A voyage to the Pacific Ocean; for making discoveries in the northern hemisphere: performed under the direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and Gore, in the years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, 1780. / By Captain James Cook, F.R.S. and Captain James King, LL.D. and F.R.S. ; Illustrated with elegant plates, and a large chart. In four volumes. Vol. I[-IV].

Author: Cook, James, 1728-1779.2006-06

COOK's VOYAGE TO THE …

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COOK's VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. VOL. I.

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CAPT: JAMES COOK, F.R.S.

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A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

Undertaken by Command of his MAJESTY, FOR MAKING DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTHERN HEMISPHERE: PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF Captains COOK, CLERKE, and GORE, In the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, 1780.

BEING A COPIOUS. COMPREHENSIVE, AND SATISFACTORY ABRIDGEMENT OF THE VOYAGE WRITTEN BY Captain JAMES COOK, F. R. S. AND Captain JAMES KING, LL. D. and F. R. S. ILLUSTRATED WITH CUTS.

In FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

New-York: Printed by TIEBOUT and O'BRIEN, For BENJAMIN GOMEZ, BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER. No 9 [...]. MAIDEN-LANE

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CONTENTS.

BOOK I. TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE, TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW-ZEALAND.

CHAP. I. Captains Cook and Clerke appointed to the Resolution and Discovery—Preparations for the Voyage—Sail from D [...]ptford to Long-Reach—Are visited there by the Earl of Sandwich and others— Proceed to Plymouth—Employments there—Number of Officers and Men in each Ship—Departure of the Resolution. Page [...]
CHAP. II. The Resolution proceeds to Teneriffe—Reception there —Captain Cook visits the Governor—Description of Santa Cruz Road—Ample Supplies to be obtained—Some Account of the Island, and of the Cities of Santa Cruz and Laguna—Agriculture— Natural History—Air—Climate—Produce—Description of the Inhabitants.
CHAP. III. Departure from Teneriffe—Danger of the Ship from the sunken Rocks near Bonavista—Isle of Mayo —Necessary Precautions against Rain and Heat in the Neighbourhood of the Equator—Position of the Coast of Brazil—Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope—Captain Cook's Reception there—Loses some of his Sheep—Other Transactions at the Cape— Junction of the Discovery—Account of Mr. Anderson's Journey up the Country.
[Page vi] CHAP. IV. The Resolution and Discovery leave the Cape of Good Hope—See two Islands, named Prince Edward's Islands—Description of their Appearance—Visit Kerguelen's Land—Arrive at Christmas Harbour—Take in water there—Discover an Inscription—Description of Christmas Harbour. Page 26
CHAP. V. Depart from Christmas Harbour—Range along the Coast—Cape Cumberland, Cumberland Bay, Point Pringle, Howe's Foreland, &c. described—Remarkable beds of Rock-weed—Danger from Shoals— Arrive at Port Palliser—Cape George described —Mr. Anderson's Natural History of the Animals, Plants, Soil, &c. of Kerguelen's Land. 35
CHAP. VI. Passage of the Ships from Kerguelen's to Van Diemen's Land—The Resolution damaged by a Squall—Arrival in Adventure Bay—Various Interviews with the Inhabitants—Description of their Persons, Dress, Manners, and Customs—Mr. Anderson's Remarks on the Character and language of the Natives, and on the various Productions of the Country. 47
CHAP. VII. Course to New-Zealand—Transactions in Queen Charlotte's Sound—Intercourse with the New-Zealanders—Their Dexterity in building Huts— Information with regard to the Massacre of Captain Furneaux's People—Two violent Storms— Account of Haboora, who headed the Party that killed our People—Of the two Youths who accompany us on board—Captain Cook's Observations on the Inhabitants of New-Zealand. 60
[Page vii] CHAP. VIII. The Country near Queen Charlotte's Sound described —The fertility of the Soil—Temperature of the Climate—Rain and Winds—Plants—Birds—Fish —Animals—Description of the persons of the Inhabitants—Dress—Ornaments—Buildings—Canoes or Boats—Food, and Method of Cookery— Arts—Weapons—Horrid Cruelty to their Enemies, whose Bodies they mangle and eat—Various other Customs. Page 78

BOOK. II. CONTAINING OUR ADVENTURES FROM OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW-ZEALAND TILL OUR ARRIVAL AT O [...]AHEITE, OR THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.

