CHAPTER I.

IT has been mentioned, in the preceding intro­duction,1676. in what manner William Penn became concerned in the province of West-New-Jersey, W. Penn's time spent in benefit­ing man­kind. and a principal promoter of its colonization, in, or about, the year 1676. After which time, as before, it appears, in the annals of his life, that he was continually, and various ways, employed, in promoting the happiness of mankind, both in [Page 168] their religious and civil capacity; insomuch that his name is revered in a double respect, and ren­dered dear to posterity. The fruits of his labours have placed his conduct above the power of envy and detraction; which would pervert every good and laudable design to the vilest purposes, and represent the most generous actions, as arising from sordid and sinister views: evils, which always indicate their opposite virtues and true merit, and have their residence in base and low minds.

His views in the colo­nization of Pennsylva­nia.The views of William Penn, in the colonization of Pennsylvania, were most manifest, the best and most exalted, that could occupy the human mind;^* [Page 169] to render men as free and happy as the nature of their existence could possibly bear,1680. in their civil capacity, and in their religious state, to restore to them those lost rights and privileges, with which God and nature had originally blessed the human race. This, in part, he effected; and, by those means, which Providence, in the following man­ner,His success in this his design. put into his hands, he so far brought to pass, as both to excite the admiration of strangers, and to fix in posterity, that love and honor for his memory, which the length of future time will scarcely ever be able to efface.

It has already been observed,W. Penn petitious the King in 1680. that the eminent public services of Admiral Penn had brought him in favor at court; to which favor his son, William Penn, succeeded, notwithstanding the singularity of the choice of his mode of life. There was a large sum of money due, from the government, to the Admiral, at the time of his death; much of [Page 170] which he himself had advanced for the sea service; the rest was for arrearages in his pay. In conse­quence of this debt, William Penn, in the summer of the year 1680, petitioned King Charles the se­cond, that letters patent might be granted him, for a tract of land, in America, lying north of Mary­land; on the east, bounded by Delaware river; on the west limited as Maryland; and northward to extend as far as plantable.

This was first laid before the Privy Council, and afterwards, the Lords of the committee of trade and plantations. After several meetings on the oc­casion, in which the objections, from the Duke of York, by his agent, Sir John Werden, as pro­prietor of that tract of Land, since called, the counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, on De­laware; and from the Lord Baltimore, proprietor of Maryland, were fully heard and debated; the Lord Chief Justice North, and the Attorney-General, Sir William Jones, being consulted both respecting the grant itself,1681. and also the form, or manner, of making it.W. Penn obtains the grant of Pennsylva­nia. The affair was at length, resulted in William Penn's favor; and he was, by charter, da­ted at Westminster, the fourth day of March, 1681, made and constituted full and absolute proprietor of all that tract of land and province, now called Pennsylvania, and invested with the powers of go­vernment of the same.Anderson, in his excellent treatise, entitled, "An historical and chro­nological deduction of the origin of commerce," &c. published in two volumes folio, under the year 1680, thus mentions the rise of this colony, viz. "The same year, 1680, gave rise to the noble English colony of Pennsylvania, in North America;"—"That country, till now, was mostly a part of Virginia, and another part of it was a part of New-York colony. Mr. William Penn, an eminent Quaker, and a gentleman of great knowledge and true philosophy, had it granted to him, at this time;—which he designed for a retreat or asylum, for the people of his religious perswasion, then made uneasy at home, through the bigotry of spiritual courts, &c. Mr. Penn, therefore, carried thither with him a large embarkation of those Quakers; afterwards, from time to time, joined by many more, from Britain and Ireland. At his first arrival there, he found many English families in it, and considerable numbers of Dutch and Swedes who all readily submitted to his wise and excellent regulations; which highly merit to be known by all persons, who would apply to colonizing. The true wisdom, as well as equity, of his un­limited toleration of all religious perswasions, as well as his kind, just and prudent treatment of the native Indians, also his laws, policy and go­vernment, so endeared him to the planters, and so widely spread the fame of his whole oeconomy, that, although so lately planted, it is thought, at this day (about the year 1760) to have more white people in it, than any other colony, on all the continent of English America, New-England alone excepted."

[Page 171]This charter consists of twenty-three sections. The preamble to which declares the reasons for the said grant were,Reasons for the grant, &c. "The commendable desire of Willian Penn to enlarge the British Empire, by pro­moting commodities of trade; reducing the savage natives, by gentle and just means, to the love of civil society, and the Christian religion, and by transplanting an ample colony into that unculti­vated country, together with the memorable ser­vices of his father Admiral Penn;" The whole is expressed in the following manner, viz.

By the first section of this charter the extent and boundary of the province are expressed in such plain terms,Of the boundary between Maryland and Penn­sylvania. that it might reasonably be supposed they could not well, or easily, be misunderstood: three degrees of latitude, included and bounded, between the beginning of the fortieth, and the be­ginning of the forty-third degree of north latitude, equal to about two hundred and eight English sta­tute miles, north and south, with five degrees of longitude, westward from Delaware river, which, in the parrallel of forty-one degree, are equal to [Page 188] nearly two hundred and sixty-five miles, east and west, are as clearly and manifestly expressed to be granted to the proprietary of Pennsylvania, as words can do it; and we are otherwise sufficiently certi­fied that the same space, or quantity of land, was intended by the King to be included in the said grant; yet the dispute between the proprietaries of Maryland and Pennsylvania, on this point, was afterwards remarkable, and of many years conti­nuance; occasioned by each of the respective pro­prietaries claiming to himself the whole space, or extent, of the land, contained in the fortieth de­gree of latitude; which was the north boundary of Maryland, by patent of that province; and which, though prior to that of Pennsylvania, spe­cifies, or assigns, no particular part of the said de­gree, for the boundary, as the Pennsylvania grant doth: which space, or degree, containing near se­venty English miles in breadth, north and south, and in length westward, so far as Maryland ex­tends, was no small matter to occasion a dispute.

But notwithstanding the clearness of the terms, by which the boundary between the said pro­vinces, is expressed in their respective charters, as above mentioned, yet this dispute was, at length, in the year 1732, finally settled chiefly in favor of Maryland; by fixing the said boundary between the two provinces, only fifteen miles due south of the most southerly part of Philadelphia, or in the parallel of 39 degrees, 44 minutes nearly, instead of 39 degrees, or at the beginning of the fortieth degree, as mentioned and intended by charter; which renders the real extent of Pennsylvania, Real ex­tent and content of Pennsylva­nia at pre­sent. north and south, only about 155 miles, instead of 208, and makes the square miles, in the pro­vince about 41,000, and the number of acres, 26,288,000 or near twenty-six millions.

In consequence of this charter, on the second day of April, next ensuing, the King issued a declara­tion [Page 189] to the inhabitants and planters of Pennsylvania, expressive of the grant, describing the bounds of the province,The King issues a de­claration. and enjoining them to yield all due obedience to the proprietary, &c. according to the powers granted by the said charter."^*

Willam Penn, W. Penn publishes an account of province, &c. having obtained these proper requi­sites, immediately published such account of the province, as could then be given; with the royal charter, and other papers relative thereto, offering easy terms of sale for lands, viz. forty shillings sterling for one hundred acres, and one shilling per [Page 190] annum. forever;^* and good conditions of settle­ment, to such as chose to be adventurers in the new country.

[Page 191]This offer and invitation, to the people, he mix­ed, or qualified, with such Christian caution and advice, as indicated a real concern both for their temporal and eternal felicity, which he closed in these words:—

—"To conclude,Part of William Penn's ad­vice to the adventu­rer's, &c. I desire all my dear country-folks, who may be inclined to go into those parts, to consider seriously the premises, as well the inconveniency as future ease and plenty; that so none may move rashly, or from a fickle, but from a solid, mind; having, above all things, an eye to the providence of God, in the disposing of them­selves; and I would further advise all such, at least, to have the permission, if not the good liking, of their near relations; for that is both natural, and a duty incumbent upon all. And by this will na­tural affections be preserved, and a friendly and profitable correspondence between them; in all which I beseech Almighty God to direct us; that his blessing may attend our honest endeavours; and then the consequence of all our undertakings will turn to the glory of his great name, and all true happiness to us, and our posterity. Amen."

Oh publishing these proposals, a great number of purchasers soon appeared, in London, Liverpool, The free society of traders, &c. and especially about Bristol; among these were James Claypole, Nicholas Moore, Philip Forde, and others, who formed a company, called, The free society of Traders in Pennsylvania. These last men­tioned persons, with William Sharloe, Edward Pierce, John Simcock, Thomas Bracy and Edward Brooks, having purchased 20,000 acres of land, in trust for the said company, published articles of [Page 192] trade, and entered into divers branches thereof themselves; which were soon improved upon by others.

CHAPTER II.

The pro­prietary publishes conditions, or conces­sions, &c.THE proprietary, having already made consi­derable sales of land, agreed with the adventurers and purchasers on the first deed of settlement, which in part, may be regarded as an essay towards a constitution of government, according to the pow­ers granted him by charter. It consists chiefly of certain rules of settlement, of treating the Indians with justice and friendship; and of keeping the peace, agreeable to the customs, usages and laws of England, to be observed on their arrival in the coun­try, and there to be altered, on occasion. This compact is published, under the title of, "Certain conditions, or concessions, agreed upon by William Penn, Proprietary and Governor of the province of Pennsylvania; and those, who are the adventurers and purchasers, in the same province, the 11th. of July, 1681."^* Which may be seen at length, in the appendix, No. I.

[Page 193]Three ships sailed for Pennsylvania this year; two from London, and one from Bristol. The John and Sarah, from London, The first three ships sail for Pennsylva­nia, &c. commanded by Henry Smith, is said to have been the first that arrived there; the Amity, Richard Dimon, master, from the same place, with passengers, was blown off, to the West-Indies; and did not arrive at the pro­vince, till the spring of the next year; the Bristol Factor, Roger Drew, commander, arrived at the place, where Chester now stands, on the 11th. of December; where the passengers, seeing some houses, went on shore, at Robert Wade's landing, near the lower side of Chester-creek; and, the ri­ver having froze up that night, the passengers re­mained there all the winter.^*

[Page 194]In one of these ships sailed William Markham, a relation of the proprietary; whom he had ap­pointed his Deputy Governor,Commis­sioners sent, &c. and joined with him certain commissioners, to confer with the In­dians, or Aboriginies, of the country, respecting their lands; and to confirm with them a league of peace. These Commissioners he enjoined to treat them with all possible candour, justice and hu­manity.

Import­ance of treating the Indians well.To cultivate a right understanding with these na­tives, by a kind, gentle and just treatment and usage, was an affair of great importance to the fu­ture happiness and prosperity of the province; which good policy alone, even, from views of temporal interest, in such a case, would point out; yet notwithstanding this, the unhappy effects of a contrary conduct, or a neglect in this particular, had been frequently and long experienced, in some other provinces, to their great detriment, and ruin­ous consequences.

William Penn's con­duct respec­ting the Indians.But William Penn appears to have acted from higher, and more disinterested motives, in refer­ence to these people, than from those of mere temporal advantage only; which, it is manifest, he never received from the province, in any respect whatever, during a life of near thirty-seven years continuance after this time; but lost much by it. His ideas were more exalted, than to be confined within the narrow view of a temporary interest alone, and his conduct respecting these poor, igno­rant and savage people, declared his regard for universal justice, and the natural rights of mankind; tending to impress on their minds, as was his con­cern for all others, a proper sense of eternal justice, and the happy effects of friendship, love and peace; than which nothing can have a stronger influence on the rational and considerate mind, to keep it within the due bounds of justice and truth. The first specimen, that I find, of his manner of treat­ing [Page 195] these people, appears in the following letter, which he sent them, on this occasion, by his de­puty and commissioners; wherein, without per­plexing and confusing their untutored ideas, with fine-spun and unintelligible notions, and forms of belief, so common to some ecclesiastics, he adapts his subject to their understandings, in the following plain and simple manner.

1682.In the beginning of the year 1682, William Penn published his frame of government, and certain laws,William Penn pub­lishes a frame of govern­ment and laws. agreed on, in England, by himself and the purchasers under him, entitled, "The frame of the government of the province of Pennsylvania, in America; together with certain laws, agreed upon, in England, by the Governor, and divers freemen of the aforesaid province. To be further explained and confirmed there, by the first Provincial Council, that shall be held, if they see meet." Which frame, &c. may be seen in the appendix, No. II.

In the preface to this frame is exhibited a sketch of the author's sentiments on the nature of go­vernment, in general, his reflections on the diffe­rent modes of it, and his inducement for forming his. It may serve to give some idea of the judg­ment of the Quakers, in general, on this subject, [Page 197] respecting which they have frequently been misre­presented; I shall, therefore, here give the follow­ing extract from it.—The author, after having quoted several parts of the sacred scriptures, rela­tive to government, proceeds, in the following words:

—"This settles the divine right of government beyond exception,Part of the preface to his frame of Govern­ment. and that for two ends; first, to terrify evil doers; secondly, to cherish those, that do well; which gives government a life be­yond corruption; and makes it as durable, in the world, as good men shall be. So that go­vernment seems to me a part of religion itself; a thing sacred, in its institution and end. For, if it does not directly remove the cause, it crushes the effects of evil; and is, as such, a lower, yet an emanation of the same divine power, that is both author and object of pure religion; the dif­ference lying here; that the one is more free and mental, the other more corporal and compulsive, in its operation: but that is only to evil-doers; govern­ment itself being otherwise as capable of kindness, goodness and charity, as a more private society.

"They weakly err, that think there is no other use of government, than correction; which is the coarsest part of it: daily experience tells us, that the care and regulation of many other affairs, more soft, and daily necessary, make up much the greater part of government; and which must have followed the peopling of the world, had Adam never fallen; and will continue among men, on earth, under the highest attainments, they may arrive at, by the coming of the blessed second Adam, the Lord from Heaven."—

As to the modes, he further observes,—"I do not find a model in the world, that time, place,Of modes of Govern­ment in ge­neral. and some singular emergencies, have not necessa­rily altered; nor is it easy to frame a civil govern­ment, that shall serve all places alike;".—"Any [Page 198] government is free to the people under it (what­ever be the frame) where the laws rule, and the people are a party to those laws; and more than this is tyranny, olygarchy, or confusion."—

"There is hardly one frame of government, in the world, so ill designed by its first founders, that, in good hands, would not do well enough; and history tells us, the best, in ill ones, can do nothing, that is great and good; Witness, the Jewish and Roman states. Governments, like clocks, go from the motion, men give them; and as governments are made and moved by men, so by them are they ruined too. Wherefore, go­vernments rather depend upon men, than men upon governments. Let men be good, and the government cannot be bad; if it be ill, they will cure it. But, if men be bad, let government be never so good,Part of the preface to William Penn's frame Govern­ment. they will endeavour to warp and spoil it to their turn."—"That, therefore, which makes a good government, must keep it, viz. Men of wisdom and virtue; qualities, that, be­cause they descend not with worldy inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous educa­tion of youth; for which after ages will owe more to the care and prudence of founders, and the suc­cessive Magistracy, than to their parents, for their private patrimonies."

"These considerations," (several of which, for brevity, are here omitted) of the weight of go­vernment, and the nice and various opinions about it, made it uneasy to me to think of publishing the ensuing frame, and conditional laws, foreseeing both the censures, they will meet with, from men of differing humours and engagements, and the occasion they may give of discourse beyond my design."

"But, next to the power of necessity (which is a sollicitor, that will take no denial) this induced me to a compliance, that we have, (with reve­rence [Page 199] to God, and good conscience to men) to the best of our skill, contrived and composed the frame and laws of this government,Reason for publishing his frame and laws. to the great end of government, viz. To support power in reve­rence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power; that they may be free by their just obedience, and the Magistrates honourable, for their just administration; for liberty without obedience is confusion; and obedience without li­berty is slavery. To carry this evenness, is partly owing to the constitution, and partly to the Ma­gistracy: where either of these fail, government will be subject to convulsions; but where both are wanting, it must be totally subverted: then, where both meet, the government is like to endure; which I humbly pray, and hope, God will please to make the lot of this of Pennsylvania. Amen."

The frame itself consisted of twenty-four arti­cles; and the laws were forty.Purport of the frame of govern­ment. By the former the government was placed in the Governor and Freemen of the province, in the form of a pro­vincial council, and General Assembly. By them conjunctively all laws were to be made, all officers appointed, and all public affairs transacted. Se­venty-two was the number of the Council, to be chosen by the freemen; and though the Governor, or his deputy, was to be perpetual President, he had but a treble vote. One-third part of them was, at first, to be chosen for three years, one-third for two years, and one-third for one year; in such manner, that there might be an annual suc­cession of twenty-four new members, each to conti­nue three years, and no longer.—The General As­sembly was, the first year, to consist of all the free­men, afterwards of two hundred, and never to ex­ceed five hundred. And this charter, or form of government, was not to be altered, changed, or diminished, in any part, or clause of it, without the consent of the Governor, his heirs, or assigns, [Page 200] and six parts of seven of the freemen, in Provin­cial Council and Assembly. And to the same power only was the alteration of the laws made subject: these laws were of the nature of an ori­ginal compact between the proprietary and the freemen; and, as such, were reciprocally received and executed: one of them was,

"That all persons living in this province, who confess and acknowledge the one Almighty and Eternal God to be the Creator,One of the first laws. Upholder and Ru­ler of the world, and that hold themselves obliged, in conscience, to live peaceably and justly in civil society, shall, in no ways, be molested, or preju­diced, for their religious perswasion, or practice, in matters of faith and worship; nor shall they be compelled, at any time, to frequent, or maintain, any religious worship, place, or ministry what­ever."

Morover, the proprietary, to prevent all future claim, or, even, pretence of claim, that might be made,William Penn ob­tains that Duke of York's re­lease. of the province by the Duke of York, or his heirs, obtained of the said Duke his deed of release for the same, dated the 21st. of August, 1682.^*

[Page 201]Besides, as an additional territory to the pro­vince, he also, this year, 1682, procured of the duke of York, his right, title and interest,William Penn pro­cures of the Duke of York the territories, &c. in that tract of land, since called the The three lower coun­ties on Delaware, extending from the south boun­dary of the province, and situated on the western side of the said river and bay of Delaware, to cape Hinlopen, beyond, or south of Lewistown; which, by the Duke were made over to William Penn, his heirs and assigns, by two deeds of Feoffment, da­ted, August 24th. 1682. The first deed was for the town of New-Castle, alias Delaware town, and a district of twelve miles round it, as far as the river Delaware; in the second, of the same date, was comprehended that tract of land, from [Page 202] twelve miles south of New-Castle to the Hoarkills, otherwise called Cape-Hinlopen, divided into two counties, Kent and Sussex; which, with New-Castle district,Of the three lower counties, &c. were commonly called, the territories of Pennsylvania; or the three lower counties upon Dela­ware. ^*

Of the boundary between the territo­ries and Maryland, &c.The determining and fixing the precise boun­dary between this territory and Maryland, as well as that between the respective provinces, becom­ing afterwards a subject of dispute between William Penn and the Lord Baltimore, will hereafter more fully appear, in the course of this history. For [Page 203] though prior to making out the grant of both the province and territory, the Lord Baltimore was du­ly informed, fully heard, and all his objections answered, on the subject, before the lords of trade and plantations; where the precise southern boundary of Pennsylvania, as expressed in the charter, must necessarily have been mentioned to him, as appears by the minutes of the committee of the said board; yet he afterwards claimed not only the whole territory of the lower counties, but also one degree of north latitude included in the grant of Pennsylvania, as coming within his pa­tent.

