1700, four of them have been actually murdered, and a fifth resigned to save his life. The bashaws seldom fail of forming parties among the soldiers against him, and they make no scruple to assassinate him even in council, and the strongest candidate then fills his place. An unsuccessful [Page] expedition, or too pacific a conduct, seldom fails to put an end to his life and government.

The way in which his authority is exercised, corresponds with that by which it has been obtained. When Mr. Bruce, as British resident at Algiers, had occasion to visit the dey, he says he sometimes found him in his hall of audience, with his clothes all bespattered with blood like those of a carcase butcher. It is a very frequent amusement with him, to cause the heads of his subjects to be struck off in his presence. Mr. Bruce said that he knew of one man who was exceuted for no greater offence than because a gun-flint was found upon him. His indictment and trial were very concise: "You rascal, what business have you with a flint unless you were going to conspire against the state?"

The first deys were elected by the militia; who were then called the divan, or common council; which was at first composed of 800 militia officers, without whose concurrence he could do nothing; and upon some urgent occasions, all the officers, residing in Algiers amounting to 1500, were summoned to assist: but at present he is perhaps the most despotic prince in the world. He is abridged of no power whatever in administration, and the divan, though they have assumed a very pompous title, have little else to do but to ratify his decrees. The divan is composed of persons entirely of his own election whom he removes at pleasure. Upon important occasions he sometimes assembles the divan to receive their advice; but his only motive in this is to screen himself against popular discontents; for his authority is unlimited, and he may either ratify or reject their decisions as he pleases. When the Grand [Page] Signior is at war with a Christian power, he generally requires his assistance; but he is only obeyed as the dey thinks proper.

The dey has a corps of body-guards called foulacks. This is a very necessary, though sometimes a fruitless precaution, as any Turkish soldier who has the courage to murder him, stands an equal chance of becoming his successor. Experiments of this kind are sometimes made. Since the beginning of the present century, six private soldiers entered into a conspiracy to kill a dey of one of the states of Barbary. They gave him a mortal wound in his palace, and in the midst of a croud of people. He expired, exclaiming, ‘Has nobody the courage to kill the villain?’ One of the conspirators, the intended successor, instantly ascended the vacant throne, and brandishing his naked scymitar, declared that he would do justice to all! His five associates went about the hall to enforce the title of their new sovereign, and none present seemed to give themselves any disturbance about what had happened. He kept his situation unmolested, for about ten minutes, till an old veteran unobserved took aim at him with a musket, and shot him dead. Upon this the five others were immediately murdered. But what showed the nature of the government in its proper light was the observation of the new dey, who said, that if the usurper could have held his place for twenty minutes longer, he would have obtained the sovereignty.

The officer next in power to the dey is the Cassan-aga or Cassan-ajee, the prime minister of state. He keeps one set of the keys of the treasury, the dey another, and the aga a third, where they all attend once a month to pay the soldiers.

[Page] The officer next in power is the Aga or general of the Janisaries, who is one of the oldest officers in the army, and holds his post as all other officers do, at the pleasure of the dey. During the time the aga enjoys his dignity, the keys of the metropolis are delivered to him. All military orders are issued in his name, and the sentence of the dey upon any offending soldier, whether capital or not, can only he executed in the court of his palace.

The next to the aga in dignity, is the Secretary of State, who registers all the public acts; and after him the Hojecabei [...]y, who is a kind of chief justice to settle disputes among the Moors. This officer, and the two last mentioned, attend at the door of the dey's palace every morning about day-break, in order to kiss his hand.

The next in dignity is the Vekelard, or rather Vikelhadge of the marine, who is the guardian of the navy, from whom all maritime orders issue. He is seated beneath an arch near the sea-side called the skiff, from which he has a full view of the transactions in the marine.

Below him sits the Baleck bashaw, who is a kind of bailiff to execute his commands. He takes charge of the magazines of the marine; all naval articles are under his inspection, and the keys of all the magazines in the town are entrusted to his care.

The Hojee of the Rap has the charge of the magazines of wheat in the town; under him are several inferior hojees who execute his orders. No slave can rise higher than this office.

The Warden Bashaw is the next inferior officer. He is chief overseer of the slaves, and takes care that they duly perform their duty. He has charge of the Bagnio Gallaro, the keys of which are delivered [Page] him every night by one of his under wardens who keeps the doors. He has a number of under wardens, who attend the slaves at their labour.

Besides these there are 30 chiahs, or chows, a kind of high constables, who sit next to the aga in the divan, and in the same gallery with him. Out of this class are generally chosen those who go embassadors to foreign courts, or who disperse the dey's orders throughout the realm. Next to them are a number of baleck-bashaws, or eldest captains, who are promoted to that of chiah bashaws, according to their seniority. The oldack-bashaws, or lieutenants, are next; who amount to 400, and are regularly raised to the rank of captains in their turn, and to other employments in the state, according to their abilities. These by way of distinction wear a leather strap, hanging down to the middle of their back. One rule is strickly observed in the rotation of these troops from one deputy to a higher; viz. the right of seniority; one single infringement of which would cause an insurrection, and probably cost the dey his life.

The other military officers of note are vekelards, or purveyors of the army; the peys, who are the four oldest soldiers, and consequently the nearest to preferment; the foulacks, who are the next in seniority to them, and are part of the dey's bodyguards, always marching before him when he takes the field, and distinguished by their carbines and gilt scymitars, with a brass gun on their caps; the kayts, or Turkish soldiers, each band of whom have the government of one or more adowars, or itenerant villages, and collect their taxes for the dey; and the sagiards, or Turkish lancemen, 100 of whom always attend the army, and watch over the water appointed for it. To these we may add [Page] the beys, or governors of the three great provinces of the realm. All the above-mentioned officers ought to compose the great divan: but only the 30 chiah-bashaws have a right to sit in the gallery next after the dey. The rest are obliged to stand on the floor of the hall, or council-chamber, with their arms across, and, as much as possible, without motion; neither are they permitted to enter with their swords on. As for those who have any matters to transact with the divan, they must stand without, let the weather be ever so bad; and there they are commonly presented with coffee by some of the inferior officers, till they are dismissed.

The Lisberos are the dey's spies, who keep watch in different parts of the town, for the purpose of obtaining information of what is said or transacted. They are perhaps the most mercenary and inhuman set of beings in existence, and such is their servility to their sovereign, that they would betray even their own fathers. When they lodge information against any person, the chows are sent to arrest the delinquent, and he is punished according to his crime.

The divan, or douwan, is the common council of the nation. It is an elective body, and is principally composed of 30 chiah-bashaws, with now and then the mufti and cadi upon some emergencies; and on the election of a dey the whole soldiery are allowed to come in and give their votes. All the regulations of state ought to be determined by this assembly, before they pass into a law, or the dey has power to put them in execution. But, for many years back, the divan is of so little account that it is only convened out of formality, and to give assent to what the dey and his favourites have previously concerted. They, however, arrogate to themselves [Page] the whole power of the state, and in their edicts or national ordinances they assume the pompous title of, "We the great and small members of the powerful and invincible militia of Algiers and of the whole kingdom, do ordain," &c.

All causes whether civil or criminal, in which the soldiers are concerned, are tried in this council; but those between the citizens are decided before one of the chiah-bashaws, and the plaintiffs and defendants always plead their own causes without the assistance of attornies. The evidence of two witnesses is always required, and he who is cast upon any trial receives a number of blows with a cudgel, and is compelled besides to comply with the sentence that has been passed.

While the divan are convened the dey holds a fan of feathers in his hand, and sits cross-legged, after the manner of taylors, upon a large table about two feet high, covered with a shaggy carpet. Six of the principal chiahs are seated in the same manner on his right, and six on his left. The rest of the members stand at both ends of the table, and form a kind of circle.

The method of gathering votes in this august assembly is perfectly agreeable to the character of those who compose it. The aga, or the president pro tempore, first proposes the question; which is immediately repeated with a loud voice by the chiah-bashaws, and from them echoed again by four officers called bashaldalas; from these the question is repeated from one member of the divan to another, with strange contortions, and the most hideous growlings, if it is not to their liking. From the loudness of this growling noise the aga is left to guess, as well as he can, whether the majority of the assembly are pleased or displeased with the [Page] question; and from such a preposterous method, it is not surprising that these assemblies should seldom end without [...] tumult or disorder. As the whole body of the militia is concerned in the election of a new dey, it is seldom carried on without blows and bloodshed: but when once the choice is made, the person elected is saluted with the words Alla Barick, "God bless and prosper you:" and the new dey usually causes all the officers of the divan who had opposed his election to be strangled, filling up their places with those who had been most zealous in promoting it. It is true it must be confirmed by the Porte; but that is seldom refused, as the dispositions of the people are so well known.

From this account of the election of the deys, it cannot be expected that their government should be at all secure; and as they arrive at the throne by tumult and bloodshed they are generally deprived of it by the same means, scarcely one in ten of them having the good fortune to die a natural death.

CORSAIRS AND COMMERCE.

THE Algerines pay but little attention to agriculture or the improvement of their country, and their singular genius leads them so much to the profession or piracy that they neglect all internal resources or advantages that might be derived from their own country. The corsairs or pirates form each a small republic, of which the rais or captain is the supreme bashaw; who with the officers under him, form a kind of divan, in which every matter relative to the vessels is decided in an arbitrary way. These corsairs are chiefly instrumental in importing whatever commodities are brought into the kingdom either by [Page] way of merchandize or prizes. These consist chiefly of gold and silver stuffs, damasks, cloths, spices, tin, iron, plated brass, lead, quicksilver, cordage, sailcloth, bullets, cochineal, linen, tartar, allum, rice, sugar, soap, cotton raw and spun, copperas, aloes, brazil and logwood, vermilion, &c. Very few commodities, however, are exported from this part of the world: the oil, wax, hides, pulse, and corn produced, being but barely sufficient to supply the country; though, before the loss of Oran, the merchants have been known to ship off from one or other the ports of Barbary several thousand tons of corn. The consumption of oil, though here in great abundance, is likewise so considerable in this kingdom, that it is seldom permitted to be shipped off for Europe.

The other exports consist chiefly in ostriches' feathers, copper, ruggs, silk sashes, embroidered handkerchiefs, dates, and Christian slaves. Some manufactures in silk, cotton, wool, leather, &c. are carried on in this country, but mostly by the Spaniards settled here, especially about the metropolis. Carpets are also a manufacture of the country, which, though much inferior to those of Turkey both in beauty and fineness, are preferred by the people to lie upon, on account of their being both cheaper and softer. There are also at Algiers looms for velvet, taffaties, and other wrought silks; and a coarse sort of linen is likewise made in most parts of the kingdom. The country furnishes no materials for ship-building. They have neither ropes, tar, sails, anchors, nor even iron. When they can procure enough of new wood of form the main timbers of a ship, they supply the rest from the materials of prizes which they have made, and thus find the secret of producing new and swift sailing vessels [Page] from the ruins of the old. The Algerines are more formidable at sea than any other nation on the coast of Barbary, and the sea-faring people are held in great esteem for the prizes they capture.

The fleet of this regency at present does not amount to more than ten or eleven sail of the line, though they were formerly much more powerful, and in the time of Pinchinin their fleet amounted to 65 sail of the line. At sea they have been regarded as the most desperate and ferocious set of beings in the world. But this seems a false prejudice that nations have imbibed, and according to recent accounts they are inferior in naval tactics to every nation in Europe. Almost all our late captives concur in the opinion that four American frigates, well manned and disciplined, would be a force sufficient to reduce them. Though the Turks are so proud and arrogant, yet it is well known that they are no warriors. Their greatest display of bravery is at the first onset, but if they meet with a spirited reception from a competent force their vanquishment is certain. Even the Moors, though they are an illiterate barbarous race, are superior warriors to the Turks. In their corsairs the most servile part of the duty is assigned to the Moors, while the Turks spend their time in smoking and in indolence, except when they come to an engagement with an enemy, when they fight with small arms and c [...]lasses. We are ignorant of the naval force of Tunis and Tripoli; but it must be evident that in this respect they are much inferior to the Algerines.

Since the establishment of the independence of North America we owe the security of our commerce in a great measure to the wars that have existed between the Algerines, the Portuguese, and the Dutch, either of which nations is much superior [Page] in naval strength, and they have so vigilantly guarded the entrance of the Mediterranean, that the pirates have seldom been able to cruise out into the Atlantic. Before the Algerine treaty American vessels seldom entered into the Mediterranean; and when they did so, they derived their security either from forged or purchased Mediterranean passports. A British ship has for her protection a pass written upon a large sheet of parchment, which has by way of ornament some dashes engraved or drawn with a pen upon the margin. The Algerines cannot read English, and a captain of a corsair would most probably forfeit his head were he to carry a British vessel by mistake, as a prize into the harbour of Algiers. They have therefore adopted a singular contrivance to discover whether such passes are genuine. They keep a stick marked with notches corresponding to the shape of those dashes, that are uniformly delineated on the margin of the parchment. When the pass is produced the measure is applied: so that it is not difficult for the most bungling artist to deceive them, who has an original pass before him, and in this manner it is said that many American vessels have been preserved.

REVENUES.

THE revenues of the dey are extremely fluctuating, and his income rises or falls in proportion to his opportunities of plundering his subjects, or foreigners; whence they are variously computed by different authors. Dr. Shaw says, that the taxes of the whole kingdom produce yearly to the dey no more than 300,000 dollars; but he supposes that the eighth part of the prizes to which he is entitled, the [Page] property of those persons who die without children, to whom the dey falls heir, with the presents from foreign nations, fines and oppressions, joined to the yearly contribution raised by the government, may amount to as much more. He is besides entitled to all Christian slaves, whose ransoms are his perquisites, which, with the customs paid by the English, French and other nations, who are suffered to trade with the Barbary States, will tend considerably to augment his revenue. Both the dey, and officers under him, enrich themselves by the most open acts of rapine and fraud; it is therefore no wonder to find the common people imposing upon one another, and especially upon strangers, seeing they themselves are impoverished by heavy taxes and the injustice of those who are in authority.

The dey draws immense revenues from his own subjects, which consist in money, gold, silver, corn, cattle, and such other articles as may be most useful to the Turks in Algiers. The prizes which the corsairs take at sea, some years equal the taxes on the people. It is from hence easy to collect that any calculation of revenue must be extremely questionable, and it can hardly be supposed that the dey himself is capable of giving an accurate estimate.

The regencies of Tunis and Tripoli acknowledge some subjection to the dey; but the only annual tribute they pay him is a cargo of butter and oil.

The Alcaide, with a detachment of Turkish soldiers, collects all taxes within twenty miles of the city of Algiers. Beyond that distance they dey has three Turkish armies of about 2000 men each, continually reinforced as emergencies require, and stationed in different parts of his kingdom, for the purposes of rapine and extortion. These armies are [Page] severally commanded by the bashaws of Constantina, Biscara and Deetrie, at the places of their respective re [...]idence. They are neither actuated by justice nor humanity; but with the assistance of these Turkish oppressors they not only enforce subjection to the dey, but compel the Moors to the payment of such taxes as they think proper. This miserable race of beings, who are the objects of every indignity and oppression that can be offered to human nature, are hunted like wild beasts among the mountains: those who discover the least reluctance in paying the assessments of these bashaws, or fly from the rapacity of their pursuers, are beheaded and all their property confiscated. If they have the least suspicion that a Moor has concealed any part of his treasure he is tortured till he makes a complete discovery, and many of these poor wretches who are unable to make any disclosure are tortured to death, without being able to satisfy their tormentors. In this manner all gold, silver and other valuable articles, are extorted from the inhabitants. Some of them, however, have courage enough sometimes to attack their oppressors in some of the narrow defiles of the mountains through which they are obliged to pass, where they frequently make great slaughter among the Turks; but generally after the first fire they fly for refuge to the craggy recesses of the mountains. They make these tax gathering excursions twice a year, and in every expedition they bring away immense numbers of heads and ears, which are sent to the dey, as an evidence of the bashaws' exertions in having raised the necessary contributions. The dey requires that the heads of those who are executed near the city should be sent in, but of those who are murdered at a distance, he only requires the ears, and the bearer [Page] is rewarded with a certain sum of money for each pair he tenders to his humane sovereign.

Once in every six months each of these bashaws sends in the califs, their sons, with about 50 mules laden with money and other valuable articles. They all en [...] Algiers within nine days of each other. At th [...] approach the cassan-aga and aga go out to meet [...], and they form a procession into the city.

The bashaws visit the dey once in every three years, with about 150 mules laden with the spoils of the country, and when they approach the city a grand procession is formed. The cassan-aga, the aga, the vickelhadge, the chows and lisberos, with a detachment of five or six hundred Turkish soldiers, go out to meet them, and they are escorted into the city with drums beating, French horns playing, and colours flying, attended by an immense concourse of people. The booty is then taken to the dey's palace, where he distributes a portion to his favo [...]ite wife, and a part among the different officers of government.

After their entry into the city they wait impatiently for the Ta [...]tan, an elegant robe which it is usual for the dey to send them to signify his approbation of their conduct; and till they receive this present they are in the utmost suspense and apprehension; for if it does not arrive the day after their entry, they know that the loss of their heads will be the consequence.

PUNISHMENTS.

IN this country it is not to be expected that justice will be administered with any degree of impartiality. The M [...]ometan soldiery in particular, are so much favoured, that they are not punished in public, and seldom put to death for any crime, except [Page] rebellion; in which case they are either hanged on an iron hook, or strangled with a bow-string, which is tied round the neck of the offender, and drawn different ways by two executioners, with all their strength, so that he is instantly dispatched. Women guilty of adultery, have a halter tied about their necks, with the other end fastened to a pole, by which they are held under water till they are suffocated.

The Christian slaves are liable to a variety of punishments. They are sometimes burned or rather roasted alive. At other times they are impaled. This is done by placing the criminal on the end of a sharp stake, which is thrust up his posteriors close by the back-bone, till it appears above his shoulders. Crucifixion, by nailing the hands and feet to walls, is often practised.

But the most terrible punishments are those inflicted upon the Jews or Christians who speak against the Mahometan religion; in which case they must either turn Mahometan, or be impaled alive. If they afterwards apostatize, they are roasted alive, or else thrown down from the top of the city walls, upon iron hooks. These catch by the jaws, the ribs, or other parts of the body, according as they happen to fall, and the sufferers have been known to hang in different positions for several days alive, in the most exquisite torture; though by accident they are sometimes put out of pain at once, as was the case with John Gascon the Spanish adventurer, as before related. This terrible punishment has frequently been inflicted upon slaves, but at present it begins to be generally disused.

There is a law here, by which any woman convicted of an amorous correspondence with a Christian, is tied up in a sack and thrown into the sea. [Page] Examples of this kind frequently happen, as the fair sex, in this part of the world, are remarkably frail.

There is another singular punishment which is inflicted upon a gallows, which shews the savage disposition of the people. Upon each side of the gallows, near the upper angle, are fixed two chains of different lengths, to each of which is fastened a sharp hook. The malefactor ascends the ladder with the executioner, who thrusts the hook on the shortest chain through the palm of his left hand; after which he thrusts that on the longest chain through the sole of his right foot, and in this manner the criminal is left hanging in the most excruciating torture for the space of three of four days before he expires.

The western Moors still practise the barbarous punishment of sawing the transgressor asunder; which is mostly inflicted upon persons of distinction for crimes against the state. For which purpose they prepare two boards of the same length and breadth with the delinquent, and having tied him between them, they proceed to the execution by beginning at the head. In this manner did Kardinash suffer, who was formerly their ambassador to the British court.

For clipping or debasing the public coin, the old Egyptian punishment is still inflicted here, which is cutting off both the hands of the transgressor.

In smaller crimes, or for those not capital, the offenders are fined, o [...] their pay stopped; and if officers, they are reduced to the station of common soldiers, from whence they may gradually raise themselves to their former dignity. The most common punishment for offences not capital is the bastinado; and the strokes are given either upon the [Page] belly, back, or soles of the feet, according to the pleasure of the cadi, who appoints the number, which sometimes amount to 200 to 300, according to the indulgence the offender can obtain either by bribery or friends; and hence he often dies under this punishment, for want of advocates sufficiently powerful. The most usual mode of bastinading is upon the soles of the feet. The criminal is laid on his back or belly, his feet are raised and tied to a stake, held fast by officers for the purpose, and in this posture the punishment is inflicted by a number of sticks tied together, of the thickness of one's little finger. A Moor convicted of house-breaking, has his right hand cut off and fastened about his neck. He is then led through they city on an ass, with his face [...] turned towards its tail. No respect is paid to the quality of a person; but a pecuniary mulct will arrest the course of justice, unless the offender is guilty of the most flagrant crimes.

The usual punishment for debt is imprisonment, according to the practice of some nations who pretend to the more enlightened. The debtor is usually detained in prison till the chows or bailiffs have seized and sold his effects: If the sale amounts to more than the debt, the surplus is returned to the debtor; if it falls short, he is nevertheless released, and no future demands are made upon him.

RELIGION.

THE inhabitants of Algiers, as is well known, are Mahometans. But such is the depravity of their nature, that they have adopted the very worst parts of the Mahometan religion, and seem to have retained [Page] only as much of it as counte [...]ences their vices.

The Mufti, the Cadi, and the grand Marabout, are the principal ecclesiastics. The first is the high priest of their religion; the second, the supreme judge in ecclesiastical causes, and in such civil matters as the government does not interfere. The third is the chief of an order of saints or hermits. These three persons are distinguished by the largeness of their turbans. They sit in the divan a little below the dey, on his right hand.

The Algerines have the most singular veneration for idiots; insomuch that numbers of their marabouts pretend to be of this order, that they may receive the greater respect from the people. These marabouts either live sequestered in caves, or wander bare legged and bare footed from city to city, with ragged clothes and a staff in their hands, with which they touch [...]uch persons as they think proper, and the person who is touched in this manner regards it as the most signal favor that can be conferred upon him, because he is persuaded that his sins are thereby forgiven. These marabouts study magic and astrology; they undertake to cure all diseases, and to inspire love by numbers, and the powers of incantation. They lead very austere lives, and generally employ themselves in counting their beads, or in prayer and meditation. This saintship goes by succession, and the son is entitled to the same veneration and respect as his father, provided he can support the same gravity and decorum. Some of them are reputed to possess the same faculty as their prophet in receiving visions and conversing with the Deity.

In Algiers there are many mosques, in which these marabouts are buried, who are venerated as [Page] saints, and burning lamps are placed round their sepulchres, to which people send presents to obtain relief in sickness, or go thither upon pilgrimage, Those who are subject to the falling sickness are more highly venerated, because Mahomet was troubled with this disease, and declared that at that time God by his angel Gabriel revealed to him the most sacred mysteries of his religion.

All those Algerines who are of sufficient ability deem it an indispensible duty to go once in their lives upon a pilgrimage to Mecca, and in consequence of the immense numbers who resort thither from different parts of Turkey, this city is more thronged than any city in the world.

As the imposition of Mahometanism has been propagated over such extensive tracts of country in the other three quarters of the globe, and forms so interesting a particular in the history of mankind, it will not per [...]aps be impro [...]r to give some account of the great founder of this religion.

Mahomet, or Mohammed, styled, the Impostor, was born about the end of the 6th century of the Christian aera. He came into the world under many disadvantages. His father Abd'allah was a younger son of Abd'a [...]othaleb; and dying very young, and in his father's life time, left his widow and infant son in very mean circumstances, his whole substance consisting but of five camels and one Ethiopean female slave. Abd'almotaleb was therefore obliged to take care of his grandchild Mahomet; which he not only did during his life, but at his death enjoined his eldest son Abu Taleb, who was brother to Abd'allah by the same mother, to provide for him for the future, which he very affectionately did, and instructed him in the business of a merchant, which he followed; and to that end he [Page] took him into Syria when he was but thirteen years old. He afterwards recommended him to Khadijah, a rich widow, for her factor, in whose service he behaved himself so well, that by making him her husband she soon raised him to an equality with the richest in Mecca.

After he began by this advantageous match to live at his ease, he formed the scheme of establishing a new religion, or, as he expressed it, of replanting the only true and ancient one professed by Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and all the prophets, by destroying the gross idolatry into which the generality of his countrymen had fallen, and weeding out the corruptions and superstitions which the latter Jews and Christians had, as he thought, introduced into their religion, and reducing it to its primitive purity, which consisted chiefly in the worship of one God.

Before he made any attempt abroad, he rightly judged that it was necessary for him to begin with the conversion of his own household. Having therefore retired with his family, as he had done several times before, to a cave in mount Hara, he there opened the secret of his mission to his wife Khadijah; and acquainted her that the angel Gabriel had just before appeared to him, and told him that he was appointed the apostle of God. Khadijah received the news with great joy: swearing by him in whose hands her soul was, that she trusted he would be the prophet of his nation.

Encouraged by so good a beginning, he resolved to proceed, and try for some time what he could do by private persuasion; not daring to hazard the whole affair by exposing it too suddenly to the public.

