IN meeting you on this occasion, I am deeply impressed with circumstances which demand the warmest congratulations. We cannot survey the present condition of the civilized world, without forming a contrast, at once pleasing and melancholy, between our peaceful and happy situation, and the convulsed and distracted state of those countries with which we are most nearly connected. No in­vidious feelings—no insensibility to the calamities of others, will be supposed to suggest this compa­rison. It is forced upon us by a conjuncture in human affairs so extraordinary and interesting, that no one can be inattentive to it—so gloomy and dark, that none can calculate the danger, or see the end.

[Page 8] At this aera, momentous at present, but still more pregnant with the future, the voice of Hu­manity, alas! is but too seldom heard. Persecuted and chased from almost every corner of the globe, she knows not where to find an asylum. The struggles of Ambition, grasping and devouring every thing within his reach; and the desolations of War, widely spread, and murderous beyond former example, exhibit the prominent features of Europe, and engross, almost exclusively, the atten­tion of the passing hour. Europe, more highly favoured and cultivated than the rest of the world, and regarding the other quarters of the globe with a fastidious superiority, is become as pre-eminent in crimes, as in opulence, refinement, and power. She offers few examples, but those of rapine and violence—little intercourse, but such as is calcu­lated to corrupt and destroy.

From scenes equally affecting to our view, and destructive to human happiness, let us turn away our eyes, and fix them on the means of promoting the welfare and improvement of our own country. Among these, there is one object which pathetically invites our attention. The institution of the SOCIETY which I have now the honour to address, and the occasion of the present meeting, designate this object. The importance of it can escape the observation of none. For, however justly we may prize the comparative felicity of our country; how­ever [Page 9] justly we may exult in the excellence of our Constitution, and the humanity of our laws; we are forbidden to be idle, while a single source of human misery, admitting of relief, remains to tar­nish our character.

That, in the close of the eighteenth century, it should be esteemed proper and necessary, in any civilized country, to institute discourses to oppose the slavery and commerce of the human species, is a wonderful fact in the annals of society! But that this country should be America, is a solecism only to be accounted for by the general inconsist­ency of the human character. But, after all the surprise that Patriotism can feel, and all the Indig­nation that Morality can suggest on this subject, the humiliating tale must be told—that in this free country—in this country, the plains of which are still stained with blood shed in the cause of liberty,—in this country, from which has been proclaimed to distant lands, as the basis of our political exist­ence, the noble principle, that "ALL MEN ARE BORN FREE AND EQUAL,"—in this country there are slaves!—men are bought and sold! Strange, indeed! that the bosom which glows at the name of liberty in general, and the arm which has been so vigorously exerted in vindication of human rights, should yet be found leagued on the side of oppression, and opposing their avowed prin­ciples!

[Page 10] Much, indeed, has been done by many benevo­lent individuals and societies, to abolish this dis­graceful practice, and to improve the condition of those unhappy people, whom the ignorance or the avarice of our ancestors has bequeathed to us as slaves. Still, however, notwithstanding all the la­bours and eloquence which have been directed against it, the evil continues; still laws and prac­tices exist, which loudly call for reform; still MORE THAN HALF A MILLION of our fellow creatures in the United States are deprived of that which, next to life, is the dearest birth-right of man.

To deliver the plain dictates of humanity, jus­tice, religion, and good policy, on this subject, is the design of the present discourse. In doing this, it will not be expected that any thing new should be offered. It is not a new subject; and every point of view in which it can be considered has been long since rendered familiar by the ingenious and the humane. All that is left for me is, to bring to your remembrance principles which, how­ever well known, cannot be too often repeated; and to exhibit some of the most obvious arguments against an evil which, though generally acknow­ledged, is still practically persisted in.

And here I shall pass over in silence the unnum­bered cruelties, and the violations of every natural and social tie, which mark the African trade, and [Page 11] which attend the injured captives in dragging them from their native shores, and from all the attach­ments of life. I shall not call you to contemplate the miseries and hardships which follow them into servitude, and render their life a cup of unmingled bitterness. Unwilling to wound your feelings, or my own, by the melancholy recital, over these scenes I would willingly draw a veil; and confine myself to principles and views of the subject more immediately applicable to ourselves.