The boundary and extent of the former was determined by an order of council, the King being present, in November, 1685; but it was long before it was put in execution, said to be occasioned principally by the delays and obstructi­ons of the Lord Baltimore. But the line, or boundary between the two provinces doth not appear to have been precisely and finally fixed during the life of William Penn; or, till the year 1732; which will be mentioned in its proper place.

CHAPTER III.

1682.WILLIAM PENN had, for a considerable time past, been making preparation for his voyage to America; William Penn takes shipping for Ame­rica. which being, at last, accomplished, in The Sixth month (August) this year, 1682, accom­panied by a number of his friends, he want on board the ship, Welcome, of 300 tons burden, Robert Green­away, commander; and on the 30th. of the same month, he writ, from the Downs, a valedictory epistle to England, containing "A salutation to all faithful friends." ^*

[Page 205]The number of passengers, in this ship, was about one hundred, mostly Quakers; the ma [...]or part of them from Sussex, the Proprietary's pla [...] of residence. In their passage,Many of the passen­gers die of the small pox, &c. many of them were taken sick of the small pox; and about thirty of their number died. In this trying situation, the acceptable company of William Penn is said to have been of singular advantage to them, and his kind advice and assistance of great service, during their passage; so that, in the main, they had a prosperous voyage; and, in little more than six weeks, came in sight of the American coast, sup­posed to be about Egg-Harbour, in New-Jersey.

In passing up the Delaware, the inhabitants,William Penn arrives at New-castle October 24th. 1682. consisting of English, Dutch and Swedes, indis­criminately met the Proprietary, with demonstra­tions of joy. He landed at New-Castle, on the 24th. of October; and next day had the people summoned to the Court-house; where, after pos­session of the country was legally given him, he made a speech to the old Magistrates, and the peo­ple, signifying to them the design of his coming, the nature and end of government, and of that more particularly, which he came to establish; assuring them of their spiritual and temporal rights; liberty of conscience, and civil freedoms; and, recom­mending them to live in sobriety and peace, he renewed the magistrates commissions.^*

[Page 206]After this he proceeded to Upland, now called Chester; where, on the fourth day of the Tenth month, (about three months after his sailing from England) he called an Assembly.He calls and meets the first Assembly, at Chester, &c. It consisted of equal numbers of members for the province, and the three lower counties, called the Territories; that is, for both of them, so many of the free­men as thought proper to appear, according to the 16th. article of the frame of government.

This Assembly chose Nicholas Moore, who was president of the Free society of traders, for their chair-man, or speaker; and received as ample sa­tisfaction from the Proprietary, as the inhabitants of New-castle had done; for which they returned him their grateful acknowledgments: The Swedes for themselves, deputed Lacy Cock to acquaint him, "That they would love, serve and obey him with all they had;" declaring, "that it was the best day they ever saw."

Proceed­ings of the first Assem­bly.At this Assembly an act of union was passed, annexing the three lower counties to the province, in legislation, on the 7th. day of December, 1682; likewise an act of settlement, in reference to the frame of government which, with some alterations, was thereby declared to be accepted and confirmed.

The Dutch, Swedes, and other foreigners were then naturalized: all the laws, agreed on in En­gland, with some small alterations, were passed in form.^*

[Page 207]The meeting continued only three days; and notwithstanding the great variety of dispositions, rawness and inexperience of this Assembly, in af­fairs of this kind, yet a very remarkable candour and harmony prevailed among them.

[Page 208] 1681:The proprietary, prior to his meeting this Assem­bly, appears to have paid a visit to New-York; and immediately after the adjournment of it, he went to Maryland; William Penn visits New York, Maryland, &c. where he was kindly received by the Lord Baltimore, and the principal persons of that colony. There the two proprietaries held a conference respecting the fixing and settling the boundaries between the two provinces:William Penn treats with Lord Baltimore about the boundary, &c. but the severity of the season coming on, and there being no appearance of speedily determining the affair, after two days spent on the occasion, they appoin­ted to meet again in the spring, and William Penn took his leave and departed, the Lord Baltimore accompanying him several miles, to the house of [Page 209] one William Richardson; 1682. from whence he pro­ceeded two miles further, to a religious meeting of his friends, the Quakers, at the house of Tho­mas Hooker; and from thence to Choptank, on the eastern side of Chesapeak-bay; where was an appoint­ed meeting of persons of divers ranks and qualities.

Thus proceeded William Penn, He has various enemies, &c. with much fa­tigue, difficulty and expense, to settle the province, establish the government, and cultivate a good understanding with his neighbours; though not without enemies and oppositions of different kinds, as will hereafter more fully appear; and that, even, from some, who had been his friends;Extract from his life, printed with his works. as may be seen by the following extract from the printed account of his life, about this time, viz.— "Nor was the advancement of himself, or family, in worldly wealth and grandeur, his aim, in the [Page 210] administration of government; but, in the greatest honor of his public station, he still retained the meekness and humility of a private Christian; the sincerity of his intentions, and with what zeal and ardour he pursued a general good, are best ex­pressed by his own woods, in a letter written in Pennsylvania, the lat [...]er part of this year, (1682) to a person, who had unduly reflected on him," viz.

The Proprietary,The Pro­prietary re­turns to Pennsylva­nia, and be­gins to pur­chase lands of the Indi­ans, &c. being now returned from Ma­ryland to Coaquannock, the place so called by the Indians, where Philadelphia now stands, began to purchase lands of the Natives; whom he treated with great justice and sincere kindness, in all his dealings and communications with them; ever giv­ing them full satisfaction for all their lands &c. and the best advice for their real happiness; of which their future conduct shewed they were very sensi­ble; and the country afterwards reaped the benefit of it.^*

[Page 212]It was at this time, (1682) when he first enter­ed personally into that lasting friendship with the Indians, W. Penn first person­ally enters into friend­ship with the Indians, &c. which ever afterwards continued between them; and for the space of more than seventy years was never interrupted; or, so long as the Quakers, to whom, even, long after his death, they always continued to shew the greatest regard, retained power, in the government, sufficient to influence a friendly and just conduct towards them, and to prevent, or redress, such misunderstandings and grievances, as occasionally happened between them, and any of the inhabitants of the province, &c. A firm peace was, therefore, now reciprocally con­cluded between William Penn and the Indians; and both parties mutually promised to live together as brethren, without doing the least injury to each other. This was solemnly ratified by the usual token of a chain of friendship and covenant indeli­ble, never to be broken, so long as the sun and moon endure.

Their reat regard for W. Penn, &c.Of this kind of conferrence he afterwards had many others, and some on a religious account, dur­ing both times of his residence in the country. His conduct, in general, to these people, was so engaging, his justice, in particular, so conspicu­ous, and the counsel and advice, which he gave them, were so evidently for their advantage, that he became thereby very much endeared to them; and the sense thereof made such deep impressions on their understandings, that his name and memory [Page 213] will scarcely ever be effaced, while they continue a people.^*

[Page 214]That they retain these things, and hand them, by tradition, from father to son, many instances have since more particularly shewn; of which one was in 1721,Instances of the Indi­ans long re­taining great re­spect for W. Penn. several years after the death of Wi­lliam Penn; in a conferrence between Governor Keith and the Five Nations, held at Conestogo, in Pennsylvania. Their Chief Speaker, with a coun­tenance, which shewed great respect, said—

"They should never forget the council, that Wil­liam Penn gave them; and that though they could not write, as the English did, yet they could keep, in the memory, what was said in their councils.

At the treaty renewed, in the year following, at Albany, they mentioned the name of William Penn with great affection, calling him, a good man.— And, as their highest compliment to Governor Keith, they used this expression, "we esteem and love you as if you were William Penn himself: telling him, "Brother Onas," (which in their language signifies, a Pen, and by which name they call the Governors of Pennsylvania ever since it was first settled by William Penn) "we are glad to hear the [Page 215] former treaties, which we have made with William Penn, repeated to us again."—

Upon the Governor's replying, "That he de­sired this visit, and the covenant chain, which is hereby brightened, may be recorded in everlasting remembrance, to be sent down to your and our children, to last as long as the mountains and ri­vers, and while the sun and moon endure:"— They answered,—"We desire that peace and tran­quillity, which is now established between us, may be as clear as the sun, shining in its lustre, with­out any cloud or darkness; and that the same may continue forever."—

These instances, among many others, that may be given, together with the consequent correspond­ing behaviour of these people, may shew what a grateful remembrance they retained of William Penn's fair and candid conduct towards them; and what an happy influence a just and friendly treat­ment has on, even, savage minds.

CHAPTER IV.

Number of arrivals in the first year, &c.WITHIN the space of the first year, after the proper requisites for a regular settlement were ob­tained, between twenty and thirty sail of ships, with passengers, arrived in the province, including those which came before, and about the same time with the Proprietary. The settlers amounted to such a large number, that the parts near De­laware were peopled in a very rapid manner, even from about the falls of Trenton, down to Chester, near fifty miles, on the river; besides the settle­ments in the lower counties, which, at the same time, were very considerable: for the first settle­ments, for the most part, were made nigh the river, according to the different shares of land, which were respectively allotted for each settler; as may be seen in an old map of the first settled parts of the province.^*

Of the first and early colo­nists of Pennsyl­vania.As the first colonists, and those who followed, for a number of years afterwards, were more ge­nerally of the religious people called Quakers; [Page 217] and in their native country had suffered much on account of their religion,1682. both in person and pro­perty, through the persecuting bigotry of those times; so, on their arrival, their great and pri­mary concern is said to have been the continuance and support of their religious public worship, in every part of the country, where they made settle­ments, in such manner as their situation and cir­cumstances then permitted; and though the gene­rality of them were not ranked among the rich and great, yet many had valuable estates, were of good families and education; and mostly sober, industrious and substantial people, of low, or moderate fortunes, but of universal good reput [...] tion and character.^*

They appear, in general,Of the first and early Colonists of Pennsylva­nia. to have been provi­dent, and cautious, in their removal; so that rash­ness and inconsideration, so common in new at­tempts [Page 218] of this kind, was not for the most part, much observable among them, in this important undertaking. Many of them brought servants, [Page 219] and had provided themselves with food and rai­ment, for such a space of time, after their arrival, as, it might be reasonably supposed their care and industry would afterwards procure necessary sub­sistence in the province: besides, sufficient quantities of household furniture, utensils, implements and tools, for divers of the first most useful, and ne­cessary trades and occupations were previously provided and brought by not a few of them.

The nature of both their religious and civil system and conduct, in general, was so reasonable, generous and inviting that as they became known, and the same thereof spread abroad, great numbers of people were induced to flock to the province, from different parts of Europe; and, in such a rapid manner, to colonize and improve it, as had scarcely ever been parallelled in any other country, at so great a distance from the parent states, or civilized part of the world.

In this, and the two next succeeding years,Number of arrivals, &c. ar­rived ships, with passengers or settlers, from Lon­don, Bristol, Ireland, Wales, Cheshire, Lancashire, Holland, Germany, &c. to the number of about fifty sail.^*

Among those from Germany, were some Friends, or Quakers, from Krisheim or Cresheim, First set­tlement of German­town by some Qua­kers from Germany, &c. a town not far from Worms, in the Palatinate. They had been early convinced of the religious principles of the Quakers, by the preaching of William Ames, an Englishman: for which they had bore a public tes­timony there, till the present time; when they all [Page 220] removed to Pennsylvania, and settled about six or seven miles distant from Philadelphia, at a place which they called German-town.

"This removal," (says Sewell, in his history of the Quakers) "did not seem to be without a sin­gular direction of Providence: for not long after a war ensued in Germany, where the Palatinate was altogether laid waste by the French; and thousands of families were berest of their possessions, and re­duced to poverty."^*

First ar­rival of the Welsh, &c.Among those adventurers and settlers, who ar­rived about this time, were also many from Wales, of those who are called Ancient Britons, and mostly Quakers; divers of whom were of the original or early stock of that society there.^† They had early [Page 221] purchased of the Proprietary, in England, forty thousand acres of land.

Those who came, at present, took up so much of it, on the west side of Sculkil river, as made the three townships, of Merion, Haverford and Rad­nor; and in a few years afterwards, their number was so much augmented, as to settle the three other townships of New-town, Goshen and Uwchland. After this they continued still increasing, and be­came a numerous and florishing people.

[Page 222]Notwithstanding the precaution, which many of these adventurers had used, in bringing provi­sions and other necessaries with them, for a cer­tain time,Difficul­ties of the first set­tlers, &c. yet it cannot be reasonably supposed that the arrival of such a large number of peo­ple, in a wilderness, within the space of two or three years would not necessarily be attended with inconveniencies and difficulties. Though the Eu­ropean inhabitants, in the country, prior to their arrival, were kind and assisting, yet they were very few,Sometimes alarmed with the prospect of want, &c. mostly new or late settlers, and conse­quently but meanly provided, either with provi­sions, or other accommodations; insomuch that sometimes, for divers years afterwards, the scar­city, which was experienced among them, of the former, caused very alarming apprehensions.^*

[Page 223]Besides, these adventurers were not all young persons, and able to endure the difficulties and hardships which are mostly unavoidable in subdu­ing a wilderness,Some of them ad­vanced in years, &c. or as equally regardless of con­venient accommodations as young healthy and strong men, accostomed to labor and disappoint­ment: but there were among them persons advanc­ed in years, with women and children; and such as, in their native country, had lived well, and en­joyed ease and plenty.

[Page 224]Their first business, after their arrival, was to land their property, and put it under such shelter as could be found;First em­ployment of the set­tlers, on their arri­val, &c. then, while some of them got warrants of survey, for taking up so much land, as was sufficient for immediate settling, others went diversely further into the wood, to the different places, where their lands were laid out; often with­out any path or road, to direct them; for scarce any were to be found above two miles from the water side; not so much as any mark, or sign of any European having been there. As to the Indi­ans, they seldom travelled so regularly as to be traced or followed by foot-steps; except perhaps, from one of their towns to another. Their hunt­ings were rather like ships at sea, without any track, or path. So that all the country, further than about two miles distant, from the river, (except­ing the Indians moveable settlements) was an entire wilderness, The coun­try was a wilderness. producing nothing for the support of human life, but the wild fruits and animals of the woods.

[Page 225]The lodgings of some of these settlers were, at first, in the woods; a chosen tree was frequently all the shelter they had,First dwel­ling places, &c. against the inclemency of the weather: This sometimes happened late in the fall, and, even, in the winter season. The next coverings of many of them were, either caves, in the earth, or such huts, erected upon it, as could be most expeditiously procured, till better houses were built; for which they had no want of timber.

It is impossible that these first adventurers and settlers, who had never seen, nor been accustomed to, such a scene, could, at first, have that proper idea, or method of improving this wilderness,Great change pro­ductive of strong and affecting sensations, &c. which experience afterwards taught. It is likewise certain, that the great difference, between the finely improved, cultivated and open countries, with the near connections, which many of them had left behind, and the appearance of a wild and woody desart, with which they had now to encoun­ter, among savages, must have created, in them, very sensible ideas, and made strong impressions, at first, on their minds:—That likewise the consi­deration of the long and painful labour, and ine­vitable disappointments and hardships, which, more or less, are naturally inseparable from such under­takings,Of the discourag­ing and en­couraging prospect of the first and early settlers, &c and for a series of years must necessarily be endured, before a comfortable subsistance could be procured, in the country, and a sufficient por­tion of land brought into proper order, for that purpose, must undoubtedly have been very affect­ing to a thoughtful people, in this new, remote and solitary situation!—But the soil was fertile; the air mostly clear and healthy; the streams of water were good and plentiful; wood, for fire and build­ing, in abundance;—And, as they were a pious and religious people, knowing their views, in this their undertaking, to be good, they chearfully [Page 226] underwent all difficulties of this nature, and divine Providence blessed their industry.^*

[Page 227]For these first comers, after their arrival, soon cleared land enough, to make way for a crop of Indian corn, in the succeeding spring; and in a year or two, they began upon wheat,They soon get into a prosperous way of living, &c. and other grain; thus they went on improving, till they got into a comfortable way of living; so that many of [Page 228] them were blessed both with the necessaries and conveniences of life beyond their expectation; and, after having lived to old age, they are said to have frequently recollected and spoke of the favours of divine Providence, in preserving there through the difficulties, with which they encoun­tered, in their first and early settling the country: Of which the following extract from the testimony of one of them, being a Quaker, a person of an approved character, is an instance, and exhibits a specimen of this nature, viz.

CHAPTER V.

IN the latter part of this year, 1682,1682. the Propri­etary, having finished his business with the Indians, undertook, with the assistance of his Surveyor General, Thomas Holme, A place chosen and laid out, for the city of Philadel­phia, &c. to lay out a place for the city. The ground, which was chosen for that purpose, was claimed by some Swedes; to whom he gave, in exchange for it, a larger quantity of land, at a small distance.

The situation of this place, being where Phila­delphia now stands, along the western side of the river Delaware, then exhibited, on the said river, an agreeable prospect; it had a high and dry bank next the water, with a high shore, ornamented with a fine view of Pine trees, growing upon it.

In this bank many of the first and early adven­turers had their caves, or holes, for their residence,First house in Philadel­phia, &c. before any houses were built, or better accommo­dations prepared for them. The first house erected [Page 234] on this plot of ground, was built by George Guest, and not finished at the time of the Proprietor's ar­rival.^*

Soon afterwards many small houses were erected. William Penn himself had a large mansion house, built on his Manor of Pennsbury, near the side of Delaware, a few miles below the falls of Trenton, and about twenty-six above the city: which appears to have been undertaken before his arrival, and intended for his reception. Here afterwards he sometimes resided, and had meetings and confe­rences with the Indians, both on a religious and civil account.

Province and terri­tory divi­ded into counties, &c.About this time also the Proprietor, with the consent of the purchasers under him, divided the province and territories, each into three counties; those of the province were called the counties of Bucks, Philadelphia, and Chester; those of the ter­ritories, New-castle, Kent, and Sussex. For which having appointed Sheriffs, and other proper offi­cers, in each county, he issued writs,^† for the [Page 235] election of members of Council and Assembly,1683. conformable to the constitution, at that time.