CHAP. I. Course of the Voyage—Behaviour of the two New-Zealand Youths on board—The Island of Mangeca discovered—Account of the Persons and dress of the inhabitants—Mourooa and his Companion described—Figure of a Mangecan Canoe—The Coast of the Island examined—Impracticability of landing—Transactions with the Natives—Description of the Island—Disposition and Manners of the Mangecans. 93
CHAP. II. An Island named Wateeo discovered—Visits from the inhabitants on board the Ships—Their Persons and dress described—The Coast of the Island examined—Lieutenants Gore and Burney, Mr. Anderson and Omai, sent on Shore—Mr. Anderson's [Page viii] Account of their Reception—They are introduced to three Chiefs—Dance of twenty young Women described—Omai's apprehensions of being roasted—The Islanders send Provisions on board— Further Description of the Natives—Of their double Canoes—Trees and Plants—Omai's Expedient to prevent being detained on Shore—He meets with three of his Countrymen—Account of their distressful Voyage—additional Remarks relative to Wateeo. Page 104
CHAP. III. Otakoo [...]aia visited—Description of the Island, and its Produce—Birds—Fish—Visit Harvey's Island— Discover it to be inhabited—The inhabitants refuse to come on board—Their Propensity to Theft— Their manners, Persons, Dress, Canoes, &c.— Make a fruitless Attempt to land—Bear away for the Friendly Islands—Two Islets of Palmerston's Island touched at—Description of the Islets, their Produce, &c.—Refreshments procured there —Proceed to the Friendly Islands. 125
CHAP. IV. Barter with the natives of Komango and other Islands for Provisions, &c.—Arrival at Annamooka— Variety of Transactions there—A visit received from Feenou, a Principal Chief from Tongatabo [...] —His Reception in the Island—Dines frequently on board the Resolution—Several Instances of the pilfering Disposition of the Natives—Punishments Inflicted on them—Account of Annamooka—Proceed to Hapaee. 141
CHAP. V. Arrival at Hapaee—Friendly Reception there— Taipa harangues the People—Exhorts them not [Page ix] to steal, &c.—Presents and Solemnitis—Entertainment—Single combats with Clubs—Wrestling —Boxing—Female Boxing—Marines exercised— A dance by Men—Fire-works—Night Entertainments, consisting of Singing and Dancing by Men and Women. Page 158
CHAP. VI. Captain Cook makes an Excursion into Lefooga—Description of that Island—Occurrences there—A false Report propagated—A Female Oculist—Singular method of Shaving—The Ships are removed to another Station—A remarkable artificial Mount and Stone—Description of Hoolaiva—Account of Poulaho, King of the Friendly Isles—The Commodore accompanies him on Shore—Departure from the Hapaee Islands—Kotoo described—The Ships return to Annamooka—Meeting of Poulaho, and Feenou-Both the Ships strike on the Rocks—Arrival at Tongataboo. 171
CHAP. VII. Favourable Reception at Tongataboo—Distribution of Pork, Yams, and Kava among the King's Attendants—The ships supplied with Water— The Observatory erected—The Natives flock to our People from all Quarters—Excursion of our Captains to see Mareewagee—Their Disappointment —Description of the Village where the chiefs reside—Interviews with Mareewagee and Toobou— Presents from the King's Son—A curious Work of Art—Process of manufacturing Cloth—A grand Haiva given by Mareewagee—Exhibition of Fireworks —Wrestling—Boxing—Presents of Animals to the Chiefs—Poulaho, Feenou, &c. con [...]ined— The King's Present, and Hai [...]. 189
[Page x] CHAP. VIII. Some Officers plundered of their Muskets, and other Articles by the Natives—Omai complains to the King of this Outrage—Consequences that it was probable might attend it—A visit to Poulaho— Description of a Fiatooka—Country Entertainment at Poulaho's House—His Mourning Ceremony— Beastly Method of preparing Kava—Account of Onevy—Messrs. King and Anderson visit Futtafaihe Entertained by him—Method of dressing Hogs, and carving them—Manner of passing the Night—Observations on the Country—Prepare for Departure—Description of the Island, its Animals, Vegetables, &c. Page 219
CHAP. IX. Strange Solemnity at Mooa, called Natche, in Honour of the King's Son—Description of many extraordinary Processions and Ceremonies during the first Day—Manner of supping and spending the Evening at the King's House—Description of the second Day's Ceremony—Captain Cook ventures himself in the midst of the Assembly—His Reception there—Arrival at Eooa—Some Account of that Island—Weigh Anchor—And turn through the Channel. 240
CHAP. X. Quit the Friendly Islands with Regret—Time not misemployed in visiting the Friendly Islands—Variety of Refreshments to be procured there—Number of Islands, among which are Keppel's and Boscawen's Islands—Account of Vavao [...], Hamoa, and Feejee—Method of Calculating Distances by Time—Omai incapable of giving exact information—Persons of the inhabitants described—Their [Page xi] Diseases—Character—Manner of wearing the Hair in both Sexes—Of puncturing and painting their Bodies—Their Habits—Ornaments, &c. Page 267
CHAP. XI. Various Employments of the women of the Friendly Islands—Occupations of the Men—Agriculture—Manner of building their Houses—Their Furniture—Canoes—Working Tools—Cordage—Fishing Tackle—Instruments of Music—Weapons— Vegetable and Animal Food—Methods of Cooking—Diversions—Marriage—Mourning Ceremonies—Custom of cutting off their little Finger— Their Deities—Sentiments concerning the Soul, and a future State—Their Fiatookas—Form of Government—Power of the Chiefs—Mode of paying Homage to the King—Taboo incurred by it —Precaution against Famine—Of the Tammahas —Language—Tides. 285