That enslaving, or continuing to hold in slavery, those who have forfeited their liberty by no crime, is contrary to the dictates both of justice and hu­manity, I trust few who hear me will be disposed to deny. However the judgment of some may be biassed by the supposed peculiarity of certain cases, I presume that, with regard to the abstract prin­ciple, there can be but one opinion among en­lightened and candid minds. What is the end of all social connection but the advancement of hu­man happiness? And what can be a more plain and indisputable principle of republican govern­ment, than that all the right which society possess over individuals, or one man over another, must be founded either upon contract, express or im­plied, or upon forfeiture by crime? But, are the Africans and their descendants enslaved upon either of these principles? Have they voluntarily sur­rendered their liberty to their whiter brethren? Or [Page 12] have they forfeited their natural right to it by the violation of any law? Neither of these is pre­tended by the most zealous advocates for slavery. By what ties, then, are they held in servitude? By the ties of force and injustice only; by ties which are equally opposed to the reason of things, and to the fundamental principles of all legitimate association.

In the present age and country, none, I pre­sume▪ will rest a defence of slavery on the ground of superior force; the right of captivity; or any similar principle, which the ignorance and the fe­rocity of ancient times admitted as a justifiable tenure of property. It is to be hoped the time is passed, never more to return, when men would recognize maxims as subversive of morality as they are of social happiness. Can the laws and rights of war be properly drawn into precedent for the imitation of sober and regular government? Can we sanction the detestable idea, that liberty is only an advantage gained by strength, and not a right derived from nature's God? Such sentiments become the abodes of demons, rather than societies of civilized men.

Pride, indeed, may contend, that these unhappy subjects of our oppression are an inferior race of beings; and are therefore assigned by the strictest justice to a depressed and servile station in society. But in what does this inferiority consist? In a [Page 13] difference of complexion and figure? Let the nar­row and illiberal mind, who can advance such an argument, recollect whither it will carry him. In traversing the various regions of the earth, from the Equator to the Pole, we find an infinite diver­sity of shades in the complexion of men, from the darkest to the fairest hues. If, then, the proper station of the African is that of servitude and de­pression, we must also contend, that every Portu­guese and Spaniard is, though in a less degree, in­ferior to us, and should be subject to a measure of the same degradation. Nay, if the tints of colour be considered the test of human dignity, we may justly assume a haughty superiority over our southern brethren of this continent, and devise their subju­gation. In short, upon this principle, where shall liberty end? or where shall slavery begin? At what grade is it that the ties of blood are to cease? And how many shades must we descend still lower in the scale, before mercy is to vanish with them?

But, perhaps, it will be suggested, that the Af­ricans and their descendants are inferior to their whiter brethren in intellectual capacity, if not in complexion and figure. This is strongly asserted, but upon what ground? Because we do not see men who labour under every disadvantage, and who have every opening faculty blasted and de­stroyed by their depressed condition, signalize themselves as philosophers? Because we do not find [Page 14] men who are almost entirely cut off from every source of mental improvement, rising to literary honours? To suppose the Africans of an inferior radical character, because they have not thus dis­tinguished themselves, is just as rational as to sup­pose every private citizen of an inferior species, who has not raised himself to the condition of royalty. But, the truth is, many of the negroes discover great ingenuity, notwithstanding their circumstances are so depressed, and so unfavourable to all cultivation. They become excellent me­chanics and practical musicians, and, indeed, learn every thing their masters take the pains to teach them.^* And how far they might improve in this respect, were the same advantages conferred on them that freemen enjoy, is impossible for us to decide until the experiment be made.

ARISTOTLE long ago said—‘Men of little genius, and great bodily strength, are by nature destined to serve, and those of a better capacity to command. The natives of Greece, and of some other countries, being naturally superior in genius, have a natural right to empire; and the rest of mankind, being naturally stupid, are des­tined [Page 15] to labour and slavery.’ ^* What would this great philosopher have thought of his own reasoning, had he lived till the present day? On the one hand, he would have seen his country­men, of whose genius he boasts so much, lose with their liberty all mental character; while, on the other, he would have seen many nations, whom he consigned to everlasting stupidity, shew them­selves equal in intellectual power to the most ex­alted of human kind.