He met the Council on the tenth day of the First month, 1683, O. S. at Philadelphia, The Pro­prietary meets the first Coun­cil and Assembly, at Phila­delphia. and the Assembly, two days afterwards. The number of the members for both the Council and Assembly consisted of twelve, out of each county: three for the Council, and nine for the Assembly, mak­ing in all, seventy-two. Those of the Council were:—

• William Markham,
• Christopher Taylor,
• Thomas Holme,
• Lacy Cock,
• William Haige,
• John Moll,
• Ralf Withers,
• John Simcock,
• Edward Cantwell,
  Names of the Council.
• William Clayton,
• William Biles,
• James Harrison,
• William Clark,
• Francis Whitewell,
• John Richardson,
• John Hillyard.

The members of Assembly for each county were:

• William Yardly,
• Samuel Darke,
• Robert Lucas,
• Nicholas Walne,
• John Wood,
• John Clowes,
• Thomas Fitzwater,
• Robert Hall,
• James Boyden.

• John Songhurst,
  Names of the Assembly.
• John Hart,
• Walter King,
• Andros Binkson,
• John Moon,
• Thomas Wynne, Speaker,
• Griffith Jones,
• William Warner,
• Swan Swanson.

• [Page 236]John Hoskins,
• Robert Wade,
• George Wood,
• John Blunston,
• Dennis Rochford,
• Thomas Bracy,
• John Bezer,
• John Harding,
• Joseph Phipps.

• John Cann,
• John Darby,
• Valentine Hollingsworth,
• Gasparus Herman,
• John Dehoaef,
• James Williams,
• William Guest,
• Peter Alrick,
• Henrick Williams.

• John Biggs,
• Simon Irons,
• Thomas Hassold,
• John Curtis,
• Robert Bedwell,
• William Windsmore,
• John Brinkloe,
• Daniel Brown,
• Benony Bishop.

• Luke Watson,
• Alexander Draper,
• William Futcher,
• Henry Bowman,
• Alexander Moleston,
• John Hill,
• Robert Bracy,
• John Kipshaven,
• Cornelius Verhoof.^*

[Page 237]Though the charter of privileges, or frame of government, required a greater number, than were now returned,Proceed­ings of the Assembly. &c. to serve in Council and As­sembly, yet it was left to be explained and con­firmed by the Governor, his heirs and assigns, and by the freemen of the province and territories; therefore, finding it too inconvenient to return the full complement, prescribed by charter, the free­men depended upon the Proprietor's construction of their choice, in a favourable manner; and alledg­ed their reasons, both in the Sheriffs' returns, and also by divers petitions and addresses,The free­men do not strictly comply with their charter, &c. for chusing only twelve for each county, as sufficient to com­pose both the Council and Assembly; declaring that the number returned, that is, three for the Council, and nine for the Assembly, from each [Page 238] county, had in them the power of the whole free­men of the province and territories, and conse­quently, of serving in these capacities.

It was accordingly requested of the Governor, that this alteration might not deprive the people of the benefit of their charter, though it might seem to be returned to him again, by not being accepted so largely as granted. Upon which the Governor answered, "That they might amend, alter, or add, for the public good; and, that he was ready to settle such foundations, as might be for their happiness, according to the powers vested in him."

These preliminaries being settled, the different branches of the Legislature proceeded on business, according to the method prescribed in their char­ter of privileges, that the Governor and Provin­cial Council should propose to the Assembly, and prepare all bills, which they, at any time, should think proper to be passed into laws, consistent with the powers granted, in the King's letters patent.

Proceed­ings of the Assembly, &c.In such popular and unexperienced Councils, where every man may propose any thing, which he fancies will tend to the public good, it is no wonder, if extraordinary propositions should some­times be made; and though many singularities of this nature do not appear to have occurred in this province, yet, probably, the two following, which are said to have been made,Two sin­gular pro­positions, &c. at this time, may be ranked under this description: First, that young men should be obliged to marry at, or before a cer­tain age: Second, that two sorts of cloaths only shall be worn; one for winter, and the other for sum­mer.—Of the propositions, which were now made, some were agreed to, and some rejected: but the principal thing done, this session, was the altera­tion of the charter of liberties, called the frame of government, which had before been in agitation.

[Page 239]At a Council, held the 20th. of the First month, the speaker, and two members of Assembly at­tending with some bills, which had been sent to them,The house and free­men re­quest a new char­ter, &c. the Governor and Council desired a confe­rence with the whole house and freemen, about the charter. Upon their attending, the Governor asked them, "Whether they chose to have the old char­ter, or a new one?" They unanimously requested a new one, with such amendments, as had already been debated and agreed on. To which the Gover­nor consented, and made a speech to them, on the occasion; in which he distinguished their duty, and his own willingness to oblige them. Next day the house sent Griffith Jones and Thomas Fitzwater, two of their members, with a written message to the Governor, containing their thankful acknow­ledgments, for his kind speech, and gratefully embracing his offers, respecting what they desired to be inserted in their charter.

A committee of each house was thereupon ap­pointed to draw up the charter, with amendments: Those of the Council were, John Moll, for New-castle; Francis Whitewell, for Kent; William Clark, for Sussex; James Harrison, for Bucks; William Clayton, for Chester; and Thomas Holme, for Phi­ladelphia. The committee of Assembly were: James Williams, for New-castle; Benony Bishop, for Kent; Luke Watson, for Sussex; Thomas Fitz­water, for Bucks; Dennis Rochford, for Chester; and Thomas Wynne, the Speaker, for Philadelphia county.

At a council held the 30th. of the First-month,A new charter ob­tained from the Proprie­tary. this year, the charter being prepared and read, signed, sealed and delivered by the Governor, was received by James Harrison, Thomas Wynne, and another member, on behalf of the assembly and free­men, who returned the old one to the Governor, with the hearty thanks of the whole house; which new charter may be seen in the appendix, No. 3.

[Page 240]By this charter the provincial council was to con­sist of eighteen persons, three from each county; and the assembly was to be composed of thirty-six; men of most note,Purport of this char­ter, &c. for virtue, wisdom and ability; by whom, with the Governor, all laws were to be made, officers chosen, and public affairs transacted, in the manner therein expressed.

This charter continued in force till after the re­volution, in England; and though in some parts, it was formed upon a generous plan; yet all the laws were thereby still to be prepared and proposed by the Governor and Council; and the number of Assemblymen were to be increased at their pleasure. This charter, with another, which followed, in the year 1696, seemed to be only preparatory to the last Charter of Privileges, granted in 1701.

This was the last affair transacted at this session; which continued twenty-two days.—The Gover­nor and Council,A seal for each coun­ty. among other regulations, esta­blished a Seal, for each county, viz. for Philadel­phia, an Anchor; for Bucks, a Tree & Vine; for Chester, a Plow; for New-Castle, a Cassia; for Kent, three Ears of Indian Corn; and for Sussex, a Wheat Sheaf.

First She­riffs.The first sheriffs, appointed for each county, were: for Philadelphia, John Test; Chester, Thomas Usher; Bucks, Richard Noble; New-Castle, Edmund Cantwell; Kent, Peter Bowcomb; Sussex, John Vines.

First grand jury, &c.The first Grand Jury, in Pennsylvania, was sum­moned on the second of the third month, this year, (1683) upon some persons, accused of issuing counterfeit silver money. The Governor and Council sat, as a Court of Justice, on the occasion. The names of those impanelled and attested to serve on the Grand Jury were,Names of the first grand jury­men, &c. Thomas Lloyd, Foreman, Enoch Flower, Richard Wood, John Harding, John Hill, Edward Louff, James Boyden, Nicholas Walne, John James, John Vanborson, Robert Hall, Valen­tine Hollingsworth, Alexander Draper, John Louff, [Page 241] John Wale, Samuel Darke, John Parsons, John Blunston, Thomas Fitzwater, William Guest, John Curtis, Robert Lucas, Henry Jones and Caleb Pusey.

A bill or bills, being found by the Grand Jury, Names of the petty jury. a Petty Jury was therefore impanelled and attested; whose names were: John Claypoole, Foreman, Robert Turner, Robert Ewer, Andrew Binkson, John Barnes, Joseph Fisher, Dennis Rochford, Wil­liam Howell, Walter King, Benjamin Whitehead, Thomas Rouse and David Breintnall.

They convicted a person, whose name was Pickering, and two others, his accomplices,The sen­tence passed on a person for counter­feiting mo­ney. of coining and stamping silver, in the form of Spanish pieces, with the alloy of too much copper in it. Upon which Pickering's sentence, as principal, was, that for this high misdemeanour, whereof his country had found him guilty, he should make full satisfaction, in good and current pay, to every person, who should, within the space of one month, bring in any of this false, base and counterfeit coin, (which the next day was to be called in by proclamation,) according to their respective pro­portions; and that the money brought in, should be melted down before it was returned to him; and that he should pay a fine of forty pounds to­wards the building of a Court-house, stand com­mitted till the same was paid, and afterwards find security for his good behaviour.

This and all other affairs, before the Council,W. Penn finishes his plan and re­gulation of Phiadel­phia. being finished, and the members returned to their habitations, the Proprietary applied himself to finish his plan, and regulate the streets, of his favorite city, Philadelphia.

This city is situated forty degrees, or more pre­cisely 39 degrees, 56 minutes, 54 seconds,Situation of the city &c. north from the equator, and about seventy-five degrees, or more accurately 5 hours, 0 minutes, 35 se­conds, [Page 242] west from London, on the west side of the river Delaware; which river, at this place, is near one mile broad, at the distance of about forty leagues from the sea, along the course of the river and bay. The river Sculkil, which is a branch of the Delaware, and here runs nearly parallel to it, at the distance of two miles westward, is broad and deep enough for large ships, at this place; but, by reason of a sand-bar, at its mouth, where it enters the Delaware, about four miles below the city, its navigation, for large vessels, is obstructed: And it has falls about five miles above the city, to which the tide runs, and no further. Over which falls, or rocks, at certain times, in floods and freshes, boats and small craft pass down to the city, with country produce, as, iron, wheat, floor, &c. from the interior parts of the province. The tide rises, in the Delaware, generally about six feet, at the city, and flows near thirty miles above it, to the falls at Trenton, on the Jersey shore, and is navigable all the way for large shipping, as far as that place. But the extent of this river, inclu­ding all its curves and windings, above these falls, (much of which may easily be made navigable) is not yet precisely known.

The original plan of this city, as confirmed by charter, dated October 25th. 1701, extends, in length, between the river Delaware, on the east,Description of the plan and streets of Philadel­phia, &c. and Sculkil, on the west of it, about two miles; and is, in breadth, one mile nearly, on each river. The streets, which run right, and exactly parallel to each other, nearly east and west, from river to river, are nine in number, and they are intersected, at right angles, by twenty-three others, running nearly parallel with the rivers, north and south; none being less than fifty, nor more than one hundred feet broad.

The Proprietor likewise assigned five squares, within this plan, for the public use of the city, [Page 243] with other beneficial regulations; whose future great importance to the city, having since not been sufficiently considered and attended to, some of them have either been neglected, or violated.

The largest public square, at the center, it is said, was intended to contain ten acres of land; the other four, eight acres each. In the original plan by Thomas Holme, Surveyor General, the proportions, dimensions and situations of all the original squares and streets, with the names of the latter, then given them, and still generally retain­ed, are exhibited, as well as in the following de­scription of it, viz.

The distances of the streets from each other, from east to west, with their names and dimen­sions are:—

[Page 244]The distances, names and dimensions of all the streets, from north to south, are:—

[Page 245] William Penn, having finished what related to this excellent plan, by the latter end of the Fifth, or the beginning of the Sixth month,The Pro­prietor writes an account of the pro­vince, to the society of traders. to the ge­neral satisfaction of those concerned, writ a let­ter to the committee of the Free society of traders, in London, giving some account of it, and the country, in general, with such observations, as the short space of time, he had resided, and his hurry of business, in it, had permitted him to make.

It exhibits a specimen of the author's attention to a variety of objects, at the same time: for,W. Penn attentive to a variety of things. while he was so much employed in the important establishment of legislative and civil government, to benefit future times, it discovers a genius not less capable of just observation and judgment, in the inferior departments of universal improvement, than his general conduct otherwise declared him to be master of that true philosophy and best wisdom▪ [Page 246] which is more nearly essential to mental felicity; of which he was ever so generous and communicative. It is the best account, though only an imperfect sketch, of the original state of the province, of its Aborigines, and natural history, that is to be found in those times, as follows:—

CHAPTER VI.

WILLIAM PENN's endeavours,1683. soon after his first arrival, to cultivate a friendly and good un­derstanding with his neighbour, the Lord Baltimore, The two Proprietors of Mary­land and Pennsylva­nia disagree about the boundaries, &c. and to get the boundaries, between their respec­tive provinces, amicably determined, have already been mentioned; for which purpose likewise it ap­pears he had appointed his relation and deputy, Captain William Markham to treat with the said Lord Proprietary of Maryland, before he arrived himself; and afterwards repeatedly used attempts,See page 208, &c. for the same end. But these endeavours had not all the desired success, which, so far as appears, might have been reasonably expected.^*

[Page 266]The concern of the Proprietary of Pennsylvania for a good, convenient and independant commu­nication, by water, between his province and the sea,Of the dis­pute be­tween Penn and Balti­more, &c. for the benefit of its trade, appears to have been his principal reason for fixing his southern boundary by charter, so far south, as the begin­ning of the fortieth degree of north latitude, in­tending thereby to include, at least, so much of the head, or upper part, of Chesapeak bay, within [Page 267] his province, as would furnish, from thence, a good, open and sufficient communication to the ocean, as well as by the Delaware. The nature and state of the controversy, about this time, be­tween the two Proprietaries, on this subject, more fully appear from the following letter of William Penn to the Lords of the committee of plantati­ons, in London; to which board the Lord Balti­more seems to have been beforehand with him, viz.

The nature and state of this controversy, about this time, further appear, by the following papers, viz.

[Page 276] William Penn, being at New-York, at the time of this demand, after his return, made the follow­ing answer,W. Penn at New York at this time. viz.

Such appears to have been the state of this con­troversy, at this time.1684. Incursion from Mary­land, &c. The year 1684 commenced with an incursion of a party of people from Mary­land, making forceable entry on several plantati­ous in the lower counties: upon which the Gover­nor and Council, at Philadelphia, sent a copy of the preceding answer to the Lord Baltimore's de­mand, with orders to William Welch, to use his influence, for reinstating the persons, who had been dispossessed; and, in case mild measures would not do, he was directed legally to prosecute the invaders: but the former method appears, at pre­sent, to have answered the intention; for no more of this kind of conduct was heard of till the next month; when some of the inhabitants were afresh threatened with the same outrages, in case of their refusal to be under the Lord Baltimore, The go­vernment issued a declaration, shewing William Penn's title, and such other requisites as were thought most likely to prevent such illegal pro­ceedings in future.^*

[Page 284]It is likewise observable, about this time, that the methods then used, and the law, which had been made,The Indi­ans still get strong li­qours from [...] of the settlers, &c. to prevent strong liquors from being sold to the Indians, did not fully answer the inten­tion; for these people, notwithstanding, through some mean and unprincipled persons among the European settlers, in a clandestine manner, still procured them. The Governor, therefore, see­ing the great difficulty, if not the absolute impossi­bility, of debarring them from these liquors, cal­led a number of them together, and proposed, that, on condition they would be content to be punished, as the English were, in consequence of drunkenness, they should not be hindered from the use of them? This they readily agreed to; and would, probably, have been willing to endure much greater punishment, on these terms; so great is their love of strong liquors! The best methods, that prudence could dictate, had been used, as it was thought,Great dif­ficulty of restraining the Indians from strong liqours. and much advice given them to in­culcate an abhorrence of the vice of drunkenness, but too generally without that effect, which was desired; their appetite having so much the preva­lency over their reason, and their sensual desires, above their better understanding, that, while they saw and acknowledged the means used for their real interest, in this affair, to be good, they lived in the continued violation of them!

CHAPTER VII.

WILLIAM PENN continued in Pennsylvania and sometimes in the adjacent province of New-Jersey, and other neighbouring places,1684. till the beginning of the summer, this year, settling and establishing the government, and assisting his friends, the Quakers, in regulating the affairs and [Page 286] oeconomy of their religious society, in these parts; where, most probably, he would have resided much longer, had not the dispute, between him and the Lord Baltimore, W. Penn necessitated to return to England. before mentioned, and other im­portant affairs, called him home, to England; where his enemies, taking the advantage of his absence, threw his affairs there into a critical situa­tion and rendered his presence absolutely necessary, in that nation.

Upon this he signed a commission, empowering the Provincial Council, to act, in the government in his stead;W. Penn commis­sionates the officers of govern­ment, &c. of which Thomas Lloyd was president; who also had a commission to keep the great seal.^{70 *} Nicholas Moore, William Welch, William Wood, Ro­bert Turner and John Eckley were commissioned to be Provincial Judges, for two years; their com­mission was in these words, viz.

Thomas Lloyd, James Claypoole ^* and Robert Tur­ner were empowered to sign patents,Other offi­cers ap­pointed. and grant warrants for lands; and William Clark had a gene­ral commission, to be justice of the peace through­out the province and territories.The Pro­prietary sails for England. Other Justices being likewise appointed, and all things settled in a promising and prosperous condition, the Proprie­tary, on the 12th. of the Sixth month, 1684, sailed for England. ^†

[Page 288]But prior to his entirely leaving the country, he writ from on board the ship,He writes from on board the ship, &c. in which he sailed, the following most affectionate farewell, to be com­municated to those, whom he left behind; which, as a memorial of the father of this country, among many others, may, in part, shew to posterity, his real concern for the true happiness of the people, both in their temporal and spiritual capacity, and the prosperity of the country in every respect, viz.

Death of K. Charles the second, &c.In England, on the sixth of the Twelfth month this year (1684) died King Charles the second; and was succeeded by his brother, James, Duke of York, a professed Papist. ^*—The people were [Page 291] thereupon filled with great apprehensions and fears, lest, according to the usual practice of those religious devotees, who would compel all people under their power, to their own mode of religion, as in the persecuting days of Queen Mary, he should endeavour, by the ruin of the [Page 292] Protestant, to establish the Popish, power and hierar­chy, in the nation. So that had the Proprietary of Pennsylvania, Unsettled­ness in Eng­land, &c. at this time, fomented the gene­ral uneasiness, by encouraging multitudes, then upon the wing, he, most probably might, as him­self said, "Have put many more thousands of peo­ple into his province, as well as pounds into his pac­ket than he did." See his letter to W. Popple, &c. hereafter.

W. Penn's disinterest­ed conduct, in England, &c.But the actions of William Penn appear to have had more noble and generous motives, than those of private interest, or, of a party only; and from that friendship and intimacy, which he had had with the King, while Duke of York, he now employed his interest with him, not only for the relief of his suffering friends, the Quakers (who then had long filled the jails through the nation, on account of their religion) but also for the benefit of such other persons, as were in distress or difficulty, without distinction of sect or party: besides what might be proper, in his private and friendly capa­city and communication, in advising the King both for his own real interest, and the good of the nation in general, however disregarded, or ne­glected, by him, through a different conduct.