[Page] The next person Mahomet applied to was Abu Beer, a man of great authority among the Koreish, and one whose interest he well knew would be of great service [...]o him; as it soon appeared: for Abu Beer being gained over, prevailed also upon some of the principal men of Mecca to follow his example, who with a few more were converted in the space of three years: at the end of which time Mahomet having, as he hoped, a sufficient interest to support him, made his mission no longer a secret, but gave out that God had commanded him to admonished his near relations; and in order to do it with more convenience and prospect of success, he directed Ali to prepare an entertainment, and invite the sons and descendants of Abd'almotaleb, intending then to open his mind to them. This was done, and about 40 of them came; but Abu Laheb, one of his uncles, making the company break up before Mahomet had an opportunity of speaking, obliged him to give them a second invitation the next day; and when they were come, he made the following speech to them; "I know no man in all Arabia who can offer his kindred a more excellent thing than I now do to you; I offer you happiness both in this life, and that which is to come; God Almighty hath commanded me to call you unto him: Who, therefore, among you will be assistant to me herein, and become my brother and my vicegerant?" All of them declining the matter, Ali at length rose up, and declared he would be his assistant; and vehemently threatened those who should oppose him. Mahomet upon this embraced Ali with great demonstrations of affection, and desired all those who were present to hear and obey him as his deputy; [Page] at which all the company broke out into a great laughter.

This repulse, however, was so far from discouraing Mahomet, that he began to preach in public to the people, who heard him with some patience till he came to upbraid them with the idolatry and perverseness of themselves and their fathers: which so exasperated them, that they declared themselves his enemies; and would soon have accomplished his ruin had he not been protected by Abu Taleb. The chief of the Koreish threatened him with an open rupture if he did not prevail on Mahomet to desist. At this Abu Taleb was so far moved, that he earnestly dissuaded his nephew from pursuing the affair any farther, representing the great danger of such an undertaking. But Mahomet was not to be intimidated, and told his uncle plainly, that if they set the sun against him on his right hand, and the moon on his left, he would not leave his enterprise. Abu Taleb seeing him so firmly resolved to proceed, used no further arguments, but promised to stand by him against all his enemies.

The Koreish, finding they could neither prevail by fair words, nor by menaces, tried what they could do by force and ill treatment; using Mahomet's followers so very injuriously, that it was not safe for them to continue at Mecca any longer; whereupon Mahomet gave leave to such of them as had not friends to protect them, to seek for refuge elsewhere.

In the sixth year of his mission, Mahomet had the pleasure of seeing his party strengthened by the conversion of his uncle Hamza, and Omar Ebn al Kattab, who was at first a violent opposer of the prophet. As persecution generally advances rather than obstructs the spreading of a religion, Islamism [Page] made so great a progress among the Arab tribes, that the Koreish, to suppress it effectually if possible, in the seventh year of Mahomet's mission, made a solemn league against the Hashemites and the family of Abd'almotaleb, engaging themselves to contract no marriages with any of them; and to give it the greater sanction, reduced it into writing, and laid it up in the Caaba.

The families in consequence continued at variance for three years; but in the 10th year of his mission Mahomet told his uncle Abu Taleb, that God had manifestly shewed his disapprobation of the league which the Koreish had made against them, by sending a worm to eat out every word of the instrument except the name of God. Of this accident Mahomet had probably some private notice: for Abu Taleb went immediately to the Koreish, and acquainted them with it; offering, if it proved false, to deliver his nephew up to them; but in case if were true, he insisted that they ought to lay aside their animosity, and annul the league they had made against the Hashemites. To this they acquiesced; and going to inspect the writing, to their great astonishment found it to be as Abu Taleb had said; and the league was thereupon declared void.

In the same year Abu Taleb died at the age of above fourscore; and about a month, or, as some write, three days after his death, Mahomet had the additional mortification to lose his wife, who had so generously made his fortune. For which reason this year is called the year of mourning.

On the death of these two persons, the Koreish began to be more troublesome than ever to their prophet, insomuch that he found himself obliged to seek for shelter at Tayef, where he applied himself to two of the chief of the tribe of Thakif, who then [Page] were the inhabitants of that place; but they received him very coldly: and he was soon afterwards obliged to depart from thence and return to Mecca, where he put himself under the protection of the Al Motaam Ebn Adi.

This repulse greatly discouraged his followers: but Mahomet notwithstanding boldly continued to preach to the public assemblies at the pilgrimage, and gained many proselytes among them.

In the 12th year of his mission Mahomet gave out that he made his night-journey from Mecca to Jerusalem, and from thence to heaven, so much spoken of by all that write of him.

This story seemed so ridiculous that several of his followers left him in consequence, and would probably have ruined the whole design, had not, Abu Beker vouched for his veracity, and declared, that if Mahomet affirmed it to be true, he verily believed him. Which happy incident not only retrieved the prophet's credit, but encreased it to such a degree, that he was afterwards able to make his disciples swallow whatever he pleased to impose on them. This fiction, notwithstanding its extravagance, was one of the most artful contrivances Mahomet ever devised, and what chiefly contributed to the raising of his reputation to that great height to which it afterwards arrived.

In this year, called by the Mahometans the accepted year, twelve men of Yathreb or Medina, came to Mecca, and took an oath of fidelity to Mahomet at al Akaba, a hill on the north of that city; after which Mahomet sent one of his disciples, named Masab Ebn Omair, home with them, to instruct them more fully in the grounds and ceremonies of his new religion.

[Page] Masab being arrived at Medina, by the assistance of those who had been formerly converted, gained several proselytes, and Mahometanism was propagated so rapidly that there was scarce a house wherein there were not some who had embraced it.

The next year, being the 13th of Mahomet's mission, Masab returned to Mecca, accompanied by 73 men and two women of Medina, who offered Mahomet their assistance, which he readily accepted; as he was in the most imminent danger from his powerful adversaries in Mecca. Out of this number Mahomet chose twelve persons, who were to have the same authority among them as the twelve apostles of Christ had among his disciples.

Hitherto Mahomet had propagated his religion by fair means; so that the whole success of this enterprise, before his flight to Medina, must be attributed solely to persuasion. For before his second oath of fealty or inauguration, at al Akaba, he had no permission to use any force at all; nor would he suffer it. And he was far from allowing it in his followers; but exhorted them to bear patiently those injuries which were offered them on account of their faith. But this great passiveness seemed entirely owing to the great superiority of his opposers for the first twelve years of his mission; for no sooner was he enabled, by the assistance of those of Medina, to oppose his enemies, than he proclaimed that God had permitted him and his followers to attack the insidels, to destroy idolatry, and to establish the true faith by the sword; for he found by experience, that his designs would otherwise have proceeded very slowly, and he well knew that innovators, when they depend solely on their own stre [...]gth, and can compel, seldom [Page] run much risk; from whence, says Machiavel, it follows, that all the armed prophets have succeeded, and the unarmed ones have failed.

That Mahomet had a right to take up arms for his own-defence, may perhaps be allowed; but whether he ought afterwards to have established his religion by compulsion is not so easy to determine. Having provided for the security of his companions as well as his own, by the league offensive and defensive which he had now concluded with those of Medina, he directed them to repair thither, which they accordingly did; but he himself, with Abu Beker and Ali staid behind, having not yet received the divine permission, as he pretended, to leave Mecca. The Koreish, fearing the consequence of this new alliance, began to think it absolutely necessary to prevent Mahomet's escape to Medina; and having held a council thereon, they came to a resolution that he should be killed: and agreed that a man should be chosen out of every tribe for the execution of this design; each of whom should have a blow at him with his sword, that the guilt of his blood might fall equally on all the tribes, to whose united power the Hashemites were much inferior, and therefore durst not attempt to revenge their kinsman's death.

This conspiracy was scarcely formed, before it came to Mahomet's knowledge; and he gave out that it was revealed to him by the angel Gabriel, who had now ordered him to retire to Medina. Whereupon, to amuse his enemies, he directed Ali to lie down in his place, and wrap himself up in his green cloak, which he did; and Mahomet escaped miraculously, as they pretend, to Abu Beker's house, unperceived by the conspirators, who had already assembled at the prophet's door. They, [Page] in the mean time, looking through the crevice, and seeing Ali, whom they took to be Mahomet himself asleep, continued watching there till morning, when Ali arose, and they found themselves deceived.

From Abu Beker's house Mahomet and he went to a cave in mount Thur, to the south-east of Mecca, where they lay hid three days to avoid the search of their enemies; which they very narrowly escaped, and not without the assistance of more miracles than one: for some say that the Koreish were struck with blindness, so that they could not find the cave; others, that after Mahomet and his attendants were got in, two pigeons laid their eggs at the entrance, and a spider covered the mouth of the cave with her web, which made them look no further. Abu Beker, seeing the prophet in imminent danger, became very sorrowful; whereupon Mahomet comforted him with these words recorded in the Koran, Be not grieved, for God is with us. Their enemies being retired, they left the cave, and set out for Medina, by a by-road; and having fortunately escaped some who were sent to pursue them, arrived safely at that city; whither Ali followed them in three days, after he had settled some affairs at Mecca.

The first thing Mahomet did after his arrival at Medina, was to build a temple for his religious worship, and a house of his own accommodation.

After being securely settled there, and able not only to defend himself against the insults of his enemies, but to attack them, he began to send out small parties to make reprisals on the Koreish; the first party consisting of no more than nine men, who intercepted and plundered a caravan belonging to that tribe, and in the action took two prisoners. But, [Page] what established his affairs very much, and was the foundation on which he built his succeeding greatness, was the gaining the battle of Beder, which was fought in the second year of the Hegira, and is famous in the Mahometan history. Some reckon no less than twenty-seven expeditions wherein Mahomet was personally present, in nine of which he gave battle, besides several other expeditions in which he was not present. His forces he maintained partly by the contributions of his followers for this purpose, which he called by the name of zacat or alms, and the paying of which he very artfully made one main article of his religion; and partly by ordering a fifth part of the plunder to be brought into the public treasury for that purpose, in which matter he likewise pretended to act by the divine direction.

In a few years, by the success of his arms, (notwithstanding he sometimes came off by the worst)▪ he considerably raised his credit and power. In the sixth year of the Hegira he set out with 1400 men to visit the temple of Mecca, not with any intent of committing hostilities, but in a peaceable manner. However, when he came to al Hodeibiya, which is situated partly within and partly without the sacred territory, the Koreish sent to let him know that they would not permit him to enter Mecca, unless he forced his way; whereupon he called his troops about him, and they all took a solemn oath of homage to him, and he resolved to attack the city; but those of Mecca sending Arwa Ebn Masud, prince of the tribe of Thakif, as their ambassador, to desire peace, a truce was concluded between them for ten years, by which any person was allowed to enter into a league either with Mahomet, or with the Koreish, as he thought fit.

[Page] It may not be improper, in order to shew the inconceivable veneration and respect the Mahometans by this time had for [...] their prophet, to mention the account which the above mentioned ambassador gave the Koreish of their behaviour, at his return. He said he had been at the courts both of the Roman emperor and the king of Persia, and never saw any prince so highly respected by his subjects as Mahomet was by his companions: for, whenever he made the ablution, in order to say his prayers, they ran and catched the water that he had used; and whenever he spit they immediately liked it up, and gathered every hair that fell from him with great superstition.

In the seventh year of the Hegira, Mahomet began to think of propagating his religion beyond the bounds of Arabia; and sent messengers to the neighbouring princes, with letters to invite them to Mahometanism. Nor was this project without some success. Khosru Parviz, then king of Persia, received his letter with great disdain, and tore it in a passion, sending away the messenger very abruptly: which when Mahomet heard, he said God shall tear his kingdom. And soon after a messenger came to Mahomet from Badhon king of Yaman, who was a dependent on the Persians, to acquaint him that he had received orders to send him to Khosru. Mahomet put off his answer till the next morning, and then told the messenger it had been revealed to him that night that Khosru was slain by his son Shiruyeh; adding, that he was well assured his new religion and empire should rise to as great a height as that of Khosru; and therefore bid him advise his master to embrace Mahometanism. The messenger being returned, Badhan in a few days received a letter from Shiruyeh, informing him of [Page] his father's death, ordering him to give the prophet no further disturbance. Whereupon Badhan and the Persians with him turned Mahometans.

The emperor Hera [...]lius, as the Arabian historians assure us, received Mahomet's letter with great respect, laying it on his pillow, and dismissed the bearer honorably. And some pretend that he would have professed this new faith, had he not been afraid of losing his crown.

Mahomet wrote to the same effect to the king of Ethiopia, and to Mohawkas, governor of Egypt, who gave the messenger a very favorable reception, and sent several valuable presents to Mahomet, and among the rest two beautiful girls, one of which, named Mary, became a great favorite with him. He also sent letters of the like purport to several Arab princes: particularly one to al Hareth Ebn Abi Shamer king of Ghassean, who returning for answer that he would go to Mahomet himself, the prophet said, May his kingdom perish; another to Hawdha Ebn Ali, king of Yamana, who was a Christian, and, having some time before professed Islamism, had lately returned to his former faith; this prince sent back a very rough answer, upon which Mahomet cursing him, he died soon after: and a third to al Mondar Ebn Sawha, king of Bahrein, who embraced Mahometanism, and all the Arabs of that country followed his example.

The eighth year of the Hegira was a very fortunate year to Mahomet. In the beginning of it, Khaled Ebn al Walid and Amru Ebn al As, both excellent soldiers, the first of whom afterwards conquered Syria and other countries, and the latter Egypt, became proselytes to Mahometanism. And soon after the prophet sent 3000 men against the [Page] Grecian forces, to revenge the death of one of his ambassadors, who, being sent to the governor of Bosra on the same errand as those who went to the above-mentioned princes, was slain by an Arab, of the tribe of Ghassan, at Muta, a town in the territory of Balka in Syria, near which they encountered. The Grecians being vastly superior in number (for, including the auxiliary Arabs, they had an army of 100,000 men) the Mahometans were repulsed in the first attack, and lost successively three of their generals, viz. Zeid Ebn Haretha Mahomet's freedman, Jaafar the son of Abu Taleb, and Abdallah Ebn Rawaha: but Khaled Ebn al Walid, succeeding to the command, overthrew the Greeks with great slaughter, and brought away abundance of rich spoil; on occasion of which Mahomet gave him the title of Seif min soyuf Allah, "one of the swords of God."

In this year Mahomet took the city of Mecca, the inhabitants whereof had broken the truce concluded on two years before. For the tribe of Beker, who were confederates with the Koreish, attacking those of Khozaah, who were allies of Mahomet, killed several of them, being supported in the action by a party of the Koreish themselves. In consequence of this violation, Abu Sosian himself made a journey [...]o Medina on purpose to heal the breach and renew the truce: but in vain: for Mahomet, glad of this opportunity, refused to see him: whereupon he applied to Abu Beker and Ali: but they giving him no answer, he was obliged to return to Mecca as he came.

Mahomet immediately gave orders for preparations to be made, that he might surprize the Meccans while they were unprovided to receive him: in a little time he began his march thither; and by [Page] the time he came near the city, his forces were increased to 10,000 men. Those of Mecca, being not in a condition to defend themselves against so formidable an army, surrendered at discretion, and Abu So [...]ian saved his life by turning Mahometan. About 28 of the idolaters were killed by a party under the command of Khaled; but this happened contrary to Mahomet's orders, who, when he entered the town, pardoned all the Koreish on their submission, except three men and one woman who were put to death, the rest obtaining pardon on their embracing Mahometanism.

The remainder of this year Mahomet employed in destroying the idols in and about Mecca, sending several of his generals on expeditions for that purpose, and to invite the Arabs to Islamism: wherein it is no wonder if they now met with success.

The next year being the ninth of the Hegira, the Mahometans call the year of embassies: for the Arabs had been hitherto expecting the issue of the war between Mahomet and the Koreish: but as soon as that tribe, the principal of the whole nation, and the genuine descendants of Ishmael, whose prerogatives none offered to dispute, had submitted, they were satisfied that it was not in their power to oppose Mahomet; and therefore began to come into him in great numbers, and to send embassies to make their submission to him, both to Mecca, while he staid there, and also to Medina, whither he returned this year. Among the rest, five kings of the tribe of Hamyar professed Mahometanism, and sent ambassadors to notify the same.

In the tenth year, Ali was sent into Yaman to propagate the Mahometan faith there, and, as it is said, converted the whole tribe of Hamdan in one day. Their example was quickly followed by all [Page] the inhabitants of that province, except only those of Najran, who, being Christians, chose rather to pay tribute.

In the eleventh year Mahomet died; thus was Mahometanism established, and idolatry rooted out even in Mahomet's time, throughout all Arabia, except only Yamana, where Moseilama, who set up also for a prophet as Mahomet's competitor, had a great party, and was not reduced till the kalifat of Abu Beker, and the Arabs being then united in one faith, and under one prince, found themselves in a condition of making those conquests, which extended the Mahometan faith over so great part of the world.

The mosque which contains Mahomet's tomb, stands nearly in the center of Medina, which, in consequence, is called the most holy city. It is a magnificent structure, supported by 400 stately columns, and lighted up with 300 superb lamps of superior lustre, which are kept continually burning. It has a small tower covered with plates of silver, and the floor is covered with a cloth of gold. It is more visited than any city in the world except Mecca. Mahomet's coffin stands under the cupola. It has long been the vulgar opinion that this coffin is made of steel, and suspended in the air by the power of two magnets, but this notion is erroneous, and has long ago been exploded. The tomb lies exposed to view from the middle to the bottom of the dome, and is surrounded by a small wall, which is pierced with windows senced with silver grates. The inside is adorned with precious stones of immense value, especially on that part of the cupola which is over the head of the prophet. Over his feet is placed a golden crescent of exquisite workmanship, and sparkling with the most costly brilliants. [Page] A canopy of the most elegant embroidery is extended above, and over the coffin is thrown a rich pall of gold and silver tissue, which are annually sent thither by the bashaw of Egypt, by order of the Grand Signior, and with the greatest magnificence. It is commonly carried upon the back of a stately camel, and when the precious gift is taken off, the beast is no longer used in servile drudgery.

The place where the coffin lies, is supported by pillars of black marble, and encompassed with a balustrade of silver, hung with such a number of burning lamps, that the smoke darkens the place. The cupola is hung with white and red damask, and has these words embroidered upon it in Arabic letters of gold, God is God, and Mahomet is his prophet. The place is a hundred paces long and ninety broad; it has two gates and a vaulted nave. The concourse of pilgrims that resort to this dome is astonishing, and every Mussulman is bound by his religion to visit this tomb at least once in his life; after which he is for ever regarded as a saint.

The first article of the Mahometan religion is that there is no God but the true God, and Mahomet is his apostle. The Alcoran enjoins the belief of angels; and teaches that they are pure and subtle bodies, that there is no distinction of sexes among them, and that they do not propagate their species that they have various forms and offices; that some adore God in different postures, and others sing praises to him or intercede for mankind.

Mahomet named to devil Eblis from his despair. He was one of the angels called Azazil, who are in God's immediate presence, and he fell for refusing to pay homage to Adam at God's command. The Mahometans believe in a subordinate race of angels [Page] called [...] formed of grosser fire, who propagate their species, are subject to death and liable to future rewards and punishments.

They believe in no less than 124,000 prophets, some say more, who have been sent into the world at different periods; among whom were No [...]h, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and M [...]met, and that the laws of each of these prophets, successively abrogated those of their immediate predecessors.

The next article of the Mahometan faith is the doctrine of the resurrection; but the time is known to none but God alone. Mahomet conversed with Gabriel upon this subject; but the angel acknowledged his ignorance of the time. They believe that the resurrection will extend to all animals, and that angels, genii, and men will rise, some to eternal happiness and others to eternal misery.

They believe in paradise, which they imagine to be situated above the seven heavens, or in the seventh immediately under the throne of God; and to represent the amenity of the place they say that the earth of it is of the finest wheat flour, or of the purest musk; that its stones are pearl and jacinths, the walls of its buildings are embellished with gold and silver, and that the trunks of all its trees are of pure gold; among which the most remarkable is the tree Tuba, or the tree of happiness, which stands in Mahomet's palace, and a branch of it extends to the abode of every true believer; that the boughs are loaded with the most exquisite fruits of surprising bigness, and of tastes unknown to mortals; of which if a man desire to eat the branches will bend down and present him their fruit; that this tree will supply him with the richest garments of silk; that beasts will burst forth from the fruit, adorned with the richest trappings ready for true [Page] believers to ride upon, and that this tree is so large that a person mounted on the swi [...]test horse, would not be able to gallop from one end of its shade to the other in an hundred years. Some of the rivers of paradise, they say, flow with the purest streams of water, some with milk, some with honey, and others with wine, all which take their rise from the root of the tree of happiness; besides which, they say, it is watered by infinite numbers of springs and fountains, whose pebbles are rubies and emeralds, their beds of musk, and their sides of saffron.

But all these glories will be infinitely transcended by the charms of women of the most ineffable and ravishing beauty, the residents of paradise, whose society will be a perpetual source of felicity to the faithful. These, the Alcoran says, are formed of pure musk, and free from all impurities incident to the sex, of the most exemplary modesty, and secluded from public view in pavilions of hollow pearl, threescore miles long and as many broad; and that the inhabitants of paradise may enjoy these pleasures in their fullest extent, it is said they will be endowed with extraordinary faculties, and flourish in eternal youth.

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CHAP. II.

A short account of the principal cities. The city of ALGIERS. Its origin, situation, houses, water, public buildings, bagnios, streets, gates, walls, mole, castles, and fortifications.

THERE are few towns of any consequence, even along the sea-coasts; though when successively under the dominion of Carthage and Rome, it abounded with populous cities. All the sea-port towns, except the metropolis, are thinly peopled; those in the interior part of the country still more so, and they are inhabited by a haughty robust people, who trade into Biledulgerid and the country of the blacks.

BONA is supposed to be the same place with the antient Hippo, a sea-port built by the ancients. It was formerly the capital of the province of Bona. It lies on the Mediterranean sea, and there is a coral fishery near it. It is a town of no importance, and of slender population. In this part of the world, elegant architecture has, for many centuries, been utterly forgotten or despised. The buildings of Bona, as every where else, are therefore mean. It is exposed to the incursions of the Arabs. The name of this people is used by travellers in a very indefinite manner. Algiers is at the distance of some hundreds of leagues from Arabia: but as this part of Africa was formerly conquered by that nation, [Page] under the banners of Maho [...], the name is still applied to a race of tawny and independent barbarians, who wander in gangs about the country, and unite the double profession of a shepherd and a robber. Bona was formerly a magnificent city. Its grandeur is now only to be traced in the ruins of a monastery. It has a fortress, and a garrison of three hundred Turks, as these banditti chuse to call themselves; a Turk being the most reputable character in that country. These adventurers however are not Turks, but the sweepings of all nations blended together. They are commanded by an aga, who is likewise governor of the town. Bona was taken by Charles V. in his expedition to Tunis, but was not long after recovered by its former masters.

CONSTANTINA is situated on the river Sef Gomar, forty-eight miles from the sea-coast. It received its present name from that of a princess, the daughter of the emperor Constantine, to whom it is indebted for its magnificence. The situation is on a peninsula, difficult of access, except towards the south-west. It is one mile in circumference, well fortified, and contains many fragments of ancient architecture. In particular there is a part of noble bridge; and near it is a large subterraneous aqueduct, which terminates in a cascade▪ State criminals are sometimes precipitated down this place, and dashed to pieces against the rocks at its bottom. A bey resides here, and has under his command three hundred Turkish horse, and one thousand five hundred Moorish soldiers. The inhabitants of Constantina are said to be opulent and haughty. This city was formerly the residence of a race of kings who governed the province of Constantina, of which it is the metropolis; but in the year 1520, the [Page] whole territory [...] was conquered by Barbarossa, that distinguished tyrant, who annexed it to the government of Algiers. Some splendid ruins exist in the vicinity of Constantina. Upon the sea-coast, at a small distance from it, are the traces of a Roman colony, anciently called Colo. It is situated on a high rock, and has a garrison. Adjoining to it is a French factory, to which the Moors bring hides, wax, and wool, for sale. At no great distance are the remains of the ancient city of Stora. It is said that the mountainous part of this te [...]troy is inhabited by a hardy people, who can raise forty thousand [...]ighting men.

GIGERI is situated about fifteen miles from Bona. It contains about fifteen hundred houses, and the inhabitants are very poor. It is defended by a fort and a small garrison. The natives of this part of the country are independent and barbarous. They retire, when circumstances require it, to inaccessible fastnesses, and set the dey of Algiers at defiance. Ships, when wrecked on this coast, are plundered, and the crews are treated with the utmost savagenss. In this respect, however, the natives of the territory of Gigeri cannot differ much for the worse from the rest of their countrymen; nor is the practice peculiar to Barbary. Scenes of the same kind are frequently acted with impunity, on the coast of Cornwall, and other maritime counties of England*. The French, in the [Page] year 1666, had begun to fortify O [...]geri. They were driven from it by the Algerines, with the loss of their cannon, and most of their effects.

BUGIA was formerly the capital of a kingdom of the same name. It stands at the mouth of the river Major, or Zinganor, about twenty leagues to the eastward of Algiers. It is little better than a heap of ruins; a description which applies to almost every town in that part of the world. It has three castles, two at the port, and one upon a rock, at a small distance behind them. In the year 1671, a British admiral took or destroyed, in this harbour, nine Algerine ships of war. It is extremely seldom that an admiral has been charged with such a laudable commission,

STESSA, or STEFFA, is situated in a fertile valley, sixty miles to the south of Bugia, and fifteen miles from the sea. It exhibits only the melancholy ruins of its former magnificence, containing about three hundred miserable families.

TEBEF was formerly a flourishing city, but is at present extremely reduced. ZAMOURA is in the same condition. It is defended by a fort.

COUCO was once the metropolis of a kingdom [...] the same name. Its sovereigns were in the habit of forming alliances with the court of Spain. For this reason the Algerines, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, ravaged the whole country, [Page] and destroyed every town in it. The inhabitants have still supported their independence, by taking refuge in the mountainous parts of the country, which are said to be very fertile; but the Algerines prevent them from holding any intercourse with foreign nations.