BOOK III. OCCURRENCES AT OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLES; AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH-AMERICA.

CHAP. I. Heavy Squa [...]l—The Island of Toobouai discovered— Its Situation, Extent, and Produce—Description of the Persons, Dress, and Canoes, of its Inhabitants—Arrival in Oheitepeha Bay at Otaheite—Omai's Reception—His imprudent Conduct— [Page xii] Account of two Spanish Ships which had twice visited Otaheite—Great Demand for red Feathers—Captain Cook visits a Chief, who was said by Omai to be the God of Bolabola—Account of the House erected by the Spaniards—Inscriptions—Allowance of Grog lessened—The Captain's Interview with Waheiadooa—Description of a Toopapaoo—An Enthusiast—The Ships anchor in Matavia Bay. Page 308
CHAP. II. Interview with Otoo, King of Otaheite—Imprudent Behaviour of Omai—Various Animals landed— Occupations on Shore—Visit from a Native who had been at Lima—Account of Oedidee—False Report—The Islanders make a precipitate Retreat, but soon return—a Rebellion in Eimeo—Council of Chiefs—War with Eimeo resolved on—A Human Sacrifice—Circumstantial Description of that Solemnity—The great Morai at Attahooroo described—Behaviour of the Natives during the Ceremony—Particular Customs. 329
CHAP. III. Re-embark for Matavai—Conference with Towha respecting the human Sacrifice—Description of the Hoovas—Dinner given by Omai—Exhibition of Fire-works—Remarkable Method of making a Present of Cloth—Manner of preserving, for many Months, the dead Body of a Chief—Another human Sacrifice offered—Riding on horseback, matter of great Astonishment to the Natives— Otoo's great Attention to prevent Thefts, &c.— Animals given to him by Captain Cook—Audience given to Etary, &c.—Manner of fighting two War Canoes—Naval Power, & [...] 354

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INTRODUCTION.