For his more convenient attendance, therefore, at court, and for the easier performance of these acts of humanity, friendship, charity, and gene­ral [Page 293] service to his country,1685. as well as his own pri­vate concerns, in the year 1685, he fixed his resi­dence near Kensington; He resides near Kens­ington, &c. all which gave occasion to the ignorant, the suspicious, and his malicious enemies, to impute to him things, in which he [...] no way concerned, as a promoter of them, and, from that enmity, which many had igno­rantly conceived against the religious profession of the people called Quakers, and against him, on that account, to load him with many lies and re­proaches, as may be seen in his printed life and works.

The Lord Baltimore's agent had,The dispute between W. Penn and Lord Baltimore, respecting the lower counties decided. in the year 1683, petitioned King Charles the second, that no fresh grant of the land, in the territories of Penn­sylvania might pass in favour of William Penn, till the said Lord was heard, on his pretension of right thereto; which petition was referred to the Lords of the committee of trade and plantations: these after many attendances and divers hearings of both parties, made their report to King James the second; who, in November, 1685, by an order of Coun­cil, determined the affair between them;The boun­daries de­termined. by or­dering a division to be made of all that tract of land between Delaware and Chesapeak bay, from the latitude of cape Hinlopen, to the south boun­dary of Pennsylvania, into two equal parts; of which that share on Delaware was assigned to the King; and that on Chesapeak, to the Lord Bal­timore.^*

[Page 294]This division was, by the King, in Council, ordered immediately to be made; but its execution being many years delayed,But delay­ed the exe­cution, &c. Queen Ann was twice petitioned for a further hearing; which being ob­tained, the first order of council, of 1685, was, by the Queen, ratified and confirmed, in all its parts, and commanded to be put in execution, without further delay.

The boun­dary lines, &c.In consequence hereof this territory, which be­fore had been divided by William Penn, into the three counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, became bounded on the east, by the river and bay of Delaware, and partly by the ocean; on the south, by an east and west line, drawn a few miles south of the Indian river, in latitude about thirty-eight and an half; which line extends halfway be­tween the ocean, on the east, and Chesapeak bay, on the west, thirty-five miles; and from thence on the west of the said counties, by a right line nearly in a north direction to the south boundary of Penn­sylvania; which is in a parallel of about fifteen miles due south of Philadelphia; ^* so that the said line touch the arch of a circle, drawn at twelve miles distance from New-Castle to the river Dela­ware; and thence from the end of the said line, on the north eastward, to the river Delaware, by the said arch.

Hence the breadth of these counties, east and west, continues to decrease, from their south boundary, where it is thirty-five miles, till it is only about twelve miles, at, or near, the border [Page 295] of Pennsylvania. The said north and south line, from latitude thirty-eight degrees, thirty minutes, to thirty-nine degrees, forty-four minutes,Content of the lower counties, in square miles, and acres. is about eighty-five miles; but, in consideration of the space, included in the north part of the circle's arch, the whole territory may, probably, be near ninety miles in length; this, multiplied by twenty-three, the mean breadth, gives 2070 square miles; which last number, multiplied by 640, the number of acres in one square mile, produces 1,324,800, or above one million and a quarter of acres, in this territory.

At a Council held in Philadelphia, Boundaries of the pro­vince coun­ties ascer­tained. on the first day of the Second-month, 1685,—Present Thomas Lloyd, President, and nine others,—the lines of se­paration between the county of Philadelphia, and those of Bucks and Chester, were confirmed, accord­ing to the Proprietary's mind, signified to some of his friends, before he left the province.^*

Nicholas Moore from London, one of the pro­vincial judges, being first in commission, took place, as prior judge; or in the style of later times, as Chief Justice of the province, and was a mem­ber of Assembly.^† Though he appears to have [Page 296] been a person of good and useful abilties, and esteemed by the Proprietary, yet being accused of mal-practices, he fell under the displeasure of the house;N. Moore impeached. and they impeached him in form, by a de­claration exhibited to the Council, on the 15th. of the Third-month, this year, consisting of ten articles; besides saving to themselves the liberty of adding more; and concluded with a request, that he might be removed from his great offices and trust, and be made to answer to the crimes and misdemeanors, which were brought against him.^*

[Page 297]The Council, having received the Assembly's charge against Moore, ordered several of their members to acquaint him with the accusation,Proceed­ings against N. Moore. and to request his appearance before the Council, next day; but he not appearing, at the time appointed, the articles against him were read a second time, and notice given to the Assembly, that they were willing to hear their proofs. The Speaker, John White, Abraham Man, Thomas Usher, John Blun­ston, William Barry and Samuel Gray were ap­pointed managers for the house, on the occasion; who supporting the charge, the President and Council sent a second notice to Moore, to appear at the Council-chamber, on the 19th. but he still neglecting, after some time of delay, notice was again sent him by a Council convened on the 2d. of the Fourth-month following, "That he desist and cease from further acting, in any place of autho­rity, or judicature, till the articles of impeachment exhibited against him, by the Assembly he tried, or, that satisfaction be made to the board. ^*

[Page 298]I find nothing on record what these articles, or crimes and misdemeanors particularly were; which, undoubtedly,The par­ticulars of this im­peachment do not ap­pear, &c. could not be without real foundation: but, from circumstances, it seems reasonable to apprehend there might have been some animosities and disagreement, or misunderstanding among some of the persons in authority, at this time, by which things might have been aggravated: this appears, in part, from Moore's obstinacy, in re­fusing to appear before the Council, and also from some letters of the Proprietary, in which he seems not to have been well pleased with part of these proceedings against him:^* For N. Moore, after [Page 299] this, was instituted and continued by the Proprie­tary, in 1686, and 1687,N. Moore lives and dies in the Proprietors favour after this. one of his commissi­oners of government, a place of the highest ho­nour and trust, till his death, about two years after this time; in which office there appears no objection from any party against his conduct.

But the necessity of an able and assiduous hand, to direct and manage the affairs of the infant co­lony, still further appears, about this time, from some of the Proprietor's letters to those in power, [Page 300] respecting some disagreement, or discord, among certain of the magistrates, and persons in autho­rity,Some small disorders in the colony, &c. abuses in some of the offices, and the preven­tion and suppression of vice and immorality; in which he expresses his concern and displeasure at these things, with a parental affection; giving suitable directions, and earnestly pressing their effectual endeavours to cure such disorders.^*

Appoint­ment of the Judges, &c.On the 14th. of September, James Harrison, James Claypoole, and Arthur Cooke were nominated, by the Council, to be Provincial Judges;—but Harrison and Cooke refusing to serve, and Claypoole being prevented by sickness, the Council, in order to answer the expectation of such persons as were concerned in appeals, agreed to receive them, and to sit for the decision of differences, themselves, at the time appointed for the court to sit; which was on the 24th. After this, at their triennial election, according to charter, being, in part, new chosen, they, by fresh commissions, appointed the several officers of government.

In this year, 1685, the Quakers, in their yearly meeting,Means used to instruct the Indians, &c. at Burlington, in West Jersey, took ad­ditional measures to prevent all persons, in their society, from selling strong liquors to the Indians. About the same time, by particular appointment, they also had a religious meeting with them, as they frequently had before; to inform and instruct them in the principles of Christianity, and the practice of a true christian life.

The Indians generally heard patiently what was said to them on this subject, and seemed affected with it, for a time; but, for the most part, it ap­peared [Page 301] to make no very durable impression, on their minds, for the proper regulation of their passions and appetites; which, at last, too gene­rally seemed to prevail over convictions of this nature, and their better knowledge.

Divers preachers of this religious society, from abroad, often had meetings, and serious discourse with them, for this purpose; as well as those who had settled in the country, particularly, Samuel Jennings, Thomas Olive, William Penn and others, from time to time, laboured to inculcate into them a just sense of the benefit of a christian life and conduct.

CHAPTER VIII.

1686.IN the year 1686, William Penn published a fur­ther account of the province of Pennsylvania, wrote several pieces,The Pro­prietor pub­lishes a fur­ther ac­count of the province. on religious subjects, chiefly in defence of toleration, in religion, (extant in his works) and appears to have been in Germany and Holland, as well as much engaged in various good services, among his friends, the Quakers, and in promoting religion and virtue, in divers parts, [Page 303] personally, in his native country; at the same time continuing his care and endeavours, for the benefit, happiness and prosperity of his province, though absent, by means of written directions and advice, from time to time, for the prevention of disorders, and the redressing of such things as appeared inconsistent with the real interest of the colony.

But his great expence and generosity,His ex­pences for the pro­vince bring him into difficul [...] in the original settlement of the province, as well as afterwards, were so very considerable, when com­pared with his private fortune, that, even before this time, he began to feel the effects thereof to such a degree, that in his letters to some of his friends there, he was obliged to complain of the slowness, or deficiency, of returns from the place, where, and concerning which, he had sowed so much, or expended so liberally, as he had done.^*

[Page 304]In, or about this year, 1686, arrived in the province, many Friends, Arrivals from Hol­land and Germany. or Quakers, and others, from Holland and Germany; who settled among their friends, at German-town, near Philadelphia, and increased that settlement, which was begun in 1683. Some of those, who now came, having suffered considerably by fire, soon after their ar­rival, were assisted by the Friends, in the city and county of Philadelphia.

The Proprietary found too much inconveniency to arise from his commission of the power of go­vernment to so many persons as the Council con­sisted of, and, as before hinted, not being well pleased with part of their conduct, or manage­ment,The Pro­prietor alters the ex­ecutive part of govern­ment. declaring, "that the charter was forfeited, if he would take advantage at it;"^* hence, in the latter part of the year 1686, by a fresh commission, he contracted the number of his representatives, or of the executive part of the government, to five persons only,Five Com­missioners appointed. viz. Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas Moore, James Claypoole, Robert Turner, and John Eckley, constituting and styling them Commissioners of State, or, of the government of Pennsylvania.

Both the cause of their institution, and the na­ture of their office, in part, appear from the fol­lowing instructions, viz.

[Page 308]During most of the time of William Penn's ab­sence from his province, till the reign of King William the Third, though not many public tran­sactions, nor proceedings of much importance and notoriety, appear to have passed in Pennsylvania besides those which respect the labour and advan­tages of an industrious people,Advantage of an indus­trious peo­ple, &c. in the colonization of the country, and laying a foundation for fu­ture greatness, by facilitating and multiplying the reasonable enjoyments and blessings of life; yet its eminent founder was not the less active and be­neficial to mankind, in another department; and his suffering friends, the Quakers, in Great Britain, experienced the effect of his attendance and soli­citations, at court,^* in their favour: where his [Page 309] frequent access to the King brought him into suspi­cion of being a disguised Jesuit, and under unjust censures and imputations;W. Penn suspected of being a dis­guised Je­suit. as if he had been an adviser, and contributed, to those arbitrary mea­sures, which that impolitic King (James the se­cond) pursued: Whereas his generous plan of liberty, so far as his power extended, and his otherwise well known principles of government, were as contrary to those of the King, as could possibly be, and his religion no less opposite.

Nevertheless he was not only infamously asper­sed and abused, in print, on these accounts,and vilified in print, &c. by divers illiberal and slanderous performances, pub­lished against him, and some of them, even, in his own name, but also censured by some persons of good understanding and character; who, in divers respects were his friends, but not thoroughly knowing him, fell into the like suspicions: An instance of this appears in Dr. Tillotson, after­wards Arch-bishop of Canterbury; but, by means of a friendly epistolary correspondence between them, on the subject, in the year 1686, as appears in William Penn's life prefixed to his printed works, Dr. Tillotson was fully convinced of, and as freely acknowledged, his mistake.

But he continued still to distinguish himself in the cause of an impartial toleration, in religion,W. Penn's beneficent conduct in England. both in writing, and also by assiduous personal solicitations, at court, as a strenuous and un­wearied advocate for that undoubted right of man­kind; of which he, and his Friends, the Quakers, had, through the persecuting and bigoted spirit of those times, been long unjustly deprived. Hence,Its conse­quences in favour of religious li­berty, &c. in the fore part of this year, in consequence of the King's proclamation for a general pardon, "about thirteen hundred of these people, most of whom had [Page 310] been imprisoned divers years,1687.for their religion, were set at liberty:" And in April, the next following year, 1687, came forth the King's declaration for liberty of conscience, suspending the execution of all penal laws, in matters ecclesiastical.

For this temporary relief from cruel suffering, by the intolerant and unjust laws of those times,The Qua­kers justifi­able in be­ing grateful for this re­lief, &c. they who had endured most oppression and perse­cution, undoubtedly had the greatest reason to be thankful: and whatever were the supposed views of the government thereby, in too much favour­ing a Popish party, yet, for the Quakers to refuse, or reject the restitution of that natural right of mankind, and most undoubted privilege of English people, and all peaceable subjects, merely because it might be made an ill use of by others, and was not done in due form, would certainly have been the highest absurdity: and for those, who had suffered more deeply than all others,From their cruel suffer­ings, &c. not to ac­knowledge and commend the redress of such a crying and intolerable grievance and affliction, as they had endured, in respect to themselves, so long and so laboriously solicited, by them, of the preceding King and Parliaments, in vain, would have shewed the greatest ingratitude and insensibi­lity; more especially, as it was scarcely possible for them to be in a much worse condition, even, under a Popish hierarchy itself, than they had, for many years, endured, both under Cromwell, King Charles the Second, and their Parliaments, to this time, without being able to obtain redress any other way: Wherefore, at their next annual Assembly, held in London in the Third-month, this year, the [Page 311] Quakers drew up an address of thanks to the King, deputing William Penn and others, to present the same; his speech on the presenting it,The Qua­kers thank the King. with the address itself, and the King's answer, were, as follow, viz.

He still continues under un­just impu­tations, &c.But he still continuing to labour under many jealousies and reflections, as a countenancer of the court proceedings, in general; the following let­ters between him and one of his particular friends, Sir William Popple, then secretary to the plantation office, in 1688,1688. may serve further to elucidate that subject, viz.

The following is William Penn's answer to the pre­ceding letter, viz.

CHAPTER IX.

1688.WHILE William Penn was thus variously and importantly employed in England, his province, as before observed,W. Penn wanted in his province needed his presence; and Thomas Lloyd, who ever since the Proprietary's departure, had chiefly presided in the public affairs, and sus­tained the weight and care of them, under the dif­ferent appointments, excepting two short intermis­sions, wherein Thomas Holme and William Clark supplied his absence,T. Lloyd requests to be released from public affairs. wanted to be discharged from the burden; and, before this time had solicited to be released, by the appointment of another per­son in his room: But a suitable person for such an appointment was not easy to be found; and the Proprietary appears to have been sensible of it, by his manner of writing, at different times, to his [Page 333] friends in the province,On this and some other things the Proprietor writ to the Commissi­oners in the following manner, dated the 27th. of the Tenth-month, 1687, viz. William Penn, Proprietor and Governor,To my truly and well-beloved friends, Thomas Lloyd, Robert Turner, John Eckle, John Simcock and Arthur Cook, commissioners of state, for the province of Pennsylvania, or any three of them:—I salute you all with unfeigned love, and, in Christ Jesus, wish you health and happiness.—My last is by the same hand, this being sent to the Downs after him, upon the receipt of Thomas Lloyd's and William Markham's letter: But I am heartily sorry that I had no letter from the government: in­deed I have hardly had one at all: and for private letters though from public persons, I regard them but little; I mean as to taking my public measures by: for I find such contradictions, as well as diversity, that I believe, I may say, I am one of the unhappiest Proprietaries, with one of the best people. If this had not been complained of in mine by Ed­ward Blacksan, I should have been less moved at this visible incompla­cency and neglect.—Had the government signed, I mean those, who are the most eminent in authority, by consent of the rest, it had given me some case and satisfaction; but, as it is, 'tis controversy rather than government, which stands and lives and prospers in unity, at least of the governing part, whatever be their affections; for men may agree in duty, that dis­like one another's natural tempers.—I shall henceforth, therefore, ex­pect letters from the government, recounting the affairs of it, that they may be authoritative to me; and as many private ones as you please be­sides; for that I also, rejoice in, and any particular advice, that may in­form me, as to the public, or remedy what may be amiss, or meliorate what is, in itself, well, will also be very acceptable to me.Now I have said this, I cannot but condole the loss of some stand­ards, in the province, honest men, and of good understandings, in their kind. The Lord avert his judgments, and constrain all, by his visita­tions, to amend, be it in conversation, or be it in peace, concord and charity; they that live near to God, will live far from themselves; and from the sense they have of his nearness and majesty, have a low opinion of themselves; and out of that low and humble frame of spirit it is, that true charity grows; the most excellent way;—Ah! what shall I say, there can be no union, no comfortable society without it: Oh, that the people of my province, and parts annexed; felt this gracious quality abounding in them, my work would be done, and their praise and my joy unspeakably abound to us; wherefore, in the name and fear of God, let all old sores be forgotten, as well as forgiven: shut out the remem­brance of them, and preach this doctrine to the people, in my name, yea, in the king's name, and his that is greater above all, viz. God Al­mighty's name.I am sorry that Thomas Lloyd, my esteemed friend, covets a Quie­tus, that is young, active and ingenious; for from such it is, that I ex­pect help; and such will not low, I hope, in vain; but since 'tis his de­sire, I do hereby signify his dismiss from the trouble he has borne, (for some time of rest and ease, at least) and do nominate, to be commissi­onated in my name, under the great seal, till further order, Samuel Car­penter, who, I hope will accept, and industriously serve that station, else Thomas Ellis; who has an office, that requires his attendance, having one in my eye, that may see you shortly, as a man richly qualified for that station: Robert Turner, of course has the Chair, for the first month after the receipt of this, and the rest alternately, monthly, if you find that convenient, as, I believe, it will be most easy, e [...]se let the senior com­missioner have it always.I have only to recommend to you, the due execution of the divers good laws, among you, impartially and diligently, not neglecting the order, from hence sent, especially for peace and concord.—Government is not to make, but to do and dispatch business; in which few words, and a quiet, but a brisk execution does best; wherefore consider well what is just and fit, the one in law, the other in prudence (where you have room to use it) pursue in all cases; and no matter what any say, or object.I writ to you about my Quit-rents: I am forced to pay bills here, to support my family there, while I have 4 or 500 pounds per annum in Quit-rents there; you may remember the votes of Council, to pay my charges in this expedition: I could draw a large bill upon the provincial council, in that respect; I am sure I need it, but have forebore; though it is none of the endearingest considerations, that I have not had the present of a skin, or a pound of tobacco since I came over: though they are like to have the most advantage by it, and promised me so much!—Pray, prevent people's withdrawing from us, what you can; they cannot mend themselves; and they that go will find it so, in a while; for I believe, God has blessed that poor place; and the reason of my stay here, and the service I am, and have been of, to the conscientious, shall be rewarded on my solitary province.—Remember me to the people, and let them know, my heart's desire towards them; and shall embrace the first opportunity to make my abode with them.Once more, let me hear from you, and have a copy of the laws, as my other letter directs, and you shall soon hear from me to your con­tent; so I bid you heartily farewell.Given at Holland-house, this 27th. of the Tenth-month, 1687. In 1687, Third month,—the names of the Members of Assembly were, For Philadelphia.Humphrey Morrey,William Salway,John Bevan,Lasse Cock,Daniel Pastorius,Joseph Paul. For New Castle.Johannes Dehaes,Edward Blake,Valen. Hollingsworth,John White, Speaker,John Darby,Richard Noble. For Bucks.Thomas Langhorne,Robert Hall,Nicholas Walne,Robert Lucas,Henry Baker,Edward Bennet. For Kent.John Brinkloe,William Berry,Richard Wilson,Thomas Pemberton,William Freeland,Benoni Bishop. For Chester.John Blunston,George Maris,Bartholo. Coppock,Caleb Pusey,Edward Bezar,Randel Vernon. For Sussex.Luke Watson,Henry Smith,Henry Molestine,Henry Bowman,Samuel Gray,Henry Stretcher. expressing his ardent de­sire for its prosperity, and to reside in it himself; [Page 334] in one of which to Thomas Lloyd, about this time, are the following expressions, viz.—"No honour, interest,W. Penn longs to be in Pennsyl­vania. or pleasure, in this part of the world, shall be able to check my desires to live and die among you; and, though to my grief, my stay is yet prolonged, on private and public accounts, yet, depend upon it, Pennsylvania is my worldly delight, and end of all places on the earth.

