THE period for a new election of a Citizen to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the per­son, who is to be cloathed with that important trust, it ap­pears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminu­tion of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness: but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the of­fice to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retire­ment, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to [Page 4] declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then per­plexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign na­tions, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination in­compatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety: and am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my service, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove of my determination to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the ardu­ous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not un­conscious, in the out-set, of the inferiority of my qualifica­tions, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself: and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retire­ment is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfi­ed that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved coun­try, for the many honours it has conferred upon me: still more for the stedfast confidence with which it has sup­ported me; and for the opportunities I have thence en­joyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to our praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every di­rection, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances some­times dubious—vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging —in situations in which not unfrequently want of success [Page 5] has countenanced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected—Pro­foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its administration in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States▪ under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so pru­dent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glo­ry of recommending, it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent re­view, some sentiments; which are the result of much re­flection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which ap­pear to me all-important to the permanency of your feli­city as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only feel in them the disinter­ested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimular occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga­ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is ne­cessary to fortify or confirm attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this [Page 6] is the point in your political fortress against which the bat­teries of internal and external enemies will be most con­stantly and actively (though often covertly and insiduous­ly) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should pro­perly estimate the immense value of your national Union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attach­ment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladiu [...] of your political safety and prosper­ity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignant frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alien­ate any portion, of our country from the rest, or to en­feeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common coun­try, that country has a right to countenance your affec­tions. The name AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.

But these considerations however powerfully they ad­dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweigh­ed by those which apply more immediately to your inter­est. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserv­ing the Union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common gov­ernment, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enter­prise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, beneficing by the a­gency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own chan­nels [Page 7] the seamen of the North, it finds its particular na­vigation invirogated—and while it contributes, in differ­ent ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West de­rives from the East supplies requisite to its growth, end, comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispen­sable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influ­ence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether deri­ved from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proporti­onably greater security from an external danger; a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of most inestimable value! they must de­rive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neigh­boring Countries, not tied together by the same Govern­ment; which their own rivalships alone would be suffici­ent to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, at­tachments and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter.— Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of Government are inauspicious to Liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty: In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

[Page 8]These considerations speak a persuasive language to ev­ery reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the contin­uance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal.— We are authorised to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, af­fecting all parts of our country, while experiment shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will al­ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterising parties by Geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern—Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real dif­ference of local interests and views. One of the expedi­ents of party to acquire influence, within particular dis­tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from those misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fra­ternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen, in the negociation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how un­founded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Missi­sippi: they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great-Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the [Page 9] preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a gov­ernment for the whole is indispensable—No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate sub­stitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experi­enced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have im­proved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Con­stitution of Government better calculated than your for­mer for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious man­agement of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unaw­ed adopted upon full investigation and mature deliber­ation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and contain­ing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Re­spect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acqui­escence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the funda­mental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our po­litical systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitution of government—But, the consti­tution which at any time exists, 'till changed by an ex­plicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established gov­ernment.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combi­nations and associations, under whatever plausible charac­er, with the real design to direct, controul, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force—to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate tri­umphs of different parties, to make the public admini­stration, [Page 10] the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and mod­ified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above de­scription, may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things▪ to become po­tent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprinci­pled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of govern­ment; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care, the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of government, as of other human institutions; that experi­ence is the surest standard, by which to test the real ten­dency of the existing constitution of a country; that fa­cility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless va­riety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially; that for the efficient management of your common inter­ests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of lib­erty, is indispensible. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjust­ed, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the soci­ety within the limi [...]s pr [...]cribed by the laws, and to main­tain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of [Page 11] them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most sol­emn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of par­ty, generally▪

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseperable from our na­ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the hu­man mind. It exists under different shapes in all govern­ments, more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed: But in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rank­ness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissen­tion, which in different ages and countries has perpetra­ted the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despot­ism; but this leads at length to a more formal and per­manent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ru­ins of Public Liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the Public Councils and en­feeble the Public Administration. It agitates the com­munity with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kin­dles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one coun­try are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true, and in governments of a monarchial cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of [Page 12] the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural ten­dency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being con­stant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon anoth­er. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all departments in one, and thus to create, what­ever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of the political power; by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by expe­riments ancient and modern: some of them in our coun­try and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitution­al powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution de­signates —But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free govern­ments are destroyed—The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable sup­port. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriot­ism, who would labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious [Page 13] man, ought to respect and cherish them.—A volume could not trace all their connections with private and pub­lic felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religi­ous obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with cau­tion indulge the supposition, that morality can be main­tained without Religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne­cessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free gov­ernment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of ex­pence by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for dangers, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To fa­cilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essen­tial, that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue: That to have Revenue there must be Taxes▪ that no Taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and [Page 14] unpleasant; that the intrinsie embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the mea­sures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all;—religion and mo­rality enjoin this conduct: And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which enobles human nature. Alas! Is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the executionion of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against par­ticular Nations, and passionate attachments for others should be excluded: And that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual ha­tred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity, or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and in­tractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the govern­ment▪ contrary to the best calculations of policy The government sometimes participates in the national pro­pensity, and adopts through passion what reason would [Page 15] reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, am­bition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the interests of the other, be­trays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or just­ification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt double to in­jure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity: Gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor­tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opin­ion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and pow­erful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I con­jure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jea­lousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the [Page 16] instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.— Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favour­ite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfill­ed with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi­nary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoy­ance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scru­pulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocations: when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own, to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent allianc­es, with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be un­derstood [Page 17] as capable of patronising infidelity to existing en­gagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable esta­blishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary em­ergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are re­commended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and im­partial hand; neither sending or granting exclusive fa­vours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to ena­ble the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mu­tual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate, upon real favours from nation to na­tion. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish—that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations: But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial [Page 18] benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to wa [...] against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least be­lieved myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by that of your Representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our coun­try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with modera­tion.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which jus­tice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experi­ence. With me, a predominant motive has been to en­deavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its recent institutions, and to progress without interrup­tion, [Page 19] to that degree of strength and [...] necessary to give it, humanly speaking, [...] its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of my admi [...]tion. I am unconscious of intentional error: I [...] [...]theless too sensible of my defects not to think [...] that I may have committed many errors. [...] they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty [...] or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shal [...] so carry with me the hope that my country will [...] cease to view them with indulgence; and that after for­ty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the man­sions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natu­ral to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise my­self to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of par­taking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign in­fluence of good laws under a free government—the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.