ALTHOUGH Great Britain cannot vaunt of being an early Stoop to the spirit of Discovery, but in that respect must give place to the Dutch, yet it may with truth be asserted that she has since far surpassed them, even in their own track. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, some spirited enterprises were undertaken; but afterwards, the spirit of Discovery, seemed to have totally subsided, till about the year 1741, when by the command of his late Majesty, a voyage was undertaken under the direction of Captain Middleton, for discovering a North-west passage through Hudson's Bay. In 1746, two ships were sitted out by subscription for the same purpose, under the command of Captains Smith and Moor. But it was reserved for his present Majesty, by that munificence and patronage, which every liberal pursuit meets with from him, to open friendly communications, with some recesses of the Globe, hitherto unexplored. Captain (now Admiral) Byron, with the ships Dolphin and Tamar, in 1764—6; Wallis and Carteret, with the Dolphin and Swallow, in 1766—9; and Cook, with the Endeavour, in 1768—71, and with the Resolution and Adventure, in 1772—5, carried on a plan [Page ii] of Discovery, which it was the purpose of the present voyage to finish.

The intimate connection between these voyages, render it very necessary, to state as shortly as possible, the objects accomplished by the preceding voyages, and how far the intention of the present one has been answered.

In general, it may be premised, that the universal object of all the voyages of the present reign, was to explore the vast Ocean which extends thro' the whole Southern Hemisphere; as the result of all the researches which had hitherto been made might be justly considered as obscure traditions, bold fictions, and plausible conjectures; that these five different circumnavigations have answered a better purpose, is visible from the following observations.

Falkland's Islands in the South Atlantic Ocean were barely known to exist before Anson, and so erroneous was even his idea of them, that he considered Pepys Island and Falkland's Isles to be different places; there can be no doubt that they are the same, from Byron and M'Bride's joint testimony: and of them we have as exact charts, as of the Coasts of Great Britain itself. Besides this, the discovery of Sandwich Lands, the most southerly point yet known, and the certain accounts we have of the Isle of Georgia, are all to be attributed to Cook. Sir John Narborough gave us very imperfect accounts of Magalhaen's Straits, [Page iii] but Captains Byron, Wallis and Carteret, have furnished us with very accurate accounts of its coast, harbours, headlands, bays, islands, tides, soundings, and currents, which are a very valuable acquisition, and should deter any future adventurers from steering that course, especially when a much safer entrance may be had to the Pacine Ocean, by doubling Cape Horn; this navigation Captain Cook has clearly shewn, is by no means attended with such danger as might be suspected from the hardships and distresses which Anson a [...] Pizarro suffered there; and that, wholly owing [...] the season in which they were obliged to hazard it. But they have not only rendered the access to the Pacific Ocean more easy, but have made us acquainted with a far greater part of its contents. As the Spanish navigators had no further design than to get a passage to the Moluccas and other spice i [...]lands, they never steered further west-ward, by deviating from their track, except accidently, and if then they fell in with any islands, or made any discoveries, little benefit was derived from them, their accounts being so inaccurate as sometimes to occasion a question if such places existed. Indeed, the vast quantity of territory annexed to the Spanish Crown, and the many rich mines never wrought rendered new acquisitions by no means to be coveted; so that, except the annual Manilla and Acapulco ship, they seldom attempted to steer across the vast gulph which separates Asia from America.