"Now, though I have, to please thee, given thee a quietus from all public business, my inten­tion is to constitute thee Deputy Governour, and two, in the character of assistants; either of whom and thyself, to be able to do all as fully as I my self can do; only I wait thy consent to the em­ployment; [Page 335] of which advise me," &c.—"by all that is reverent, tender and friendly,He is im­portantly employ'd in England. I beseech thy care, condescension and help, for that poor pro­vince. I am here serving God and friends, and the nation; which I hope God will reward to mine and you," &c.

Notwithstanding the strict friendship, and good disposition, which, from the beginning, had been wisely cultivated and established by the Proprietary and inhabitants, or first settlers, of the province, with the Indians, and, afterwards pursued in such manner, as to leave no reasonable cause for fears and suspicions between them; yet, as in all coun­tries wickedly disposed persons are found, whose delight is, if possible, to disturb the public tran­quillity; so we find, in the infancy of this colony, when justice, peace and harmony so universally predominated, it was possible, nevertheless, for idle reports, and vain rumours to take place, and gain so far on unguarded minds, as to create very alarming apprehensions, respecting the Indians; Of an In­dian alarm.— the consideration of their large numbers, at that time, in proportion to the fewness of the European settlers, rather favouring such apprehensions; of which we have the following instance.

In, or about, the year 1688, the inhabitants of Philadelphia, and places adjacent, were alarmed [Page 336] with the report of an intended insurrection of the Indians, An Indian alarm, &c. to cut off all the English, on a certain appointed day. This was communicated by two Indian women of West-Jersey, to an old Dutch in­habitant, near Chester, to be on the next fourth day of the week. Several Friends or Quakers, upon hearing this report, being conscious of their just conduct towards the Indians, and sensible of nothing that could reasonably disgust them, endea­voured to appease the people's fears. The said fourth day being come, about ten o'clock, in the night, a messenger arrived at Chester, out of the woods, and told the people, that three families, about nine miles distant, which he named, were all cut off by the Indians.—This report coming to a Friend, then at Chester, about midnight he took with him two young men, on horseback, to the place, in order to examine into the truth of the affair.—They found the three houses, but no body in them, and yet no signs of murder;—their inha­bitants, alarmed in a similar manner, had fled to the houses of their parents, at Ridley creek, about a mile from thence. The master of one of these families, being from home, had been informed five hundred Indians were actually collected at Naaman's creek, in pursuit of their design, to kill the English; and as he was hastening to his house, he thought he heard his boy crying out, and saying, "What shall I do, my Dame is killed! Upon which, instead of going home, to know the certainty of the affair, he ran off, to acquaint the government, at Philadelphia; but being met by a person of more prudence than himself, before he got to the city, he was perswaded by him to return.—

The report notwithstanding soon arrived at the city; and was told with such alarming circum­stances, that a messenger was immediately dis­patched to Marcus Hook, near the said Naaman's creek to enquire the truth of it. He quickly re­turned [Page 337] and confirmed the report, but with this variation; that it was at Brandywine creek,An Indian alarm, &c. at an Indian town, where the five hundred Indians were assembled; and, that they, having a lame king, had carried him away, with all their women and children. These circumstances rendered the affair still more alarming, and, with many, amounted to a certainty.

The Council were, at that time, sitting at Phi­ladelphia on other affairs, when one of them, a Friend, supposed to be Caleb Pusey, ^* who lived in Chester county, voluntarily offered himself to go to the place, provided they would name five others to accompany him, without weapons; which being soon agreed on, they rode to the place; but, in­stead of meeting with five hundred warriors, they found the old king quietly lying, with his lame foot along on the ground, and his head, at ease, on a kind of pillow, the women at work, in the field, and the children playing together.—

When they had entered the wigwam, the king presently asked them very mildly, "What they all came for?" They told him the report, which the Indian women had raised; and asked him, whether the Indians had any thing against the English? He appeared much displeased at the report and said, "The women ought to be burnt to death; and that they had nothing against the English;"—ad­ding, "'Tis true there are about fifteen pounds yet [Page 338] behind of our pay for the land, which William Penn bought, but as you are still on it, and im­proving it,An Indian alarm, &c. to your own use, we are not in haste for our pay; but when the English come to settle it, we expect to be paid."—This, the messengers, thinking very reasonable, told him, they would undoubtedly be paid for their land.—

One of the company further expressed himself to the Indian king, in the following manner; "That the great God, who made the world, and all things therein, consequently made all mankind, both Indians and English; and as he made all, so his love was extended to all; which, was plainly shewn, by his causing the rain and dews to fall on the ground of both Indians and English alike; that it might equally produce what the Indians, as well as what the English sowed or planted in it, for the sustenance of life; and also by his making the sun to shine equally on all, both Indians and English, to nourish them; and that seeing the great Being, which made them all, extended his love thus to all, so they were mutually bound to love one another."—

The king answered, "What they had said was true; and as God has given you corn, I would ad­vise you to get it in; (it being then harvest time) for we intend you no harm."—They parted ami­cably; and the messengers, returning, put an end to the people's fears.

Appoint­ment of Lieutenant Governor Blackwell.In consequence of Thomas Lloyd's request, to be released from the public affairs of the government, in the latter part of the year 1688, he was accor­dingly succeeded by Captain John Blackwell; ^* who [Page 339] arrived in the Tenth-month this year; whom the Proprietary had commissioned to be his Lieutenant Governor. He was a person, whom William Penn seems to have highly esteemed; and, at the time of his appointment, was in New England.

[Page 340] 1689. Blackwell met the Assembly in the Third-month 1689; but, by reason of some misunderstanding, or dissension,Governor Blackwell disagrees with the Council & returns to England. between him and some of the Coun­cil, the public affairs were not managed with the desired harmony and satisfaction; and but little done during his administration, which continued only till the Twelfth-month this year, when he returned to England; ^* and the government of the province,Elected 2mo. 11th. 1690. according to charter, devolved again on the Council, Thomas Lloyd, President.

Reasons for B [...]ackwell's appoint­ment, &c.The appointment of Blackwell, who was no Quaker, to be Deputy Governor, appears, by the Proprietary's letters to his friends, in the province, to have been, because no suitable person, who was of that society, would undertake the office; that his views thereby were more for the public good, than his own private interest; which, he declares, he was sorry were not answered according to his expectation; and that notwithstanding he was ap­prehensive occasion had been given by some par­ticulars, in the province, for this misunderstanding, yet, that he had duly regarded their complaints, and afforded them suitable relief.

[Page 341] Cicero was justly called the father of his country, for preserving it from the designs of a most de­testable rebellion, but William Penn, W. Penn may justly be styled Father of his country. with still greater propriety, may be styled the parent of his: In that he not only planted it with industry and virtue, and endowed it with a generous and ex­cellent constitution, but with unremitted care and assiduity, he also cherished it with the best and most affectionate advice and instruction;^* tending [Page 342] more effectually to fix and confirm that bond of love and affection, between him and his people, [Page 343] upon the most certain and lasting foundation; which is the best preservative against all disor­ders:—He treated them as beloved children;W. Penn's affection. while they regarded him as a tender father: This, in part, appears, by his various epistles of this nature, besides those respecting the more temporal concerns of the province; which, from time to time, he writ to them, during his life; and in a language more pathetic and endearing, it is im­possible for the most affectionate parent to address his beloved offspring; of these that are yet extant, I find several this year; a specimen of which ap­pears below, in the notes.

The year 1689 gave rise to the Friends' public school, in Philadelphia; which afterwards,Rise of the Friends' School in Philadel­phia, &c. in the year 1697, upon the petition of Samuel Carpenter, Edward Shippen, Anthony Morris, James Fox, Da­vid Lloyd, William Southby and John Jones, in be­half of themselves and others, to Deputy Mark­ham, was first incorporated by charter; and, after that, confirmed by a fresh patent from William Penn, dated the 25th. of October 1701; and also by another, dated the 22d. of the Fifth-month 1708; whereby the corporation was, "For ever thereafter to consist of fifteen discreet and religious [Page 344] persons, of the people called Quakers, by the name of, The Overseers of the public school, found in Philadel­phia, Of Friends School. at the request, cost and charges of the people called Quakers;" but its last and present charter, f [...]om William Penn confirming all the preceding charters, and further extending the corporation, with larger powers and privileges, &c. is dated the 29th. of November, 1711; wherein the Over­seers, nominated and appointed, were Samuel Car­penter, the elder, Edward Shippen, Griffith Owen, Thomas Story, Anthony Morris, Richard Hill, Isaac Norris, Samuel Preston, Jonathan Dickinson, Na­than Stanbury, Thomas Masters, Nicholas Waln, Caleb Pusey, Rowland Ellis and James Logan; by which charter the Overseers were afterwards to be chosen by the corporation.

Its design.This was the first institution of the kind, in Pennsylvania, intended not only to facilitate the acquisition of the more generally used parts of learning, among all ranks, or degrees, of the people, (the poorer sort being taught gratis, and the rich, or more wealthy, still paying a proportion for their children's instruction) but also the better, and more extensively to promote a virtuous and learned education, than could be affected by any other manner, was the end of the design: Which, in the preamble to the said present charter, is thus expressed, viz.—

"Whereas, the prosperity and welfare of any people depend, in great measure, upon the good education of youth, and their early introduction in the principles of true religion and virtue, and qualifying them to serve their country and them­selves, by breeding them in reading, writing, and learning of languages, and useful arts and sciences, suitable to their sex, age and degree; which can­not be affected, in any manner, so well as by erect­ing public schools, for the purposes aforesaid." &c.

[Page 345]For these laudable purposes, therefore, a num­ber of the principal inhabitants of Philadelphia, being Quakers, in the Fifth-month this year, agreed with George Keith, who then resided at Freehold (now called Monmouth) in New Jersey, to under­take the charge He accordingly removed to Phi­ladelphia, and was the first master of that school; but continued only about one year.^*

CHAPTER X.

W. Penn's affairs about the time of the revolu­tion in 1688 &c.IT has already been observed, that, during most of the time since the Proprietary's return to En­gland, in 1684, much of his public action and service were in that nation; and that his intimacy at court, and friendship with King James the Se­cond, which his great obligation to that royal fa­mily, and the situation of his own affairs may, both from gratitude and interest, easily account for, exposed him to many unjust censures; but in the year 1688, upon the change of government, the state of his affairs there began to have a very different, and more unfavourable aspect:—For the attempts which had been made by the King, in favour of popery and arbitrary power, had occa­sioned the measures of the revolution, which now began to take place in the government there, by [Page 347] means of the Prince of Orange, "who landed at Torbay, in Devonshire, on the fifth of November,W. Penn's affairs about the time of the revolu­tion in 1688 &c. 1688, to the great joy of the English nation. Many of King James's officers and army soon joined the Prince; and the King, perceiving the hearts of the people alienated from him, withdrew himself, and went over to France. Hence by a Convention, called shortly after, the said Prince of Orange, and the Princess Mary, his consort, King James's daugh­ter, were declared King and Queen of England, &c. and were proclaimed on the thirteenth of February, 1688-9.

"Upon this turn of the times, William Penn's late friendship at court having rendered him sus­pected of disaffection to the present government, on the tenth of December, 1688, when he was walking in White-Hall, he was sent for by the Lords of the Council, then sitting; and though nothing appeared against him, and himself assured them,— "That he had done nothing, but what he could answer before God, and all the princes in the world; that he loved his country, and the Pro­testant religion above his life, and never acted against either; that all he ever aimed at, in his public endeavours, was no other than what the Prince himself had declared for; that King James was always his friend, and in gratitude, he was the King's, and did ever, as much as in him lay, influence him to his true interest."—Notwithstand­ing they obliged him to give securities for his ap­pearance the first day of the next term, which he did; and then he was continued, on the same se­curity, to Easter-term following; on the last day of which, nothing having been laid to his charge, he was cleared in open court.

"In the year 1690, he was again brought be­fore the Lords of the Council, upon an accusation of holding a correspondence with the late King James; and they requiring sureties for his appear­ance, [Page 348] he appealed to King William himself;W. Penn's affairs about the time of the revolu­tion in 1688 &c. who, after a conference of near two hours, inclined to acquit him, but, to please some of the Council, he was held upon bail, for a while; and, in Tri­nity-term, the same year, was again discharged.

"He was attacked a third time, and his name inserted in a proclamation, dated July the 18th. 1690; wherein he, with divers others, to the num­ber of eighteen, were charged with adhering to the kingdom's enemies; but proof failing, re­specting him, he was again cleared by order of the King's-bench Court, at Westminster, in the last day of Michaelmas-term, 1690.

"Being now again at liberty, he proposed to go a second time to Pennsylvania, and published proposals in print, for another settlement there. He had so far prepared for this transportation that an order for a convoy was granted him by the Secretary of State, when his voyage was preven­ted by a fresh accusation against him, backed with the oath of one William Fuller, a wretch, after­wards by Parliament declared a cheat and impostor; and a warrant was thereupon granted, for his ap­prehension; which he narrowly escaped, at his return from the funeral of George Fox, the first preacher among the Quakers, on the 16th. of January, 1690-1."^*

[Page 349]Though William Penn had hitherto defended himself before the King and Council,1690. yet he now thought it more prudent to retire,W. Penn obliged to retire in private, &c. than to hazard the sacrificing of his innocence to the oaths of a profligate villain; accordingly after an expensive preparation for a large embarkation of fresh colo­nists for America, To the great disad­vantage of his affairs, and those of his province &c. he was not only obliged to desist therefrom, and, at a most critical and necessitous time, in the affairs of his young country to decline furnishing a large increase to its inhabitants, and those means, for its further regulation, establish­ment [Page 350] and happiness, which, it was most probable such an addition, with his presence, would have administered, but he also appeared very little in public, for two or three years afterwards; and the great disadvantage and embarrassment, which this disappointment occasioned, both in his private affairs, and those of his colony, at this time, ap­pear, in its effects, the more considerable, on ac­count of the disorder, or dissension, between the province and territories; and also the religious disturbance, in the affair of George Keith; both which began about this time; which, it is most probable, his long wanted presence and abilities there would have prevented, or, at least, some of the consequences of them.

He writes in his retire­ment.Yet the product of this retirement was several valuable treatises, on divers subject, which, both for his own amusement, and the common good of the present and future times, he writ, during this restraint upon his liberty, till the latter end of the year, 1693; which, as they are extant in his printed works, the world would otherwise, pro­bably, never have seen, nor had the advantage of them. But, first, respecting his retirement, lest his Friends, the Quakers, should entertain any sinister thoughts of him, he sent the following epistle to their Yearly-meetings, in London, viz.

Though the Proprietary had, both by charter and otherwise, endeavoured to connect the pro­vince and territories of Pennsylvania, in legislation and government, so as to form one General Assem­bly, yet the jealousies, and difference of sentiment, in some cases, which afterwards arose between the Representatives of each part, in their legislative capacity, tending to create separate interests, and a rupture between them, were frequently the oc­casion of great uneasiness to him; whose view was always to keep them united, judging it most for the interest of them both, as well as his own.

[Page 352]Hence, after Blackwell's departure for England, in the year 1690, the irregularities, which ensued, or were attempted, in consequence of this diffe­rence, appear, by the following declaration of the Council, and other public proceedings, viz.

This disagreement appears afterwards to have increased,1691. and, in the fore part of the year 1691, proceeded to greater extreme.^* Three modes of Executive govern­ment offer­ed by Wm. Penn. The Proprietary, whether to gratify, or indulge the humor of the colony, and thereby induce a coalescence of the two parties, or with whatever other design, (which, no doubt, was well intended,) had left to the choice of the Council, three different methods, or modes, of the executive part of government, viz. either that of the Council, of five commissi­oners, or of a Deputy Governor: This affair, with other matters, being, about that time, agita­ted in Council, and the province, or the majority, inclining to the last of these methods, seven mem­bers, [Page 355] for the lower counties, viz. William Clark, 1691. John Cann, John Brinkloe, John Hill, Richard Halliwell, Albertus Jacobs and George Martin drew up and signed a formal protest, or declaration, di­rected to the members of Council, of the province of Pennsylvania; dated, Philadelphia, the first of the Second-month, 1691.

In this they declared,—

First, "That the mode of the five commissi­oners was the most agreeable to them,Declaration and Protest of the lower Counties. or to the counties, which they represented.

Secondly, "That the commission of the Council was the next, though much less convenient, than that of the five commissioners; on account of the encroachments thereby made upon their rights and privileges, by the province, in imposing officers upon them, without their consent, or approbation.

Thirdly, "That the method of a Deputy Go­vernor was the most disagreeable and grievous of any; on account of the choice of all officers being placed in a single person, and the expence, or charge, of his support: therefore they would not agree to accept of that commission.

Fourthly, "But that, rather than the country should be without government, they would consent to that of the Council; provided no officers what­ever were imposed upon any of the three lower counties, without the consent of the respective members of Council for these counties.

Fifthly, "That they desired to excuse them­selves for not agreeing to have these things put to the vote; which, they said, they had experienced, the members for the province would scarce ever do, till they were sure it would go against them.

Sixthly, "That they, in behalf of the lower counties, protested against the acceptance of any commission, but that of the five persons, and re­solved, [Page 356] that should the province act otherwise, they would govern themselves by the commission, then in force, till the Proprietary's pleasure should be known therein:"—And thereupon they immedi­ately withdrew their attendance.