Again—Avarice may clamorously contend, that the laws of property justify slavery; and that every one has an undoubted right to whatever has been obtained by fair purchase or regular descent. To this demand the answer is plain. The right which every man has to his personal liberty is paramount to all the laws of property. The right which every one has to himself infinitely transcends all other human tenures. Of consequence, the latter can never be set in opposition to the former. I do not mean, at present, to decide the question, whether the possessors of slaves, when called upon by public authority to manumit them, should be indemnified for the loss they sustain. This is a separate ques­tion, and must be decided by a different tribunal from that before which I bring the general subject. All I contend for at present is, that no claims of property can ever justly interfere with, or be suf­fered [Page 16] to impede the operation of that noble and eternal principle, that ‘all men are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights—and that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.’

These principles and remarks would doubtless appear self-evident to all, were the case of the unhappy Africans for a moment made our own. Were it made a question, whether justice per­mitted the sable race of Guinea to carry us away captive from our own country, and from all its tender attachments, to their own land, and there enslave us and our posterity for ever;—were it made a question, I say, whether all this would be consistent with justice and humanity, one universal and clamorous negative would show how abhorrent the principle is from our minds, when not blinded by prejudice. Tell us, ye who were lately pining in ALGERINE BONDAGE! tell us whether all the wretched sophistry of pride, or of avarice, could ever reconcile you to the chains of barbarians, or convince you that man had a right to oppress and injure man? Tell us what were your feelings, when you heard the pityless tyrant, who had taken or bought you, plead either of these rights for your detention; and justify himself by the specious pretences of capture or of purchase, in riveting your chains?

[Page 17] Let none say, that, notwithstanding all these rea­sonings, the slaves are happier in a state of servitude, than they would be if set at liberty, especially when they are treated with lenity, and provided for in a comfortable manner. That there are different de­grees of wretchedness among them, in different cir­cumstances, no one can doubt: and when they fall into the hands of the humane and kind, their depres­sion is less—far less miserable, than when the torture of whips, the pains of hunger and nakedness, and the unreasonable impositions of hard task-masters, are added to servitude. On this account, I am happy in being able to say, that the lot of slaves among us is, in general, much more tolerable than that of those in some other parts even of our own country. But still they are both in bondage. However favoured the situation of either, they are both deprived of that blessing, in possession of which the barren rock has its joys, and without which Eden itself would be a gloomy scene. After all the sordid pleas of those who would measure out enjoyment for them, they are forced to submit to an evil which, ‘how­ever disguised, is a bitter draught, and ever will be so till Nature herself shall change.’

But higher laws than those of common justice and humanity may be urged against slavery. I mean THE LAWS OF GOD, revealed in the scrip­tures of truth. This divine system, in which we profess to believe and to glory, teaches us, that [Page 18] God has made of one blood all nations of men tha [...] dwell on the face of the whole earth. It teaches us, that, of whatever kindred or people, we are all children of the same common Father; dependent on the same mighty power; and candidates for the same glorious immortality. It teaches us, that we should do to all men whatever we, in like circum­stances, would that they should do unto us. It teaches us, in a word, that love to man, and a constant pursuit of human happiness, is the sum of all social duty.—Principles these, which wage eternal war both with political and domestic slave­ry—Principles which forbid every species of domi­nation, excepting that which is founded on con­sent, or which the welfare of society requires.

There have not been wanting, indeed, men as ignorant as they were impious, who have appealed to the sacred scriptures for a defence of slavery. They have dared to seek for a justification of in­juries and oppression in a volume, which teaches nothing but peace on earth, and good will towards men. As a specimen of their reasoning—Some have contended, ‘that the Africans are the poste­rity of HAM, one of the sons of NOAH; that, as it was declared by divine inspiration, that his descendants should be servants to their brethren, so reducing them to a state of slavery is only ac­complishing the will of heaven.’—But this plea can never be maintained, either upon the ground [Page 19] of fact, or of sober principle. The curse pronounced upon HAM was evidently a limited one, and ex­tended only to a part of his posterity. It was only said, that the descendants of CANAAN, one of the four sons of HAM, should serve the posterity of SHEM and JAPHET. This curse, then, had no­thing to do with the African nations, who have been so much abused by the civilized world; but was partly fulfilled, when the descendants of CA­NAAN in PALESTINE became hewers of wood and drawers of water to the ISRAELITES, who were the descendants of SHEM: and afterwards was com­pletely accomplished, when the CARTHAGINIANS and TYRIANS were subdued by SCIPIO and ALEXANDER.^*