BISCARA has a fort and garrison. One of the chief employments of the people here is to catch and tame lions, tigers, and other beasts of prey, which they carry for sale to Algiers.

NECANZ is one of the most pleasant towns in Barbary. It is watered by an agreeable river, whose banks are adorned with a variety of beautiful trees. The town contains a magnificent mosque and a college for the education of Mahometan students.

ORAN is situated about two hundred and fifty miles west of Algiers. It lies partly on a plain, and partly on the ascent of a hill. It is a mile and half in circumference and tolerably fortified. But it is unfortunately commanded by some of the neighbouring eminences; so that a garrison of ten or twelve thousand men is necessary to defend it with success against a skilful enemy. As the Spanish coasts and merchant ships had suffered much from the corsairs of this port, Ferdinand king of Spain determined to attempt its reduction. For this purpose he transported into Africa an army, under the command of his prime minister cardinal Ximenes, who maintained a correspondence with some of the people of Oran; and when the Moors sa [...]lied out to attack the Spanish army, their perfidious countrymen shut their gates against them, Ximenes [Page] killed four thousand of the barbarians, and set at liberty twenty thousand Christian slaves. The Algerines, during almost two hundred years, made frequent and unsuccessful attempts to recover the town. At last, in 1708, they retook it. In June 1732, a Spanish army was disembarked not far from Oran. The Turkish commander, his troops, and the inhabitants were seized with a panic, and abandoned their fortifications without much resistance. The victors found in the place an hundred and forty-six pieces of cannon, besides mortars, and at least fifty ship loads of provisions. This latter supply contributed much to the preservation of their new conquest. Without it they must have run the greatest hazard of perishing in the midst of success; as a tempest, which lasted for several days, cut off all intercourse between the army upon shore, and the fleet at sea. The Moors not long after attacked the Spaniards with great fury, but were finally repulsed with great slaughter on both sides. The greatest part of this town has lately been laid in ruins by an earthquake; since which it has been evacuated by the Spaniards, and left in possession of the Turks. From these ruins the dey of Algiers has lately exported great quantities of white stone for the purpose of building his new mosque.

TREMESEN was formerly the capital town of a kingdom of that name. It is situated ninety miles south-west of Oran, surrounded by a strong wall and well fortified. It has five gates with drawbridges before them, and a castle containing handsome barracks for the Janisaries who are in garrison. Tremesen while a metropolis was a splendid city. It contained one hundred and fifty mosques, and [Page] one hundred and sixty public baths. Since it ceased to be the seat of an independent government, it has fallen into ruins and desolation. The mosques are reduced to eight, and its public baths to four. The inhabitants are extremely indigent.

MOSTAGAN stands fifty miles east of Oran. This town is built in the form of a theatre opening to the sea, and surrounded on every other side with rocks that hang over it. The ruins of an old Moorish castle stands in a space between the rocks, and there a strong stone wall towards the port, with a modern built castle, garrisoned by a number of Turks. The citadel is erected upon the summit of one of rocks, and commands both city and territory. The haven is commodious, and the town is well supplied with water. The neighbouring mountains are inhabited by a people called Magarabas, who live in tents, and possess a great number of flocks. There is a handsome mosque in this town.

TENEZ is situated about one hundred miles to the eastward of Oran, twenty miles east of Mostagan, and at a league distant from the sea, where it has a convenient port. There is a castle that was once a royal palace, and in which the governor resides. The fortifications are strong, the garrison numerous, and the neighbouring territory fertile.

SERCELLI lies between Tenez and Algiers, about twenty-four miles to the westward of the latter. It is defended by a Turkish garrison, and has a port which will only admit of small vessels [Page] This was anciently a large and populous city, but is at present a poor and desolate place.

THE CITY OF ALGIERS.

Its Origin.

THE names of the original founders of this city have never been satisfactorily ascertained. The accounts transmitted to us by historians are involved in much doubt and uncertainty, and its foundation has been ascribed to various princes generally of Roman extraction.

The testimony of Strabo, however, seems the most authentic. In his account of Mauritania Caesariensis he informs us, that there was formerly an ancient city on the Mediterranean known by the name of Jol, which was founded by Juba the father of P [...]olemy, and son of Juba the first king of that name in Mauritania. It is situated, according to him, about the thirty-seventh degree of north latitude, and has a small island in the harbour; and as there is no other place upon the Mediterranean thus circumstanced, it may be presumed that the ancient city of Jol is the same as that of Algiers.

Juba was taken prisoner in the wars between Pompey and the Caesarian party, and carried to Rome, where he was ordered to be educated. He soon acquitted himself so well in his studies, that Augustus not only gave him his liberty, but married him to the beautiful Silene, the daughter of Mark Anthony and Cleopatra, and restored him his father's extensive kingdom of Mauritania, which at that time included the kingdoms of Morocco, Fez, Tremesen, Oran, Tunis, Algiers and Bugia. As [Page] a grateful acknowledgement for so signal a favour, he gave the city of Jol the name of Jol Caesarea, and as he conferred a new name upon this city in particular, in order to perpetuate the remembrance of his noble friend, we may presume it was anciently one of the most important cities in Mauritania.

Towards the end of the seventh century, the Mahometan Arabs over-ran all Mauritania; and as they seemed to have a particular hatred to the works, as well as the names of the Romans which they abolished, they called this city Algezair or rather Al Jezier, or Al-Jezerah, an Arabic word which signifies belonging to an island, because there was an island before it, which is now joined to it by a mole, and forms one of the sides of the harbour. The Turks call is Al Jezeire Al Gazie, i. e. Algiers the warlike, and in their public letters and records Al Je-Zeire, i. e. the island of the west, to distinguish it from a city of the same name near the Dardanelles. Doctor Shaw says we should pronounce it Al-Je-Zeirah.

Situation.

THIS city is the capital of the kingdom of Algiers and probably the I [...]o [...]ium of the ancients. It is situated at the 36th degree 49th minute of North Latitude, and the 77th degree 37th minute of East Longitude from Philadelphia, and lies nearly in the same latitude with the southern boundary of Virginia in the United States. It is built on the declivity of a mountain by the sea-side, facing the north, on a bay of the Mediterranean sea. The houses rise gradually from the sea-shore, in the form of an amphitheatre, and terminate nearly in a point towards the summit of the mountain. The town, [Page] with its mosques, castles, and other public buildings, has a beautiful appearance at a distance when approaching from the water, and when first discovered looks like the top-sail of a ship.

Houses.

THE sides of the houses are white, and in consequence at a distance one would take it to be a place where they bleach linen. The roofs are flat; so that the people can visit each other, at a considerable distance without going into the streets. Where the houses are of an unequal height, there is always a communication by a ladder. As they are open at top it is easy for any one to enter them, but theft and robbery are scarcely ever known; for if a stranger is apprehended in a house without having previously sent in his name, he seldom escapes capital punishment. The tops of the houses are paved with a kind of brick or tile, and a brick wall is built up about breast high to prevent persons from falling. Above these, summer houses are erected, and as there are no squares, gardens, or public walks in the whole city, the inhabitants repair to these places after their business is finished, for the purpose of recreation, and the pleasure of seeing their corsairs bring in prizes. One house rises above another in such a manner that they do not hinder each other's prospect towards the sea. They are square and built of stone and bricks, with a square court in the middle; around this court is a double range of galleries, one above the other, and both supported by columns. The houses are in general three stories high, and cont [...]in five or six families; and such is their singular [Page] prediliction for white, that all the outsides and insides of their houses, mosques and public buildings, are whitewashed once a year. Their number is computed to be about 15000. Their rooms are paved with square tiles or bricks of several colours neatly joined together. The inward rooms have no light but what they receive from the gates, which are large, and reach up to the ceiling. Those fronting the streets have some windows, in which are fixed round cross bars of iron four or five inches asunder, but they have no panes of glass; so that they resemble prisons rather than houses. They have no chimnies, but make their fires in earthen pots, commonly placed near the door to let out the smoke, which is apt, however, to sully their walls. Their household furniture consists of a few earthen pots, platters, spoons, ladles, wooden trunks, and a mat and two quilts laid on the floor, which serves them for a bed.

Water.

THEY have neither springs nor wells in the whole city; and till the last century their only supply was rain water, when a Moor who had been driven from Spain constructed two aqueducts, by which they are now supplied from a spring which rises out of a hill about 1700 paces from the city, near the place where Charles V. pitched his tent in 1541. Since which time aqueducts have been formed from several other springs in the country; and the water is plentifully conveyed into the city by conduits or pipes under ground, which supply upwards of 150 fountains; at each of which a bowl is fastened for the use of passengers. The water which [Page] falls to the ground runs off through small holes in the streets near each fountain, and discharges itself into common sewers, through which the filth of the city is conveyed away. All these pipes discharge themselves into the common reservoir at the end of the mole, where the ships take in their water. Every one takes his turn at these places, except the Turks, who are first served, and the Jews last, who in this particular are postponed even to the slaves themselves.

Public Buildings, &c.

THERE are ten great mosques and fifty smaller ones, which have a s [...]iking effect. The dey's new mosque was begun about the year 1790, and stands upon the ground that was formerly occupied by the Bagnio Cedimo. It is 60 by 40 feet, three stories high, and supported by pillars of white marble imported from Genoa. The walls are of white stone from the ruins of Oran, and the American slaves were generally employed on Friday in carrying them from the mole up to the mosque.

Near this mosque stands the Logger Bastion, the place of execution for Turks and Coulolies.

The seraglio of the dey's favorite wife is the most superb edifice in the city. It is supported by pillars of curious workmanship, embellished in an elegant style of architecture, and from the ceiling of each apartment is suspended a clustre of lamps that make a splendid appearance.

The dey's palace is the largest edifice, and stands nearly in the center of the city. This building is very extensive, and surrounded by two superb galleries supported by marble pillars.

[Page] There are nine fine structures which the Janisaries occupy as cazarees or barracks, which will hold 600 each; six of which are appropriated to the use of unmarried Turkish soldiers. Upon the top of these cazarees there are Turkish soldiers always stationed, who cry out with a loud voice whenever a sail is discovered at sea.

There are three great colleges or public schools, and a great number of petty ones for children; four fundies or public inns, such as in Turkey; and above sixty public bagnios or baths, at a very moderate rate. The women have baths of their own, where the men dare not come. But they have no caravanseras; but only a few tippling huts, cook-shops, &c. kept by Christian slaves, for the accommodation of Greeks, and the poorer [...]ort of travellers, where any thing may be had for money.

There are several tolerable edifices without the walls of the town, which add to the beauty of the environs. Among these are a great number of Turkish sepulchres and monuments; as also cells or chapels, dedicated to marabouts, or reputed saints, which the women go to visit every Friday. One of these monuments contains six magnificent tombs of a circular figure, which were erected to the memory of six deys, who were, in the course of a few days, successively elected and murdered. With respect to the burial of their dead, the Mahometans discover a degree of delicacy, of which Christians have no conception. Their graves are never broken up a second time, and the professors of the Mahometan religion regard it as an act of the most barbarous sacrilege to disturb the remains of the dead, by opening their graves at any distance of [Page] time, or upon any pretence whatever. Hence their burial grounds in the neighbourhood of a large city are sometimes ten miles in extent.

Bagnios.

THERE are but two bagnios in the city, built of stone, where the slaves are lodged, the one called the Bagnio Baleck and the other the Bagnio Gallaro; the former of which i [...] much the largest, and will contain three times as great a number as the latter. They stand in the main street within about fifty yards of each other, between Bubazoon and the dey's palace. The lower apartments of these bagnios are occupied as taverns, which are kept by slaves, who pay the dey an annual tribute for the privilege, according to the quantity of liquor they sell. The tavern-keepers frequently manufacture their own wine in these bagnios, from g [...]pes purchased of the Moors. To these places the Turks resort while the slaves are at labour; but soon as the slaves return the warden bashaw compels them to retire: for they are not suffered to be with the slaves. Each apartment is large enough to accommodate about a dozen slaves. The windows are formed of round cross bars of iron about three or four inches apart, but without panes of glass. Down the sides of the walls hang heavy chains of long links fixed to staples, with rings to the ends, in which all disorderly slaves are confined either by the leg or neck till morning, when they are punished according to their crimes. These bagnios are under the guardianship of two corporals, who [Page] are chosen from among the strongest and most robust of the slaves whom they attend at labour.

In the bagnio Gallaro five apartments are occupied by wild beasts, such as lions, tygers, leopards, &c. intended as presents to nations in alliance with the dey. Some of these beasts sometimes break loose from their boxes, and they are not confined again till some one falls a victim to their fury.

Besides these ta [...]erns there is one called the Rappagee, near the the port of Bubazoon, and another called the Sanduke of the Luke, intended as a kind of hospital for lunatics.

The celebrated admiral Pinchinin was the owner of a large bagnio about the year 1640, which is described as follows. This bagnio was occupied by all such slaves as were intended for his galleys. It was a spacious building through which there was a narrow passage or entry, which led into a large vault, that received only a small portion of light from a grate above; but so insufficient that in some of the apartments it was necessary to keep lamps burning the whole day. In the upper parts of the building there was a large square, containing several galleries two stories high, between which were several apartments, and a church for Christian slaves large enough to contain 300 persons. The roof was flat and terraced according to the Spanish mode. This bagnio contained 550 slaves belonging to Pinchinin, whom he allowed three hours every day to provide for their own subsistence, which they employed in stealing and the practice of every species of villany. The articles that had been stolen the preceding day were sold every morning at public auction in the bagnio, and thus [Page] were these miserable beings supported. But great numbers of them, notwithstanding, starved to death every year, and a traveller informs us that twenty Englishmen died here in one winter through mere want.

Streets.

NONE of the streets in Algiers have any names. They generally ascend with the hill, and are so extremely narrow that two persons can scarcely walk a-breast. The middle part is lower than the sides for the purpose of conveying off the water more conveniently. The principal street is 1200 paces in length; it runs north and south from the port of Bubazoon to Babloet, and is not above twelve feet wide. This street is filled with elegant houses, and the stores of the principal merchants, in which there are markets for corn, bread, meat, fish, &c.

When any loaded beasts, such as camels, horses mules or asses pass along, one is forced to stand up close to the wall to let them pass by; and what is still worse, the insolence of the Turkish soldiers is such that a Christian, of whatever rank he may be, must stand close against the wall till they have passed by; otherwise they would not fail to show their superiority by acts of violence. It has been thought that the streets were made narrow, in order that the buildings might afford a shelter against the heat of the sun; but it is evident that their narrowness is intended to prevent the bad effects of earthquakes; since the fronts of almost all the houses are supported by rafters, which extend from one to the other across the streets.

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Gates.

THE city has five gates, which are open from day-break till sun-set; after which no one can enter the city. 1. PORTA PISCOU, or fisher's gate, opens to the mole on the east; near this gate is the place of rendezvous for fishing boats. The fisherman sit in rows within the gate, and expose their fish to sale in large baskets. 2. PORTA NOVA, or Newgate, opens to the south-west, and is the passage to the imperial castle. 3. BABLOET, or as it is rather pronounced Bublywhite, stands to the north. 4. BABAZIRA, which opens into the harbour. This is the gate where the American prisoners were examined when they passed from the marine. 5. BABAZON, or rather Bubazoon, is due south: but neither this nor Babloet are of much consideration. Near this gate is the place of execution for slaves: a platform is built on the top, about fifty feet high, from whence criminals are precipitated down an oblique wall, in which are fixed ganches or hooks at short distances, by which the malefactor is either hung or torn to pieces; and should he escape these, he is sure to be dashed to pieces upon sharp rocks which lie below.

City Wall.

THE city is surrounded by a wall about a league in circumference, and defended by square towers and bastions with which they are flanked. The lower part of the wall is of hewn stone; it is [Page] twelve feet thick, thirty feet high on the land side, and forty feet towards the sea; and contains many houses.

Mole.

THE harbour is the work of immense labour and difficulty. It is about fifteen feet deep, and extremely dangerous for vessels. It is formed by a mole in the form of a semicircle, about 500 paces in length, lying north-east and south-west from the town to a small island or rock called the Lantern; from which another mole of the same length is extended north and south, for the purpose of forming a shelter. In the angle of these two moles stands a square edifice, in the middle of which there is a court with rails, and four fountains used for ablutions when the hour of prayer is proclaimed. Round the four sides is a seat covered with a mat, where the admiral and officers of the navy hold their daily meetings. The castle called Sardinia, and the castle of the Lantern stand on the mole; the former of which is mounted with two, and the latter with three tire of guns. The lower tire are 32 pounders; but they are never prepared for defence upon sudden emergencies, for the lower apartments are so filled with large quantities of lumber and naval stores, that an enemy, suddenly running into the harbour, might destroy the city before they could bring their heavier pieces to play. Along the side of the mole there is a wharf for loading and unloading ships, and for mooring galleys and other vessels. Beneath the mole on one side is a stone quay, and on the other side a sandy and rocky bank. All vessels lying along side the mole are moored about fifteen yards from the shore, and secured by a [Page] number of cables which extend in different directions, and are lashed fast to cannon planted in the mole. The most boisterous sea is occasioned by a north-east wind. I [...] the time of violent storms a number of the slaves, particularly sailors, are continually stationed upon the mole, with Turkish guards, to assist the vessels in case of necessity.

The winter is the most dangerous season for vessels, and whenever a violent northern or north-east wind blows, they are in danger either of being greatly damaged or driven on shore.

On the north side of the rock is situated the light-house fort, which is diligently lighted every night for the security of vessels entering the harbour. It has three batteries of brass cannon. A little to the southward of this there is another which defends the entrance of the harbour, and is mounted with 80 pieces of cannon, 12, 18, and 36 pounders, pointed from north to south; most of which were taken taken from the Tunisians in 1617. On the north and south mole there are rope-walks and several magazines, where naval stores, and the cargoes of captured vessels are deposited.

Castles and Fortifications.

NEAR the city on the land side are four castles, the most considerable of which is the imperial castle, or the castle of the emperor, which is situated on an eminence at the distance of half a league to the south south-west, and commands the whole city, harbour, and the adjacent country. It is so called because the emperor Charles V. laid the foundation of it in 1541, when he was besieging the city. But it is only mounted with a few pieces of small cannon, [Page] either through neglect or an apprehension that it might prove destructive to the city in case it should fall into the hands of an enemy; for it is situated on so advantageous an eminence that from it the city might soon be battered into ruins.

The new castle, commonly called the Star, is built in a hepta [...]onal form, and situated on an eminence to the south-west. The other two are called Bubazoon and Bobloet, because they are near and opposite the gates of the same name; but neither of them are of much consideration.

Besides these there are several along the shore on the west side of the city. The battery of the mole gate stands upon the east angle of the city, and is mounted with six pieces of ordnance, one of which has seven cylinders, each of them three inches in diameter. About half a league to the west south-west of the harbour is the battery of the fisher's gate, which is defended by a double tire of cannon, and commands the entrance of the port and the road before it.

The strongest fortifications are at the entrance of the harbour, the situation of which adds to its security; as the northern winds are generally violent, and occasion such a sea, that ships would be exposed to great danger, either in the road or along the shore.

Many former writers, either through ignorance, or a misgrounded prejudice, have represented all these fortification so impregnable that they bid defiance to the confederated powers of the Christians. But recent and more accurate observations have detected the fallacy of this account: and all persons of observation who have lately resided there, unanimously concur in the opinion, that three or at most four British fifty-gun ships, provided they [Page] met with no disaster from the elements, would soon batter it about the ears of the inhabitants from the harbour. A late writer observes, that notwithstanding their fortifications, the city is so commanded by the adjacent kills on every side but that of the sea, that from these eminencies, where it is most vulnerable, a besieging army would soon batter it into a heap of ruins.

It is not a little singular, however, that this city has, for several ages, braved some of the greatest powers in Christendom: but this must be imputed to the very injudicious conduct of most of the besiegers, or the violence of tempests which have proved destructive to so many vessels in their harbour. The Spaniards in their attempts to reduce Algiers, have been the most material sufferers; but the pusilanimity of their forces has long been proverbial, and Spanish discomfiture is no kind of criterion to judge of the defensive powers of the Algerines.

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CHAP. III.

Inhabitants, customs and manners of the city of Algiers.

THE present dey of Algiers was originally a Turkish soldier, and was imported into Algiers from a place near Smyrna about the year 1786. He was at first employed about the old dey's palace, and by his artifice he soon after became so great a court favorite, that he obtained the office of vichelhadge of the marine. Shortly after this event the cassan-aga, or prime minister, through the intrigues of the bashaw of Constantina with the old dey, fell a victim to the bow-string, and Hassan Bashaw, the present dey, was promoted to the vacant office of cassan-aga, Cedelli, who was a Grecian of an enterprising spirit, succeeded him in the office of vichelhadge, and the old dey shortly after dying a natural death, Cedelli, who was Hassan's friend, insisted upon his assuming the imperial chair. Hassan discovered great reluctance; but Cedelli, who came armed with a party for the purpose, forced him into the chair and supported him there. The aga shortly after made his appearance, intending to contest the right of sovereignty with him, and attempted to assassinate him him in his seat; but he was seized by the chiahs, who dragged him to the Logger Bastion, where he received the bow-string, and one of Hassan's friends was appointed aga in his stead. [Page] Hassan afterward [...] married the daughter of the former cassan-aga, who had been executed through the intrigues of the bashaw of Constantina, and after Hassan was established in the sovereignty, she persuaded him to bow-string this bashaw; and as she was Hassan's favorite wife her desire was granted, and the bashaw fell a victim to her resentment.

Cedelli soon after greatly incurred the displeasure of Hassan. The dey had issued orders that no Dutch vessels should be captured within forty days; but Cedelli, either through design or inadvertence, gave instructions to the corsairs to make immediate captures, and several Dutch vessels were brought into Algiers; which so violently exasperated Hassan, that he demanded in a vengeful and sarcastic tone, whether he or Cedelli was dey of Algiers? Cedelli fortunately escaped the bowstring, but was immediately banished from Algiers.

When consuls, foreign agents, and other official characters enter the dey's palace, they are requested to pull off their shoes, and this ceremony is always expected. His visitors then approach him with great reverence and kiss his hand. The dey and his visitors are seated on slabs of marble or slate projecting from the wall, about three feet high, upon which are placed cushions elegantly embroidered and fringed with gold, where his visitors sit cross legged. The dey sits with a large fan of ostriches' feathers in his hand. All other Turks of distinction receive their visitors in the same manner. While they are thus seated they are served by slaves with coffee, which is considered the greatest treat that can be given, and as a particular mark of distinction conferred upon his visitors.

[Page] No person is suffered to enter his palace with d [...]ggers or any kind of arms; and when such attempts are made, the dey, through apprehension of as [...]sination, makes the most hideous outcries; the delinquent is seized, and several hundred strokes of the bastinado are inflicted upon him for the offence.

When the Grand Signior approves of the dey's conduct he sends him an elegant robe called a Ta [...] tan to signify his approbation of his conduct in administration. A present of this nature is highly acceptable, because it is a great protection to his person, and conciliates the minds of the people in his favour.

The present dey is about 50 years old. His face is decorated with a long black beard. He is a man of a venerable aspect and of a mejestic person, being about six feet high, but rather inclining to leanness. He speaks in a very imperious and authoritative tone, as is the case with all the Turks. He goes bare legged, but with slippers on his feet, and cannot be distinguished by his dress from the rest of the Turks; but only by the greater veneration that is paid him.

When he walks the streets of Algiers his lisberos go before him with clubs in their hands to clear the way, and as he approaches every person flies with precipitation into bye-ways; for if any one comes within the reach of their clubs he is sure to be knocked down and trampled under foot. When he rides out, even upon a full gallop, these lisberos run before him, and every obstacle must give way at his approach.

While the American prisoners were in Algiers the dey once condescended to visit the marine, which was looked upon as the most singular event that ever occurred; for neither the dey, the cassan-aga, [Page] nor aga, are ever known to pay such visits. As he approached the shore the cannon of the castles, and on the walls of the city were fired, trumpets sounded, and French horns played from the marine. He was attended by all the rais or commanders of vessels, who regarded this visit as the very highest compliment. He gave the warden bashaw a considerable sum of money to be distributed among the slaves. After examining the marine he was invited into the skiff of the vichelhadge, where he sat down with his attendants and after drinking a dish of coffee retired to his palace.

The dey keeps about 30 concubines in his seraglio, who are attended by black enuchs, but the women are never seen by the slaves. He has but one child, a daughter about seven years old, who is the greatest favorite imaginable with the dey. She was engaged to be married to the late vichelhadge of the marine, who was the dey's relation. But he was either killed or drowned in his voyage to the Levant, where the dey sent him with a large sum of money, for the purpose of building a superb mosque at the place of his birth.

From the most authentic accounts it appears that many of the people of Algiers, and the kingdom in general, are hospitable, humane, and of strict integrity. A Moor when he finds any articles that have been lost, never clandestinely appropriates them to his own use, but has them always cried through the streets that the owner may possess his property again. But in consequence of the violence that is exercised over them, and their total subserviency to the rapacious views of their Turkish oppressors, they support perhaps the most infamous character of any nation in the world. Every spark of political liberty is totally extinguished, [Page] and the government has now attained to the very acme of the most horrible despotism. As the Turks maintain their ascendency by the most rigorous measures, their government exhibits a perpetual scene of jealousy, apprehension and oppression; no man can promise himself a moment's security either in his person or property; for the power of life and death is vested in the hands of the dey, which he exercises with impunity; and whenever he covets the riches of any of his opulent subjects, he orders them to be dispatched with a bow-string, and falls heir to what they possessed. When the order of execution is announced to any one, he submits patiently to his fate, which he has perhaps long anticipated, and as soon as the order is executed there is an immediate scramble among the servants for the money, jewels, and other valuable articles which belonged to their master.