What just or sufficient cause, they had for this conduct, doth not clearly appear: it gave many of the members of the Provincial Council, as well as the Proprietary himself, much concern and un­easiness;Endeavours used to re­concile them, &c. and great endeavours were used, and much pains taken by both, to reconcile them; but not with all the desired success: for their greatest ostensible objection against this commission of a Deputy Governor, which the province most inclined to, appearing to be the expence of his support, and their jealousy of having their officers removed, so, to relieve their apprehensions, in these respects, &c. at President Lloyd's request, John Simcock, John Bristow, John Delavall, with David Lloyd, went after them, to New-Castle, to endeavour their return, &c. but in vain.^*

[Page 357]Hence, upon the province preferring the choice of a Deputy Governor, contrary to the mind of the territories,Th. Lloyd Governor of the Pro­vince & W. Markham of the Ter­ritories. and Thomas Lloyd being preferred to that office, (which he appears to have accepted with some reluctance) the Proprietary commissi­onated him Governor of the province, and the Secretary, William Markham, who appears to have joined and retired with the protesting members, in their abrupt separation, was, in like manner, ap­pointed over the lower counties, under certain re­strictions.

This division of the Legislature appears to have been much against the Proprietary's mind;W. Penn grieved at this division &c. who seems to have apprehended dangerous, if not fatal, consequences from it.^* He blamed, or, at least, [Page 358] appeared displeased with Thomas Lloyd's conduct, in accepting of a partial choice, or that of the province only, as if it were in his power to have prevented this division; but the Provincial Coun­cil excused him in a letter thereon to the Propri­etary and entirely exculpated him from being ac­cessary thereto, or in any manner promoting this disagreement, throwing the whole blame on the territory men: they declared, that, instead of be­ing a gainer by any public offices, which he had held, Thomas Lloyd had wasted, or considerably worsted his estate thereby; that, as he was well known to be a lover and promoter of concord and union, and preferred a private life, so, "He never accepted of that commission, but by the importunity of his friends, or, at the earnest request of the pro­vince itself. This letter was signed by Arthur Cook, John Simcock, Samuel Richardson, James Fox, George Murrie and Samuel Carpenter.

Duration of this mode of govern­ment, &c.The province and territories continued, in this manner, about two years; or, till the arrival of Governor Fletcher of New-York, in April, 1693; and though they managed better, in this situation, than the Proprietary, at first, seems to have ex­pected from it, and with more harmony than they had done, for some time before; never [...]heless, it will hereafter appear that the continued refractori­ness of the territories, in their refusing to accept of the new charter, in 1701, was, at length, the occasion of their total separation from the province, in legislation.

[Page 359]The revolution and measures, taken by the pro­vince, in consequence of this conduct of the territories,T. Lloyd Deputy Go­vernor from 3mo. 10th. 1691. with the form of the legislative pro­ceeding, in the Deputyship of Governor Lloyd, which commenced about the Third-month, 1691, and under the charter then in force are, in part, exhibited by the following promulgated bills; which appear to have been passed into laws, in the same year, viz.

As this division had occasioned much anxiety to the Proprietary, of which both parties were sensible,⁹⁷ [Page 362] so to relieve him,1692. at least in part, from his apprehen­sions and uneasiness, on that account, in the fore­part of the year 1692,Both par­ties unitedly write to the Proprietor. the two deputies and their Councils unitedly writ him the following letter, viz.

CHAPTER XI.

IN the year 1691, an affair happened among the Quakers, in this part of the world,The schism of George Keith, &c. which gave them much uneasiness and trouble, in their religi­ous capacity, more especially in this Province, and the neighbouring places. This was the difference and separation between them and George Keith, before mentioned. He had been an eminent preacher and writer among them, for many years; and had published several well-written treatises, in defence of their religious principles, yet extant. He was a man of quick natural parts, and consi­derable literary abilities; acute in argument, and very ready and able in logical disputations, and nice distinctions, on theological subjects; but, said to be, of a brittle temper, and over-bearing dispo­sition of mind; not sufficiently tempered and qua­lified with that Christian moderation and charity, which give command over the human passions; the distinguishing characteristic of true Christianity: of which he himself had not only made high pro­fession, but also, in his younger years, as appears [Page 364] by his writings, had a good understanding. His great confidence in his own superior abilities seems to have been one,G. Keith's schism, &c. if not the chief, introductory cause of this unhappy dispute;—When men set too high a value on themselves, and others will not come up to their price, then they are discontented. He is said to have had too much life in argument and disputation, on religious points of controversy, and sometimes to have exhibited an unbecoming vanity on victory thereby obtained over his oppo­nents, even, prior to the schism between him and his friends: for having, some time before, been on a visit to New England, he is represented as having indulged his natural propensity this way, among the preachers and inhabitants there, in a very ex­travagant manner: Which disposition of mind, from that time forward, appeared to have so far got the ascendancy over him, that, on his return, he began to exhibit the same, even, among his friends, beginning with finding fault, proposing and urging new regulations, in the society, in re­spect to the discipline of it, and complaining, "There was too great a slackness therein."—Upon his friends not readily joining with him and his proposals, in the manner he expected, he became still more captious, and more disposed to seek mat­ters of reproach and offence against divers in the so­ciety, and to make the worst of them; charging some of his friends,His allega­tion against the Quakers who were generally well es­teemed and approved ministers, with preaching false doctrine; and, it is said, even, in points con­trary to what himself had formerly held and de­clared, in his writings, in defence of the Quakers, and their principles. He found fault with his friends being in the magistracy, and their execut­ing the penal laws against malefactors, as being in­consistent with their religious profession; and, in short, contended that he and such as joined with him, were the true Quakers, and all the rest, who opposed him, were apostates.

[Page 365]These were the principal allegations, which, in beginning of the dispute, he appears to have made against the Quakers. The principal things,Their charges a­gainst him. if not the whole, with which I find him charged by them, at that time, appear to be his over-bear­ing temper, and unchristian disposition of mind, in grossly vilifying and disparaging divers members of the society, who were universally and highly approved among them, and entirely rejecting their advice and judgment, in the affair; the conse­quence of an overheated and intemperate zeal: which, at last, proceeded so far as to occasion such a breach, that,He is dis­owned, &c. in 1692. on the 20th. day of the Fourth-month, 1692, a declaration, or testimony of denial, was drawn up against him, at a meeting of the ministers of the society at Philadelphia: wherein both he and his conduct were publicly disowned by them.

This declaration, which was confirmed at the next following General Yearly Meeting, held at Bur­lington, the seventh of the Seventh-month, exhibits more fully the charges against him, and may fur­ther elucidate the case to the more inquisitive: Which Testimony, as it may, probably, be curious to some, if not instructive, is, therefore, placed in the notes.^*

[Page 366] 1692.He drew off a large number of people with him, some of considerable account, in the society; and [Page 367] set up separate meetings, in divers places: These called themselves Christian Quakers and Friends, [Page 368] boasted of their large numbers, and looked upon the rest as Apostates; many books were written, [Page 369] and much altercation and dispute ensued, on both sides.

He appealed, or complained,He appeals to the Qua­kers in En­gland. to the Yearly Meeting of the society, in London, against the Quakers of Pennsylvania, who had disowned him, and appeared there in person; where he was con­fronted by divers from the province. But, in this place, it is said, his passion and wrath so far pre­vailed over him, and his demeanour was so unrea­sonable and outragious, and so much disposed for contention and dispute, that notwithstanding all possible endeavours for a reconciliation, and heal­ing measures taking place between them, his de­nial was there finally confirmed.

He thenceforward became a public and bitter enemy, as far as in him lay, against the Quakers, He becomes a publicene­my to the Quakers. in general; preaching and writing against them with all imaginable virulency: In which he appear­ed afterwards to be employed by their adversaries, for that purpose; for having joined with the Epis­copal [Page 370] Clergy, in England, and served there for some time, as a Vicar, ordained by the Bishop of London, He becomes a clergyman and gives the Quakers more trouble in Ame­rica, &c. he afterwards returned to America; where, as a Clergyman, in orders, he officiated in his new function for about twelve months; and, having there given the Quakers all the trouble in his power, he returned again to England by way of Virginia. In this visit, it is said, he was generally slighted, both by those, who before had been his adherents, and others: And that his conduct was so glaringly inconsistent with his former pretensions; and his be­haviour towards the Quakers so manifestly arising from a malignant disposition of mind, and disap­pointed malice, notwithstanding all the superior abilities,Is generally despised. which he possessed, and made use of, he was universally despised by sober and thinking people of all societies.

After his return to England, he was fixed in a benefice, in Sussex; and continued to write against his former Friends, as a bitter enemy; but, as far as appears, with a sinking reputation. At last, on his death-bed, from a well authenticated account, it is asserted,Account of his Death­bed expres­sions, &c. he thus expressed himself; "I wish I had died when I was a Quaker; for then I am sure it would have been well with my soul."—This is an instance of the weakness of the human mind, even, when aided with the acquirements of science and superior knowledge; it shews how far from their real interest and true happiness, strong passions and unruly tempers may sometimes hurry, even, men of understanding; and how widely different things appear, in times of ambition, rage and revenge, from what they really are, in our cool and reflect­ing moments.

[Page 371]This schism made a great disturbance, in the pro­vince, for a time, and in some other places, among the Quakers; yet many, or the major part,Many re­turn again to the Qua­kers. of those persons, who had thus separated themselves, through the conduct of this person, are said, to have returned soon after to the society.

But because Keith had, (as accounts say) by abusive language and printed publications, vilified divers persons in the Magistracy, tending to sub­vert that absolutely necessary institution and order in civil society, and thereby had drawn upon him­self some judicial proceedings, on that account,Judicial proceedings against him. some persons have been disposed to charge the Qua­kers, if possible, with persecution for religion; and as this appears to be the only case, in which their enemies pretend to have just ground to accuse them of this evil, I shall, therefore, endeavour here to lay before the reader, that part of this transaction as circumstantially as the accounts remaining of it will permit.

In the beginning of the year 1691, a person, named Babit, with some others, stole a small sloop, from a wharf, in Philadelphia; and in going down the river with it, committed divers robberies; of which intelligence being early given to the Magi­strates, three of them gave out a warrant, in the nature of a Hue and Cry, to take them, in order to a legal tryal and punishment; by virtue of which they were taken, and brought to justice. The Magistrates, who granted this warrant, being Qua­kers, George Keith, and his party,G. Keith censures the magistrates. soon after took occasion from thence to represent it as inconsistent with their principles against fighting.—He called Thomas Lloyd, the Deputy Governor, who was ac­counted a person of a mild temper and deportment, good sense, and unblemished character, and whose unwearyed endeavours, to serve him, are said to have merited a different treatment,And vilifies them, &c. "An impudent man, and a pityful Governor;" asking him, "Why he [Page 372] did not send him to jail?" and telling him, "His back had long itched for a whipping; and that he would print and expose them all over America, if not over Europe;" and one of the Magistrates, who was well known to be a modest and peaceable man, he opprobriously called, "An impudent rascal:" Such his conduct is represented to have been.

Besides, being much enraged, he had published several virulent pieces;He reflects on the Ma­gistrates in print, &c. one of which indecently reflecting on the above mentioned transaction, and on several of the principal Magistrates in their ju­dicial capacity, and thereby lessening the lawful authority of the magistracy, in the view of the baser sort of the people, who began thereupon to take greater liberties; wherefore the printers, Wil­liam Bradford and John M'Comb, who had publish­ed it, were, by a warrant, from five Magistrates, viz. Arthur Cook, Samuel Jenings, Samuel Richard­son, Humphrey Murray and Robert Ewer, taken up, examined, and upon their contemptuous beha­viour to the court and justices, in their examination, and upon their refusal to give security, to answer at court,The Prin­ters com­mitted, &c. the usual practice in all similar occasions, they were committed; and though they were under no confinement, being entirely at large, on their bare word only, yet, (which seems to have been done by them, to answer some particular design) at a certain time, having occasion to sign a paper, when they could not be admitted into the prison itself,They sign a paper from the prison. it is said, they got into the entry of it, and there dated, and signed the said paper, as from the prison:—But they were soon discharged, without being brought to a tryal.

G Keith & Tho. Budd presented by the Grand Jury, &c. George Keith and Thomas Budd were also pre­sented by the Grand Jury of Philadelphia, as au­thors of another book, of the like tendency, in the following words, viz. "We, of the Grand Jury, do present George Keith and Thomas Budd, as authors of a book, entitled, The plea of the in­nocent, [Page 373] where, in page third, about the latter end of the same, they, the said George Keith and Tho­mas Budd, defamingly accuse Samuel Jenings, he being a Judge and a Magistrate, of this province, of being too high and imperious in worldly courts, calling him, impudent, presumptuous and insolent man, greatly exposing his reputation, and of an ill precedent, and contrary to the law, in that case made and provided."

The lenity of the magistracy is said to have been very remarkable towards the actions and behaviour of divers of these people, when compared with the provocations given; which, by apparent design, had not only been, but also still continued to be, so extremely notorious and abusive, as well as de­rogatory to the principal persons in authority, in their judicial capacity, that, it is said, the rabble became greatly encouraged thereby, to despise and inveigh against the acts of government, and to render it more and more difficult to bring offen­ders to justice; it was, therefore, thought proper that this presentment should be prosecuted;They are tryed and fined. so the matter was brought to a tryal, and the parties fined five pounds each; but the fines were never ex­acted.

All possible art and means were said to be used,These pro­ceedings re­presented as being on a religious account by some. which the enemies to the Quakers, the disaffected to the administration, and the more libertine part of the people, in the province were capable of, to magnify these judicial proceedings, and to represent them, as being on a religious account; and with great assiduity, artifice and noise, they were by these propagated as such, both at home and abroad; upon which the Magistrates published the reasons of their conduct, in the following paper, viz.

W. Penn at first dis­pleas'd with part of these proceedingsThis affair of George Keith gave much concern to William Penn, who appeared, at first, rather to have censured part of these proceedings against him; whom he regarded as his old friend, more especially his trial; at which by some of his letters, he appeared to be much displeased:^* but after he was made fully acquainted with the nature and cir­cumstances of the whole transaction, and was con­vinced of George Keith's great change, he appears to have been as ready and active as any others, in endeavouring to clear the society from the imputa­tion of being the cause of the unhappy schism. But the difference between the province and territories continued still much to affect him, and to increase his apprehensions of very disagreeable consequen­ces; as appears by his manner of writing to some of the principal persons, in the administration, about this time.^†

[Page 377]It cannot reasonably be imagined that the court of King William could be very favourably disposed to a person,1693. who had been so much in friendship with the late King James, W. Penn's difficulty after the re­volution. as William Penn had been; though King William himself seems to have had a great regard for him, and his known gene­ral great humanity and catholic spirit towards all, without distinction of party, rendered him respect­ed among men of opposite principles both in reli­lion and politics; yet his enemies, more especially in the latter of these characters, never had a fairer opportunity against him, than at this time; hence, when his young colony most needed his presence and assistance, they not only effectually prevented his giving it that aid, as before mentioned, but also now so far misrepresented, or magnified, these dis­orders in it,^* which, in great measure, arose from his too long absence from it, thus occasioned by themselves, or, that, in consequence thereof,W. Penn deprived of the go­vernment of Pennsyl­vania, &c. Which is conferred on Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of N. York. he was, in the year, 1692, deprived of the govern­ment of Pennsylvania and the territories, by King William and Queen Mary; who granted a commis­sion to Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of New York, dated October the 21st. in the fourth year of Wil­liam and Mary, anno 1692, to take them under his government; which commission arrived, in the beginning of the year 1693, and is as follows, viz.

Governor Fletcher, upon receiving this com­mission, repaired to his new government, after having first notified his intention by the following letter, directed,

CHAPTER XII.

COLONEL Fletcher arrived at Philadelphia with more pomp, and splendid attendance,1693. than had been usually seen before in Pennsylvania; Gov. Flet­cher arrives at Philadel­phia. and the persons in the present administration appear to have given up the government to him, without any noti­fication, or order, to them, either from the crown, or the Proprietary; for which, afterwards,The Pro­prietor dis­approves of the too has­ty surren­der of the government. in a let­ter to certain of them, William Penn seems to have blamed their conduct, especially that of his Deputy Lloyd; but yet apprehending their view, in so doing, to have been intended for the best, he excused them. He likewise writ to Fletcher him­self, cautioning him to beware of meddling with [Page 382] it, in the present circumstances, and reminding him of his particular obligation to him. This the Proprietary having mentioned in the abovesaid let­ter, to his friends in the province, the following answer, respecting the Governor of New-York, was returned by six of them, viz. Arthur Cook, John Simcock, James Fox, Samuel Richardson, George Murrie and Samuel Carpenter, in a letter to the Proprietary, dated, Philadelphia, the 18th. Eleventh-month, 1693-4, viz. "That if the said letter (to Fletcher) had come in time (as we are informed) he would hardly have proceeded so far, in taking this government; and, therefore, we could have wished it had come sooner, if haply it had been a means to prevent so great trouble and loss to thee and us; who are (as we stand related) great sharers with thee, in all things tending to the hurt of the province."—

Governor Fletcher, soon after his arrival, cal­led an Assembly: prior to which, a dispute, aris­ing between him and the Council, respecting the mode of electing and convening them, occasioned the following address to him, from the members of the Council, delivered on the 29th. of April, viz. ¹⁰²

[Page 385]The Assembly, being met on the 16th. of the Third-month, presented their Speaker, Joseph Growdon, to the Governor, for his approbation;Proceed­ngs of the Governor & Assembly who being accepted, the oaths and tests were pre­sented to the whole house, in the manner of other governments, under the immediate administration of the crown; but some of the members, being scrupulous of taking oaths, and refusing to be sworn, were indulged with subscribing to the de­clarations and professions, mentioned in the act of Parliament, for liberty of conscience, made in the first year of King William and Queen Mary. This the Governor told them was an act of grace, and not of right, so as to be drawn into precedent in future.

It doth not appear that either the Proprietary,The go­vernment & privileges of Pennsyl­vania not forfeited. or the people of Pennsylvania, had forfeited those rights and privileges, whose enjoyment had been the compact of their settlement of the province; of which privileges, those which respected their religious, or conscientious scruples were the chief; but the contrary rather is manifest: For notwith­standing what was alledged for depriving the Pro­prietary of the government, it was well known that the suspicion of his adhering too much to King James was the principal, if not the only, cause for rendering him incapable of attending so pro­perly to it, as it seemed at that time to require: But nothing was ever proved, to confirm what was alledged against him, in that respect; though it injured him so far, as to oblige him, for a time, to be in secret, and to be absent too long from his province; whereby some disorders happened in it, that in all probability, would otherwise have been prevented; but none of such magnitude, as to violate, or prevent, the regular administration of justice, as seems to have been alledged by the ene­mies of the prosperity of the province; much less to give just occasion for depriving the colonists of [Page 386] their dearly bought rights and privileges, granted by charter, confirmed by laws, and familiarized by custom; though it might be called a favour, to enjoy them, where power alone has the rule, without having any regard to justice: For notwith­standing the Governor was changed, yet it was presumed the government, or constitution, was not, in consequence thereof, to be violated, or altered, and that the inhabitants of Pennsylvania had as just a right to be governed according to the usage of Pennsylvania, and their own laws, then in force,Vide Flet­cher's com­mission, &c. page 378. as those of New-York had to be governed according to the usage of that province, though their usages were different, so long as justice was equally well administered by the former, as by the latter, and in a manner more agreeable to them.