[Page iv]Other Navigators in these seas, generally followed the Spanish track: as indeed, their sole business there was either for the purpose of commerce or hostilities with them. It is probable then, that after passing Terra del Fuego, they would hold a notherly course to the uninhabited Island of Juan Fernande [...] and thence sail along the American coast from Chili to California, but they would either return to the Atlantic by the same course, or steer the track of the Phillipine galleons, as trade or rapine could be benefited by no other. In latter years, the enterprising Dutch have made some more certain and effectual researches in the southern latitudes of this ocean. In 1642 Tasman's voyge will ever be remembered, for the discoveries he made in a circuit, reaching from a high southern latitude, so far North as New Guinea. Le Maine and Schouton in 1616, and Roggiuein in 1772, crossing the south tropic, traversed this ocean, from Cape Horn to the East Indies. But even the discoveries they made, can only be considered as a proof how much might be done. If they discovered a coast, they often declined to land; or if they ventured, their enquiries and observations were so futile, as not to satisfy common curiosity, much less philosophical enquiry.

While we thus must allow the Dutch to have been our harbingers, it is also to be observed, that we afterwards went beyond them, even in their own track. And now successively his Majesty' [...] ships have penetrated into the obscurest recesses of [Page v] the south Pacific Ocean, will appear from a recital of their various and extensive operations, which have adjusted the geography of so considerable a part of the globe.

The several lands, mentioned to have been discovered by preceding navigators, whether Spanish or Dutch have been diligently sought after; and most of those which appeared to be of any consequence, found out and visited; when every method was put in practice to correct former mistakes, and supply former deficiences. Thus, the famous Tierra Australia del Espiritu Santo, which was always considered a part of a southern continent, Captain Cook has defined its true position and bounds, in the Archipelago of the New Hebrides.

But besides perfecting the discoveries of their predecessors, our late navigators have added a long catalogue of their own, to enrich geographical knowledge. By repeatedly traversing the Pacific Ocean, within the south trophic, a seeming endless profusion of habitual spots of land was found. Islands interspersed through the amazing space of eighty degrees of longitude, either separately scattered, or grouped in numerous clusters; and such ample accounts have we received, both of them and their inhabitants, that, to make use of the Captains own words, we have left little more to be done in that part.

Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, all contributed towards increasing our knowledge of the isles in the Pacific Ocean, within the limits of the southern [Page vi] tropic; but how far that ocean extended to the west, by what lands it was bounded on that side, and the connections of those lands with the former discoveries, remained unknown, till Captain Cook, after his first voyage, brought back a satisfactory decision to these questions. With wonderful skill and perseverance, amidst perplexities, difficultie and dangers, he traced this coast almost 2000 miles, from the 38° of south latitude, across the tropic, to its northern extremity, within 10° and a half of the equinoctial, where it joined the land, already explored by the Dutch, which they have denominated New Holland. Tasman's discoveries in the last century is now completed by Captain Cook; and we are fully acquainted with the circumference of this vast body of land, which is justly computed to be One Fifth of the Globe.

Although Tasman was the first Discoverer of New-Zealand, yet the small portion of it along which he sailed, rendered his account of it so imperfect, that it was the general opinion of geographers, that New-Zealand was part of a Souther [...] Continent, running North and South from the [...] to the 64° of south latitude. Captain Coo [...] having spent six months in this coun [...]y in 1769 and 70 has fully explored it, and all its coasts, so that from his accounts, as well as that of other visitors, it is established to be [...]o part of a continen [...], but containing, the largest [...], hitherto [...] [...]n the southe [...]n [...]misphere.

[Page vii]Again, Captain Cook has put beyond doubt, that there is no junction between New-Holland, and New-Guinea, as he sailed through between them. Though Mr. Dalrymple and others had discovered some traces of such a passage, yet the uncertainty of its practicability, as well as the importance of the discovery, may be judged of, by reflecting that Mons. Bougainville in 1768, rather than attempt such a passage, sailed ninety leagues about, while reduced to feed on seal skins from of the yards and riggings, for want of provisions.

For a similar discovery to the preceding, we are indebted to Captain Carteret; viz. that the land named by Captain Dampier New Britain, consists of two large and several smaller islands, through which by Sir George's Channel, is a much better and shorter passage, whether from the east-ward or west-ward, than round all the Islands and lands to the north-ward.