According to the common computation, the number of inhabitants in this city is 100,000 Mahometans, 1500 Jews, and 2000 Christian slaves; but no census can be accurate for any length of time, as thousands are carried off by the plague; and the number of slaves is still more fluctuating, as they are subject to an uncertain increase by capture, and a diminution by ransom, or death by the severity of their toils.

The city of Algiers is visited almost every year by the plague, which generally begins in May, and continues for the space of three months. When it commences its visitation no person is at liberty to circulate any report of its existence, or his life would be in danger; but when the contagion becomes more prevalent one of the marabouts visits the dey [Page] and informs him of its existence; after which the citizens are at liberty to take every precaution for their preservation; some retire into the country, but the dey and most of the people always remain in the city. The first stage of this disorder is a violent fever which brings on a delirium, but if the patient can survive this fever he has every assurance of his recovery. The disease, however, operates differently upon different constitutions; some blead at the mouth, nose, and ears; some break out in lived spots all over their bodies, and many continue in a state of coma, or lethargy, till they expire, which [...] generally at the end of the third day after the disorder seizes them. About one half of those who are attacked by this disorder recover, but they are notwithstanding always liable to, though not so susceptible of the infection after they have once been seized with it.

A most malignant plague raged in Algiers about the year 1787, which carried off immense numbers of the inhabitants; the disease was so virulent that the streets were filled with dead bodies, and the mortality so great that a sufficient number of persons could scarcely be procured to bury them. Slaves are very frequently seized with this disorder at their labour, and they are suffered to die upon the ground without any assistance, and with as much unconcern as if they were beasts▪ As they have neither medical books, nor men of learning, it must naturally be supposed they have no physicians. When a person is seized with any disorder the only mode of cure is to rub the patient, and at the same time to place his body in a variety of attitudes, and if this whimsical treatment does not succeed, nothing farther is attempted.

[Page] The people of A [...]giers eat no breakfast, but between six and seven o'clock in the morning they drink coffee, with which they are served by persons called coffeegees, whose business it is to supply the [...] every morning with this article. It is drank without either sugar or cream, in cups and sauc [...] [...] after the European fashion; but the more opu [...]nt citizens use saucers of gold placed beneath their common ones, for the purpose of cooling their coffee. They dine at eleven, and drink coffee again at four in the afternoon. In eating they are seated cross-legged on mats round tables about six inches high, and they use neither knives nor forks. Their common food is mutton, beef or poultry, boiled to rags, which they eat with cuzcuz. An Algerine never suffers his wives to eat with him, but obliges them to serve him till he has finished his meal, at which time they are permitted to sit down to the table. The Turks in particular are very tenacious of this precedence, because they regard women as an inferior order in creation, and consequently not entitled to similar distinctions.

The use of particular meats is strictly forbidden, and in conformity to the custom of the eastern nations the Alcoran prohibits the use of swine's flesh, the eating of blood, and whatever dies of itself, or is strangled, or killed by a blow, or fall, or by any other beast. In which particulars Mahomet seems to have adopted the laws of the Jews, by which all these things are forbidden. But he permitted some [...]ings to be eaten which Moses did not, as camels' [...] in particular; and upon particular emergencies, when people are in danger of starving, the Mahotan law suffers them to eat any kind of prohibited [...]ood. The Algerines have such a singular aversion [Page] to hogs that they will fly at the sight of one as quickly as from the most ferocious wild beast; for they deem it a great contamination even to be touched by a swine, and a hundred well disciplined hogs would take Algiers much sooner than an army of the very bravest Spaniards. Many, however, among the less conscientious Moors, who are not so apprehensive of pollution, bring considerable quantities of pork to market, which they sell at a very moderate price to the Christian slaves, who derive a great benefit from this custom; for a full grown hog is frequently sold for less than a sequin.

The people have so singular an attachment to coffee, or the use of it is so extremely fashionable, that tradesmen and mechanics while they fit engaged at their business along the platforms in front of their houses, have their dishes of coffee before them. The Turks, and especially those who are too conscientious to make use of spiritous liquors, spend whole days at the coffee houses in smoking and sipping coffee: and as they devote no part of their time to reading or the improvment of the mind, they appear entirely divested of all reflection, and become the mere slaves of their sensual appetites.

The use of coffee first took its origin at Aden in Arabia Felix about the year 1436; from whence it was gradually introduced into Mecca, Medina, Syria, Europe and other parts of the world. It has been the subject of great contention and disorders; the use of it has been often proscribed, and as often declared lawful and allowed: but at present it is universally tolerated.

The drinking of wine, under which name is comprehended all kinds of strong liquors, is forbidden in the Alcoran in more places than one. Some have imagined that excess only is therein forbidden, and [Page] they allege that the moderate use of wine is allowed in two passages of the Alcoran; but the more received opinion is, that the use of strong liqours either in a greater or less quantity is absolutely unlawful; and though libertines indulge themselves in a contrary practice, yet the more conscientious, and especially those who have performed a pilgrimage to Mecca, are so rigid that they deem it unlawful not only to taste wine, but to make it, or to maintain themselves by the purchase and sale of that liquor.

They are, however, extravagantly fond of wine, and if one asks them how it happens that they venture to drink it when it is so strictly forbidden, they answer that it is with them as with the Christians, whose religion prohibits drunkenness, and who delight notwithstanding in drinking to excess. The dey was formerly much addicted to this practice, but since he has been in administration, he has become very exemplary in this respect, and it is dangerous for any of his visitors to breath the fumes of wine in his prefence.

It has been a question whether coffee is not impliedly prohibited by the Alcoran, because it has an intoxicating property; and it is probable that the former prohibition of it originated from this circumstance alone.

The more conscientious reject the use of Tobacco, not only because it intoxicates, but in consequence of a traditional saying of their prophet, which, if it were really his, would prove him a prophet indeed, ‘That in the latter days there should be men who should bear the name of Mussulmen, but should not be really such, and that they should smoke a certain weed which should be called Tobacco.’

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Opium, though not mentioned in the Alcoran, is esteemed unlawful by the more rigid Mahometans, because it intoxicates in a more extraordinary manner.

The greatest part of the Turks, however, disregard all this abstinence, and as these lords of the Algerines are supported at the public expence, their whole life, is an uninterrupted series of intrigue, debauchery and intoxication: foibles natural to all those who have no other pursuit in life to engage their attention. The greatest tyrants in nature are drunken Turkish soldiers, who seem to be under no restraint either of law or conscience. Great numbers of these brutes, after having intoxicated themselves, issue forth into the streets with their tahans, or swords drawn, and every person must fly at their approach, or they would be in danger of their lives. The Jews in particular are ever the objects of their indignation, and whenever they discover a Jew they immediately pursue him, while the poor despised wretch flies with the most hideous outcries to avoid the outrage of these banditti, who are at liberty to commit any act of violence upon him, with impunity; for should a Jew make application for redress of grievances, he would in all probability be bastinaded for his presumption. So cordially is this race of people despised, that when one wishes to cast any obloquy, or aspersion of ignominy upon another, he calls him Judeo or Jew; and even herdsmen in driving their cattle will call them Judeo, which is the most ignominious term of reproach that can be given.

The Turks are so proud that, like the American Indians, they deem themselves superior to all other [Page] nations in the world, and the most valiant among the race of men. They imagine that the world was made for them alone; and consequently they entertain a perfect contempt for all other nations in general, especially those who are of a different religion, and they commonly call Christians, dogs. Some carry this superstitious aversion to so great an excess, that if the first person they meet in the morning, when they come out of their houses, be a Christian or Jew, they return home immediately, saying, God preserve us from the devil.

The Turks are, as is the case with many other people, most extravagantly fond of money, and they have long been proverbial for their mercenary dispositions. The consuls of foreign nations find that the Algerines are not to be wrought upon by remonstrance; they expect something more substantial, and more is to be gained by flattery, and an artful address, than by the most powerful arguments: for according to the old adage, ‘Give a Turk money with one hand, and he will let you pluck his eyes out with the other.’ This was remarkably verified in the case of a British consul, who once made application to Ali Bashaw, a late dey, and urged a complaint against the depredations of the Algerine corsairs, without the grand preliminary, money. The dey appeared somewhat restless, and petulantly answered, The Algerines are a set of rogues and I'm their captain: so that national justice and honesty are great rarities here.

To complete the picture of human depravity, the Turks are guilty of the most unnatural crimes, which are here regarded with such perfect indifference, that the poorer sort of people send their children into the streets to seek a subsistence by [Page] the most nefarious prostitution, and neither punishment nor the least shade of ignominy is the consequence of detection. A Turk will sigh with as much ardency for a handsome boy, as old Virgil, who appears to have been a lover of this description, lamented the loss of the beautiful Alexis. Sodomy is so extremely fashionable among them, and so little are they disposed to keep this foible a secret, that it is the subject of their most plaintive songs, and they will spare no pains in procuring the gratification of their infamous love. We are told of a Turk who being disappointed in one of his ignominious amours, and being actuated by the most singular impulse, commanded his slave to place a red hot brand of fire upon his naked arm, which he suffered to be burnt almost to the bone.

It was customary with former deys to send an annual tribute of a number of beautiful boys to the Grand Signiors, who are a little tinctured with this vice; but at present this tribute consists of a number of Arabian horses. We are credibly informed, that the famous admiral Pinchinin, kept in his house forty young boys between nine and fifteen years of age, who were never suffered to go into the streets, lest they might be seduced by the Turks. Pinchinin was not, however, addicted to this vice; but what discovered the most singular pride in human nature, was that he kept these boys merely through a principle of vanity and ostentation.

One virtuous trait in a Turk's character is that he abstains from all profane swearing, and is never guilty of such blasphemous imprecations as a Christian. The American slaves were much addicted to this vice, and did not hesitate to reproach their Turkish overseers with the most opprobrious language; so tha [...] [Page] several of their overseers soon learnt to swear in English as well as the Americans themselves.

We ought not, however, to be too precipi [...]e in applauding them for any superior sanctity in [...] respect, and we may perhaps impute this virtue [...] ther to the genius of their language, than to she dictates of their conscience.

Their common mode of swearing is Judeo, Jew, pero, dog, and [...]ans suffeeda, a dog without a soul; which la [...]t is the dey's favorite exclamation in swearing. All these terms, though they appear to be not so blasphemous as either those of the French or English, yet they are no doubt equally as immoral; for in the depravity of their dispositions they are not rivalled by any nation under heaven.

The Algerines never shake hands when they meet, but the usual mode of [...]alutation, is a slight ininclination of the head, and placing both hands upon their breasts, imploring a thousand blessings, and calling those whom they salute brethren. When relations or intimate friends meet they embrace and kiss each other's shoulders. The Turkish good morrow, is Salam mallicum mallix salama, and the Moorish, washalic, washington, or washingtuma. The great men, and particularly the dey, are saluted with effendi, or your grace. When they meet a person of distinction, they advance towards him without bowing, and when they are within reach, they stoop down, and taking hold of the corner of his garment, lift it about two feet high, or let it fall according to the quality of the person. After speaking of their business, they perform the same ceremony of respect a second time, and then retire.

The Turks, as before observed, have the exclusive privilege of carrying arms, and they take [Page] take great pains to preserve them as bright as possible. Their musk [...]t [...] are mounted with silver and the heads of their swords with gold. These swords they call tahans, which they always wear in public in a kind of sash or girdle, which is tied round their middle. They receive the necessary supplies of ammunition generally once a month, and the dey uses great caution in the distribution of this article. His own palace is converted into a magazine, where all the lead in the city is deposited under his own immediate direction, and served out in such portions as necessity requires. His magazines of powder are well secured upon the mole, and all this precaution he uses to prevent any effectual opposition in case of an insurrection.

The Algerines read no other books but the Alcoran, and the comments of authors who have written thereon: of course the sphere of their knowledge cannot be expected to be very extensive. They understand a few of the first principles of arithmetic, but of geometry, poetry, painting, and the sublimer strains of music, they have scarcely any conception. All their books are manuscripts, and there is not a press in all the city. To them the art of printing appears perfectly contemptible: they repose no kind of confidence in it, and it is regarded as an imposition rather than a benefit.

Painting is so much despised, that many figures, such as men, women, beasts, &c. are prohibited, and the sight of them is regarded as a great sin. They are, however, great admirers of watches and clocks; but if they see them embellished with any of these figures they cannot refrain from expressing their anger. They have a similar aversion to bells, and they are so exasperated at the sound, [Page] that the crews of many foreign nations lying in their harbour have often been beaten for ringing their bells.

Gaming is prohibited in the same passages of the Alcoran which prohibit the use of wine. The word, as it is there used, signifies a particular mode of casting lots by arrows according to the practice of the pagan Arabs. But the commentators agree, that under the name of lots are comprehended all games whatsoever which are subject to chance or hazard, such as cards, dice, tables, &c. which are forbidden. All these games are deemed so highly [...]agitious by the more rigid Mohometans, that they judge the evidence of him who plays at them of no validity in a court of justice.

The only game that is played in Algiers is chess, and this the Mahometan doctors allow, (though others have doubted its legality) because it depends solely upon art and the skilful management of the pieces used in playing. But it is never suffered to prevent the regular performance of their devotions, and persons are never permitted to play for money, or things of the most trifling value.

In Algiers the men have no intercourse with the women before marriage, and marriage contracts are entirely negociated by female confidants employed by the men, who tender the parents a certain sum of money according to their demand, and the lady is thus purchased as though she were an article of merchandize. Hence it seldom happens that marriages thus contracted are cemented with love, and by thus violating the law of nature, they lay a sure foundation for intrigue, jealousy, and the most boisterous passions. When the marriage contract is concluded, [Page] the principal nuptial ceremony consist in escorting the lady to her husband. A procession of her female friends and relations is formed about ten o'clock at night, attended by a number of black female flaves with burning torches in their hands, and as this procession moves along they make a strange kind of noise at intervals till they enter the house of the husband, who for the first time beholds his fair bride, whom his imagination had long perhaps portrayed as the paragon of all excellence. The company then retires, and the next day the marks of virginity are triumphantly displayed upon the tops of their houses, in the presence of the bride's friends and relations [...] if this evidence of virtue cannot be produced, the husband returns his wife to her parents, and the marriage is dissolved without further ceremony.

The Algerine women are remarkably amorous, and though all intercourse between them and the Christians is prohibited under penalty of death, yet it does not deter them from their attempts to circumvent every Christian slave who comes in their way, for whom they have a remarkable attachment. Numbers of these frail fair ones rove the streets every night for the purpose of intrigue, and they make the first advances with great effrontery and adroitness; but such is the vigilance of the lisberos, who are highly rewarded for every Christian that is detected, that those who are venturesome enough to undertake an amorous correspondence, are every moment in imminent danger of falling a sacrifice to their gallantry.

Some of the former deys had it in contemplation to incorporate the slaves with the citizens, and to permit their intermarriages, but the marabouts, who were apprehensive that such a law would contaminate [Page] the purity of Mahometan blood, remonstrated so strongly against it, that all intercourse between Christian slaves and Moorish women was made a capital crime.

The women lead a most indolent life; they commonly amuse themselves with needle work or embroidery; but are never subjected to domestic drudgery, which is done by slaves, and whatever their condition may be, they are never engaged in any employment out of their houses.

In their dress they display neither taste nor judgment, and to an American or European they appear extremely uncouth. When they visit or appear abroad the beauty of their persons is entirely concealed. They wear a clumsy kind of pantaloons, and according to the phrase of the American captives, they resemble a bundle of rags in motion, rather than women. Like the French ladies they are very fond of rouge; but instead of their cheeks they have a singular fancy in painting their foreheads with a stripe of red, which extends above their eye brows.

Their dishabille, or rather the manner in which they dress in their houses, is very lascivious. They wear a cap formed of threads of gold interwoven like net work, round which is tied a fine silk handkerchief, and their hair hangs confined in a small [...]ilken pouch. Their breasts, arms, and legs are naked, but the rest of their body is covered with a large silk mantle, which only reaches down to the knees, and is tied about their middle with a kind of sash. Their slippers are elegantly wrought with gold; and round their wrists and ancles they wear bracelets set with jewels. They ride concealed in a large square box covered with a kind of red baize, [Page] placed upon asses or mules, and when they walk the streets they are always veiled. They are extremely cautious of discovering their faces to strangers,▪particularly to Christian slaves, which they deem so sacred that they would sooner disclose any other part of their body. An American slave was ordered one day by a Turk, to carry some bottles of wine from one of the bagnios to his house, and in passing through one of the apartments he surprized the Turk's lady, whose face was perfectly unveiled. The disconcerted fair one, overcome with astonishment at the sudden and unexpected appearance of a slave, immediately covered her face with her pettycoats, and in so doing disclosed those parts which were much more the object of the American's risibility.

There is not much difference, as we have before observed, between the dress of the men and women. The men wear a kind of clumsy trowsers which reach down to the knees, somewhat resembling the Roman habit. Their legs and arms are bear; but in cold or wet weather they wear capoots; a kind of great coats which nearly cover the whole body.

The dress of the marabouts is a kind of green coat, or gown which reaches down to the knees. The hats of some of them, or rather the covering of their heads, resembles a large dish formed of linen drawn over a piece of circular pasteboard: others wear a high cap somewhat in the form of a sugar-loaf with a small part of the top cut off. Some of the marabouts are so highly venerated by the Moors, that they run and kiss their hands as they p [...]ss along the streets. The dey is considered as the grand or supreme marabout of his kingdom.

The dress of the Jews does not differ much from that of the Turks, and the manner in which they [Page] are principally distinguished, consists in the difference of colour, which is black, a distinction they are obliged to observe. There is also a difference in the form of their turbans, and their slippers which have such a small portion of upper leather, that they can scarcely keep them on their feet; for they are not suffered to wear shoes without paying an exorbitant duty to the dey for the privilege.

They have few funeral ceremonies, and they never change their dress when any of their relations die. They wash the dead with great care, and burn incense about them to drive away evil spirits. They have no coffins, but bury them in a clo [...] open at top and bottom. Before the interment they expose their dead in the house, upon a bier, under a pall of different colours fringed with gold according to the quality of the person. The place of interment is without the walls of the town, and the corps is attended thither by four, or sometimes eight carriers. No women ever attend their funerals, but a few days after, the female relations visit the grave, over which they weep and strew wreaths of flowers.

The Algerines believe that when the deceased is laid in the ground, two angels come, and make him get upon his knees to render an account of his actions. If he has lived a virtuous life, two angels as white as snow, succeed those who came to examine him, and entertain him with a full account of the pleasures he is to enjoy in the next world. But if he has lived a vicious life, two angels as black as jet are commissioned to inflict the most cruel tortures upon him. One, they say, strikes him into the earth with a club, and the other pulls him up again with an iron hook; and thus they employ [Page] themselves in the infliction of this cruel punishment▪ without the least respite till the day of judgment.

In religion it seems that rigorous restrictions are no criterion to judge of the political integrity of a nation; for though the Algerines are as punctilious in their religious services as any people whatever, yet they support the most infamous national character upon earth. They worship no less than five times in the twenty-four hours; once just before day-break, again at one o'clock, and at the time of lazar in the afternoon, and about one o'clock at night. Just before their worship commences in the day, a small white flag is raised on all the mosques, as a signal for preparation; the marabouts soon after ascend the cupola of the mosques, and turning their face to the east and raising their hands to their heads, cry out with a loud voice; upon which the male inhabitants wash their hands, face, and feet, and repair to the mosques, where they arrange themselves in files, with their face turned towards the east. None of their mosques have pews, but they are paved with marble. Before each person is placed a straw mat, upon which he kneels. After a short pause of silence, during which their lips are in continual motion, they all raise their hands to their heads, then place them on their knees, kneel down on their mats, and all prostrate their heads upon the floor at the same instant, from which they immediately rise again into an erect posture. By continual practice they perform these evolutions with the greatest precision imaginable, and all their motions correspond more perfectly in point of time than the exercise of the best disciplined troops. This ceremony continues about fifteen minutes, after which the worshippers retire to their business.

[Page] A fimilar ceremony is observed every day in the marine. The marabout who officiates there cries out from the top of one of the castles on the mole, which is the signal for diving, as the Americans facetiously termed it. The marabouts have nothing to do in this part of religious duty; but they deliver a discourse every Friday in the mosques, from a kind of rostrum or pulpit. This discourse, and their other religious ceremonies, continue on that day from eleven till one o'clock, during which time the gates of the city and the doors of the bagnios are shut. The people do not attend public worship at night, but as soon as they hear the voice of the marabout, they rise up and perform their exercise of devotion in their own apartments. All the Mahometans who reside near the city, immediately prostrate themselves as soon as they see the flags raised on the mosques; and besides all this religious servitude these very righteous people daily employ themselves, like the illiterate among the Roman Catholics, in counting over their strings of beads.

The dey only attends public worship on Fridays, at a mosque nearly opposite to his palace, where the principal Turks assemble, and he passes between two files of his Turkish guards, who are stationed between the door of his palace and that of the mosque.

After performing the exercise of humility, and hearing a discourse from the marabout, he retires to his palace where, as he enters, he is sprinkled with holy water of a fragrant smell.

Every Friday is devoted to public worship, and corresponds to the Jewish Saturday, or Christian [...]unday. Many reasons are given why this day was appointed for this purpose. Some are of opi [...]on that it was the day on which God finished [Page] the works of creation; but Mr. Sale remarks, that Mahomet seems to have preferred that day principally because it was the day on which the people were accustomed to assemble long before his time: though such assemblies were perhaps intended for civil rather than religious purposes. Though the Mahometans in general do not conceive themselves obligated to keep that day so holy as the Jews and Christians are bound to keep their Sabbath, (there being permission in the Alcoran, as is generally supposed*, that that they may return to their employments or diversions after divine service is ended,) yet the more devout disapprove of the practice of applying any part of that day to worldly concerns, and require it to be wholly dedicated to the purposes of religion. The slaves are neither exempted from labour upon this, nor any other day of the week; but they are generally allowed one Friday in every month for the purpose of rest or recreation.

All these religious restrictions are, however, insufficient, and once every year they are subjected to a rigorous abstinence called Ramadan, or Ramazan, which generally begins in May, and continues from the time the new moon first appears till the appearance of the next new moon, during which time they refrain from women, and neither eat, drink, snuff, nor smoke tobacco, from day-break, till sun-set. The punctilious observance of this duty is enjoined under penalty of death, and those who are detected in indulging their appetites, some say, are compelled to drink melted lead as a punishment for their crime. About sun-set the [...] [Page] of the marabout rises, as a signal for eating, which is looked for with great anxiety; after which they are at liberty to gratify their appetites as they please. During the time of Ramadan an universal moroseness prevails among the people, and the dey, who finds it necessary to conform to this custom, is so much out of humour, that no business can be transacted with him during the continuance of this fast. The Turks experience the greatest mortification, because they are abridged of all the pleasures their sensual natures are capable of enjoying; they are neither permitted to frequent the bagnios, taverns, nor coffee-houses, and they wait for the termination of this fast with the greatest impatience. Towards the expiration of the month the Turks ascend their cazarees every evening, and look with longing eyes towards the west for the discovery of the new moon, which is called the moon of Che [...] val; for at the moment of its appearance the fast is at an end: the Turks then indulge the most extravagant mirth; they fire a feu de joye to congratulate its appearance, and to proclaim the end of the fast.

This fast, which is the third point of religious practice, is a duty of so much importance, that Mahomet used to say, It was the gate of religion, and that the odour of the mouth of him who fasteth is more grateful to God than that of musk.

According to the Mahometan divines there are three degrees of fasting; 1st. The restraining the belly and other parts of the body from satisfying their lust. 2d. The restraining the ears, eyes, tongue, hands, [...]eet, and others members from sin. 3d. The fasting of the heart from all worldly cares, and refraining the thoughts from every thing besides God. The Mahometans are obliged, by express [Page] command of the Alcoran, to fast the whole month of Ramadan, and in consequence of this abstemious severity, which is a real sin against the law of nature, an universal gloom overwhelms the minds of the people; they are extremely vengeful, and more murders and assassinations happen then than at any other time. The slaves are not compelled to conform to any of their religious ceremonies or restrictions; but during the time of Ramadan they are subjected to the infliction of the severest punishments: for such abstinence has a tendency to excite the most boisterous passions of the human breast.

This fast is succeeded by a Bairam or festival, called the feast of the breaking of the fast, which continues for three days, during which time the half starved Turks riot in the opposite extreme of intemperance. They hold a kind of fair out of town, where they divert themselves with drinking, feasting, music, bonfires, wrestling, swinging, and feats of horsemanship. The colours of all nations are displayed in the marine, and during this festival the slaves are exempted from labour.