But, admitting the curse pronounced upon HAM to have all the meaning and extension which the advocates for slavery contend; yet we are to re­member it was prophetical in its nature; and though infinite Wisdom designed to fulfil it, still it is plain, the agents in bringing about the fulfilment cannot be considered the less criminal on this account. It was prophesied, that the SAVIOUR OF THE WORLD should be crucified, long before that important event took place; and yet, I presume, none ever supposed that this consideration exculpated his murderers. The truth is, if our being made instru­ments [Page 20] of accomplishing the designs of heaven takes away guilt, there is no such thing as crime in the world; the most execrable cruelty that ever dis­graced mankind must be pronounced right; and the work of carnage and death, in every age, must receive the benediction of the wise and the good!

The practice of the JEWS, the chosen people of God, has also been supposed, by some, to fur­nish a precedent which we might lawfully follow. That the children of Israel had the permission of God to purchase bondmen and bondwomen of the heathen nations which were round about them, and even to retain some of their own people in ser­vitude, for a limited time, is readily granted. But this permission appears to have been particularly designed for that people, and was not extended to the rest of mankind. It stands on the same ground with many other things, which they were permitted to do, on account of their separation from the rest of the world, and on account of the comparatively servile nature of their dispensation; but in which it would be extremely criminal for us to imitate them. As well might the midnight murderer plead, as an apology for his crime, that God's cho­sen people were once ordered to destroy the guilty heathen who inhabited the promised land. Be­sides, if this permission, given to the children of Israel, on a special occasion, and for wise purposes, be considered as extending to all succeeding times [Page 21] and people, where shall its operation begin? and where shall it end? If this principle be admitted, then every nation on earth is at liberty to purchase and enslave the citizens of every other. If this be the case, we have a right to make merchandize of our white brethren in Europe, if any can be found so base as to seize and sell them to us; and they, on the other hand, have a like privilege to institute a trade in the flesh of AMERICAN FREEMEN!—Will any say, that this is a forced conclusion? No—though justice, humanity, and religion all rise up against it, it naturally flows from the principle above stated, and is quite as tenable in every point of view.

But farther—the writings of the Apostles, it seems, have been thought by some to furnish a warrant for slavery. In one of the Epistles we find these words—Let as many servants as are under the yoke, count their masters worthy of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed. And let them who have believing masters not despise them, because they are brethren, but rather do them service. ^* Now, even taking for granted what, perhaps, may reasonably be called in question, that the persons referred to in this passage were slaves for life, and under involuntary servitude—still it furnishes no such argument as many imagine. It must be remembered, that the great Author of our [Page 22] religion did not think proper directly to interfere with the political arrangements, and the civil laws, which were established when his Gospel was first preached among men. He always rather inculcated submission, and patience under the most oppressive injuries. This doctrine the Apostle applies, in the present instance, to a particular class of persons, to whom he thought the admonition necessary; and all that he intends to inculcate on such is, that, during the continuance of their servitude, (the origin, nature, or duration of which does not appear) they should faithfully perform their duty to their masters, and patiently submit to their lot. But, does this precept justify those who hold their fellow creatures in illegal and forcible subjection? By no means—No more than the precepts, Resist not evil; and, If any man smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also, justify the evil and the abuse which they forbid us to resist—No more than the precept, Let every man be subject to the powers that be, can be construed into a justification of the cruelty and despotism which, in those days, and ever since, rulers have exercised over their subjects.

But, though it be granted that Christ and his Apostles, for the reason which has been just assign­ed, did not in so many words prohibit the practice of slavery; it is evident they taught principles and doctrines utterly abhorrent from such a practice. And they who imbibe the true spirit of their reli­gion, [Page 23] will not hesitate a moment to pronounce, that invading the liberty and diminishing the hap­piness of a fellow creature, are directly opposite to the benign genius of Christianity. Hence it is a remarkable and well known fact, that, after the introduction of this religion into the ROMAN EM­PIRE, every successive law that was made relating to slaves, was more and more in their favour, abat­ing the rigours of servitude, until, at last, all the subjects of the empire were declared equally free. Nay, a celebrated historian has not scrupled to ac­count for the degree of liberty which is at present enjoyed, throughout most parts of Europe, by the mild and benevolent influence of a system, the uni­form tendency of which is, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke. ^*

But in vain is a large proportion of mankind addressed on the principles of morality and religion. These they will seldom regard, as long as they sup­pose interest and policy to deliver different precepts. For the sake of such, therefore, I add, with the utmost confidence, that slavery is not more opposed to justice, humanity, and religion, than it is to the INTEREST of individuals, and to the TRUE PO­LICY and HAPPINESS of that society in which it is suffered to exist.

