An oration, delivered on the anniversary of independence, at Deerfield, on the Fourth of July, 1796. By John Taylor, A.M.

An oration, delivered on the anniversary of independence, at Deerfield, on the Fourth of July, 1796. By John Taylor, A.M.

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Title page

AN ORATION.

[Page]

AN ORATION.

IT is laudable to remember with suitable tokens of joy, every special interposition of Providence in our behalf as individuals, and members of society. When some great event has occured to which we may trace most of our distinguished enjoyments, it discovers a sordid mind to forget the hand by which it was produced.

IN commemoration of the Israelites deliverance from the oppressions of Egyptian tyranny, an institution was appointed by heaven, to be annually observed. Several reasons may be given why their emancipation should be periodically celebrated, which will not apply to ours:— But if we view the continued interpositions of Providence, and the tokens of divine approbation manifested in the liberation of America from British tyranny—if we reflect upon our present flourishing condition [Page] and rising greatness as a nation—and if we contemplate the perfect liberty, and protection of rights we enjoy, we must be ungrateful to suffer the remembrance of that auspicious day on which our Independence was declared to evanish from our minds.

THIS day completes the twentieth year since those bold and worthy Patriots who formed the first Congress of the United States—fearless of one of the most formidable powers on earth—dependent only on the feeble exertions of an infant country—inexperienced in the art of war, and without resources, declared AMERICA INDEPENDANT!—Well might they have signed the instrument with a tremulous hand!

THE American States were at that time as unprepared for defence against the formidable attack of the British power, as were the ancient Britains against the valour of the Roman legions, when Caesar made his attempts to reduce the island. Divided into a number of independent sovereignties, they united in times of danger for the common defence. But there being no compulsory power to enforce an harmonious operation, their exertions were feeble, divisions and discords were frequent, and to these, rather than to the distinguished abilities of the general, or to the valour of the Roman arms may be attributed Caesar's conquest of the island▪

AT the declaration of our Independence there was no sufficient power to enfore an harmonious operation of the States, or to prevent a secession from the confederacy. But heaven preserved, and united the general [Page] enthusiasm in the common cause, until, to the humiliation of Great Britain, and astonishment of the world, our object was obtained by a more honourable peace than could have been contemplated by the most sanguine friends of the country.

ON a former occasion I traced the progress of the war which secured our Independance, and gave us a name among the nations of the earth; which, whilst it was supported by an unparalleled enthusiasm, was conducted with consummate wisdom, with unequalled prudence!

ENJOYING the blessings of a free, and most excellent government, as an happy fruit of that bloody contest;—I shall now make some remarks on GOVERNMENTS IN GENERAL, AND ON OUR's IN PARTICULAR.

ALL governments, in one point of view, arise from necessity. Were men possessed of the innocency of paradise, any system of penal laws would be useless. No coercive power would be necessary to restrain the passions of men, or to compel them to a faithful discharge of social duties. It follows that government is a necessary consequence of the corruptions of men, by which they are led to violate the rights of each other.

EXPERIENCE teaches that no considerable body of men can subsist long in a state of nature. Their passions and interests clash and jostle, with and against each other to such a degree as to involve them in confusion. Hence on the principle of selfpreservation they find it needful to associate—to form a compact, and to concentre the power of the whole for the protection of the rights of each individual.

[Page]BUT, from that inextinguishable lust for dominion which has ever been found in the human heart, governments in general have not been formed by mutual compact, nor for the protection of the rights, and liberties of mankind. Ambitious men, taking advantage of favourable circumstances, have surreptitiously raised themselves to power:—And have reduced the world to servile obedience. This is a general description of the rise, design, and real effect of all absolute monarchies.

ARISTOCRACY, is more injurious to the rights, and destructive of the happiness of men, if possible, than absolute monarchy. It is more safe, and less perplexing, to be dependant on the capricious will of one, than many tyrants. This kind of government is an association of many monarchies. It grew out of the feudal tenures. The nobility in most aristocracies were originally petty Lords, or little independent Tyrants. These uniting under a general head, by compact, or compulsion, formed those heterogeneous masses of government, called Aristocratical; and which are the scourge of mankind. Under these the people suffer not only the tyranny of the general head, but that of the nobility.