But their greatest festival is on the fifth of September, the day of the nativity of their prophet, which is celebrated with great solemnity. All the schoolmasters in the city, with their scholars, assemble at the chief mosque, from which they form a procession through the streets, each carrying a burning torch in his hand, and singing an eulogy in praise of their great prophet. Two of the masters carry on their shoulders a superb pyramid ornamented with wreathes of flowers, and a cross on the top of it, and followed by a band of [...] and instrumental music after the Turkish manner. All the houses at the corners of the streets are [...] [Page] with tapestry and burning lamps. The cooks of the divan to the number of 200 also form a procession, each carrying a clean napkin or towel on his shoulder and a torch in his hand. They parade the streets two by two, from seven till eleven o'clock in the day, and the ceremony ends with a hymn in praise of their prophet, performed with instruments of music before the doors of some of their great men. About midnight torches are kept burning in every house, because Mahomet was born at that hour. This feast continues for eight days, during which time any person is at liberty to walk the streets at night without a lighted torch, which they cannot do at other times without incurring the penalty of corporal punishment.

There is a singular custom established here, of a religious nature, for the remission of the punishment of offenders who fly to the mosques for protection, which is called taking the marabout, and these places are an asylum for every description of criminals. In the front of every mosque there is suspended a long chain, which the criminal seizes; whereupon he is generally taken into the sanctuary and covered with the marabout's colours, from whence he is not suffered to be taken till his pardon is granted. One of these chains is suspended in front of the dey's palace, who sometimes pardons offenders who fly thither for refuge, and another is suspended at the cazarees of the Turks, where criminals are more inviolably protected.

A quarrel took place not long since between two lads about twelve years of age, the one a Turk and the other a Moor, as they were passing from the marine to the city. When they came opposite to the cazarees, the young Turk, taking the advantage [Page] of the Moorish lad, ran up to him with his drawn tahan, and gave him a wound through the back, of which he instantly expired, and immediately fled for refuge to the cazarees, where he was protected, till the friends of the Turkish lad procured his pardon by paying the parents of the deceased a sum of money as a compensation for their loss.

It is a vulgar opinion among the Algerines, and the Mahometans in general, that women have no souls; or if they have, that they die like those of the brutes, and will receive no reward in the next life. This is probably the reason why they are never suffered to go upon a pilgrimage, or to attend public worship in their mosques. But whatever may be the vulgar belief▪ it is evident that Mahomet had too great a respect for the fair sex, to inculcate such a doctrine; for there are several passages in the Alcocoran, which expresly affirm that women in the next life will not only be punished for their evil deeds, but will be rewarded for their virtues as well as men, and that in this respect God will make no distinction of sexes.

It is true that the general notion is, that they will not be admitted into the same abode with the men, because their places will be supplied by paradisiacal females, but that a separate place of happiness will be assigned to good women, where they will enjoy every delight in its fullest extent: yet some allege that a man will have those who were his wives in this world, or at least such of them as he shall desire. One circumstance with which Mahomet acquainted his followers, ought to corroborate their belief of the future existence of the female soul. An old woman desired him to intercede with God for her [Page] admission into paradise; but Mahomet told her that no old women would ever enter that place; upon which the old woman began to weep immoderately, and Mahomet explained himself by assuring her, that God would make her young again.

The Alcoran certainly establishes a different belief in the following words: ‘Verily the Moslems (or Mussulmen) of either sex, and the true believers of either sex; and the devout men, and the devout women; and the men of veracity and the women of veracity; and the patient men and the patient women; and the humble men and the humble women; and the alms- [...] of either sex; and the men who fast and the women who fast; and the chaste men and the chaste women; and those of either sex who remember God frequently; for them God has prepared forgiveness and a great reward*.’

Great numbers of the citizens of Algiers perform a journey to Mecca every year, and many vessels are employed in transporting them to this holy city for the purpose of manufacturing them into saints. This pilgrimage is so necessary a point in practical religion, that according to a tradition of Mahomet, he who dies without performing it may as well die a Jew or Christian. It is deemed a duty particucularly incumbent, and the Alcoran expressly enjoins it upon all those who are of sufficient ability to perform the journey†.

Mr. Tournefort tells us, that the four places of rendezvous for pilgrims, are Damas, Cairo, Babylon, and Zebir. At these places they dress [Page] themselves in the sacred habit, which consists of two woolen wrappers, one about the middle to cover their nakedness, and the other thrown over their shoulders; and in this dress they enter the sacred territory. While they are thus accoutred they are neither suffered to hunt nor to fowl, (though they may fish) and this precept is punctiliously observed.

During his pilgrimage a man must keep a constant guard over all his word and actions; he must avoid all quarrelling and abusive language; he must refrain from all obscene discourse and sexual commerce, and con [...] his whole attention to the pious work in which he is engaged. All the caravans which come from different parts of the Mahometan dominions, concert their measures in such a manner that they arrive the same day at the hill Arafagd, which is about a day's journey from Mecca: on this celebrated hill they imagine that the angel first appeared to their prophet, and in consequence the Mahometans have founded one of their principal sanctuaries on this spot.

After having killed and distributed some sheep among the poor they proceed to Mecca, and from thence to Medina to visit the tomb of their prophet, which is covered with a magnificent pall, annually sent thither by order of the Grand Signior, which pall is every year cut away by the pilgrims, who esteem the smallest piece of it as the most invaluable relic. The Grand Signior also sends 500 sequins, an Alcoran covered with gold, several rich carpets, and a great many pieces of black cloth for hangings, as presents to the mosques at Mecca. The noblest camel that can be found is chosen to carry this Alcoran, and at his return he is hung with garlands [Page] of flowers, loaded with benedictions, sumptuously fed, and exempted from labour all the rest of his life.

The pilgrims who have performed the tour of Mecca are held in great veneration the remainder of their lives; are absolved from every sin, and may commit new crimes with impunity. Mr. Tournefort says, according to the Mahometan law they cannot be put to death; but are reputed incorruptible, irreproachable, and sanctified from this world. It is reported of some of the Indians, continues he, that they put out their eyes after they have seen what they call the holy places of Mecca, pre [...]ending that after such a sight their eyes ought not to be polluted by the sight of worldly things.

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CHAP. IV.

The Slaves of Algiers.

WHATEVER speculative maniacs or mercenary enthusiasts may allege in favour of slavery, it is obviously repugnant to the imprescriptible rights of human nature, and an incontestible evidence of the remains of barbarism in those nations who sanction so diabolical a principle.

There appear to be three stages in the progress of mankind from savage rudeness to a state of true refinement. First, a state of canibalism, in which any tribe or nation of men deal indiscriminate death and destruction among the rest of their fellow creatures; second, a state of oppression, in which, though they are exempted from the fangs of savage rapacity, yet they are compelled to submit to the loss of their liberties; third, the emancipation of mankind, when the more general diffusion of science will teach them the true principles of justice and humanity. But the grand science of universal benevolence must be reserved for future ages; for though many modern nations imagine themselves to be eminently enlightened, yet they are in fact but just beginning to emerge from the intermediate state between barbarity and true refinement.

For the practice of slavery we are not to reprobate the Algerines alone; for the divan of Great Britain are equally reprehensible, and have more [Page] eminently distinguished themselves in this nefarious commerce. From them we have adopted the execrable practice, and the United States, emphatically called the land of liberty, swarm with those semi-barbarians who enthral their fellow creatures without the least remorse. With what countenance then can we reproach a set of barbarians, who have only retorted our own acts upon ourselves in making reprisals upon our citizens? For it is manifest to the world, that we are equally culpable, and in whatever terms of opprobrium we may execrate the piratic disposition of the Africans, yet all our recriminations will recoil upon ourselves.

Having premised thus much, we shall now proceed to make a few observations upon the slaves of Algi [...]rs, and as a preliminary we shall detail the particulars of the capture of the ship President, that the public may have some idea of these banditti of the ocean.

On the 23d of October 1793, about nine o'clock in the morning, the crew of the ship President, when they were only within a few hours sail of Cadiz, the port to which they were bound, discovered an armed xebeck of 16 guns▪ under Spanish colours, bearing down upon them; upon which the American flag was immediately hoisted, and as a very light breeze prevailed it was a considerable time before the two vessels were within hail of each other. When the xebeck came within gun-shot of the American vessel she hauled down her Spanish colours, hoisted the bloody flag, and fired a platoon of small arms. This circumstance threw them into the most violent consternation imaginable, and their first aim was to secure their clothes, money, and other articles. The pirates soon after hoisted out their boat, into which [Page] about thirty armed men entered, who rowed with great violence towards the American vessel, which they boarded with pistols and drawn swords, and with the greatest fury and shouting imaginable, in order to impress the minds of the Americans with a conviction of their great intrepidity in a naval attack.

As soon as they were on deck, they fell foul of the crew like so many ravenous wolves that had broken loose from their kennel; they tore off their [...], and the most furious scramble succeeded [...] can be conceived; every one being anxious to appropriate most of the booty to himself. One American assures us that he was seized by no less than four Algerines at once, who threw him down and stripped him naked; but what evinced the most singular ferocity in human nature, in scrambling for his clothes those furies came to blows among themselves; the moment one had torn off his coat, another attempted to wrest it from him, and a bustle ensued between them. The two that had seized his trowsers tore them in pieces in their struggle for possession, and a scene of similar rapacity was acted towards every other American. Every part of the vessel was rifle [...] chests were broken open, and they seized every article that could be carried off with an avaricious fury, characteristic of no other nation under heaven.

After they had loaded themselves with plunder, they thrust all the American crew into their boat, in this naked and insulted condition, at the point of their cutlasses; those who discovered any reluctance, were knocked down and kicked into the boat, where they were trampled under foot by this clan of desparadoes. They were taken on board the xebeck, and another boat's crew immediately returned to take charge of the American vessel. [Page] Here they had the pleasure of being introduced to Rais Mahomet, the commander of the xebeck, an emaciated loathsome figure, who sat smoking his pipe upon a sheep-skin, and sipping a dish of coffee which was placed before him. It is not a little surprizing, that such a miserable object should be appointed to the command of a corsair, and this circumstance must evince the futility of their naval policy. He appeared to be upwards of a hundred years old, and through age and impotency, was scarcely able to support a tottering frame. His hands were palsied; his eyes sunk deep in his head, and through weakness dripped a continual flow of tears. From his ghastly visage flowed a beard of the brightest silver, except where it was sullied by the drippings of his coffee, and an involuntary discharge of spittle. His voice was scarcely audible, and in his exterior he resembled some old hermit, that had been immured a hundred ye [...] ▪

Such was the commander of the Algerine xebeck. When they had feasted their curiosity upon this very venerable figure, their attention was turned to their new quarters, which they surveyed with new astonishment. Nearly a hundred and fifty Algerines were crowded into this vessel, and whatever description can be drawn by the most fertile imagination, of lice, fleas, filth and stench, was here nearly realised. Their decks were never suffered to be swept or washed, and they seemed to preserve their dirt with a kind of veneration. These delicate planks they substituted for tables, upon which they ate their provisions, which consisted of olives, bread, vinegar and oil. When they had finished their meals, they threw part of the fragments overboard, and the remainder was trampled into the general mass of filth.

[Page] As soon as they had secured their prize, the most extravagant mirth and boisterous exultation succeeded; to commemorate the event a sheep was sacrificed, and after besmearing the sides of the vessel with its blood, they concluded the ceremony by devouring its flesh.

After the termination of this festivity, the prisoners were arraigned on deck, and a second stripping took place. Those who had not been deprived of all their clothes at first, were now stripped naked, and in their stead they were accommodated with a few dirty rags, which had been the refuse of this lousy crew. By Mahomet's order, the clothes of the captives were all thrown together in a heap, and sold at public vendue.

The most laborious part of duty in the xebeck was then assigned to the Americans, and the pirates, solely intent upon securing their prize, immediately stood in for the streights without looking out for further plunder. In their passage the Americans could not help remarking the continual dread and apprehension of these free-booters, who were continually looking out with their glasses, and like a band of thieves who were conscious of the villany of their profession, they trembled with the most visible consternation at every sail that hove in sight. The Americans represent these pirates as the most undisciplined and pusilanimous sailors in the world, and insist that the most inconsiderate naval force with British discipline, is sufficient to defeat or keep any of them at bay. The greatest display of Algerine bravery, is at the commencement of an engagement, when they endeavour to intimidate their enemies, like the American savages, with the most horrible yells.

In the afternoon of the same day the President was captured they fell in with a British frigate, when the [Page] Americans were ordered below, and on the second day with a British merchantman, with whom they had before been in company without the streights, whom they requested to publish an account of their capture at the first port they touched.

On their passage up the streights they had it frequently in contemplation to rise upon the Algerine crew, to disarm those upon watch, and to confine the rest below by securing the hatches; but their small number deterred them from such an attempt.

On the 30th of October they arrived at Algiers, and were taken ashore to the vichelhadge's skiff, where they were attended by the dey's scrivan or head clerk, who conducted them to the palace. Here they were lodged in an outer court, which had been occupied as a kind of black-smith's shop, where they were refreshed with a mess of cuzcuz, and after reposing the first night upon some sacks of straw, they were ordered to the Bagnio Baleck.

When the crews of the American vessels were captured they were entirely stripped of their dress, and presented in exchange with a parcel of old rags and a pair of coarse trowsers, which only reached down to their knees. They laboured for several months in this wretched apparel, which was not sufficient to protect them from the rays of a scorching sun, till at length each captive was accommodated by the United States with a hat and a suit of blue clothes, which were sent them from Alicant by Mr. Montgomery the American consul; a provision which they received annually while they continued in this miserable abode. They were also furnished with money, which had been deposited by Mr. Humphreys at Alicant, and transmitted to the Swedish consul in Algiers, upon whom the American captains drew every month for the [Page] sums that were severally allotted to the captives. To each private there was granted an allowance of 3 dollars and 75 cents, to each mate 6 dollars, and to each captain 8 dollars per month—a very unjust distinction, especially as the privates were subjected to much greater hardships than either the captains or mates. By this allowance their situation was rendered less deplorable, and they were enabled to procure a supper of meat every night, instead of the black bread and oil with which they were daily furnished. It is observable that no nation made any provision for their enslaved countrymen but the United States, and in consequence the Turks gave them the appellation of cavalero, or gentlemen.

Every public slave wore an iron ring round his ancle, which was always an evidence of his belonging to the public, and no Turk could molest or even insult a slave of this description with impunity; but this badge was not conferred upon the private slaves. To this ring was fastened a chain with long links, which was bound round their body to prevent their escape whenever foreign vessels lay is the harbour.

When there is a public ransom of slaves there is no difference in the price between the officers and men, but in private ransoms the dey demands 4000 dollars for each captain and mate, and 2000 dollars for every private. All slaves who die after the conclusion of treaties are paid for, and the dey exacted the usual sums for all the American captives who died after the 5th of September 1796.

When a corsair takes a prize he carries the captives directly to the palace of the dey, where the European consuls assemble, to see if any of the prisoners [Page] belong to their respective nations, who are at peace with Algiers. In that case they reclaim them, provided they were only passengers; but if they have served on board of the ships of any people at war with this regency, they cannot be discharged without payment of the full ransom.

The deys formerly had their choice only of every eighth slave, and they generally chose the masters, surgeons, carpenters, and the most useful hands belonging to the several prizes, besides persons of quality, for whom they expected a large ransom; but at present it seems that the dey is entitled to any number he thinks proper to make choice of, who are generally employed in menial offices about the palace. He also is entitled to all captured vessels and their cargoes, and the rais or captains generally receive, besides their monthly pay, a certain premium, or extra-compensation from the dey for every captured vessel.

The remainder of the slaves are sent into the service of the public; but if they can procure a little mo [...]ey from their friends, or borrow any of the Jews upon exorbitant interest, they are permitted to keep [...] verns, they paying to the dey a certain duty in proportion to the wine they sell; and notwithstanding this interest and duty, many have managed so well as to raise money enough to purchase their liberty, and to carry away a quantity besides: for they are allowed a property in what they get. To these taverns resort Turks, Moors, and Christians promiscuously. But a Mussulman would not keep one of these taverns for the world himself, and consequently they are kept by Christians and Jews. And a tavern-keeper, though a slave, is empowered to strip any of his guests, even the Turks themselves, if they refuse [Page] to pay their reckoning; and herein he is protected by the dey himself.

The condition of those who are slaves to private individuals, depends very much upon the disposition of their master, and the slaves' own conduct. Some of them fare better in Algiers, than ever they did in their own countries, and if they are good for any thing, are entertained rather as companions than servants; though by far the greater number are barbarous masters, who treat their slaves with great cruelty, and persons of quality, or those who are suspected to be in affluent circumstances, experience a greater severity of treatment, in order that they may be compelled to redeem themselves at an extraordinary price. Their female slaves are sent to the dey's seraglio, where they are made concubines, or subjected to domestic services, unless a considerable ransom is expected for them; or if young they are sold to such as want them for these purposes.

They neither force nor tempt any of the Christian slaves to change their religion; as it is not their interest that they should be made converts: for in that case they lose the benefit of their ransoms. The Christians who are free, generally fare worse than the slaves; because the imperious Turks make it a point to insult and abuse them; but they dare not abuse the slaves, because their masters will resent it and demand satisfaction.

Those slaves who are sold into the country are subjected to peculiar hardships. They are compelled to carry all kinds of burdens to market, and if they do not render a satisfactory account of the articles entrusted to their care, they are sure to be beaten. Some of these slaves go naked in the fields where they tend cattle, drag ploughs, and do all other kinds of the most servile drudgery.

[Page] Many were formerly consigned to the galleys chained by one leg, and fed on water and hard biscuit, and beaten with a large cow-skin. When they were on shore they were locked up at night in dungeons called Masmora, where they lay [...]n the bare earth. But at present no slaves are confined to the galleys, because they have so frequently made their escape, or murdered their commanders, and set themselves at liberty.

While the Americans were enslaved in Algiers, the most exaggerated accounts were circulated respecting the severity of their afflictions. It was reported that the tongues of some were cut out, that others were emasculated; and captain Lawrence of the Hull Packet, who is said to have obtained his information at Cadiz, informs us that the Americans had their heads shaved close, and were not permitted to wear any kind of covering on their heads. Their calamities were indeed without a parallel, but the above accounts were entirely unfounded.

The greatest severity of their toils consisted in the removal of the fragments of rocks from Bubly-white, as before mentioned*. It has been found by repeated experiments, that the larger these stones, the more effectually they resist the impetuosity of the sea, and consequently the great art of the slaves who are appointed to blow them, consists in boring them in such a manner that an explosion of gun-powder will sever the largest masses possible: so that the holes which are bored into the rock sometimes extend to the depth of twenty feet. Round these huge fragments they lash ropes, [Page] or rather cables, of sufficient strength to drag them, and three or four hundred slaves, and sometimes a greater number, are engaged in rolling one of these stones upon a carette, or strong four wheel carriage, in order to transport it to the mole.

The Turks make the most astonishing noise, not only in the removal of these stones, but in moving any weight whatever which requires a number of hands. They seem to imagine that the greater their vociferation, the greater will be the exertions of the slaves or labourers; it is immaterial how slowly the work proceeds, provided there is sufficient noise, and the cry of Hyomoly, or heave away, is often heard at the distance of more than a league.

When they have launched these unweildy masses of stone upon the carriages, the cables are fixed to them, and four files of slaves are compelled, like so many beasts of burden, to drag them from the mountain to the city. In their passage they are obliged to ascend a steep hill, where their utmost efforts are sometimes insufficient to drag the enormous weight. The severity of their toils in attaining the summit of this hill is sometimes inconceivable; the sun pours down the most intolerable heat upon them, and they are drenched in sweat, and involved in clouds of dust which attend them in their passage. Thus many become perfectly exhausted with their toils; and to complete the climax of their sufferings, their brutal overseers, the wardens, scourge them for the least remissness with the most savage severity.

When they have ascended the hill, it is necessary to reverse the ropes, and their utmost efforts are then required to prevent the carette from descending [Page] the hill with the greatest rapidity. Thus, after great labour and difficulty, they transport these stones to the wharf, where the pantoons are moored, which is about a league from the mountain, and a stone's throw from the walls of the city. Here they deposit them, and by means of pulleys and a kind of sleds, which descend upon gr [...]a [...]d pieces of timber, they discharge them into the pantoons, which convey them to the mole.

These pantoons are necessary, because the narrowness of the streets renders the passage of these huge stones through the city impracticable. They are a species of large flat bottomed boats, that cover about as much water as a seventy-four gun ship. They have low gunwhales, and long pieces of timber are nailed across the deck, to prevent the great pressure of the stones from-injuring the planks. They generally carry three or four of these huge stones at a load, with a number of smaller ones, which are distributed over different parts of the deck.

The pantoons are navigated by casting anchors and cables a-head. Fifty or sixty slaves are necessary to man them, and by means of these cables and anchors, which are continually carried a-head as occasion requires, they warp the pantoons to the mole. In their passage they are sometimes subjected to great danger from sudden squalls of wind, which either blow them out to sea, or wreck them on the shore. When this happens the greatest bustle imaginable ensues, and the clamour of the Turks is such, that one would suppose that the city itself was upon the verge of destruction. The stones are discharged at the mole by means of a skyler, which is a kind of platform resembling the leaf of a table, projecting from the stern of the pantoon, and lowered [Page] by pulleys; upon this the stones are placed in succession, by means of crowbars, and deposited upon such parts of the mole as the sea makes the greatest impression.

Thus have the foolish Turks continued this fruitless labour for upwards of 250 years, without having conceived the project of forming a wall of sufficient strength to defend the mole from the violence, of the waves; but it is said that the dey has now such a project in contemplation, which he intends shortly to put in execution.

The impetuosity of the sea has a continual tendency to bury these stones in the sand. An eastern, or as it is called a Levant wind will roll such a heavy sea into the harbour, that in the course of three or four days, the labour of a whole season will be swept away. The sea at such times breaks with great violence over the mole, and even the walls of the magazines are sometimes nearly destroyed.

Two pantoons and two carettes, with a gang of slaves to each of them, are employed in transporting these stones, and the carettes generally bring each two loads in a day.

Many slaves are employed at other places in the country. Some at a mountain called Bubazoon, some at the gardens of different consuls, who reside in the country, and others in the marine. But on Fridays they are ordered to Bublywhite, where the vickelhadge and warden bashaws attend, and where, on those days, there is a general collection of all the slaves.

After they finish their daily▪ labour they all repair to town to their common lodgings the bagnios, where they are locked up every night, and prohibited all intercourse with the citizens. The private slaves are not, however, deprived of this privilege, and they [Page] are permitted to walk the streets at night, provided they conform to the common custom of carrying a light with them, without which every person is subject to being arrested by the watchmen of the city, and to chastisement by the bastinado.

In the bagnios, the chief aim of the slaves is to drown the reflection of their abject situation by the most cheerful conversation. They have few amusements here to divert their attention; but some of them, when they have leisure, follow their professions, in order to obtain a little money. The principal study of the more humorous Americans, was to dispel the gloom of their companions and to excite one another to laughter by ludicrous and satirical remarks upon their situation. Some of them played upon the violin, and frequently after the toils of the day, they would divert themselves all night by dancing, drinking and singing, in order to banish the reflection of slavery. In their frolics they were often very clamorous, and interrupted the repose of the whole bagnio; at which time some of the slaves would often lodge complaints against them, and the corporal would then put an end to the frolic by ordering them to retire to rest.

The slaves are let out of the bagnios at an early hour in the morning, and they proceed to their labour with pensive hearts and reluctant steps. When they are employed in the marine they repair every morning [...]o a place near the gate of Babazira, which opens to the harbour, where they are paraded in files along the platforms of the houses on each side of the street. Here they wait the arrival of the vickelhadge, who soon makes his appearance, and as he passes between them they are compelled to pull off their hats as a token of respect. After him a procession of the [Page] slaves is immediately formed, and as he takes his seat in the skiff, a trumpet is sounded from the marine. They are then embarked on board the Baleck boats, which are kept for the purpose, and transported to the cruisers which are stationed in different parts of the harbour.

The business of the marine is the least laborious employment of the slaves. But even here they are subjected at times to great hardships, and especially when an expedition is on foot; at which time they are compelled to labour all night in making the necessary preparations for the cruise. The shore is illuminated with lamps, and Turkish guards are stationed on the mole, and in other parts, to prevent their escape.

Their food consists of bread, oil, and vinegar. To each person is distributed two small loaves of about half a pound each, and a jill of oil a day. These articles are brought to Bublywhite by muleteers, who are daily employed in carrying provisions to the slaves. The bread is of the most indifferent quality, and is made of unboulted meal, ground in mills in the city which are turned by horses. The general employment of the mul [...] teers, besides carrying provisions to the slaves, is conveying lime into the city from the lime-kilns in the country, for the purposes of building and white-washing houses.

All the fick among the slaves who are incapable of labour are sent to the hospital opposite to the Bagnio Baleck, which will accommodate about fifty. This institution is supported at the expence of the Spanish nation, and is under the superintendance of a physician and [...] Spanish priests. Here they are well accomm [...]ted with beds, and furnished with provisions in [...]eef and [Page] bread, and medicines are prescribed according to their several complaints. The upper apartments of this hospital are occupied by such as have the plague, and the lower parts by those who are confined with other disorders. It is said that the support of this hospital costs the Spanish nation 40,000 dollars per annum, which are annualy transmitted to Algiers for this benevolent purpose.

It has been reported that the officers and men of the American vessels were treated with equal severity; but this was a mistake. Neither the American captains nor mates were subjected to the labour of the common slaves; but were employed in the sail-loft in making sails, or in boring pumps for vessels, and sometimes after lazar in the afternoon they were sent to assist in unloading the pantoons. This was the general routine of business assigned to the captains and mates of vessels; but the sailors were indiscriminately empolyed in every kind of labour.