The Assembly, however, in consideration of the present circumstances of affairs, thought it most prudent to submit, though not consistent with a privilege, to which, in their apprehension, they had a right, and below the justice of their claim; and, for the present, acknowledged the same, as an act of grace and savour, proceeding from the justice and kindness of the Governor.

The Assembly being qualified, the Governor communicated to them a letter,^* which he had [Page 387] received, in the last year, from the Queen, setting forth, that the expence, for the preservation and defence of Albany, against the French, Proceed­ings of the Assembly. which had been intolerable to the inhabitants there; and that, as it was a frontier, by which several of the other colonies were, in some measure, defended, it was thought reasonable that those colonies should be assisting, from time to time, to the government of New-York, in the maintenance and defence of it, during the war.

The first question put by the Assemby, after their meeting, was, How far the laws of the pro­vince, and constitution of the government, found­ed on the powers of the King's letters patent to the Proprietary, William Penn, were in force? up­on which it was unanimously Resolved, Resolution of the Assembly. "That the laws of this province, that were in force and prac­tice before the arrival of this present Governor, are still in force; and that the Assembly have a right humbly to move the Governor for a continu­ation, or confirmation thereof."—Accordingly the following address was drawn up and presented to the Governor, viz.

To which the Governor returned this answer, viz.

The debates of the House, upon this answer to their address, produced the following remonstrance to the Governor, viz.

What reply the Governor made, or whether any, does not appear; but the Assembly, having thus modestly asserted their privileges, proceeded to enact sundry laws. One for the support of go­vernment, and such others as were thought neces­sary, either to be renewed, or repealed, for the public good, being sent up to the Governor and Council, the latter were detained by them for some time, to see what the Assembly would do, in consequence of the Queen's letter. This delay, [Page 391] with the Governor's asserting, "that the Assembly should have no account of the bill, (of supply, or for the support of government^*) till they came, in [Page 392] a full house, before him, to give the last sanction to the laws;"—"and, that he saw nothing would [Page 393] do, but an annexion to New York,"—induced the house to send the following petition to the Go­vernor.

Notwithstanding the soft and pliant terms of this petition, the Assembly unanimously resolved, "That all bills sent to the Governor and Council, in order to be amended, ought to be returned to [Page 395] this house, to have their further approbation, upon such amendments, before they can have their final assent, to pass into laws;"Resolution of the As­sembly.—And there was a party in the house, who strenuously asserted their un­doubted rights, as founded on their then present charter of privileges, but, being the smaller num­ber, all they could do terminated in the following protest, viz.

According to the Assembly's petition the Gover­nor sent back several bills, with his objections, for amendments; which, being agreed to, were after­wards passed. And the rolls of such old laws, as the Assembly did not think fit to repeal, to pre­vent any doubt of their being in force, being sent [Page 396] up to him, were signed by him, for confirmation. After which he dissolved the Assembly, by their own advice,Governor Fletcher appoints W. Markham his Deputy, and goes to New York. and departed for his government at New York, having first appointed William Mark­ham, Lieutenant Governor in his stead, in Penn­sylvania.

During Governor Fletcher's administration here, he appears to have been several times in the pro­vince,1694. but never long at one time. He met the Assembly again in the Third-month, 1694; and, in a message to them, dated, Philadelphia, May 23d. 1694, he acquaints them,

Gov. Flet­cher's mes­sage to the Assembly."That he had been disappointed in meeting them sooner, according to his intention, and di­rection given for calling the Assembly, by reason of being under a necessity to repair to Albany, on intimation given, that the five nation Indians, which had been so long faithful to the English, were now debauched to the French interest, and entering into a league with the Governor of Canada; which was a matter of the highest importance to the neighbouring colonies, and required his utmost abilities and application to prevent.

"That he was come to lay the whole affair before them, assuring them, that their own Indians here would be compelled to join the fatal confederacy.

"That, in consequence hereof, he had seen fourscore fine farms all deserted about Albany.

"That the Jerseys had done more for the com­mon defence than all the other adjacent provinces.

"That he considered their principles, that they could not carry arms, nor levy money, to make war, though for their own defence, yet he hoped they would not refuse to feed the hungry and cloath the naked; that was, to supply the Indian nations with such necessaries, as may influence their con­tinued friendship to these provinces.

[Page 397]"Lastly, that he was ready,1694. as far as in him lay, consistent with the rules of loyalty, and a just regard to liberty and property, to redress their grievances, if they had any."

During this, and the succeeding session,End of Go­vernor Flet­cher's admi­nistration. in Sep­tember, this year, several laws were passed; which ends the administration of Governor Fletcher.—

But what return was made by the house to his request, in the latter part of the above message, does not clearly appear; only I find, that, in a letter of the Proprietary, dated, Bristol, fifth of the Ninth-month, 1695, which seems to allude to part of the present proceedings,W. Penn complains of & blames the province in part. he observes and complains of there being factious persons in the co­lony, that disturbed, or threatened the tranquillity of the government;—and he blames the province For refusing to send money to New-York, for what he calls a common defence, urging their compliance, and expressing the danger of their oversetting the government again, by such refusal; which, before that time, was restored to him, Markham being his Deputy.^*

On the 10th. of the Seventh-month this year (1694) died Thomas Lloyd, Death and character of Tho Lloyd. the Proprietary's late Deputy Governor, aged about fifty-four years. His father was a person of some fortune, rank and es­teem; of an ancient family and estate, called Dolo­bran, in Montgomeryshire, in North Wales, This his son Thomas Lloyd was a younger brother, and was educated in the best schools; from which he was removed to the university of Oxford; where he is said to have made considerable proficiency; [Page 398] and, being endowed with good natural parts, and an amiable disposition of mind,Death and character of Th. Lloyd. he attracted the regard and esteem of persons of rank and figure, and was afterwards in the way to considerable pre­ferment, in the world; but, being of a sober and religious way of thinking, he joined with the Quakers, and renounced all worldly considerations, for that peace of mind, and real mental felicity, which he believed to be the effect of true religion; and became an highly esteemed preacher in that society.^* In consequence of which, having suf­fered much unmerited reproach, persecution and loss of property, in his native country, he after­wards removed to Pennsylvania, among the first, or early settlers, and was one of William Penn's most intimate friends. He was mostly one of the principal persons in the government, from his first arrival, and of very great service in the public affairs: Yet he appears to have so much disliked such a public kind of life, that, from the sole view of serving his country, when it so much needed it, he is said to have accepted of the eminent offices, which, at different times, he held in the admini­stration, &c. for he was so far from making advan­tage, or profit, to himself, by thus devoting his superior abilities, that it is asserted, he worsted, or lessened, his private estate thereby.

In both his civil and religious capacity, in divers respects, the great utility of his conduct and ma­nagement, during the infant and early state of [Page 399] the province and colony, appear to have been very extensive and conspicuous, till his death;Death and character of Th. Lloyd. inso­much that he was universally beloved by all degrees of the people, both for his good services, and the excellency of those amiable qualities, which, from the advantages of birth, education, religion, and good sense, are represented to have united in him, to distinguish his character, and render him a bright and shining example of piety, virtue and integrity, through every department, stage and vicissitude of both his private and public life.^*

CHAPTER XIII.

1693.WE now return to William Penn; who, in the latter part of the year 1693, through the mediation of his friends,W. Penn's enlargement, &c. the Lords, Rochester, Ranelagh and Sidney, in which the Lord Somers, the Duke of Buckingham and Sir John Trenchard were also assisting, was admitted to make his innocency ap­pear; which he did so effectually, that he was not only readily acquitted of the charge against him, but also had his government restored.

[Page 401]The three first mentioned Lords went to the King, on the 25th. of November, and represented to him William Penn's case, "As not only hard,Three Lords inter­sede with the King in favour of W. Penn. but oppressive; that there was nothing against him, but what impostors, or those, that were fled, or that had, since their pardon, refused to verify, and as [...]d William Penn pardon, for saying what they [...]) alledged against him; that they (the said Lords) had long known William Penn, some of them thirty years, and had never known him to do an ill thing, but many good offices; and, that, if it was not for being thought to go abroad in defiance of the government, he would have done it two years ago; that he was, therefore, willing to wait to go about his business, as before, with leav [...] that he might be the better respected, in the liberty he took to follow it."^*

[Page 402]King William answered, "That William Penn was his old acquaintance,King Wil­liam's an­swer, &c. as well as theirs;—that he might follow his business, as freely as ever; and that he had nothing to say to him."—Upon which they pressed him to command one of them to declare the same to the Secretary of State, Sir John Trenchard; that, if he came to him, or otherwise, he might signify the same to him; which [Page 403] the King readily did; and the Lord Sidney, as William Penn's greatest acquaintance, was to tell the Secretary; which being done, the Secretary, after speaking himself, and having orders from the King, appointed William Penn a time to meet him at home; who then (November 30th.) in company with the Marquis of Winchester, told him, "He was as free as ever," adding, "That he doubted not his prudence about his quiet living, so he assured him, he should not be molested, or injured, in any of his affairs, at least, while he held that post."

Soon after this William Penn lost his beloved wife, Gulielma Maria, Death of his wife Gu­lielma Ma­ria. who died in the Twelfth-month this year; (1693) with whom he had lived, in all the endearments of that nearest relation, about twenty-one years; her excellent character, and pious exit, are related by himself in his prin­ted works.

He was reinstated in his government of Pennsyl­vania, by letters patent,W. Penn is re-instated in his go­vernment & Markham appointed his deputy. dated 20th. day of Au­gust, in the sixth year of the reign of William and Mary; ^* (1694) after which he sent a commission [Page 404] to William Markham, 1694. constituting him his Lieu­tenant Governor of Pennsylvania and territories, dated Ninth-month 24th. 1694.

[Page 405]Now for several years successively his beneficent services, and useful actions, divers ways,His services in England, &c. in his native country, particularly to his own religious society, are represented to have been very conside­rable; in which time he published divers useful treatises, on different subjects; which may be seen in the collection of his writings in print; he was likewise a solicitor to the government, for the relief of his friends the Quakers, in the case of oaths.

On the fifth of the First-month 1695-6,W. Penn's second mar­riage, &c. he con­summated his second marriage, at Bristol, with Han­nah, the daughter of Thomas Callowhill, and grand daughter of Dennis Hollister, an eminent merchant [Page 406] of that city.1696. She was said to be a religious young woman, of excellent qualities; with whom he lived during the rest of his life; and had issue by her, four sons and one daughter.

Death of his eldest son Springett.In the Second-month, 1696, his eldest son, by his former wife, named Springett, died at Worm­inghurst, in Sussex, of a consumption, in the twenty-first year of his age; a most hopeful and promising young man; whose character may be seen in his father's writings, together with that of his mother, before mentioned.

W. Penn visits Ire­land, &c.After this William Penn paid a religious visit to his friends, the Quakers, in Ireland, accompanied by John Everott and Thomas Story; who were likewise two eminent preachers in that society; and he writ several treatises in vindication of his religious principles, &c. till the year 1699, when he began to make preparation to revisit his pro­vince of Pennsylvania.

Proceed­ings of Gov. Markham and the As­sembly. William Markham, being by the Proprietary, after is restoration, constituted, or appointed, his Deputy Governor, as before observed, first, under that appointment, met a Council on the 20th. of April, and an Assembly, on the 10th. of September, 1695; which, after they had sat some time, appear to have been unexpectedly dissolved [Page 407] by Markham. The form of the writ,1695. for calling that Assembly, was as follows, viz.

1696.After this he called another Assembly, to meet at Philadelphia, Proceed­ings of the Assembly. on the 26th. of the Eighth-month, 1696. This Assembly chose John Simcock of Chester, for their Speaker; and, in a message to the Go­vernor, [Page 409] they observed,1696. that though he had con­vened them, by his writs, not so conformable to their charter, as they could desire,Pro [...] ings o [...] [...] Assembly. (which was upon Fletcher's plan) yet they had obeyed the same, and considered what he had laid before them, viz. "To answer the late Queen's letter, and the Pro­prietary's promise upon his restoration to the go­vernment;" respecting which they told him, "That they were unanimously ready and willing to per­form their duty therein, so far as in them lay, if the Governor would settle them in their former constitution, enjoyed before the government was committed to Governor Fletcher's trust;" which affairs, with the proceedings of the last Assembly, appear more fully in the following remonstrance, viz.

Proceed­ing of the Governor & Assembly.It does not appear what particular answer the Governor gave to this remonstrance; but that the Speaker, with the house, waited upon him, at his desire; to whom he delivered a letter, from the late Governor Fletcher, requesting money, for the relief of the Indians at Albany. Upon which, on the 31st. of the Eighth-month, 1696, a committee of the house, being joined by a committee of the Council, in order to answer the Queen's letter, and preserve the people's privileges, agreed in re­commending the following expedient, viz.

[Page 415]"That the Governor, at the request of the Assembly, would be pleased to pass an act, (of settlement, must be understood) with a salvo to the Proprietary and people; and that he would also issue out his writs, for chusing a full number of representatives, on the 10th. day of the First-month next, to serve in Provincial Council and Assembly, according to the charter, until the Pro­prietary's pleasure be known therein; and that, if the Proprietary shall disapprove the same, then this act shall be void, and no ways prejudicial to him, nor the people, in relation to the va­lidity, or invalidity, of the said charter."—This was unanimously approved by the Assembly. A bill of settlement, and a money bill were there­upon agreed upon, prepared and passed.

The money bill was for raising three hundred pounds, for the support of government, and re­lieving the distressed Indians, inhabiting above Al­bany, in answer to the Queen's letter; which money, being immediately wanted, was, there­fore, borrowed, until it could be raised by the act, and remitted to Colonel Fletcher, at New-York, to be applied to the use intended.

The bill of settlement being finished,The third frame of go­vernment. besides four others, passed by Markham, it thence became the third frame of government; and, being after­wards enforced by some other laws, it continued in force till the year 1701.^*

In year 1697, Governor Fletcher of New-York, 1697. Fletcher solicits fur­ther aid for the Indians. in a letter to Markham, informed him, that the three hundred pounds, sent last year, was expend­ed in contingences, to feed and cloath the Indians, as was desired; and that he requested further assistance. A committee of the Council and Assem­bly, [Page 416] to whom the affair was referred,1697. in their re­port, in answer to this letter, expressed their acknowledgments for his, and that government's regard and candour to them, in applying that money to the use intended;—but, as to further supply, at present, they urged the infancy, poverty, and incumbered state of the colony, in excuse for non-compliance;—at the same time, declaring their readiness to observe the King's further commands, according to their, religious perswasions and abi­lities."

1698.From about this time, till the arrival of the Proprietary,Accounts at this time defective. in the latter part of the year 1699, the accounts of the public affairs appear defective, or not many of much importance now occur. The province seems, at that time, to have enjoyed a state of great tranquillity and prosperity, when compared with that of other countries; but, it cannot be supposed, without some of those diffi­culties, which always attend the settlement of new colonies, and generally affect some more than others, of those concerned, and, in proportion, cause uneasinesses among them; from which it would be unreasonable, even, to expect an entire exemption, in the state of human affairs; And, as prosperity and success create envy, in malignant [Page 417] minds, so we find, in this province, that what­ever was a little amiss, at any time, it was gene­rally exaggerated, and its true state misrepresented,This colony had enemies after the re­volution. either by those who were natural enemies to its prosperity, or by discontented spirits, within it, both in early time and since: This appears, at least, in part, to have been the cause of depriving the Proprietary of his government, in 1692; and of some part, of the royal requisitions, from such an infant, incumbered, and particularly circum­stanced colony, both in early and later times.

But however wicked people may endeavour to cover themselves, by mixing among those of re­putation, and the dishonest screen their character, by associating with the honest, yet something of this malignity of mind in some persons out of the province, besides what might, in reality, have been out of order in it, seems, at least, in part, to have administered occasion, for the following proclamation, with some others of the same nature, which were published in the year, 1698.

CHAPTER XIV.

1699.IN the Sixth-month of the year 1699, William Penn, with his wife and family, took shipping for Pennsylvania; W. Penn fails for Pennsylva­nia. and, on the third day of the next following month, from on board the ship, lying in Cowes' road, near the Isle of Weight, he took his farewell of his Friends, in a valedictory epistle, directed to all the people called Quakers, in Europe. ^* [Page 421] He sailed on the ninth of the same month; and was near three months out at sea; so that he did not arrive in Pennsylvania until the beginning of the Tenth-month: when a dangerous and contagious distemper, called the Yellow Fever, Yellow Fe­ver in Philadelphia. having raged in the province, and carried off great numbers of people, had ceased. This remarkable sickness, which, in the latter part of this year, had caused a great mortality in Philadelphia, had, for some time before, been very fatal in some parts of the West India islands.

Thomas Story, Tho. Story arrives in Pennsylva­nia. before mentioned to have accom­panied William Penn to Ireland, in the last year, 1698, a man of note and good abilities, and after­wards of much utility, in divers respects, to the province, first arrived in Pennsylvania, in, or about, this same year, 1699, by way of Virginia, on a re­ligious visit to the colonies, in the service of preach­ing the gospel.^* In his Journal of his Life, speak­ing [Page 422] of this sickness, at Philadelphia, where he was then present, he says:— "Great was the Majesty and Hand of the Lord,His account of the effect of this sick­ness in Phi­ladelphia. great was the fear, that fell upon all flesh; I saw no lofty, or airy counte­nance, nor heard any vain jesting, to move men to laughter; nor witty repartee, to raise mirth; nor extravagant feasting, to excite the lusts and desires of the flesh above measure; but every face gathered paleness, and many hearts were humbled, and countenances fallen and sunk, as such that waited, every moment, to be summoned to the bar, and numbered to the grave."

[Page 423]The Proprietary and his family were received with the universal joy of the inhabitants, in gene­ral; which was the greater,The Pro­prietor re­ceived with great joy. on account of his known intention to fix his residence among them, during the remainder of his life.

Soon after his arrival he met the Assembly;The Pro­prietor meets the Assem­bly, &c. but it being then a very rigorous season, in the winter, much public business does not appear to have been transacted, at that time, besides attempting to dis­courage piracy and illicit trade; for which princi­pally, at that time, the Proprietary seems to have convened them. He strongly represented the odium,Piracy and illicit trade discouraged to which he said this government was exposed at home, on this account; and the obligations, which he was under, to his superiors, to correct the same: Hence two laws were passed, for these pur­poses, and measures taken to clear the government from all unjust imputations of this nature.^*

In the First-month of the year 1700,1700. William Penn, at the monthly-meeting of his Friends,W. Penn's concern for the Indians and Negroes the Quakers, in Philadelphia, laid before them his con­cern, in which, he said, his mind had long been engaged, for the benefit and welfare of the Negroes and Indians; exhorting and pressing them to the full discharge of their duty, every way, in refe­rence to these people; but more especially in re­gard to their mental part; that they might as fre­quently as possible have the advantage of attending religious meetings, and the benefit of being duly informed in the true Christian religion. Hence a meeting was appointed more particularly for the Negroes once every month; and means were used to have more frequent meetings with the Indians; William Penn taking part of the charge upon him­self, particularly, the manner of it, and the pro­curing of interpreters.