BOTH monarchy and aristocracy, from their nature and origin, together with oligarchy, which is a corruption of aristocracy, appear to be extraneous; not originating from mutual compact, but from the intrigues of the ambitious. The protection of men in the enjoyment of their rights cannot therefore be their object. It is rather their reduction to a servile condition, for the gratification, and aggrandizement of a few. The existance of such governments depends on depressing the subjects to a certain degree; But tyrants ever dread a burst of the public spirit.

[Page]AN extreme of tyranny sometimes produces a general revolution:— And it would be a consoling consideration, if it was found upon experience that tyranny in the extreme was always productive of a revolution issuing in liberty. But a consideration of the long depression of enslaved Rome, together with many modern examples, forbid us to indulge the pleasing idea. It is however, "some discouragement to tyrants that in certain circumstances, a revolution is commonly the consequence of great oppression, and that it is difficult, if not impossible, for them to guard by any artificial arguments, the sanctuaries of arbitrary power."

DISTINGUISHED from the greater part of the world, we are neither suffering oppression, nor are dependant on the will of a tyrant, or of an haughty nobility for our liberties.

WHEN thrown into a state of nature by our separation from Great Britain;—not being subjected to the embarrassments of the feudal system; and not being observed, with a jealous eye, by the nations of the earth, we deliberately formed, and established a system of government upon the principles of mutual security.

PERHAPS we were the first large body of people on earth, who, free from prejudice, and all embarrassments, have united, and deliberately established a system of civil polity, in perfect harmony. Having had sufficient knowledge of the dangers to which the liberties of mankind have been exposed, and feeling the importance and preciousness of liberty, we have happily interwoven in our system all those checks which wisdom could discover as necessary or expedient.

[Page]OUR government being adapted to the particular situation, and exigencies of the people, and of the union, there is no name which ha [...] been in use whereby to designate governments, which, if applied, will give it a just definition:—It is neither a Monarchy, an Aristocracy, an Oligarchy, a Democracy, nor is it strictly a Republic; though it partakes most of the latter, and may be called a Republic. It has all the advantages of the two last happily blended; and it wisely guards against the peculiar dangers of both.

THE three branches of our general government are so organized, as to operate as a check on each other. The limits of each being accurately defined, a violation of their rights and powers will be easily perceived. And though it be possible, disputes may sometimes arise between them respecting prerogatives, yet the way is open for an appeal to the people, for a construction of their own instrument, or for its revision. Against an union of all the branches for an assumption of undeligated powers, our state governments are a formidable barrier:—But if these should prove ineffectual, yet by our frequent elections, we have a remedy against every danger. There can be no usurpation of power, or violation of the constitution, unless it is agreeable to the wishes of the people, since every office is filled by election.

THESE checks in a common course of events, appear sufficient to preserve our constitution and liberties, inviolate.

SOME peculiar dangers, however, attend popular governments, from which our's, with all its perfection, cannot be secured. It is difficult to [Page] define the just bounds of liberty, or to find that point of restraint which is needful for the preservation of universal peace.

THIS remark we see verified in the French revolution. Having suddenly emerged by a great exertion of the public spirit, from the tyranny of the ancient monarchy, being filled with all the sensibilities of high resentment against oppression, and oppressors, and not having had experience of the dangers of a too enfeebled constitution they have formed several, which on trial have proved ineffectual. Being elated with liberty, and filled with enthusiastic notions of the perfection of the human character, when freed from oppression, they have endeavoured to establish some systems of government, better calculated for Paradise, than France. Perceiving their error by the painful effects produced, they are now in danger from the opposite extreme.

FOR some time we laboured under the same difficulty. The system of our ancient confederation wanted that energy, essentially necessary for the common good—in the regulation of national concerns—in the compulsion of delinquent States—in harmonizing their interests—and in rendering the Republic formidable, and respectable among the nations. Having been convinced from experience of its necessity, we have formed, and established a Constitution with increased, and a suitable degree of energy; the happy effects of which are universally felt.