The Americans supported the best characters of any slaves in Algiers, and the most of them could always obtain credit in the bagnios for wine and other liquors; a favour that was conferred upon neither Turks nor Moors, of whom the tavern-keepers were always obliged to be extremely watchful; otherwise they would frequently steal away without pa [...]ing for the liquors they drank.

The most turbulent of the slaves are the Spaniards, who frequently quarrel at night, and fight in the bagnios with drawn daggers; at which times the corporals settle disturbances among them with a short rope with a knot in the end, or confine them in chains till morning.

Those slaves who have incurred the penalty of death are generally executed at the fountain in front [Page] of the dey's palace, where the Turkish executioners attend. The criminal is made to kneel down; one of the Turks then touches him on the back part of the head, and as he turns round to see what was the cause, the other with a sharp sword at the same instant severs his head from his shoulders. After the execution, the blood is washed through the ground into the common sewer, and his body is buried in the sand near the sea shore, as they are not suffered the privilege of a Mahometan burial.

The American captives generally bore their sufferings with great fortitude, and conducted themselves with superior decorum; but notwithstanding, frequent and severe punishments were inflicted upon them for the most trivial remissness, and a thousand inadvertencies, which are natural to those who have been accustomed to the enjoyment of their liberties.

Soon after their arrival in Algiers they drew up an affecting address to Colonel Humphreys, who resided at Madrid, which was duly answered; and as this correspondence details some particulars that have not been hitherto enumerated, we shall close the present chapter with its insertion.

Letter from sundry captive American captains, to colonel David Humphreys, dated Algiers, December 29th, 1793.

WE the subscribers, in behalf of ourselves and brother sufferers, at present captives in this city of human misery, return you our sincere thanks for your communications of the 29th ult. and for the provision you have been pleased to allow us, in order to alleviate somewhat our sufferings in our present situation.

[Page] We have drawn up and signed two petitions, one to the Senate, the other to the House of Representatives, and we shall esteem it among the many favors you have rendered us, that you will please to forward these petitions to their respective address, so that no time may be loft; but that they be laid before the Representives of our country, hoping that the United States will fully provide funds for extricating from captivity, and restore us to our country, families, friends and connections.

We have perused with sentiments of satisfaction and approbation, your memorial to the regency of Algiers, and have to observe, that its contents fully coincide with our sentiments on this business, which we trust in the Almighty, will terminate to the honor and interest of our common country, notwithstanding the insinuations, (of others in this quarter) to the prejudice of the United States.

We trust, and hope, that the United States will adopt such effectual plans, in order to prevent any more of our brethren sharing our unhappy fate, which unavoidably must happen, if some speedy and effectual means are not immediately put in execution, as we understand the Portuguese truce with this regency was agreed on for one year.

What damps our spirits in some degree, is, that we are informed that the plague, that fatal and tremendous disorder, has given its awful alarm in the country adjacent. And as your unfortunate countrymen are confined during the night time in the slave-prisons, with six hundred captives of other nations, from our crowded situation we must be exposed to this contagious disorder; which necessitates the subscribers to intreat you, sir, that in this case, those our friends, and of influence in this regency, will be authorised by you, and our [Page] honoured countrymen Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Short, to have a house taken for the residence of the American masters and mates, and, if possible, the mariners, to shield them from the threatning storm of mortality and danger.

We make no doubt, but in case of Almighty's wrath visiting this city of iniquity, but the dey and regency would acquiesce to the proposed plan of humanity, which would be establishing an example for the general welfare of mankind—and would to posterity be recorded to the immortal honor of the United States.

The same time, honoured sir, and friend, be you assured, for your consolation, that we the American captives, in this city of bondage, will bear our sufferings with fortitude and resignation, as becoming a race of men endowed with superior souls in adversity.

We are much indebted to Monsieur Skjoldebrand, and brother, his Swedish majesty's agents, in this city, for their humanity, and attention to the American captives; and feel ourselves particularly obliged to you for recommending us to the good offices of consuls Skjoldebrand, and Mr. Mace, whom you mention to us as friends.

With sentiments of gratitude and the most profound respect, we remain,

Honored sir,

Your most obedient most humble servants, The subscribers, in behalf of ourselves and brother sufferers.

[Page]Richard O'Brien, 1785

Isaac Stephens, 1785

James Taylor, 1793

William Wallace, 1793

Samuel Calder, 1793

William Penrose 1793

Timothy Newman 1793

Moses Morse, 1793

Joseph Ingraham, 1793

Michael Smith, 1793

William Furnass, 1793

John Burnham, 1793

John M'Shane, 1793

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS, Esq. &c.

To captain O'Brien, and the other captains, &c. of the United States, now prisoners in Algiers.

Madrid, January 12th, 1794.

I HAVE been favoured by the receipt of your joint letter, dated 29th December, and, as I am about to set out immediately for Lisbon, I shall be able to do little more than assure you, that your memorials to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States shall be forwarded to them in the earliest and safest manner possible.

Having communicated to Mr. Carmichael, and Mr. Short, your apprehension that the plague may again be introduced to Algiers, from the adjacent countries, where it is already said to prevail; we have not hesitated to concur with you in sentiment, that in case of that dreadful event, it might be useful for you to have a house hired in the country; in order to endeavour, by all human precautions, to prevent your falling victims to that terrible disorder. Whereupon Mr. Robert Montgomery, consul of the United States at Alicant, has been empowered, in case that dreadful event should happen, to furnish [Page] sufficient money to pay for the hire of a house, in the manner, and for the purpose you propose. This provisional arrangement to continue in force, until Mr. Montgomery shall receive ulterior instructions from the government of the United States, for continuing or suspending the same.

I entreat you will be persuaded, my dear and unfortunate countrymen, that I receive with great satisfaction the marks of your approbation, of the honest, but ineffectual efforts I have made in your favor. Would to Heaven, they had been as successful as they were disinterested and sincere.

I have only to repeat, that you may at all times, and on all occasions, count upon the sympathetic regard And esteem of

your real friend, And affectionate fellow-citizen, D. HUMPHREYS.

P. S. Though I have repeatedly remarked, that it may perhaps, (for particular reasons) be inexpedient for me to keep up a regular correspondence with you; yet it is proper I should add, that I shall always be glad to hear from you; and that it may be particularly interesting to the government of our country, to receive at the earliest possible period, all intelligence of importance. I shall therefore always be ready to communicate such intelligence, until some nearer, and better channel of communication can be established.

[Page]

CHAP. V.

Particular anecdotes, occurrences and occasional remarks, which throw some additional light upon the history, customs and manners of the Algerines.

IT is impossible for any slave to escape from Algiers by land: for if he is discovered by the Moors he is apprehended and brought back to the city, where they receive a reward for their trouble. Those that can get on board of French or English ships obtain their liberties, and no demand is made upon the commanders to deliver them up: and whe [...] ever foreign vessels lie in the habour all the sla [...] who work in the marine are obliged to wear heavy▪ chains. But by water many slaves have escaped, and the Algerines have in consequence become so extremely vigilant, that an escape is now almost impracticable.

Attempt of fifteen slaves to escape.

WHILE the American captives were employed at Bublywhite, a scheme was concerted between fifteen Genoese, Portuguese, and Neapolitan slaves, to make their escape in one of the boats that attend the pantoons. This plot had been in agitation for several weeks, and in the mean time they [Page] had prepared themselves with weapons of defence, and all necessary articles for their voyage. About nine o'clock one very hot morning, in the time of Ramadan, while Montenegro, the warden of the pantoon, lay asleep, these fifteen slaves, at the word of command, jumped into the boat which lay along side the pantoon, and put to sea in an instant. The portezero, or boatswain of the pantoon, immediately waked Montenegro, who was astonished beyond measure when he saw them under weigh, and hallowed to them in a furious tone of voice to return; upon which one of the Portuguese waved his naked sword in defiance, the crew gave three loud huzzas, and rowed with all their might towards the Spanish coast. Montenegro, dreading the consequences of this piece of neglect, immediately fled for safety to the grand mosque which stands out of the town.

As soon as the news was announced to the dey, he ordered men to be stationed on eminences with spy-glasses, to observe the course they steered; and in the mean time a Spanish built boat, a swift runner (which is always moored near the seat of the vichelhadge of the marine to be in readiness upon any particular emergency) was instantly ordered to pursue them. The vichelhadge manned the boat with a double [...]ire of piscorees, or rowers, and that they might pursue them with greater expedition he embarked himself. By this time the fugitives were out of sight; but the piscorees steered directly towards that part of the ocean where they had disappeared. The vichelhadge, in order to encourage them to greater exertions, frequently threw them money, and they rowed with such expedition that about noon they overtook the fugitives, who had so completely exhausted [Page] themselves in their endeavours to escape, that they were scarcely able to move their oars. As soon as their pursuers had overtaken them they submitted without the least resistance, and passively resigned themselves to the fury of their pursuers, who beat them most unmercifully, and after securing them in chains, brought them back to the city, where they arrived about four o'clock in he afternoon. They were immediately taken before the dey, who ordered two of the principals to be executed: and they were accordingly led to the fountain in front of the dey's palace, where they kneeled down, and one of the dey's guards with a sharp tahan severed their heads from their body.

The dey observed, that had a greater number embarked he would not have pretended to have sent in pursuit of them; but he naturally concluded that so small a number would soon exhaust themselves.

One is apt naturally to arraign their impolicy in taking their departure with so small a number. But we ought to reflect upon the great difficulty and danger of detection in affecting an escape of this nature; for the very air of the country seems to inspire the principles of villany and deception; scarcely any scheme can be concerted without detection, and there are many miscreants of slaves here, who would feel no remorse whatever in betraying their most intimate friends for a trifling reward.

Montenegro, though he was pardoned after this event, yet he forfeited the royal favor, and was turned out of office; and the pantoons have since been so well guarded that an escape is totally impracticable.

[Page]

Spanish desperado.

THE most turbulent and intemperate slaves in Algiers are the Spaniards, who go armed with a dagger or long knife, and a quarrel with each other generally terminates in assassination.

About ten o'clock one night, after the American slaves had retired to rest in the Bagnio Gallaro, a violent quarrel happened between two Spaniards, which made such an uproar in the bagnio, that one of the corporals, or guardians, entered the room with a lantern in his hand, in order to quell the disturbance; and with his rope he fell to beating the Spaniards most unmercifully. One of them, who did not relish the chastisement very well, desired him to desist, and threatened to stab him if he persisted in beating him; which so irritated the corporal, that he deal [...] out his blows more furiously than ever. The Spaniard grown outrageous with such treatment, drew his dagger and gave him four or five wounds, of which he instantly expired. By this time the second corporal entered the apartment, and as he entered, the desperate Spaniard rushed furiously upon him, and in attempting to ward off the blow he received a wound in his arm; upon which he immediately retreated, and locked himself up in one of the taverns that stand near the bagnio.

The two Spaniards were now at liberty to decide their dispute, and they rushed furiously upon each other with their knives; but the least desperate of the two, after receiving several wounds, made his escape, and left his antagonist complete master of the bagnio. He now paraded the passage [Page] flourishing his dagger, and threatening vengeance to any one who should attempt to molest him. Of five or six hundred slaves and others who resided there not one durst approach him, and he maintained the undisputed possession of the passage. At this juncture the corporal of the Bagnio Baleck, who was then confined by fickness in the Spanish hospital, hallowed to him from his window, and ordered him to put up his knife and go to bed; but the Spaniard, who was little disposed to obey him, challenged him with the most abusive language to come down.

In the mean time intelligence of this uproar was communicated to the warden of the bagnio, who imagined that the whole body of slaves had broken loose, and he instantly came armed and attended by a number of men in order to quell the disturbance. When he arrived at the entrance into the bagnio, he commanded the Spaniard instantly to submit; but he was now grown more furious than ever, and defied the whole city. During this conference one of his own countrymen stole softly up behind him and knocked him down with a club. A number of men then instantly seized him, and chained him to the wall, where he remained till the next morning, when he was taken before the dey, where he received sentence of death, and in a few minutes after his head was chopped off in front of the dey's palace.

Detection of a Neapolitan slave.

A certain Neapolitan who kept a tavern in the suburbs of the city, was one afternoon discovered in company with a Mo [...]rish woman, by some of the [Page] dey's lisberos or spies who chanced to ride that way. Several other slaves who happened to be present at the same time fortunately made their escape; but the Neapolitan stood motionless with the sudden surprize. The lisberos dismounted and instantly seized both him and the woman, and immediately carried them before the dey, who instantly passed sentence of death pon them both. Through the intercession of some powerful friends the sentence passed upon the Neapolitan was remitted; but he totally forfeited the privilege of keeping a tavern, and after receiving 500 strokes upon different parts of his body, he was consigned to hard labour among the common slaves. But the woman, after receiving sentence, was immediately carried to the sea-side by two executioners, who tied a large bomb-shell round one of her legs, and threw her into she sea some distance from the shore, in the presence of the American captives, who were then employed in the marine. She made the most lamentable cries, and earnestly entreated her executioners to permit her to take leave of her children; but they were deaf to her entreaties.

Some days after, by some means or other, the bomb-shell was disengaged from her leg, and she floated upon the surface of the water. But the Algerines were greatly astonished when they found she had not been eaten by the fish; a circumstance so extremely singular, that the superstitious Algerines regarded it as miraculous, and she was in consequence made a marabout, and ever after venerated with a kind of religious enthusiasm.

The dey's indignation was so much excited at the atrocity of this interview, that he decreed that in future all those slaves and Moorish women who [Page] [...] detected together, should be chained with their backs to each other and burnt.

Disappointment of the American slaves.

SOME time in 1795 an English cutter from Gibralter arrived in Algiers with a number of small pieces of brass cannon, which were purchased by the dey and carried to his palace. The American slaves, who were then at work in the marine, soon recognised several persons of their former acquaintance among the crew of the cutter. A general intimacy took place, and they sympathised so feelingly for the distress of the Americans, that a scheme was concerted among them to effect their deliverance from this region of misery. The crew deeply interested themselves in the accomplishment of this project, and communicated their intentions to their captain, who perfectly approved of their plan, and promised every assistance in his power to facilitate their design.

The scheme devised between the parties was as follows: The Americans were to take the advantage of the first fair wind, and in either going to, or returning from their labour in the marine, according as the wind should favor them, they were to take possession of the Baleck boats which transported them, and instantly row themselves on board the cutter; which being a very swift sailing vessel would soon have wasted them beyond the reach of their pursuers. The instant they had boarded the cutter they were to take possession of her apparently by force, and the British crew were to affect a resistance, that the dey might entertain no suspicion of their being privy to the conspiracy.

[Page] The cutter was in consequence put into complete order, and the necessary instructions were given that they might cast off and get under weigh in an instant.

No slaves were perhaps ever presented with so favorable an opportunity as the present. But the most singular occurrence imaginable frustrated the whole scheme, when it was upon the point of execution.

The captain of the cutter, on the day of their intended departure, went up to one of the bagnios in the city, were he accidentally fell in company with two renegado Irishmen of his acquaintance, who were dressed, as usual, in the Turkish habit. It was resolved of course to celebrate this unexpected interview with a course of wine; and they drank till they were all pretty well intoxicated. While they were in this animated mood they found themselves so well disposed for adventures, that one of the renegados made a proposal to visit some of the Algerine courtezans, which was immediately acceded to, and our captain, who was not, as may well be supposed, over burthened with circumspection, was conducted to a Moorish brothel in the upper parts of the city, where these Irishmen had previously formed an acquaintance. Some of the lisberos, who had suspected their designs, secretly watched their motions, and discovered the retreat of our frolicsome adventurers. Soon after their entry these lisberos rushed into the brothel, and surprised our amorous captain and his friends in the height of their mirth. He was instantly seized and carried before the dey, who sentenced him to immediate execution; but as he was preparing to receive the reward of his folly, the British consul, who had received intelligence of the [Page] event, interceded in his behalf, and the dey remitted the sentence, upon condition that he instantly took his departure from Algiers. In consequence he was escorted on board his cutter, which was ordered immediately out of the harbour, and she was not even permitted to remain to take in the least ballast.

Thus was this scheme most completely defeated by this trivial incident, and the hopes of the Americans entirely frustrated. When they saw the departure of the cutter, and were informed of the captain's folly, they were thrown into a state of inconceivable despondency. The most fortunate breeze imaginable prevailed when they returned from the marine; but instead of triumphing in the possession of their liberties, they were obliged to retire to the gloomy cells of the bagnio, to indulge at leisure the poignancy of their reflections.

These renegados were afterwards banished to Tunis; not because their intercourse with the Moorish women was prohibited, (for the renegados are not deprived of this privilege) but because they had been accessory to an infraction of the law. All the Turks were greatly rejoiced at this event, because these turbulent Irishmen were a terror to all that frequented the bagnios and other public places in the city.

Flight of the Spanish consul.

A FEW weeks before the American captives left Algiers the Spanish consul fled to Spain, through apprehension of assassination by the Spanish slaves. A certain muleteer called Yohan, or Spanish John, who was employed in carrying provisions from the [Page] city to the slaves at Bublywhite, quarrelled with the clerk*, in consequence of his neglect in the payment of a sum of money which he had lent the clerk. After much intemperate and abusive language the Spaniard drew his knife and murdered him; and after perpetrating this act he fled to the city, determined, as his case was desperate, to be revenged upon the Spanish consul and priests who superintended the hospital, as he imagined them to be the cause of the detention of the Spanish slaves in Algiers†.

As soon as he arrived in town he went to the consul's house, who fortunately happened to be absent, and from thence to the hospital, with an intention to murder the head priest, who, he was informed, was likewise absent; upon which he went into one of the upper apartments, where he found one of the under priests, whom he stabbed in four or five places; and then retired to the Bagnio Gallaro, where he paraded one of the apartments with his bloody knife in a posture of defence.

In the mean time intelligence of the death of the clerk was sent to town; whereupon the warden bashaw sent one of the chief corporals, to arrest the murderer, and to take him before the dey. The corporal [Page] enquired his motive in committing such an atrocious act, and Yohan answered him very composedly, that his intent was to be revenged upon the consul and priests. He alleged, that they had appropriated, to their own private purposes, all the monies that had been sent by the Spanish government for the ransom of the Spaniards, and he assured the corporal that a conspiracy was formed among the slaves, and though he had failed, yet others would succeed in accomplishing their destruction.

After this conversation Yohan surrendered himself a prisoner. The corporal bound him, and immediately conducted him to the palace, where he was executed.

When the existence of this cons [...]cy was announced to the con [...]ul and priests, they embarked on board a Spanish vessel in great consternation, and set sail from Algiers in the height of the plague. After attempting to land to Carthagena, Alicant, and other ports of Spain, where they were refused admission, they steered for the island of Minorca, where the consul was under the necessity of being landed naked upon a rock. Provisions and clothing were furnished him, and a hut was built for his accommodation, where he was confined till he was adjudged to be out of danger of the infection; after which he arrived in Spain, and thus escaped the meditated vengeance of the Spanish slaves. After beating about the Mediterranean for nearly a month, the priests arrived at Marseilles about two weeks after the Americans, where they were obliged to perform quarantine for the space of a hundred days.

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The Renegado.

THE renegados are such as relinquish their own religion and embrace the Mahometan faith; but this class of men have of late betrayed so much villany, that they sustain the most indifferent characters of any people in Algiers. This will not appear singular when we consider that these apostates are generally such as fly from justice in their own country; and beside [...] none but the most abandoned Christian would renounce his religion for the fallacy of Mahometanism.

It is no wonder then that so little encouragement should be given to this order of men, and though the Mahometan [...] formerly considered the conversion of Christian slaves as the most meritorious act, yet at present it is perhaps totally impracticable for a slave to change his religion; because in such cases the government is deprived both of their labour and the benefit of their ransom.

The present number of renegados in Algiers is very small. After they are initiated into the profession of their new faith, they officiate in the cazarees in the capacity of Turkish soldiers, and are admitted to the participation of similar privileges; but they are prohibited from leaving the kingdom of Algiers under penalty of death, and are never delivered up upon the demand of their nation.

Not long since the captain of a French privaseer; that had brought an English prize into Algiers, flogged a Genoese sailor who had been shipped on board the privateer. The Genoese in consequence was so exasperated, that he made his escape from the vessel, and went to one of the marabouts with a determination to abjure his religion; to whom he so exaggerated [Page] the cruelty of the Christians, that he was admitted into the order of the prophet.

After a residence of two months in Algiers an English frigate arrived with dispatches to the British consul, and our renegado, disgusted with his new situation, and regretting the renunciation of his religion, was resolved to escape on board the frigate. Accordingly he went down to the shore one morning as soon as the port of the marine was opened, and stripped himself in order to swim on board. But after several ineffectual attempts, he was discovered by the vichelhadge of the marine, with only his handkerchief tied round his middle. He was immediately seized and brought into the skiff, where he received several hundred blows; after which he was conducted to the palace where he was executed.

The Muleteer.

THE cellars, or lower apartments of the houses of the Algerines are converted into stables, and their horses and mules pass through the same door with the family; and the same arrangements are made even in the palace, where foreign consuls, agents, visitors, horses, mules, asses and the dey of Algiers, all [...] through the same door, where two Turkish soldiers are stationed with a red staff to guard the passage.

Not long before the arrival of the Americans in Algiers, a certain Spanish muleteer, who had been employed in carrying out the dirt of the palace in baskets suspended at each side of the mule, by some means or other had procured a key, by which he could unlock the door of the treasury, which is kept in the palace, where immense quantities of gold and silver [Page] are deposited. Whenever this muleteer was ordered to the palace he filled the lower part of his baskets with money, and covered it with dirt; and thus passed undetected, till he had by this means ransomed several of his countrymen. But his avarice increased with his riches; and one day when [...] was sent to remove the rubbish of the palace, he stole into the treasury as usual, and carried away such an enormous load, that in passing through the court the great weight of the gold bursted the bottom of one of the baskets, and the money [...]ell down upon the marble pavement with such a noise that it resounded through all he palace. A great uproar ensued, and the poor muleteer stood petrified with astonishment. The Turkish guards instantly seized him and carried him before the dey, where he was strictly examined; but he would neither betray his accomplices, nor discover the place where he had concealed his treasure. His punishment, as may naturally be supposed, was the loss of his head; and shortly after his death a part of the money he had purloined was found in the walls of the Bagnio Baleck, and a considerable quantity was buried without the town, where he had carried the dirt of the palace.

Since this accident the doors of the treasury can only be opened by three keys, which are severally kept by the dey, the cassan-ajee, and the aga, and no money can be taken from thence without their joint attendance.

Anecdote of an American lad.

IT is impossible to conceive the consternation that always prevails among the slaves in the palace. [Page] Every one is in continual apprehension of losing his life, and when any order is given, it is executed with the greatest terror and expedition imaginable.

Among the number of the dey's servants were two lads, the one an American and the other a Spaniard, who personally attended the dey in the upper apartments of the palace, and had the charge of his wardrobe. The Spanish lad, conceiving some enmity against the American, concerted a scheme to be revenged upon him.

One morning the dey, intending to ride out to his country seat, ordered she American lad in a great hurry to bring him a shirt*. The lad ran instantly into the wardrobe, where he met the Spanish boy, who gave him a shirt without an opening in the top, and he being in too great a hurry to examine it, carried it immediately to the dey, who by this time stood naked to receive it; but in attempting to put it on, it became so entangled about his head that he could scarcely disengage himself; and apprehending that a conspiracy was formed against his life, he screamed out with the greatest terror imaginable. As soon as he had disentangled himself he seized his tahan, and ran naked out of the room to murder the boy, who fled for refuge into a distant apartment. The dey hallowed to him with the most vengeful tone of voice to return; upon which the boy came before him trembling and [Page] terrified half to death, entirely ignorant of the cause that had so much excited the dey's indignation. By this time his passion had a little subsided, and instead of murdering the boy, he beat him so unmercifully with a rope, that it was necessary to convey him to the hospital, where he was confined for a week; after which he was employed in the lower apartments of the palace among the inferior classe [...] of servants.

An expedition to gather cane.

ONCE in every year all the slaves are ordered into the country to cut cane, which generally happens on the first Friday in January, and this cane is used for the purpose of lathing their houses.

The 3d of January 1794, was the first time that the American captives went out upon one of these cane▪ gathering expeditions. The part of the country to which they were ordered, lies about a league beyond the gate of Bubazoon. Here they traversed a number of cane fields without any permission from the owners, and each slave, after having collected two bundles as large as he could carry, repaired with them to a particular enclosure, which was appointed as the place of general rendezvous, where the vichelhadge of the marine, the warden bashaw, and other wardens attended on horseback. An entertainment was provided at the expence of the scrivan grandee, or head clerk of the dey, and the warden▪ bashaw obliged the tavern keepers to send a supply of wine for the occasion. All provisions, wines, and other articles necessary for the entertainment, were brought out by the muleteers in baskets. Upon a part of the enclosure separate from the slaves, [Page] the vichelhadge, the warden bashaw, and the other wardens sat cross legged upon napkins, and their food was served up to them in earthern plates, which were placed upon the ground before them. After regaling themselves, a servant poured water upon their hands and they retired; and the slaves were then permitted to take their seats upon a different part of the enclosure, where a number of wooden bowls were placed, filled with vinegar and oil, in which they soaked their bread, and with this [...]rse diet finished their repast. After this the muleteer distributed the wine among them, without any kind of order. All those who had neglected to provide themselves with vessels, received no share, which was the misfortune of the Americans; but the old slaves took care to [...]urnish themselves with a number of horns and bottles for the occasion.