Byron, Wallis and Carteret were principally employed in exploring the south Atlantic, and knew no more of the south Pacific, than accidentally occurred in the direct tract they held: and as Captain Cook's main object in his first voyage was to observe the transit of Venus at Otaheite, his anxiety to be there in proper time, preventing his visiting that part of the South Pacific, where the riches and mine of discovery was supposed to exist. To put an end to all conjectures on this matter, Captain Cook was sent out with the Resolution and Adventure, in 1772, on the most enlarged plan of discovery [Page viii] hitherto attempted, viz. to circumnaviga [...] the Globe in high southern latitudes, and carefully to examine every corner of the south Pacific, at once to determine, whether a southern continent existed in any accessible part of the southern hemisphere.

In attending Captain Cook in this second voyage together with his preceding one, we have the greatest certainty to conclude, that many extensive continents and islands mentioned by former navigators, were either large fields of ice, or existed only in the chimerical heads of the pretended discoverers.

It has been, by many, considered as an unanswerable argument; that a southern continent is necessary to preserve the due equilibrium; but from the thorough knowledge of the greater part of the southern hemisphere, of which we are now possest, we may with certainty aver, that the equilibrium of the earth is maintained although the vast track of sea sailed through, leaves no proportion for an equal quantity of land.

Thus though some preceding navigators have annexed more land to the known Globe, than Captain Cook▪ to him belongs the honor of disclosing the extent of sea covering its surface. To con [...]ude our observations on this subject we shall make [...] with hi [...] own words: "I had now made the circut of the southern Ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner as to leave not the least room for there being a continent, unless near the pole, and out of the reach of navigation. By twice visiting the tropical sea, I had not only settled the situation [Page ix] of some old discoveries, but made there many new ones, and left, I conceive, very little to be done in that part. Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the voyage has, in every respect, been fully answered; the southern hemisphere sufficiently explored; and a final end put to the searching after a southern continent, which has, at times, engrossed the attention of some of the maritime powers for near two centuries past, and been a favourite theory amongst geographers of all nations.

From the general sketch we have already given of the preceding voyages, it is evident that, though the utmost accessible extremities of the southern hemisphere had been visited, yet our own had not; and it remained a question, how far a northern passage between the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean was practicable, either by sailing westward round North America, or eastward, round Asia.

Could such a passage be effected, it would greatly shorten passages to Japan, China, and the East-Indies in general. But all the attempts for this purpose proved ineffectual^*.

Notwithstanding the insuperable bars which these [Page x] different navigators had experienced, the obtaining a northerly passage was an object so desirable, that it was determined to bring the matter to a certainty, by sending out Captain Cook once more on this important errand. Thus was this valuable commander again called to expose himself to new toils and dangers, in the service of mankind, although, after what he had already done, he might have enjoyed himself at home, in ease and plenty, without any imputation of sloth.

The various operations proposed were so new and extensive, that they can be best judged of from the following Instructions, under which he sailed.

By the COMMISSIONERS for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of GREAT-BRITAIN and IRELAND, &c.

SECRET INSTRUCTIONS for Captain JAMES COOK, Commander of his Majesty's Sloop the RESOLUTION.

WHEREAS the Earl of Sandwich has signified to us his Majesty's pleasure, that an attempt should be made to find out a Northern passage by sea, from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and whereas we have, in pursuance thereof, caused his Majesty's sloops, Resolution and Discovery, to be [Page xi] fitted, in all respects, proper to proceed upon a voyage for the purpose above mentioned, and, from the experience we have had of your abilities and good conduct in your late voyages, have thought fit to intrust you with the conduct of the present intended voyage, and with that view appointed you to command the first mentioned sloop, and directed Captain Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your orders for his further proceedings. You are hereby required and directed to proceed with the said two sloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope, unless you shall judge it necessary to stop at Madeira, the Cape de Verd, or Canary Islands, to take in wine for the use of their companies; in which case you are at liberty to do so, taking care to remain there no longer than may be necessary for that purpose.