WE earnestly pray—and anxiously desire that the great struggle, and astonishing exertions of the French for liberty, may be crowned with [Page] success, and issue in a government equally removed from anarchy and oppression. But to establish a just government, on the principles of equal liberty, guarded against the dangers of Scylla and Charybdis, is an Herculean work;—especially where the subjects have been educated under all the barbarism of monarchy.

THE scope which elective governments give to the ambition of unprincipled men, is one source of their danger. Every office of honour and profit, being filled by election, and open to the pursuit of all, many who are unworthy of the public confidence, become fired with ambition: —And little will such regard the means they pursue for the accomplishment of these desires: They will villify the good—deceive the simple— misinform the ignorant—encourage the hopes of the disaffected, and blow up the fire of party spirit, hoping in the tumult to render themselves conspicuous.

WANT of confidence in men of approved integrity, is another source of danger in popular governments. This may be given as a reason of the downfall of the Grecian States. The best men were thrown out of the government by the ostracism, and it fell into the hands of the ignorant, unprincipled, and designing. Popularity produced jealousy. When the great and virtuous Aristides of Athens, mixing with the crowd in disguise, was asked by a Plebeian to write the name of Aristides upon his s [...]ell, he asked the man, "what injury that Athenian had done him that he should vote to banish him from the government, and from his country?" He answered, "none," but that he was, "tired of hearing him called the JUST."

[Page]I WOULD here remark, that for reasons equally forcible, a certain cabal, in some of our populous cities, appear desirous of banishing the great, the approved, and the virtuous WASHINGTON from the Presidency.

A FREE people are in danger of loosing their liberties likewise, by an unaccountable inattention to their precious privilege as electors. When suffering oppression, men feel no sacrifice too great for the attainment of liberty: But when obtained, they will neither improve, nor take much care to preserve it. Notwithstanding the bloody scenes we passed through, to secure our Independence, remain fresh on our minds, yet our civil officers are elected by a few only; the greater part choosing rather to risque the consequences, than to spend an hour in improving this privilege. This renders intrigue much more successful, and may lay a foundation for the loss of liberty.

THE best things may be misimproved. Even the press when corrupt becomes the focal, and rallying point of cabal and disorder, which are peculiarly incident to elective governments. Corrupt presses are the sinks of pollution, and filth, which indiscriminately censure the best characters in government, and strike at the root of government itself. They are the vehicles of party spirit, they blow up the embers of discord, and frequently involve a peaceable people in confusion. How far corrupt presses may proceed with impunity, in sowing the seeds of sedition, in abusing spotless characters, and in wantonly misrepresenting facts? And whether the prevention of sedition and slander from the press by coercion, [Page] is consistent with liberty?—are questions in politics which remain to be decided.*

LOSS of public virtue is another, and one of the principal sources of destruction to the liberties of mankind. When virtue decays, and the people become generally corrupt, restraining and compulsory laws must be increased. That liberty, and those privileges which are the peculiar happiness of a virtuous, can never be enjoyed by a vicious people. If our free government is ever destroyed it will be occasioned, it is highly probable, by a general corruption of morals. This will introduce into administration, men who have no regard to the public good, or who are incompetent to the management of national concerns. All the checks which the wisdom of man can invent in an elective government, will never preserve it, or the liberties of the people, against an universal licentiousness. As well may straws cast into an overflowing torrent prevent its devastations, as checks in popular governments, tumults and confusions under a loss of public virtue. As virtue decays, disorders increase: As disorders increase, [Page] there must be an increase of energy in government: And every increase of energy, beyond certain limits, borders on oppression:—How then can a vicious people enjoy liberty?

BUT since we have established an admirable system of civil polity, by which our liberties are guarded, and which is the consequence of that dear bought Independence we this day celebrate, it becomes every subject to endeavour to preserve the rich inheritance. Let the mind be cultivated, and the heart impressed with the principles of virtue; and let every man conduct in every instance as a worthy citizen.