This feast terminated at the sound of a trumpet. All the slaves then shouldered their bundles, and marched in files up to the gardens of the aga and cassan-ajee, which were upon the top of a high mountain, where they deposited at each garden about 50 or 60 of these bundles, and the remainder were taken to the dey's gardens, which lie, at the distance of about three miles, upon another quarter of the town; from whence they repaired to the bagnios, and thus terminated the labour of the day.

Distribution of clothing.

The Friday immediately succeeding this expetion was the day appointed for distributing clothing to the slaves, which happens only once in every year. It is a day of general festivity, and all the slaves are exempted from labour. Early in the [Page] morning on this day, they were drawn up in two files in a court adjoining the palace, where the vichelhadge, and a number of his attendants served out to each slave in order a suit of clothes in the Turkish fashion, rolled up in a small bundle. This suit consisted of a pair of short woolen trows [...]rs, and a jacket somewhat in the form of a sack, without either buttons or sleeves; a coarse linen shirt with short sleeves, and a pair of pan [...]pooses, or shoes made of yellow leather. During the distribution, the dey presented himself from an upper apartment, and looked down upon them with a steadfast countenance, and without the least change of posture during [...] whole time. As soon as they were withdrawn from the court, great numbers of Jewish and Moorish chapman appeared, to whom many of the [...] sold their whole suit for less than a sequin, in [...] to raise a little money for the purpose of celebrating the day. Thus would many of these poor wretches, for the sake of a momentary gratification, go nearly naked all the year, and trust to the generosity of others for a supply.

The Americans bound in chains.

THOUGH Mr. Barlow was highly esteemed by the Amercan captives for his benevolence, affability, and unremitted exertions to procure their freedom, yet it seems that Mr. Donaldson, who was of an anstere disposition, was not equally the object of their esteem; and an occurrence took place that procured him the irreconcileable hatred of all the American captives.

After he had resided nearly nine months in Algiers, waiting for the necessary sums to carry the treaty into effect, the Americans, who had become [Page] extremely impatient at the delays, waited upon him one morning in a body, and requested a definitive answer, whether there was any expectation that they would ever be released from slavery? But instead of deigning an affable reply to a set of men grown frantic with their misfortunes and the gloomy anticipation of being enslaved for life, after fostering the pleasing hope of a speedy deliverance, he bade them, in an imperious tone of voice, to begone immediately from his lodgings, or he would find means to compel them.

Irritated by such hauteur of conduct in the American agent, they became very turbulent, and answered him, that they would not depart till they had received some information upon the subject. But Mr. Donaldson, was not to be intimidated into an explanation, and lodged information in the marine of the proceedings of the Americans, who immediately dispersed; and in consequence of such conduct in an irritable agent, they were loaded with heavy chains for the space of three weeks; till the Swedish consul's brother, who was actuated by a little more humanity, interceded in their behalf, and procured their release.

Thus we often meet with men whose hearts are so delicately impressed with the softer dictates of philanthropy, that they are ever ready to extend their benevolence to all mankind; while others, without the least emotion, would subject their own countrymen to chains and misery. But we may observe perhaps by way of apology, that Mr. Donaldson's frequent indisposition might have been [...]he cause of his petulancy towards his countrymen. At his arrival in Algiers he was so much afflicted with the gout that he was obliged to be supported [Page] as he walked, and was subject to other infirmities during his residence there.

Succession of Vichelhadges.

THE vichelhadge of the marine who presided previous to the arrival of the Americans, was sent to the Levant with a considerable quantity of money, to build a mosque in honor of the dey. But the vessel in which he sailed was never heard [...] afterwards, and it was supposed that this treasure had tempted the crew to murder him.

After his departure the Baleck Bashaw officiated in his place, till the dey losing all hopes of his return, elected one of his relations to this office, who had lately come from the Levant with a new frigate as a present to him. In consequence of this election, the Spanish consul, who occupied the house of the former vichelhadge after his absence, resigned it to the new vichelhadge, and it was repaired for his reception.

While some of the Moorish masons were engagaged in removing the old pavement in one of the lower apartments, they discovered a chest of money, containing several thousand dollars, supposed to have been deposited there by Cedelli, a former vichelhadge. This chest these very honest Moors conveyed to the dey, who still entertained so strong an enmity against Cedelli, that he refused to accept any thing belonging to him; but issued orders that it should be distributed among the officers of the marine, the Moorish carpenters, and the slaves.

The new vichelhadge resembled none of his predecessors in ferocity of disposition. He was a man [Page] of great sensibility, and so little calculated for this boisterous employment, that he resigned his office within a month after his election; and another vichelhadge was chosen shortly after the Americans left Algiers.

Anecdote of an American black.

IT is customary whenever the slaves have finished the careening of the cruizers, to fire three guns from one of the castles, as a signal for her to take in her ballast, guns, and other necessary articles for a cruise. At this time the vichelhadge of the vessel, at the captain's expence, prepares an entertainment for the slaves. A quantity of rice, mashed wheat, and three or four sheep are boiled together in a large copper kettle on the mole. The mutton is generally distributed among the Moorish carpenters and caulkers, and the kettle with the cuzcuz is then taken on board the vessel, where it is served out to the Moors and slaves with a long iron ladle.

One day, after careening a vessel and bringing the kettle aboard, a great number of the Moors and slaves thronged round to receive their share, and among the rest an American black named Scipio. While a general competition for being served first prevailed, one of the Americans took Scipio by the heels, and pitched him head foremost into the kettle, where he remained till one of the Moors dragged him out. A great laughter succeeded, and poor Scipio received no other injury than that of being well whi [...]e washed with cuzcuz. This occurrence did not, however, discourage the company from eating, and it is said that a part of this cuzcuz was afterwards sent to the dey.

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Spanish deserter.

A SPANIARD, by the name of Mooris, who deserted from a Spanish vessel at Oran, was brought to Algiers by the Moors, where he was made a slave, till the Spanish consul interceded for him and procured his liberty. He received him into his house, where he was well treated, and promised that he should return to Spain by the first vessel that arrived at Algiers. But the Spaniard, neither actuated by gratitude for the favors conferred upon him, nor a desire to return home, stole one of the consul's ho [...]ses and a considerable sum of money, and with this booty he took his departure into the mountains among the Moors, where he remained some months, till his money was all expended; after which they brought him to town and took him before the dey, who sentenced him to receive several hundred blows; and the was then appointed to the office of buffidore, or bellows-blower in the blacksmith's shop on the mole, where he continued till the plague in 1796 released him from bondage.

The effects of jealousy.

No people in the world are addicted to such intemperate jealousy as the Turks, and this will not appear singular when we consider that all intercourse between the sexes is prohibited before marriage; hence it rarely happens that a woman obtains the object of her affections, and a Turk when he finds himself unable to excite the esteem, becomes more cautious in securing the person of his wife; but all this rigour serves only as a stimulus to incontinence, and in [Page] consequence the spirit of intrigue is so prevalent among the women, that frequently in the absence of their husbands, they send their confidants into the streets to invite strangers into their houses, for the purpose of indulging an illicit love.

One of the wives of the captain of the port, or agent in the marine, who presided previous to the arrival of the Americans, happened to fall in love with a young Couloly, whom she frequently saw passing and repassing in the streets. As the Turk was engaged the principal part of the day in the marine, it afforded the Couloly a most favorable opportunity for frequent interviews, and he continued this amorous correspondence, till some intimation of it was whispered to the husband, who hired two Moorish spies, to keep watch near his house in his absence.

After continuing their watch a few hours the Couloly made his appearance, and entered the house; upon which intelligence was immediately conveyed to the Turk, who hastened with all expedition from the marine, boiling with revenge against his rival, whom he detected in the passage of his house. An immediate conflict ensued, and the Couloly, after receiving several flight wounds, made his escape. The Turk then seized his wife by the neck, and as an expiation for the crime of which he had supposed her guilty, he choaked her to death.

When the dey received intelligence of this transaction he instituted a strict enquiry into the matter. He acknowledged the right of the Turks to put their wives to death; they being considered as merely the property of their husbands; but when it appeared, upon examination, that the woman [Page] was in a state of pregnancy at her death, he was violently enraged, and observed, that though the Turk might exercise this privilege with impunity upon his wife, yet he had no power whatever over the life of the infant. In consequence of this crime he was excluded from his office; but he was afterwards promoted to the command of a cruiser, by whom captain M'Shane and his crew were captured.

Neapolitan conspiracy.

The slaves of Algiers are generally Spaniards, Portuguese, Genoese, Neapolitans and others, whose nations are at war with this regency. Some of these slaves have been confined 40 years in Algiers, where they have endured every calamity that can be inflicted on human nature.

About 40 years ago a scheme was concerted between about 50 Neapolitans and 150 Turks, to make their escape to Algiers, where they supposed they would be highly rewarded for effecting the deliverance of such a number of Turks. Accordingly after murdering the officers and crew, and taking possession of a Neapolitan galley, they set sail and arrived safely in Algiers, where they were for some time highly caressed by the Turks, till the king of Naples sent to the dey, and desired that he might make slaves of them. This request was readily complied with, and some of these wretched Neapolitans are still slaves in Algiers.

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Avarice of the former dey.

The former dey of Algiers, whose name, if I mistake not, was Mahomet Bashaw, was the most miserly dey that ever reigned. It is said that his avarice increased with his [...] to such a degree, that he would amuse himself in hunting for aspers* in the streets, which he would take up on the ends of his fingers moistened with spittle.

In changing his clothes one day, [...] happened to leave a few of these aspers in his apartment, which the captain Proor† of the palace took the liberty of converting to his own use, not supposing that so trifling a sum belonged to the sovereign of Algiers. But the dey was greatly exasperated when he missed his aspers, and upon examination it was found that they had been purloined by the captain Proor, who in consequence lost his head.

Naval expeditions.

SHORTLY after captain O'Brien's arrival in Algiers, one James H [...]ll, belonging to his crew, who was an expert [...], was raised to the office of portezero, or boatswai [...] a cruiser, formerly a French frigate, which went out upon a cruise against the Neapolitans. [Page] apolitans. Great prepar [...]ons had been made, and the dey promised himself great success in this expedition, in which his whole fleet set sail. Some days after they left Algiers the frigate fell in with a Neapolitan cruiser, and a smart engagement ensued, in which the frigate soon struck to the Neapolitans. An Algerine xebeck which happened to be in company, sheared off when she saw the fate of the frigate. The Neapolitans did not think proper to pursue her; but after taking out all the best hands, from the frigate, and putting them on board their own [...], they stood in for Naples with their prize. Towards evening they became nearly becalmed, and the Algerine xebeck in consequence deemed this a favorable opportunity for recovering the frigate. Accordingly the crew were ordered to their oars, and she immediately bore down upon the prize: upon which the men who had charge of her, finding they were in danger of being overhauled, took to their boats, after setting fire to a match by which they intended to blow her up; but some of the old Moors who were left on board, broke loose from their confinement, and prevented the explosion; soon after which she was re-captured by the xebeck, and carried into Bona for the purpose of receiving the necessary repairs.

Though the Neapolitans by this unfortunate event lost the frigate, yet they secured the crew, and carried them to Naples where they were made slaves. After the return of the xebeck, Mr. Donaldson wrote to Naples in Hall's behalf, who was soon after liberated and entered on board an English frigate.

Upon the return of the Algerine fleet the dey was most violently exasperated at the loss of the Algerine crew; immediate preparations were made [Page] for another expedition, and the cruisers were promised an extraordinary reward for every Neapolitan they should take. But after scouring the Mediterranean for several weeks, they only captured a few Neapolitan and Maltese boats, which were bound to Sicily; the crews of which were carried to Algiers and made slaves.

Departure of the Americans from Algiers.

THE principal part of the Neapolitan slaves were exchanged for Turks at the time the American captives were ransomed, and embarked with the Americans in the ship La Fortune, under the command of captain Calder, which was originally destined for Leghorn.

From the 11th to the 13th of July 1796, they were engaged in making the necessary preparations for their voyage. The 13th in the evening they hauled out into the harbour, and on the 14th in the morning they prepared to get under weigh. At this time a fresh westerly breeze prevailed, and owing to some neglect in bracing the yards, the ship was very near being driven stern foremost upon the rocks near Porta Piscou, which obliged them to let go their anchor immediately; upon which the captain of the port came aboard in a great rage, and struck captain Calder several blows; called him a sans suff [...]eda, and asked him how he dared to get under weigh before he came. The vessel was then warped up to the mole, and a number of the Moorish guard-boats towed her out of the harbour.

About two hours after they had hoisted sail, one of the Neapolitans was seized with the plague, and [Page] being apprehensive that the contagion would spread among the crew, they put about the ship and stood in for Algiers, with an intention to land the Neapolitan. As soon as they had hoisted a signal a boat came off and took him ashore; but the vichelhadge would not suffer him to be landed, and ordered him immediately back to the vessel.

After they had been under weigh about half an hour, the dey, receiving information of what had passed, ordered a number of the piscorees to go in pursuit of her, who soon after returned and brought back the sick Neapolitan.

But their misfortune, did not terminate here: for the day after another Neapolitan was discovered to have the plague, of which, he died shortly after; and the succeeding day captain Baily was seized with the disorder, and also died. The forecastle of the vessel was then converted into an hospital, and two Americans who had had the plague in Algiers were appointed to attend them. Great precautions were then taken to prevent the contagion from spreading. The crew kept themselves in constant motion, their clothes were aired and the decks were kept continually washed, and by these means its progress was effectually checked.

At this time they resolved to alter their course; and, as they knew they would not be suffered to enter the port of Leghorn, they stood in for Marseilles, where they were obliged to ride quarantine for 80 days. As soon as they had performed quarantine all the Neapolitans who had arrived in La Fortune were imprisoned, as their nation was then at war with the French republic; but they were soon after liberated and sent to Naples.

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CHAP. VI.

Siccinct account of Algiers in the time of Pinchinin.

THE city of Algiers has undergone considerable alterations in the state of its fortifications, government, customs, and manners, &c. since the year 1640, the time of their famous admiral Hal [...] Pinchinin.

The ancient wall of the city still remains; but scarcely any visible vestiges exist of the ditch which extended the whole length of the wall on the land side. This ditch was about sixteen feet wide, and of a proportionable depth; and served as a recepticle for the filth of the city. The inhabitants derived but little advantage from this wall, as no military force was stationed behind it for the defence of the city.

All the streets were chained up at night; except that which extended the whole length of the city from the port of Babloet, between the great mosque and the dey's palace, to the gate of Bubazoon.

The principal part of the garrison was lodged in five large public edifices, with spacious courts in the middle, which served as armories. Each of these contained about 600 soldiers, who were supported at the public expence; each of whom were accommodated with a separate apartment. But many of the principal Turks were lodged in large houses called Fonducas, which belonged to private persons.

[Page] The castle called Alcazabar was that part of the city which lay to the southward, divided by a wall which began at the rampart on the east side, and extended to that on the west.

About three hundred paces from the shore stood a small island, that was joined to the city by a mole which was finished in the year 1533, and intended for the protection of vessels. This mole was carried away by a violent tempest in the beginning of the year 1662, which occasioned immense destruction among the shipping.

Without the city there were several inconsiderable fortresses; the principal of which was that built by Hassan Bashaw in the year 1545 at the place where Charles V. pitched his tent in 1541. This fortress is still in existence, and is called the imperial castle.

The inhabitants amounted to about 100,000; of which 12,000 were Turkish soldiers, 30,000 slaves of various nations, and the remainder citizens of Algiers, who consisted of Moors, Morescos, Jews, and some Christian merchants.

The supreme authority was, as at present, vested in the dey, or, as he was then called, the bashaw, who was frequently honored with the appellation of Sultan, with which he was highly pleased.

His situation appears to have been more precarious then than at present, and he was in continual apprehension of mutiny among the Turkish soldiers; especially if their monthly wages were withheld. His principal study, therefore, was to make punctual payments at every new moon, and if he delayed these payments three hours after they were due, he was in great danger either of being murdered or imprisoned.

[Page] The dey was obliged to be very circumspect in taking no more than his due proportion of all prizes; for otherwise he was in danger of immediate execution by an incensed soldiery; as happened in September 1661, when Ramadan Bashaw, who then presided, adjudged to himself a greater proportion of prize-wheat than was his due. This proceeding caused an immediate insurrection of the soldiers, who cut his throat, and massacred twenty-eight of the divan, whose bodies were thrown to the dogs in the streets. The rest were obliged to make their escape in a fishing boat, to avoid the fury of the soldiers, in which they were afterwards captured by the Maltese and made slaves.

After the death of Ramadan, another Bashaw, whom they had imprisoned some years before for neglect in making punctual payments, was brought out and elected to the sovereignty of Algiers, whom they exhorted to a more virtuous conduct in administration.

But within three days after, he forgot their injunctions, and meditated nothing but the destruction of an aga, who had been accessory to his imprisonment. In the execution of this design he promised 10,000 patacoons* to two soldiers if they would murder him. With this intention they went to the aga's house, and requested to speak with him. But the slave who came out, suspecting their intentions by their countenances, answered that his master was not at home.

When intelligence was announced to the aga of the dey's designs, he urged a complaint to the soldiers, who seized him and threw him into a dark dungeon, where he received his food through a small hole, and only had room enough to sit down.

[Page] The necessity of punctual payment, often obliged the dey to procure money by every sinister means in his power: even by the violation or misconstruction of treaties. And this imperious necessity induced him to risk a rupture with Great Britain in 1661, by making prize (contrary to their treaty of peace) of the property and persons of foreigners that had been shipped on board of British vessels. In consequence of this infraction of the treaty, the earl of Sandwick was dispatched to Algiers, with a fleet of eighteen sail of the line, to demand restitution. The admiral entered the harbour the 22d of August, and dispatched his lieutenant with his credentials on shore to demand satisfaction, which the dey and divan were not disposed to grant. In consequence, the British consul was brought on board the fleet, and the admiral, after pouring a volley of grape shot into the city, and battering down several houses, took his departure.

The principal study of the dey was the constant practice of imposition upon nations with whom he was in alliance. Their vessels were frequently seized, and the captains constrained, by corporal punishment, to confess that the property belonged to other nations. Indeed it was an arduous task for him to avoid foreign disputes, and at the same time promote harmony at home. He was sensible that the establishment of peace with other nations would have a tendency to abridge his perquisites, and a want of finances to discharge the necessary demands, would expose him to the fury of a mutinous soldiery. Treaties of peace were therefore necessarily violated, and as he derived the principal part of his revenue from captured vessels, he was seldom at peace with any nation.

[Page] The 12,000 men that constituted his ordinary forces, consisted chiefly of the refuse of Turkey, and of renegados who had fled for refuge from Europe; for Algiers was such a perfect asylum for villany, that even those who had offended the Grand Signior himself found protection upon their arrival there, as was the case in 1640.

One Sigala, the son of a Genoese renegado a famous admiral of the same name, had been appointed to the command of a squadron of galleys belonging to the Grand Signior Morad IV. which brought home the annual tribute of Egypt. Sigala on his return anchored his fleet in some of the ports of Greece, where he went on shore to devote part of his time to the women. While he was here indulging himself in every gratification, the Maltese ran into the port, and captured the vessel which was freighted with the treasure. Sigala, to avoid the bow string, set sail immediately with his galley to Algiers, where he subsisted by piracy till he was pardoned by Ibrahim the successor of Morad.

Algiers was at this time a kind of military republic, and the dey was so perfectly under the controul of the soldiery, that without their concurrence he could do nothing. If they approved of his orders they were executed, and if not, the dey was compelled to relinquish them.

In the year 1642, a tributory king, refusing to pay tribute, appeared with an army to shake off the Algerine yoke. Yusef, the reigning dey, desirous of being exempted from the command of the expedition, pretended indisposition. But the soldiers were not disposed to receive his excuse, and compelled him to embark in one of his galleys; and lest he should desert them, he was escorted by another [Page] other galley, and was obliged to submit to being disembarked with his army at the place appointed.

At this time there were, according to some accounts, about three thousand French renegados in Algiers. Before this time the renegados were prohibited from serving in the capacity of Turkish soldiers; but Mahomet Bashaw first allowed them to be incorporated with the Turks in 1568.

The pay of each soldier was eight Moresco doubles* a month; but their pay was enhanced upon extraordinary emergencies, and in proportion to the number of years they had served. Whenever the Sultaness was delivered of a son, or they had any remarkable engagement with the Arabs, or any soldier had killed his enemy in an engagement and brought away his head, their pay was augmented a double a month: provided the number of doubles did not exceed forty.

The unmarried soldiers enjoyed greater privileges than those who were married. To the former were distributed four loaves of bread a day, but to the latter none.

The soldiers kept no guard in the city; but a watch called Mesuart, consisting of twenty-five persons, paraded the streets. In the summer the city was nearly destitute of a garrison, as the army was then dispersed into various parts of the country to enforce the payment of taxes.

The divan were convened twice a week in a gallery of the palace, and consisted of 40 persons. All matters were decided here by a majority; but what was remarkable, the votes were collected before [Page] the debate was closed. All causes between the soldiers were decided in this council, but those between the citizens were determined before the chiah, who was the dey's lieutenant.

Though thei [...] fortifications were then, as at present, very inconsiderable, yet they were a terror to the Europeans; and, according to some computations, above 600,000 slaves died in Algiers with the severity of their treatment between the years 1536 and 1640.

Though the Algerines were greatly elated [...] the signal disaster of Charles [...] they durst not attribute [...] own valour. Their [...] a marabout or santon who resided near [...] city, produced the tempest that proved the destruction of the Spanish fleet, by beating the sea with his wand. To the memory of this marabout they [...] a mosque near the gate of Babloet, where he was interred. The Turks had a great veneration for this place, and pretended that if a Christian army should ever besiege Algiers again, they would raise the most tremendous tempest ever known by casting the bones of this marabout into the sea.

[Page]

CHAP. VII.

A compendium of the adventures of Emanuel D'Aranda, containing an account of the treatment of the Algerine slaves in the time of Pinchinin.

EMANUEL D'ARANDA was a native of Dunkirk i [...] Flanders, and was a slave in Algiers for the [...] of two years. On the first of August 1640, he left Madrid, and proceeded by land to St. Sebastian, where he embarked on board an English vessel, in order to return to his own country, after having visited various parts of Spain. After being at sea a [...] days, they discovered a large ship bearing down upon them, which proved to be a caravel. The master of the English vessel immediately ordered his sails to be furled up, and alledged for a reason that it was not customary for an English vessel to run away at sea. The caravel soon came within gun shot, but without hoisting her colours; whereupon it was concluded that she was a pirate.

But night coming on both vessels lay to, waiting the events that were to take place the next morning. The passengers of the English vessel used every argument in their power to induce the captain to make his escape; but he was inflexibly determined to maintain his station. About ten o'clock next morning two Turkish vessels hove in sight, and were soon within gun shot. In this situation resistance was vain. One of the Turkish vessels hailed her, and ordered her to strike her colours; upon which a boat's crew was sent out, who immediately took possession [Page] of the English vessel, and her crew were sent on board of one of the Turkish ships, which immediately after stood for Algiers.

On the eleventh day after their capture, they passed the streights of Gibralter, where the Turks, as they passed, observed many superstitious ceremonies. Among a variety the following was observed; they cast a vessel of oil into the sea, which they imagined swam to a mountain called La montagne des Signes, where a great santon or saint resided, who subsisted upon the oil, and in consequence of this gift dispensed various blessings to them. During the passage of the oil, lighted candles were placed upon the great guns (a ceremony that was particularly observed by vessels that passed the streights in the night) which burnt for the purpose of affording light to the oil in its passage. All these ceremonies were performed with prayers and great devotion.

The third day after passing the streights, they anchored opposite the city of Algiers; the guns of the vessel were fired, and their report brought a large concourse of people to the shore. D'Aranda with the rest of the crew were now freed from their chains, and taken to the market where the Christian slaves were sold, in order to see if any of them were known; from thence they were conducted to the palace of the dey, (who was entitled to every eighth prisoner) that he might make his choice out of the number of captives.

He was seated in his hall of audience, and sat cross-l [...]gged on an elegant seat, covered with blue tapestry, holding in his hand a number of plumes, resembling a fan. His dress was a long gown of red silk, and a turban neatly interwoven.

After the dey had made choice of his share of the captives, the remainder were taken to the house of [Page] one of the Turks whose vessel had taken the prize. As D'Aranda was going into the house, the Turk asked him in Italian, if he was hungry, he answered in the affirmative; whereupon a Christian slave brought the prisoners some bread and a basket of grapes, with which they regaled themselves. The house was built in the Italian manner; the galleries were formed of white marble, and the pavement, the pillars and the arches were well proportioned, according to the laws of architecture. They were confined in this house, where they were obliged to sleep on the floor in the galleries, and were not permitted to leave the house till they were sold.

After they had been confined here seven days, they were visited by Pinchinin and some of the richest Turks, who came with an intention to purchase slaves. They asked the prisoners whether they were able to pay the price of their ransom; but they answered in the negative, and in consequence no purchase was made. They were afterwards brought to the market, where an old man, with a staff in his hand, took D'Aranda by the arm, and led him several times round the market-place. A number of persons, desirous of purchasing, appeared, who asked D'Aranda his profession and the place of his nativity. They took him by the hand to examine if it was hard; and ordered him to open his mouth, to see whether his teeth were sufficiently good for chewing hard biskets on board the galleys. They were then all ordered to be seated in a row. The old man took the first in order and led him three or four times round the market, crying arrache, arrache, who offers most? After the sale he was placed upon the other side of the market, and in the same manner all the others were sold. D'Aranda was purchased by a renegado [Page] named Saban Gallan, who gave 200 patacoons for him.