Slavery will always be found, in proportion to [Page 24] the extent and severity with which it prevails, to INJURE THE MORALS of a people. That it tends to produce, on the one hand, haughtiness, a spirit of domination, cruelty, and lewdness, among the whites, appears probable, upon the slightest consi­deration of the subject, and is abundantly proved by experience. And, on the other hand, that it has an equal tendency, to produce and cherish al­most every species of vice, among the slaves them­selves, none, I presume, will hesitate to admit. Should any have a remaining doubt whether this be the case, let them compare the state of morals in those parts of our own country, in which slavery is either unknown, or exists in the most lenient form, with that which is exhibited in those states in which slaves are more numerous and more de­graded. That there is a sensible difference be­tween the moral aspect of the one and the other, no one will controvert. That the comparison fur­nishes a result unfavourable to the latter, the most decided partiality for them can neither conceal nor deny. And that this difference of national and moral character depends, to say the least, in some degree, on the state of slavery in each respectively, I believe the most accurate and candid observers have readily granted.^*

[Page 25] In this State, as well as in most others in the union, the testimony of a slave cannot be admitted in judicial process, excepting in a few cases. What is the ground of this law? The answer is obvious,—"SLAVERY DEBASES THE MIND, AND COR­RUPTS THE MORAL CHARACTER." The un­happy victims of oppression, feeling themselves precluded by violence, from enjoying the benefits of society, neglect the social virtues. Finding their own rights habitually invaded, they soon learn to disregard the rights of others. Living perpe­tually under the frowns of power, they are insen­sibly taught the arts of deception, treachery, and fraud, until every moral feeling is blunted or de­stroyed. Hence slaves, in all ages and countries, have generally exhibited the most odious moral depravity. And nations which, for refinement, virtue, and happiness, were once the glory of the world, under the iron rod of despotism, we now behold sunk into the lowest state of debasement.^*

[Page 26] Nor has slavery a more mischievous effect on the morals of society, than it has on NATIONAL INDUSTRY, POPULATION, AND GENERAL IM­PROVEMENT. Men not only become lazy and idle when they can make others the servile instru­ments of their will; but labour will soon be esteem­ed disreputable and degrading, when it is chiefly performed by slaves. And whatever diminishes industry, discourages population, and sows the feeds of social weakness and disorder. Besides, slaves, in general, do less work, and waste and destroy much more than free labourers.^* Feeling no interest in the property of their owners, they will seldom perform more labour, or exercise more care, than will be merely sufficient to save them from punishment. Of course, agriculture, carried on by such uninterested machines, must necessarily languish; lands must become comparatively un­productive; and every species of national prosperity must be impeded, or decline. Those who are ac­quainted with history, or who take notice of what is daily exhibited in our own country, will be at no loss for facts to exemplify and confirm what is here advanced.

[Page 27] In this part of the United States, indeed, the pernicious effects of slavery are displayed in a comparatively moderate degree. But even in our own State they are distinctly perceptible. Even here we should be a happier and a wealthier people, were every labourer a freeman, and, of consequence, the product of every man's labour his own property.—Would to God, however, there were not some of our SISTER REPUBLICS, whose situation is more perilous, and whose prospects are more gloomy! Our southern Bre­thren, deaf to the dictates of policy, to say no­thing of higher considerations, have unhappily suffered the evil in question to take such deep root among them, and to spread its baneful influence so far and wide, that, if it do not prove the ruin, it will probably prove, at least, the long and awful scourge of their land.—"I tremble," says one who cannot be suspected of undue partiality for the de­pressed Africans, ‘I tremble for my country when I remember that God is just—that his justice cannot sleep for ever—and that an exchange of circumstances is among probable events. The Almighty has [...]o attribute which can take side with us in such a conflict.’ ^*