CHILDREN should be trained up in a knowledge of the principle, and their minds should be early opened to perceive the beauties, and excellencies of our government. Great care should be also used to impress their tender hearts with the love of freedom, and their country.

EVERY exertion to diffuse virtue and knowledge, even in a civil view, ought to be rewarded by a general approbation. The more these are disseminated, the less danger will arise from the artifice of designing men, and from the cabals of the disaffected.

UNDER a tyranny, the diffusion of knowledge opens to men a painful view of the wrongs they suffer. It manifests the difficulty of recovering their lost rights—the strength of the chains by which they are held, and the danger of opposing oppression. And nothing but the painful experience of their wrongs, will inspire with courage, or stimulate to resent them.

[Page]BUT in such a government as ours, the dissemination of knowledge teaches men their distinguished advantages. It excites a love to that system which protects them, and is the source of their prosperity. And it stimulates to a careful attention to all the means of its preservation.

THIS remark, we evidently see verified in the final issue of that dark, long connected, and artfully interwoven system of disorder, which has embarrassed, in a variety of shapes, for several years, the just and peaceable administration of our government. All the art, and the utmost exertions of the intriguing and disaffected;—together with the whole force of foreign influence;—and these, in connexion with a number of corrupt presses, have, in consequence of the knowledge and good sense of the American people, terminated to the honour, and more firm establishment of the government: And to the confusion of those who have been actors in the dark, deep laid plot.

EARLY as the adoption of our present constitution, it has met with opposition from some influencial characters. Disaffection was excited in others by the funding system. These, with some who have been disappointed in their ambitious views:—With others, whose circumstances were desperate, have united their exertions to throw us into confusion, or to involve us in the miseries of a destructive war. Many unforeseen circumstances have unhappily occured to forward their designs. Taking advantage of the peculiar situation in which we were placed with respect to the belligerent powers, and of a certain revenue law, unpopular in a part of the union, they have wrought upon the hopes, fears and passions of many, until in one instance they raised a formidable insurrection:—

[Page]BUT when this failed of accomplishing their purpose, the Treaty with Great Britain revived their hopes. By this time, through the inattention of the people to their interests, a number who were in the scale of confusion found their way into administration. This occasioned that ferment of passions, and that great struggle we have lately witnessed in Congress, in discussing, not the treaty, but the treaty making power. But the Anti party building their hopes upon a false, and probably a wilful calculation of the public opinion, have so grossly overacted, as to exhibit in all its odious colours the true intention of their dark, and long connected plot. It has consequently issued happily for America. All their exertions to render the government unpopular by Jacobin falsehoods, and slander, by exciting insurrections, and by opposing every laudable exertion for peace, and order;—and all the infamy with which they have endeavoured to load the unspotted character of the illustrious WASHINGTON;—all have fallen upon their own heads; and they are become the just victims of their own folly and madness.*

[Page]BUT notwithstanding their abuse of the government, and of the President, yet America under the auspices of that prudent, and amiable man, is waving the olive branch of peace—is holding in her bosom the horn of plenty—and is reaping a rich harvest from the confusions of the world.

AMERICANS!—pray for the life, and for the long continuance of that man in administration!* Despise the wretch who attempts any contamination of so excellent a character! A character which has long, and deservedly been the admiration of the world!—In which there appears to be an happy concentration of all the amiable virtues,—together with the most distinguished martial talents,—and these in connexion with that calmness, wisdom, and prudence, which form the finished civilian. A character which shone in the field with the most distinguished lustre; and in the cabinet has added dignity to America.

[Page]HIS system of prudence has preserved us in peace and prosperity, to the present time, amidst the jaring elements of the contending world. Would to heaven that he may not, in the present situation of America, retire from his important station. We need his peculiarly steady hand, in this tumultuous and critical day to hold the reins of government. Unhappy, we have reason to fear, would be the condition of America, should he now retire.

BUT, whatever might be our misfortune, should he retire; yet he would descend to enjoy the sweets of repose, in private life, surrounded with a GLORY which never before adorned any human character.