[Page 424] 1700.The next Assembly was convened at Philadel­phia, on the 10th. day of the Third-month; which was dissolved in the next month following,An Assem­bly held at Philadel­phia, and another at Newcastle. and another convened at Newcastle, in October. The and upper counties, or the province, being dissatisfied with the charter, which had been passed by Mark­ham, in 1696, part of the business of these Assem­blies was the consideration and preparation of a new one, better adapted to their minds and cir­cumstances.

Prepara­tion of the new charterThe Proprietary had divers meetings with the different Assemblies, during his residence in the province; wherein a great variety of public busi­ness was transacted with much harmony, and ge­neral satisfaction: Part of which was the framing a body of laws, with the aforesaid new and last charter of privileges; the latter of which was not finished till the month of October, in the next fol­lowing year.^*

[Page 425]In the beginning of the Sixth-month, 1701,1701. the Proprietary acquainted the Assembly,The pro­prietor lays the King's letter before the Assem­bly. "That the occasion of his calling them, at that time (though it was with reluctance, considering the season) was, to lay before them the King's letter, requiring three hundred and fifty pounds sterling, from this government, towards the fortifications, intended on the frontiers of New-York; and though he might have something else to lay before them, yet he deferred all, till they had considered this point."—

After considering and debating on the subject of this letter, the Assembly excused themselves, at present, from complying with the said requisition, by the following address to the Proprietary, viz.

Though the Assembly, in this case, appeared not unwilling to contribute to the common defence, if the circumstances of the colony would have per­mitted; and the Proprietary himself particularly further urged a compliance, in this matter, in his speech to the next following Assembly; yet the na­ture of this letter and requisition, to such a young and infant colony, considering the principles, upon which it was primarily planted and founded, seems to indicate,Pennsyl­vania not without enemies at Court. that it was not without enemies, at Court: for the pacific principles and motives, or views, of William Penn, and of the first and early adventurers, in general, under him, in their settling this wilderness, 'tis presumed, could not possibly be less known, at this time, to the admi­nistration at home, than they were before, to the persons in power, when the royal charter was granted by King Charles the second; from which knowledge of them it was impossible that any thing [Page 427] immediately, or directly, of a military nature could reasonably be expected in the settlement:—which charter expressly mentions, the motives for the said grant were,Motives for the grant & settlement of Pennsyl­vania.—"A commendable desire of William Penn to enlarge our English empire, and promote such useful commodities as may be of benefit to us, and our dominions, and also to reduce the savage natives, by gentle and just manners, to the love of civil society, and Christian religion;"—besides a debt, due from the government to his father, ad­miral Penn.

Such motives as these,Pennsyl­vania was not first set­tled from views of a military na­ture, but the contrary. and not those of a mili­tary nature, were most certainly the chief induce­ment for the settlement of Pennsylvania, not only in the settlers themselves, together with the peace­able enjoyment of their religion, and civil liber­ties, but also in those, who made the grant;—if they properly knew to whom, and on what prin­ciples they made it; which it would be very absurd to deny:—As for the experiment, or consequence, of the operation of these principles, or motives, in the province, it will, in part, hereafter appear in this history.

The cultivation of peace and civilization, and of the articles of trade and commerce, in which the Quakers were known to excel,War not better than peace, &c. must be ac­knowledged to be no less important and necessary, to render a state happy and prosperous, than wea­pons of war, and fighting of battles; and these people were then, and have since been still more known, from experience, to practise, as well as profess, those ways and means, which excel the latter, so far as the prevention of an evil does the cure of it.

Moreover, since it is improbable,Motives and means of peace ra­ther to be encouraged. that people of this kind will ever be very numerous, if we judge of the future by what is past; but that war and its consequences, will be more likely to prevail among the generality of mankind, so long as the cause [Page 428] of it exists in the human race; so the rarity of such people, their innocence, and known great utility, in other respects, seem, according to reason, to render them rather objects of encouragement, in their own way, than of oppression, even, from the military department itself, but more especially so, [...]here peace is preferred to war:—But, if it should be otherwise, and they should so increase, as much to prevail among mankind, then the oc­casion for war would consequently so much de­crease, or be taken away; which would be a hap­py change indeed.

Transacti­ons between W. Penn & the Indians.In the Second-month, 1701, Connoodaghtoh, king of the Susquahanna, Minquays or Conestogo Indians; Wopaththa. (alias Opessah) king of the Shawanese; Weewhinjough, chief of the Ganawese, inhabiting of the head of Potomack; also Ahookassongh, bro­ther to the emperor, (or great king of the Onon­dagoes) of the Five Nations, having arrived at Phi­ladelphia, with other Indians of note, &c. in num­ber about forty, after a treaty, and several speeches between them and William Penn, in Council, the following articles of agreement were solemnly made, concluded, and the instrument for the same, duly executed by both parties, viz.

Articles of Agree­ment."ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, indented, made, concluded and agreed upon, at Philadelphia, the 23d. day of the Second-month, called April, 1701, between William Penn, Proprietary and Governor of the Province of Pensilvania, and territories thereunto belonging, on the one part, and Con­noodaghtoh, king of the Indians, inhabiting upon and about, the river Susquahanna, in the said pro­vince, and Widaagh (alias Orettyagh;) Koqueash and Andaggy, Junckquagh, chiefs of the said nations of Indians; and Wopaththa, king, and Lemoytungh and Pemoyajoaagh, chiefs of the nations of the Shawanna Indians; and Ahookassongh, brother to the emperor, [Page 429] for, and in behalf of the emperor; and Weewhin­jough, Chequittayh, Takyewsan & Woapraskoa, chiefs of the nations of the Indians, inhabiting in and about the northern part of the river Potomack, in the said province, for, and in behalf of themselves and suc­cessors, and their several nations and people, on the other part, as followeth:

"That,Their friendship confirmed. as hitherto there hath always been a good understanding and neighbourhood between the said William Penn, and his Lieutenants, since his first arrival in the said province, and the several nations of Indians, inhabiting in and about the same, so there shall be, for ever hereafter, a firm and last­ing peace continued between William Penn, his heirs and successors, and all the English, and other Chris­tian inhabitants of the said province, and the said kings and chiefs, and their successors, and all the several people of the nations of Indians aforesaid; and that they shall, for ever hereafter, be as one head, and one heart, and live in true friendship and amity, as one people.

"Item, That the said kings and chiefs (each for himself, and his people, engaging) shall, at no time,Never to injure one another. hurt, injure, or defraud, or suffer to be hurt, injur­ed, or defrauded, by any of their Indians, any inha­bitant, or inhabitants of the said province, either their persons or estates; And that the said William Penn, his heirs and successors, shall not suffer to be done, or committed, by any of the subjects of En­gland, within the said province, any act of hostility, or violence, wrong or injury to, or against any of the said Indians; but shall, on both sides, at all times, readily do justice, and perform all acts and offices of friendship and good-will, to oblige each other to a lasting peace, as aforesaid.

"Item, To be sub­ject to the laws of the government. That all and every of the said kings and chiefs, and all and every particular of the nations under them, shall, at all times, behave themselves regularly and soberly, according to the laws of [Page 430] this government, while they live near, or among the Christian inhabitants thereof, and that the said Indians shall have the full and free privileges and immunities of all the said laws, as any other in­habitant; they duly owning and acknowledging the authority of the crown of England, and go­vernment of this province.

Not to aid or abet the enemies of the govern­ment. "Item, That none of the said Indians shall, at any time, be aiding, assisting, or abetting any other nation, whether Indians, or others, that shall not, at such time, be in amity with the crown of Eng­land, and with this government.

To give due notice of all De­signs. "Item, That, if, at any time, any of the said Indians, by means of evil minded persons, and sowers of sedition, should hear any unkind or dis­advantageous reports of the English, as if they had evil designs against any of the said Indians, in such case, such Indians shall send notice thereof, to the said William Penn, his heirs, or successors, or their lieutenants, and shall not give credence to the said reports, till by that means they shall be fully satis­fied concerning the truth thereof; and that the said William Penn, his heirs and successors, or their lieutenants, shall, at all times, in such case, do the like by them.

Not to ad­mit strange Indians to settle in the province. "Item, That the said kings and chiefs, and their successors, shall not suffer any strange nations of Indians to settle, or plant, on the further side of Susquahanna, or about Potomack river, but such as are there already seated, nor bring any other Indi­ans into any part of this province, without the spe­cial approbation and permission of the said William Penn, his heirs and successors.

Regulation of the In­dian trade. "Item, That, for the prevention of abuses, that are too frequently put upon the said Indians, in trade, the said William Penn, his heirs and suc­cessors, shall not suffer, or permit, any person to trade, or converse, with any of the said Indians, [Page 431] but such as shall be first allowed and approved, by an instrument, under the hand and seal of him, the said William Penn, or his heirs, or successors, or their Lieutenants; and that the said Indians shall suffer no person whatsoever to buy or sell, or have commerce with any of them, the said Indians, but such as shall first be approved, as aforesaid.

"Item, That the said Indians shall not sell, or dispose of, any of their skins, peltry, or furs, or any other effects of their hunting, to any person, or persons whatsoever, out of the said province, nor to any other person, but such as shall be au­thorised, to trade with them, as aforesaid: And, that, for their encouragement, the said William Penn, his heirs and successors, shall take care to have them, the said Indians, duly furnished with all sorts of necessary goods, for their use, at rea­sonable rates.

"Item, That the Potomack Indians, aforesaid,Of the Po­tomack In­dians. with their colony, shall have free leave of the said William Penn, to settle upon any part of Potomack river, within the bounds of this province: They strictly observing and practising all, and singular, the articles aforesaid, to them relating.

"Item, The Indians of Conestogo, upon,Confirma­tion of for­mer sale of lands, &c. and about, the river, Susquahanna, and more especi­ally, the said Connoodaghtoh, their king, doth fully agree to, and by these presents, absolutely ratify the bargain and sale of lands, lying near and about the said river, formerly made to the said William Penn, his heirs and successors; and since, by Orettyagh and Andaggy, Junckquagh, parties to these presents, confirmed to the said William Penn, his heirs and successors, by a deed, bearing date, the 13th. day of September last, under their hands and seals, duly executed. And the said Connoo­daghtoh doth, for himself and his nation, covenant and agree, that he will at all times, be ready fur­ther [Page 432] to confirm, and make good the said sale, ac­cording to the tenor of the same; and that the said Indians of Susquahanna shall answer the said William Penn, his heirs and successors, for the good behaviour and conduct of the said Potomack Indians; and for their performing the several arti­cles herein expressed.

W. Penn obliges him­self, &c. to perpetual friendship with the In­dians. "Item, The said William Penn doth hereby pro­mise, for himself, his heirs and successors, that he and they will, at all times, shew themselves true friends and brothers to all, and every of the said Indians, by assisting them with the best of their advices, directions and counsels, and will, in all things, just and reasonable, befriend them; they behaving themselves, as aforesaid, and sub­mitting to the laws of this province, in all things, as the English, and other Christians therein, do;— To which they, the said Indians, hereby agree and oblige themselves, and their posterity for ever.

These Ar­ticles never to be broken "In witness whereof, the said parties have, as a confirmation, made mutual presents to each other; the Indians, in five parcels of skins, and the said William Penn, in several English goods and mer­chandizes, as a binding pledge of the premises, never to be broken or violated;—And, as a fur­ther testimony thereof, have also to these presents set their hands and seals, the day and year above written."

Abuses in the Indian trade, &c.After this, in the Third-month, the Proprietary having represented to the Council, the great abuses, committed in the Indian trade, with the dangers and disadvantages, which might arise from thence to the province, and having proposed, that proper measures should be concerted, for the regulation thereof, and for redressing certain grievances, re­specting the same,Resolution to correct them. it was Resolved, as absolutely necessary, that some effectual method should be agreed on and used for carrying on the trade by a [Page 433] certain number, or company, of persons, with a joint stock, under certain regulations and restric­tions, more particularly in regard to spirituous li­quors sold them; which company should use all reasonable means and endeavours to induce the Indians to a true sense of a proper value and esteem of the Christian religion, by setting before them good examples of probity and candour, both in commerce and behaviour; and that care should be taken to have them duly instructed in the fun­damentals of Christianity:—This appears after­wards to have been, in a good degree, put in execution, so far as was judged requisite, or found practicable.

CHAPTER XV.

1701.IT was thought, from some circumstances, that the Proprietary's real intention,The Proprietary's application & diligence at this time, was to spend the remainder of his life, in his province, as himself declared, and that without being obliged to cross the ocean any more; he accordingly ap­plied himself with much diligence and assiduity to the offices of government, and the establishment of wholesome regulations and usages; in which the inevitable difficulties, arising from the various dispo­sitions,Yet cannot please all. and opposite interests and claims of such a mixture of different kinds of people and humours, [Page 435] as the colony consisted of, and in so much liberty as they enjoyed, afforded him much trial of skill and patience: yet his administration was distinguished by great paternal care and influence, as well as pro­vident circumspection; and both the province and territories, notwithstanding the difficulties, hard­ships, and inevitable disappointments, which, more or less, always attend the settlement and well or­dering of any new country, appear to have so much tried the patience of some of the people, as to occasion him more trouble, in some respects, than otherwise probably would have been necessary, were, in reality, when compared with other places of similar age and circumstances, in an easy, flou­rishing and happy condition.

But, during this time of his absence from En­gland, Transac­tions in En­gland call home the Proprietary it appears that measures were in agitation there, for reducing both his, and the other pro­prietary governments, in America, into regal ones, under pretence of advancing the prerogative of the crown, and the national advantage;^* and a bill, for that purpose, was actually brought into the House of Lords: Upon which, such of the owners of land in Pennsylvania, as were then in [Page 436] England, immediately represented the hardship of their case to the Parliament, soliciting time for William Penn's return, to answer for himself; and accordingly they dispatched to him an account of the state of the affair, and pressed his return, as soon as possible; with which he found it indispen­sably necessary to comply.He sum­mons the Assembly. This first occasioned his summoning of that Assembly, which agreed to the charter of privileges before mentioned; to whom, on the 16th. of September, 1701, he made the following speech,^* viz.

To this speech the Assembly replied in the fol­lowing address.

After this the Assembly presented to him ano­ther address, consisting of twenty-one articles. It respected his successor, in the government, and [Page 439] the confirmation of certain privileges, therein spe­cified. To every one of which he made a special answer. The first of these articles, so far as re­garded a proper person to succeed him, as Deputy, being particularly insisted on, he condesended so much as to make them an offer, to nominate a substitute themselves! From which, acknowledg­ing the favor offered them, they modestly excused themselves; declaring they did not think them­selves qualified for the choice, and desired to leave it to the Governor's pleasure. The rest of the petition of this address (which,Vide Ap­pendix, No. 5. with the Gover­nor's answer, may be seen in the appendix No. 5) so far as the Proprietary thought proper to com­ply with it, was either afterwards granted, in the two charters of the province and city, then in agitation, or otherwise mutually agreed, to gene­ral satisfaction; though in some parts of it, the Assembly had meddled with his property, in such a particular manner, as, he declares, was not pro­perly cognizable by them, in that capacity.^*

The Sachems of the Susquahanna and Shawanna Indians, and others of that people,The In­dians come to take leave of the Pro­prietor. being come to Philadelphia, to take leave of the Proprietary, on [Page 440] the 7th. of the Eighth-month, he spoke to them in Council,His speech to them. ^* and told them, "That the Assembly was then enacting a law, according to their desire, to prevent their being abused by selling of rum among them; that he requested them to unite all their endeavours, and their utmost exertion, in conjunction with those of the government, to put the said law in execution.

At the same time he likewise informed them, "That now,Extract from the Minutes of Council. this was like to be his last interview with them, at least before his return;—That he had always loved and been kind to them; and ever should continue so to be, not through any politic design, or, on account of self interest, but from a most real affection:"—"And he desired them, in his absence, to cultivate friendship with those, whom he should leave behind in authority; as they would always, in some degree, continue to be so to them, as himself had ever been;—Lastly, That he had charged the members of Council, and then also renewed the same charge, that they should, in all respects, be kind to them, and entertain them with all courtesy and demonstrations of good-will, as himself had ever done: which the said members promised faithfully to observe;—then, after mak­ing them some presents, they withdrew."

Disagree­ment be­tween the Province & Territories.But during these transactions, and while the charter of privileges was under consideration and preparing, the disagreement, which had before ap­peared, between the members of Assembly for the the province and those for the territories, began again to exhibit itself, and grow worse, tending to an open rupture. The territory men were said to have been for obtaining some exclusive powers, or rights, particular to themselves, which, being [Page 441] thought unreasonable, could not, therefore, be granted them; and not being able to carry their point, on the 10th. instant,Disagree­ment be­tween the Province & Territories. the members for the territories abruptly left the House; declaring their intention of returning to their respective homes. But, on the 14th. most of them appeared before the Proprietary, in Council, remonstrating against some proceedings of the Assembly, on the 10th. instant, which, they declared, were, in their con­sequences, highly injurious and destructive to the privileges of the lower counties, and which, consis­tent with their duty to their constituents, they ap­prehended, they could not sit there, to see carried on; and, therefore, they informed the Governor, they thought it best for them to depart to their re­spective habitations:—

The Proprietary further enquired into the affair and both heard and answered all their reasons and objections; and then told them, "That he took this their conduct very unkind, even to himself in particular."

Upon which Jasper Yeates, in behalf of the rest, endeavoured to excuse, or further explain, their behaviour, in this action, by declaring their great affection and regard for the Proprietary, but, that they must be true to those, whom they repre­sented.—

At another meeting of the Proprietary and Mem­bers of Council, on the same day, the Assembly being sent for, both those for the province, and the secluding members appeared;

The Proprietary told them, "That his time being short, he must come briefly to the point; that it was no small wound to him, to think, that at the earnest desire of the lower counties, as well as the good-will of the upper, he had engaged in an un­dertaking, which cost him, at least, two or three thousand pounds, to unite them, and yet, that they should now endanger that union, and divide, after [Page 442] they had been recognized as one, not only by the King's commission to Governor Fletcher, but also by his letters patent, The Pro­prietor en­deavours to reconcile the Province & Territories. for his own restoration, and the King's several letters:—he, therefore, would not have any thing resolved on, but what was consider­ate and weighty, lest it should look as unkind, and now, at his departure, carry a very ill report of them to England."

The territory members objected, that they were great sufferers by that act of union, however it was, at first, intended; and could not support the burden of the charge.

The Proprietary replied, "They were free to break off, and might act distinctly by themselves;" at which they seemed pleased, and expressed their satisfaction; "But then," continued the Proprietary, "it must be upon amicable terms, and a good un­derstanding;—That they must first resolve to settle the laws;—and that, as the interest of the province, and that of those lower counties would be insepara­bly the same, they should both use a conduct con­sistent with that relation," &c.