I have hitherto confined myself to the considera­tion of slavery as it exists among ourselves, and of that unjust domination which is exercised over the [Page 28] Africans and their descendants, who are already in our country.—It is with a regret and indignation which I am unable to express, that I call your at­tention, before concluding, to the conduct of some among us, who, instead of diminishing, strive to increase the evil in question. While the friends of humanity, in Europe and America, are weeping over their injured fellow creatures, and directing their ingenuity and their labours to the removal of so disgraceful a monument of cruelty and ava­rice, there are not wanting men, who claim the title, and enjoy the privileges of American citizens, who still employ themselves in the odious traffic of human flesh. Yes, in direct opposition to pub­lic sentiment, and a law of the land, there are ships fitted out, every year, in the ports of the United States, to transport the inhabitants of Africa, from their native shores, and consign them to all the tor­ments of West-India oppression.—Fellow citizens! Is Justice asleep? Is Humanity discouraged and silent, on account of the many injuries she has sus­tained? Were not this the case, methinks the pur­suit of the beasts of the forest would be forgotten, and such monsters of wickedness would, in their stead, be hunted from the abodes of men.

Oh AFRICA! unhappy, ill-fated region! how long shall thy savage inhabitants have reason to utter complaints, and to imprecate the vengeance of heaven against civilization and christianity? Is [Page 29] it not enough that nature's God has consigned thee to arid plains, to noxious vapours, to devour­ing beasts of prey, and to all the scorching influences of the torrid zone? Must rapine and violence, captivity and slavery, be superadded to thy tor­ments; and be inflicted too by men, who wear the garb of justice and humanity; who boast the prin­ciples of a sublime morality; and who hypocriti­cally adopt the accents of the benevolent religion of Jesus? Oh AFRICA! thou loud proclaimer of the rapacity, the treachery, and cruelty of civilized man! Thou everlasting monument of European and American disgrace! ‘Remember not against us our offences, nor the offences of our fore­fathers;’ be tender in the great day of enquiry; and shew a christian world thou canst suffer and forgive!

Such, then, is the nature and magnitude of an evil existing among us, and for the diminution and final extinction of which, the SOCIETY which I now address was instituted:—an evil which reason, justice, the religion of Christ, and sound policy, with one voice condemn:—an evil, therefore, against which, whether we consider ourselves as men, as christians, or as patriots, we are bound to unite all our force, and to discourage by all just and equitable means. Commanded by such high authority, and solicited by so many interesting con­siderations, I persuade myself, that my fellow citi­zens [Page 30] will neither consider it an object unworthy of their attention, nor be deterred by all the clamours of prejudice and of avarice, from contributing their influence and their exertions to its speedy and everlasting abolition.

Many have been the proposals of benevolent men to remedy this grand evil, and to ameliorate the condition of the injured negroes. But, while I revere the very mistakes of those who have▪ shewn themselves friends to human happiness, yet the most of these proposals appear to me incum­bered with insuperable difficulties, and, in some points of view, to involve greater mischief than the original disorder designed to be cured. Im­mediately to emancipate seven hundred thousand slaves, and send them forth into society, with all the ignorance, habits, and vices of their degraded education about them, would probably produce effects more unhappy than any one is able to calcu­late or conceive. Nor does the plan appear much more plausible, which some have proposed, to col­lect, and send them back to the country from whence they or their fathers have been violently dragged; or, to form them into a colony, in some retired part of our own territory. I shall not pro­nounce either of these impracticable; because one of them has been attempted by an European na­tion, and not altogether without success. I shall not say, that such a removal would be less happy [Page 31] for the subjects of it, than their present con­dition; because, in particular instances, it might prove otherwise. But, in my view, the difficul­ties and objections attending such a plan, espe­cially on a large scale, are far greater and more numerous than many sanguine speculators have seemed to suppose.

Perhaps no method can be devised, to deliver our country from the evil in question, more safe, more promising, and more easy of execution, than one which has been partially adopted in some of the states, and hitherto with all the success that could have been expected. This plan is, to frame laws, which will bring about emancipation in a GRADUAL MANNER; which will, at the same time, PROVIDE FOR THE INTELLECTUAL AND MORAL CULTI­VATION of slaves, that they may be prepared to exercise the rights, and discharge the duties of citi­zens, when liberty shall be given them; and which, having thus [...]itted them for the station, will confer upon them, in due time, the privileges and dignity of other freemen. By the operation of such a plan, it is easy to see that slavery, at no great distance of time, would be banished from the United States; the mischiefs attending an universal and immediate emancipation would be, in a great measure, if not entirely, prevented; and beings, who are now gnawing the vitals, and wasting the strength of the body politic, might be converted into wholesome [Page 32] and useful members of it. Say not that they are unfit for the rank of citizens, and can never be made honest and industrious members of the com­munity. Say not that their ignorance and bruta­lity must operate as everlasting bars against their being elevated to this station. All just reasoning abjures the flimsy pretext. Make them freemen; and they will soon be found to have the manners, the character, and the virtues of freemen.^*