The dey being entitled to any slave at the price offered for him in the market, they were in consequence once more taken to the palace: each one having in his hat a piece of paper, on which was written the price at which he was sold. The dey thought proper to purchase D'Aranda, and Cal [...]en and Saldens two of his companions; telling [...]em that he had heard they were persons of quality, and that he expected a large sum for their ransom. He then ordered them to the stables of the palace, where they found 250 other slaves intended as a supply to the galleys. In these stables they were confined one and twenty days, and their daily allowance here was two small loaves of bread a-piece.

Towards the end of September, when their galleys make their last cruise, these slaves began to prepare for sea. To each one was distributed, by the dey's order, some coarse cloth, for the purpose of making them such clothes as were worn in the galleys. On the day appointed for the slaves to go on board, a number of barbers attended the stables, and shaved the heads and beards of those who were intended as rowers. After they were shaved, the dey's steward, and the captain of one of the galleys entered the stables, and ordered the slaves into an adjoining court, where each one had his office and station assigned him. After this there remained twenty slaves more than sufficient to man the galleys. D'Aranda was among this number, and the captain of the galley said to the steward as he passed them, We will leave these rascals on shore, for they are savages yet.

They were then ordered back to the dey's stables, [Page] and the same day four galleys thus manned, left the harbour. The dey finding D'Aranda and his companions neither rich nor persons of quality, ordered them to be brought into his presence in the hall of audience, where they found Pinchinin, who said to them, Christians I have bought you of the dey, but at a very great price. He then sent them to his house, where they found twenty female slaves who attended his wife, besides twelve male slaves, and a seraglio of forty young boys between nine and fifteen years of age.

From Pinchinin's house they were sent to his bagnio, the place appointed for such of his slaves as were intended for the galleys. This bangio was a street or large entry i [...] his house, where pirates and Turkish soldiers resorted, who spent their time in drinking, and the commission of the most unnatural crimes. D'Aranda not being acquainted with any one in this seminary of virtue, was obliged to sleep the first night upon the terrace of the bagnio, and the next morning when he rose he saw an Italian slave bringing in a great variety of articles and household stuff, and crying arrache, arrache. D'Aranda enquired of a certain knight of Malta with whom he had become acquainted, what the Italian meant. "As our master Pinchinin," replied the knight, ‘allows his slaves nothing for their subsistence, the greatest part of them live upon stealing, and the booty of the preceding day is every morning thus sold for their support.’

The next morning before sun-rise the guardian coming into the bagnio, saluted D'Aranda and his companions with Sursa cani, abaso canalla, get up you dogs, come down you scoundrels. After this coarse salutation, he [...]ducted them to Babloet, in the suburbs of the city, where they [Page] were employed in a large rope-walk. D'Aranda and Saldens were appointed to turn a large wheel. Upon their turning the wheel too swiftly, their guardian cried out to them in Lingua Franca, forti, forti, which signifies gently; but they misunderstanding the term, turned the wheel with all their might, which so exasperated their guardian, that he ran up to them in a rage, and with a huge cudgel taught them the signification of forti.

After they were thus initiated into the knowledge or rope making, they were compelled to pound wheat in a mortar; a much more laborious employment, in which D'Aranda acquitted himself but very indifferently; upon which his guardian said to him, give over that work you dog, you are too savage yet. In putting the wheat into bags after it had been pounded, a little happened to be spilt on the ground; whereupon their guardian said, Pilla esse cani, take that up you dog: but D'Aranda not understanding him, his keeper gave him a most unmerciful blow over the back with a billet of wood, which gave him a dangerous wound, from which a copious stream of blood issued.

A very heavy bag of wheat was then placed upon each one's shoulder, which they had to carry a considerable distance, and D'Aranda's strength failing him after he had gone a few paces, the bag began to slide down his back; upon which his keeper struck him in the face several times with his fist, and the blood streamed plentifully from his mouth and nose; which compelled him to greater exertions, and he staggered under the load till he arrived at Pinchinin's house, where he fell down, perfectly exhausted with the burden. But the most arduous part of their labour was yet to be performed. They were under the necessity of carrying [Page] these bags up into a granary forty feet high; ae task which D'Aranda would have found totally impracticable, had not his companion Saldens, who was much stronger, compassionately carried it up for him, while he lay upon the ground besmeared with sweat, dust and blood, and still unmercifully pounded by his keeper, who threatened to murder him. In this lamentable condition he returned to the bagnio.

In the mean time Caloen, his other companion, had been employed in leading a mule, laden with bisket, from Pinchinin's house to the water side. In consequence of the narrowness of the streets, it was a custom in Algiers, when one led a loaded mule or camel, to cry Belec, take care there. But our new mule-driver, ignorant of the custom, gave no warning of his approach, and in passing, threw a Turk into the mud. The Turk getting up in a great rage, drew his knife, (which they carried about them instead of a sword) and would have murdered Caloen, had he not been prevented by some other Turks, who hallowed out to him, don't you see that Christian is a savage yet, and don't understand the custom; the word SAVAGE being a term of reproach which was given him because he was dressed in a Christian habit.

While they were in a state of the most extreme indigence, expecting nothing from Pinchinin, and not versed in the art of stealing, the common profession in the bagnio, they had the good fortune to borrow seventy-five patacoons from an Italian merchant in Algiers, to whom they became jointly bound for the payment of a hundred at Antwerp.

Their next employment was in a vine-yard belonging to one of Pinchinin's country-houses, where very laborious tasks were assigned them; for which [Page] D'Aranda, being but indifferently qualified, agreed with his guardian to allow him four rials a month if he would give him a more easy employment: and in consequence his next business was to carry some large pots of water to the lodgings of the chief guardian. D'Aranda now fared pretty well, and was much pleased with his new employment; but a trivial occurrence shortly after excluded him from this business; for as he was pouring a pot of water one day into the Tin [...]ga, or great cistern, he accosted a Turkish woman who entered the house, and asked her if she would drink a glass of sack. This question being overheard, he was dismissed from his employment, and compelled the next day to work with some other slaves in attending masons.

This happened in the month of December, when the corsairs cruised along the coast of Andalusia, in order to capture English vessels laden with wine and fruits. These corsairs had taken a frigate of Dunkirk, in which there was a young man who was sold to Pinchinin, with whom D'Aranda had been formerly acquainted. This young man shortly after had an interview with D'Aranda, and being moved at the recital of his misfortunes, gave him some jewels, which he pawned for ten crowns. This was a very seasonable supply, as his seventy-five patacoons were by this time spent, and his credit was in consequence very much raised at the bagnio, which was more than usually crouded at this time by great numbers of Turks and Christian slaves who came to drink sack, a cargo of which had been lately taken in one their prizes. About thirty slaves were taken in this frigate who were employed in unloading her. Some of th [...]se had the good fortune to be afterwards [Page] employed as tavern keepers, a business which was prohibited to Turks; others of the crew were consigned to the galleys, where they were chained to the outermost oar, men whom the Algerines called Bogavands. These slaves consisted of Spanards, Italians and Russians, and being a little intoxicated one night a quarrel ensued between some of them, which made a great uproar in the bagnio. Whereupon a priest came into the room with a wax candle in his hand, and quelled the disturbance. The news of this riot soon came to the ears of the patron of the bagnio, who came attended by several persons with cresset lights and lanthrons, and armed with cudgels. They all fled at the approach of the patron; but one of the rioters was seized, stripped naked, and held by the hands and feet by four slaves with his belly on the floor, where he received a hundred blows on the back with a cudgel.

D'Aranda had now resided six months in Algiers, at which time he and his companions went to Pinchinin, and kissing his robe and the sleeve of his inner garment, the Turkish mode of paying homage, they told him they had come to agree with him about the price of their ransom. After some conversation Pinchinin told them he was then going out of town with some slaves to fell timber for a new frigate which was building, and that he would talk further with them upon the subject at his return.

In the mean time D'Aranda was employed at a new house belonging to Pinchinin in the upper part of the city, where he was obiged to carry materials on his back up a steep hill where mules and camels could not be used. While he was at work two Turks came to the bagnio and enquired for D'Aranda, Caloen, and Saldens; but as [Page] they had changed their names, nobody could give any account of them. The Turks then applied to a Brabant slave called Francis the student, to examine some papers which were written in Latin, giving some account of the slaves. Francis, upon examination, concluded that D'Aranda and his companions were the persons they were enquiring for, and told them he knew the slaves very well. Whereupon he went with them to the bagnio, where they found D'Aranda and his companions, whom they informed they were no longer slaves; at which the were greatly overjoyed.

The next day a Jew came to the bagnio, and by order of Pinchinin's wife, told D'Aranda and his companions that the dey wished to speak to them. When they were brought before him, he commanded them to go into a small drawing room of the palace, where they continued about three hours with some young Christian slaves. At length the steward made his appearance with a cudgel, and said to them, You dogs which of you wrote home to be exchanged for Turks? They all excused themselves; but the steward not much disposed to receive their excuses, gave them all a severe beating, and told them he would come again at night and cut off their ears and noses. They were here confined in this small apartment in extreme misery for eighteen days; during which time they were frequently visited by the steward, who always carried his cudgel in his hand, and sometimes beat them for his diversion. The Turks now waited upon Pinchinin, who had returned, and told him they had engaged to procure an exchange of D'Aranda and his companions for seven of their Turkish friends, who were prisoners in Flanders, and offered him by way of ransom the same sum he had given for them. But [Page] Pinchinin told them these slaves were persons of quality, for each of whom he demanded 6000 patacoons as the price of ransom.

While the Turks were endeavouring to effect an exchange of prisoners nine weeks passed away, during which time D'Aranda and his companions were confined in the dey's palace. After much delay the Turks agreed with Pinchinin upon the price of their ransom; upon which they were released from confinement, and lodged in the house of Cataborn Mustapha, one of the Turks, who became their new patron. Caloen was soon after sent in a vessel bound to Leghorn, in order to procure the liberty of the Turkish prisoners in exchange, according to the agreement made between these Turks and the friends of D'Aranda and his companions, who detained the Turkish prisoners in Flanders.

D'Aranda still continued with Mustapha, but his residence here was of short duration; for Mustapha getting drunk one day quarrelled with a Bulcebas, a captain of foot, whom he called a Christian. For this offence Mustapha suffered imprisonment, and by order of the divan received a hundred blows on the back with a cudgel; after which he was compelled to serve six months in the field against king Bennali.

After the departure of Mustapha, D'Aranda was received into the family of Mahomet Celibi Oiga, where he was employed in the capacity of a servant. Here he soon became very intimate with his new mistress who granted him many liberties, and permitted him to attend public worship every day at Pinchinin's bagnio.

In the mean time Caloen, who was not so fortunate, was imprisoned in the house of [...] grandmother, where he was confined [...] [Page] apartment with nearly 80 weight of iron about his legs, and frequently sent into the country, where his keepers were instructed to torture him with the most oppressive hunger in order to expedite the payment of his ransom.

At the expiration of six months after D'Aranda had resided at Oiga's house, he received a letter from Saldens, dated at Ceuta, who requested his immediate attendance at Tetuan in the kingdom of Fez, according to contract with the two Turks. This letter contained information that Caloen's father had absolutely refused to pay the 700 patacoons that were demanded for his ransom, but made no particular mention of the five Turks who were to be given in exchange for D'Aranda and his companions.

In consequence of this information Mustapha's grandmother immediately ordered Caloen to be confined with a hundred weight of iron about his legs, in a small cellar, where D'Aranda frequently visited him; and one day while he was with him, the old woman entered the cellar, and asked Caloen if he was willing yet to pay the 700 patacoons. He made no answer, but laughed at her; which so greatly enraged the old lady, that she ordered D'Aranda to be seized and loaded with irons in the same cell, because she had imputed Caloen's conduct entirely to his advice. Here they remained till the time fixed for the departure of a vessel destined for Tetuan, when, by the intercession of three Christian slaves who intended to embark in this vessel, they were released upon a promise that her grandson Mustapha, who was at Ceuta, should be liberated in exchange.

About this time (which was the first of January 164 [...]) terminated the fast of Ramadan, which continued [Page] for a month, during which time they were prohibited from eating or drinking in the day; and those who were detected in violating this law were compelled to swallow melted lead. About the time of sun-set the people were permitted to eat, and drums were beaten as a signal to cease from fasting.

To this fast succeeded the festival or Easter of Ramadan, which continued for eight days, and was celebrated with great pomp and festivity. Cavalcades were formed without the city, and feats of horsemanship were displayed. The Turkish children were drawn in small triumphal chariots, to which Christian slaves were harnassed. The principal amusement was wrestling, at which the Moors were very expert. The prohibitions of the Alcoran seemed very little regarded at this time, and wine and brandy were drank in the greatest excess. In the time of this festival gifts were distributed to the slaves, and for the three or four first days they were exempted from every kind of labour.

On the 14th of January D'Aranda and Caloen, after settling all preliminaries, embarked with a number of Turks and Christian slaves on board the vessel bound for Tetuan. On the eighth day after they arrived at Oran, which is about forty leagues from Algiers, and on the twelfth at Tremesen, where they lay at anchor three days, and discharged part of their Moorish crew.

Tremesen was formerly a powerful kingdom, to which the dey of Algiers was tributory. It is situated at the extremity of the Grand Signior's dominions, and is bounded by the empire of Morocco and Fez, with which the Grand Signior is in alliance; but notwithstanding this empire is often at war with the Algerines, and this happens without any [Page] violation to the confederacy. The same is the case with Tunis, which is included in the Grand Signior's dominions; but he does not concern himself with the affairs of the bashaws, and they are not considered at war till some place of importance is taken.

From Tremesen they set sail upon their voyage, and shortly after, in consequence of the discharge of a number of Moors, a conspiracy was formed among the Christian slaves to murder all the Turks on board, and to render themselves master of the vessel. But the whole design miscarried in consequence of the timidity of a Spaniard, who was the principal in the conspiracy, and neglected to give the signal of onset, as had been previously concerted.

On the twelfth of February in the evening they cast anchor in a bay within half a league of Tetuan, and the next day a violent east-wind arose which subjected them to imminent danger. The Turks terrified at the storm began to say their sala or prayers, and promised to distribute alms as soon as they were on shore. But the tempest still increased in violence, and the vessel was every moment in danger of being driven upon the rocks. In this extremity the Turks resolved to offer a sacrifice to Mahomet as their last resource; a number of sheep being always taken on board the Turkish vessels for this purpose. They cut one of these sheep into four parts, and with a variety of ridiculous ceremonies they cast the parts into the sea on different quarters of the vessel.

The tempest continued to increase till midnight, at which time the vessel began to drag her anchors. The Turks all assembled at the stern in the utmost consternation, and implored the assistance of Mahomet with the loudest lamentations. The vessel [Page] continued to drag her anchors, and soon after she was wrecked upon the shore, but the principal part of the crew were saved.

D'Aranda and Caloen were greatly overjoyed at their deliverance, and the next morning they set out for Tetuan, where they arrived about noon. While they continued here they received a letter from Don Martin de Pegnaloso a Spanish merchant at Ceuta, who informed them that Saldens had gone to Gibraltar, and had left orders with him to furnish them with every thing necessary.

In the mean time the Turkish prisoners who had been detained at Flanders had arrived at Ceuta. Mustapha Ingles one of the prisoners, imagining that Saldens had returned to Flanders, wrote to Tetuan to the Turk who had charge of D'Aranda and Caloen, that Saldens had promised when he was in Flanders to pay 700 patacoons towards the ransom which his relations had paid for Caloen, and that he should put them in the Masmora. The person who concerted this business was Abraham Arrais one of the Turkish prisoners, who reported at Ceuta that D'Aranda and Caloen had promised 700 patacoons before their departure from Algiers.

In consequence of this letter they were put into the Masmora, which was a large vault about thirty feet under ground, where 170 Christian slaves were confined. While they were in this situation D'Aranda wrote to Saldens, who returned to Ceuta, and by his intercession they were liberated from confinement, and soon after took their departure for their native country.

FINIS.

Notes

*

2 Kings, chap. ix. ver. 30.

↵

*

There is a story of an English parson, whose congregation, during the time of divine service, heard of a shipwreck. In spite of his utmost efforts to detain them, the whole assembly rushed out of the church, in a body, to divide the plunder.

↵

*

Chap. 62.

↵

*

Chap. XXXIII. entitled The Confederates.

↵

†

Chap. III. pag. 48.

↵

*

Page 75.

↵

*

A scrivan, or clerk, always attends the slaves at their labour, and calls over their names at Bublywhite every night and morning.

↵

†

Many of these slaves are criminals, who fly from justice in their own country and become voluntary slaves in Algiers, whom the Spanish government refuses to ransom; a matter which they impute entirely to the influence of their consul and priests, whom they suppose to be [...] of their slavery, and consequently they are ever [...] objects of their hatred and indignation.

↵

*

The shirts that are worn by the Algerines are sent from the Levant. They are made of muslin, and formed something like sacks without openings at top, which are made to suit the convenience of the wearer after they are brought to Algiers.

↵

*

An asper is a small thin piece of square tin less than a penny in value.

↵

†

The captain Proor is the head sweeper, and according to custom he is always set at liberty whenever a peace is concluded with any nation.

↵

*

The patacoon is a Spanish coin about 84 cents in value.

↵

*

This double is about 25 cents in value.

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John Diber

E

Mrs. Anne Engles, Philadelphia

Mr. Thomas Eastwick, do

Joseph L. Engles do

Owen Evans, do

James Ellison, do

Thomas Eden, Harrisburgh

Joseph Erwin, Newton

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Miss Eliza Fisher, Philadelphia

Mr. Robert Field, New-Jersey

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Miss Jean Gribbon, Philadelphia

Mr. Arthur Gilmor, do

William Gardner, do

Henry Gordon, do

George Guyger, do

John Goseline, Bristol

Jabez Greger, Newark

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[Page]Mr. John Houston, Germantown, 6 copies

John Hutchinson, jun. Bristol

Joseph Hutchinson, do

Lewis Howard, do

James Van Hart, do

Peter Hunt, New-Jersey

William Holmes, Philadelphia

Robert Houston, Carlisle

John Hawkins, Bordenton

Joseph Hopkinson, Esq. Philadelphia

Moses Heddin, Newark

—Hawk, Red Lion, 10 copies

John Hoff, Philadelphia

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Jared Ingersol, Esq. Philadelphia

Mrs. Elizabeth Jarvis, Philadelphia

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William Jones, Philadelphia, 6 copies

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Mr. Harman Kinsey, Bristol

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Henry Kammerer, jun. do

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Mr. Richard Lloyd, Bristol

James Lawrie, Philadelphia

Samuel Longcope, do

John Loraine, jun. do

Abraham A. Lott, New-York

Joseph [...], Germantown

Thomas Langworth, Newark

Anthony Lapre

M

Robert D. Murray, Esq. Newton

Mr. Archibald M'Elroy, Bristol, 10 copies

John M'Elroy, Dunkiss-Ferry, 10 copies

Robert Morris, jun. Morrisville, 2 copies

John Martin, Philadelphia

James M'Glassin, do

George Washington M'Elroy, do

S. M'Farlane, New-York

[Page] Mr. William M'Glathery, Montgomery county

James M'Dowell, do

John M'Kean, Bristol

Timothy Merrick, do

Joseph Minnick, do

John Murray, do

Henry Muhlenberg, Philadelphia

John M'Ara, do

James M'Glathery, do

Benjamin M'Dowell, do

William Morris, do

William P. Meeker, do

James Magoffin, do

Alexander Mitchell do

Barnabas M'Shane, do

William Mott, do

Samuel R. Marshall, Barbadoes

George Myers, Germantown

B. Moore, Philadelphia

John Mease, jun. do

John Massey, do

Robert Mease, do

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Mr. John Neilson, Philadelphia

William Nigley, do

George Nisbett, do

Winnard Nice, Germantown

Robert Newlin, Morrisville

David Nichols, Newark

Samuel Nichols, do

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Mr. James O'Donnell, Philadelphia

David Olden, Princeton

Aaron Ogden, Newark

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Mrs. Pancake, Germantown

Mrs. Mary Anne Parkinson, Philadelphia

Mr. Titian R. Peale, do

Z. Philips, do

[Page] Mr. George Paine, New Mills

George Pain [...]er, Burlington

Jonathan Pursell, Bristol

Thomas Pearson, Darby

Peter Payan, Trenton

Thomas Porter, Richland

Samuel Pleasants, jun. Philadelphia

Richard Parkinson, do

Ralph Philips, New-Jersey

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Mr. Charles Redifer, Montgomery county

Job Roberts, Esq. do

William Rodman, Bensalem

Gilbert Rodman, do

Samuel Richards, Bristol

Edward Rawley, Philadelphia

Robert Ralston, jun. do

John Roney, do

Gabriel Ralston do

John Rodes, do

William Ross, do

John Ralston, do

Ralph Rutledge, do

Joseph Reed, Esq. do

Jonathan Rhea, Esq. Trenton

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Mrs. Prudence Sleter, Lancaster

Mrs. Elizabeth Scaife, Philadelphia

Rev. Abraham Supplee, Montgom. county

Mr. Peter Supplee, do

Henry Scheetz, do

Justus Scheetz, do

George Stockham, Bristol

James Scanlan, Philadelphia

Samuel Sansom, jun. do

Samuel Sears, do

John Smith, do

Robert Stinhouse, do

William Sergeant, do

[Page] Mr. Jno. Scott, Bedford county

Thomas Sealy, Barbadoes

William Sims, New Jersey

Benjamin Stevens, Philadelphia

William Smith, do

William Sansom, do

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Mr. Hugh Tomb, Bristol

John Thomas, Montgomery county

George Taylor, Philadelphia

William Traylor, do

Charles Teas, do

Peter Thomson do

Thomas Thursby, do

Isaac Thomas, do

Jonathan Tyson, do

John Thomson, do

George Taylor, do

Thomas Twigey, New-Jersey, 2 copies

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Mr. Benjamin Volentine, Philadelphia

Peter Weise, Montgomery county

Robert Webb, Philadelphia

—Weston, do 10 copies

John Willis, do

Jonathan D. Woodruff, do

Charles Whyte, do

Peter Walters, do

James C. Williamson, do.

Josiah West, do

Augustus Willit, Bensalem

Benjamin Walton, Bristol

B. Wouters

Christopher Wertz, sen. Bucks county

Anthony W. White, Brunswick

Kearney Wharton, Philadelphia

H. W. Weston, do

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Mr. Jacob Zeller, Philadelphia 10 copies

[Page] ☞As there are several subscription lists not yet received, such subscribers whose names may be omitted will please to excuse the editors, as these lists could not be procured without retarding the publication of the work.

IN THE PRESS, HALYBURTON's ENQUIRY INTO THE PRINCIPLES OF THE MODERN DEISTS.
Corrected by the Rev. Dr. CHARLES NISBET, President of Dickinson College.

The seasonableness of this publication must be evident,—when the Deistical writings of Thomas Pain, and others, have obtained such a universal circulation in the United States. Answers to these writings have been numerous, and some of them justly celebrated; such as Bishop Watson's, and some others. But neither Bishop Watson nor any other writer has treated this controversy in the manner Mr. Halyburton has done. He has taken the Deists upon their own ground, and resting the matter chief [...]y on the internal evidence of the holy scriptures, proving their divine original from their [...] upon the [...]a [...]ts and consciences of men, and [...] the utter insufficiency of nature's light to lead mankind to happiness, has [...]ut every fibre by which the arguments of [...]tical writers are supported.—It is hoped the [Page]friends of Divine Revelation will cheerfully grant their support to a work so much calculated for the benefit of the present and rising generations.

Subscriptions received by John Montgomery, merchant, Carlisle; James Short, merchant, York Burrough; Alexander Cunningham, store-keeper, Washington; J. Hepburn, J. Cowden, and A. M'Donald, Northumberland; George Gosman, in Cortlandt street, and James Young, schoolmaster, New-York; Dr. Stillman, Boston; John M'Culloch, No. 1, North Third-street, and by the Publishers, in George-street third door below South-street, Philadelphia.

§

§

Lately Published, And for sale by JOHN M'CULLOCH, No. 1, North Third-street, and by the publishers, (Price 60 Cents) MEMOIRS OF MR. HALYBURTON. With a recommendatory Preface by Dr. WATTS.

Information about this book

Title statement

An historical and geographical account of Algiers; comprehending a novel and interesting detail of events relative to the American captives. / By James Wilson Stevens.

Stevens, James Wilson.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2007-10.

ID [DLPS]

N24799

ID [TCP]

N24799

ID [STC]

Evans 32877

ID [NOTIS]

APW6552

ID [IMAGE-SET]

32877

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99012692

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 32877.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N24799)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 32877)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 32877)

Source

— An historical and geographical account of Algiers; comprehending a novel and interesting detail of events relative to the American captives. / By James Wilson Stevens., Stevens, James Wilson., Barlow, Joel, 1754-1812, dedicatee..

Extent

xi, [2], 14-304, [8] p., [1] folded leaf of plates : ill. ; 17 cm. (12mo)

Printed by Hogan & M'Elroy, George-Street third door below South-Street.,. Philadelphia: :: August, 1797.. (Dedicated to Joel Barlow.) (Errata note, p. [xii].) (Subscriber's [sic] names."--p. [305-310].) (Publisher's advertisement, p. [311-312].)

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