IN fine, the excellency of our government, the wisdom and prudence with which it is administered, and the importance of preserving it, may be seen by its happy effects. What nation, from the earliest ages, ever enjoyed more perfect liberty, or a more complete protection of their rights than we? What people, so soon, ever arose to such a degree of respectability? Whilst in infancy, we have taken a respectable grade among the nations. Our prosperity is become proverbial throughout the world; and our commerce is courted by all. We are enjoying the sweets of peace and the delights of plenty.

OUR population is beyond calculation. States are daily rising in the wilderness. And we are an assylum, not only for the poor, and distressed, but for the wealthy of Europe, who, wearied out with the oppressions of tyranny, come in flocks to taste the sweets of liberty.

[Page]IF nothing should happen to check our increasing prosperity, or to impede our ri [...]ng greatness, in a short time we shall become the largest, and most respectable nation on the globe. Every thing will conspire to add dignity to the American character—and glory to our increasing greatness, so long as we harmonize, and preserve our government.

BUT so soon as we break into parties, and immerge ourselves in the tumults of faction, or become the dupes of foreign influence, or enter into destructive wars, our prosperity will be checked, and our glory will fade.

MAY every American feel the dignity of the American character, and so conduct as to preserve, inviolate, the blessings of liberty, that the dear bought, and rich inheritance, may be handed down to the latest posterity.

FINIS.

Notes

*

BY these remarks upon the licentiousness of the Press, I would not be understood as censuring its rational liberty, for this I consider as essential, and as one of the great pillars of support to a free government; and one on which liberty must rest. In the preceding paragraph you find electors censured for their neglect and misimprovement of their liberty, and privilege as electors; but it would be unreasonable to conclude that the liberty or privilege itself is censured. The best things are liable to be abused; and abuses ought to be corrected, if they exist; and if they do not, the dangers arising from their abuse being considered, may possibly prevent much mischief.

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*

THAT a plot has existed to involve us in war and confusion, needs no further evidence than Mr. Fauchet's dispatches, and Mr. Randolph's vindication:—The latter of which, might with more propriety have been entitled;—The evidence of Mr. Randolph's guilt. Instead of vindicating himself, the whole scope of his pamphlet consists in an attempt to criminate the President. And the infamous manner in which he has treated that great, and good man, excites conviction of his own guilt, in the mind of his reader, as forcibly, as an open confession would have done.

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*

THE wanton, yea I may say malicious, abuse which this GREAT and GOOD MAN, (ever beloved by grateful Americans,) has received, and is still receiving from some who are unworthy the blessings of freedom, is enough to excite, not barely our sorrow, but our most indignant contempt. There are a few presses in our capitals, so lost to all sense of virtue, decency, or shame, as to make the defamation of the President their great object▪ But every stroke of the writers for those presses, reverberates upon themselves; and the dirt they throw, only serves medicinally, to open the eyes of the great body of the people, to a brighter vision of the PRESIDENT'S virtues and glory; whilst as a film it covers their own, and puts them out in obscure darkness.

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Mr. Taylor's ORATION, JULY 4th, 1796.

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AN ORATION, DELIVERED ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF INDEPENDENCE, AT DEERFIELD, ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1796.

BY JOHN TAYLOR, A. M.

PRINTED AND SOLD AT GREENFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS, BY THOMAS DICKMAN.

MDCCXCVI.

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Title statement

An oration, delivered on the anniversary of independence, at Deerfield, on the Fourth of July, 1796. By John Taylor, A.M.

Taylor, John, 1762-1840.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2005-03.

ID [DLPS]

N23635

ID [TCP]

N23635

ID [STC]

Evans 31274

ID [NOTIS]

APX4721

ID [IMAGE-SET]

31274

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99021500

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 31274.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N23635)

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— An oration, delivered on the anniversary of independence, at Deerfield, on the Fourth of July, 1796. By John Taylor, A.M., Taylor, John, 1762-1840..

Extent

20 p. ; 20 cm. (8vo)

by Thomas Dickman.,. Printed and sold at Greenfield, Massachusetts, :: MDCCLXCVI. [1796]. (Half-title: Mr. Taylor's oration, July 4th, 1796.) (Printer's monogram device on title page.)

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