In two of our sister States, the important work of which I am speaking is already, in a great measure, atchieved. In MASSACHUSETTS and NEW-HAMPSHIRE there is not a single slave! In both they were all emancipated in a single day; and no inconvenience resulted from an event so honourable to humanity. Noble example! Happy triumph of truth and justice over a mistaken and sordid policy! When shall a similar wisdom pervade the union, and rescue our national character from dis­grace? When shall this TOPSTONE be laid upon [Page 33] our REPUBLICAN FABRIC, which, until then, must exhibit a most defective and inconsistent appearance?

In the pursuit of this laudable and important object, you, my fellow citizens of the SOCIETY whom I now address, need no exhortations of mine to inspire you with zeal—no hints from me to di­rect your exertions. Your labours have been so indefatigable and successful, that I have only to repeat the injunction of holy writ,—Be not weary in well doing. To tell this audience, that you have no wish to oppose the laws of your country, nor to invade the rights of private property—To say, that you have no desire to excite a spirit of dis­content and insolence among those whom the public will, however mistaken, has devoted to slavery—To say, that your only objects, as a Society, are, to rescue those who are unlawfully held in bond­age; to promote, by all just means, such a gradual manumission, as shall be consistent with the public good; and to cultivate a spirit of sobriety, honesty, and good behaviour among the negroes of every description—To say that these are your only ob­jects, would be condescending to obviate prejudices, and to repel calumnies, which, as I am persuaded they have no just ground, are entitled to but little attention;—prejudices and calumnies, to which the tenor of your proceedings, if examined, will furnish an abundant and honourable answer.

[Page 34] But, amidst all the opposition which you are called to encounter, in pursuing the objects of your association, you have grounds of encouragement and support of the most substantial kind. The good effects of your benevolent exertions are al­ready great and extensive. You cannot look back, without the highest pleasure, on the hundreds, unlawfully held in servitude, whose chains you have broken, and whom you have elevated, in some measure, to the rank of men. You cannot con­template, without satisfaction, the perceptible and happy influence which your proceedings have had, in impressing the rude minds of the Africans, in general, among us; in giving them some ideas of the importance of their moral conduct; and in leading many of them to sober and industrious pur­suits.—And above all, it must reward your past labours, and animate your future exertions, to behold a SEMINARY FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE DESCENDANTS OF AFRICANS, grown up under your fostering care, to a respectability which promises extensive usefulness, and which demands the gratitude and support of every good citizen.^*

[Page 35] Go on, then, my Friends and Colleagues, with unabating zeal. You are engaged in the cause of human happiness, and, therefore, in the cause of God. Be not discouraged by the magnitude of the evil which you have associated to encounter; nor by the difficulties which occur in your way. The sentiments of the wise and the good, and the fun­damental principles of our government, must have a powerful operation, and they are both on your side. ‘Though you cannot controul Legislatures; and though, when you plead the cause of huma­nity, they will not at all times listen to you; yet there are other means in your power, perhaps, even more effectual. You can do much by di­recting your efforts to the conviction of indivi­duals; by diffusing proper publications among them; and by presenting the evils of slavery, in various forms, to their minds.’ ^*

[Page 36] The time, I trust, is not far distant, when there shall be no slavery to lament—no oppression to op­pose in the United States:—when the EMANCI­PATING SPIRIT of our Constitution shall go forth in "the greatness of her strength," breaking in pieces every chain, and trampling down every un­just effort of power:—when she shall proclaim, even to the stranger and the sojourner, the moment he sets his foot upon American earth, that the ground on which he treads is sacred to LIBERTY; and that the air which he breathes, nourishes FREEMEN ONLY:—when every being, who bears the name of MAN, whatever complexion an equa­torial Sun may have burnt upon him, and with whatever solemn injustice his rights may have been infringed, shall enjoy the privileges, and be raised to the dignity which belong to the human cha­racter.