On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, you are to refresh the sloops companies, and to cause the sloops to be supplied with as much provisions and water as they can conveniently stow.

You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of October, or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the south-ward in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French, in the latitude of 48° 0′ south, and about the meridian of Mauritius. In case you find those islands, you are to examine them thoroughly for a good harbour; and upon discovering one, [Page xii] make the necessary observations to facilitate the finding it again; as a good port, in that situation, may hereafter prove very useful, although it should afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood, and water. You are not, however, to spend too much time in looking out for those islands, or in the examination of them, if found, but proceed to Otaheite, or the Society Isles, (touching at New-Zealand in your way thither, if you should judge it necessary and convenient), and taking care to arrive there time enough to admit of your giving the sloops companies the refreshments they may stand in need of, before you prosecute the further object of these instructions.

Upon your arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Isles, you are to land Omai at such of them as he may choose, and to leave him there.

You are to distribute among the Chiefs of those islands such part of the presents with which you have been supplied as you shall judge proper, reserving the remainder to distribute among the natives of the countries you may discover in the Northern Hemisphere; And having refreshed the people belonging to the sloops under your command, and taken on board such wood and water as they may respectively stand in need of, you are to leave those islands in the beginning of February, or sooner if you shall judge it necessary, and then proceed in as direct a course as you can to the coast of New Albion, endeavouring to fall in [Page xiii] with it in the latitude of 45° 0′ north; and taking care, in your way thither, not to lose any time in search of new lands, or to stop at any you may fall in with, unless you find it necessary to recruit your wood and water.

You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions on the Western continent of America, unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident; in which case you are to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic Majesty. And if, in your further progress to the north-ward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjects of any European Prince or State upon any part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or give them any just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship.

Upon your arrival in the coast of New Albion, you are to put into the first convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and procure refreshments, and then to proceed north-ward along the coast, as far as the latitude of 65°, or further, if you are not obstructed by lands or ice; taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude of 65° where we could wish you to arrive in the month [Page xiv] of June next. When you get that length you are very carefully to search for, and to explore, such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing towards Hudson's or Baffin's Bay; and if, from your own observations, or from any information you may receive from the natives, (who there is reason to believe are the same race of people, and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with the vocabulary, as the Esquimaux), there shall appear to be a certainty, or even a probability, of a water passage into the aforementioned bays, or either of them, you are, in such case, to use your utmost endeavours to pass through with one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be of opinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty, or with greater probability, by smaller vessels; in which case you are to set up the frames of one or both the small vessels with which you are provided, and, when they are put together, and are properly sitted, stored, and victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them, under the care of proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers, men and boats, in order, to attempt the said passage; with such instructions for their rejoining you, if they should fail, or for their further proceedings, if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shall judge most proper. But, nevertheless, if you shall find it more eligible to pursue any other measures than those above pointed [Page xv] out, in order to make a discovery of the beforementioned passage, (if any such there be), you are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion to pursue such measures accordingly.

In case you shall be satisfied that there is no passage through to the above-mentioned bays sufficient for the purposes of navigation, you are, at the proper season of the year, to repair to the port of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamtschatka, or wherever else you shall judge more proper, in order to refresh your people, and pass the winter; and, in the spring of the ensuing year 1778, to proceed from thence to the north-ward, as far as, in your prudence, you may think proper, in further search of a North-West passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic Ocean or the North Sea; and if, from your own observation, or any information you may receive, there shall appear to be a probability of such a passage, you are to proceed as above directed: and, having discovered such a passage, or failed in the attempt, make the best of your way back to England, by such route as you may think best for the improvement of geography and navigation; repairing to Spithead with both sloops, where they are to remain till further order.

At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, where accurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already been made, you are, as far as your time [Page xvi] will allow, very carefully to observe the true situation of such places, both in latitude and longitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of head-lands; height, direction, and course of the tides and currents; depths and soundings of the sea; shoals, rocks, &c.; and also to survey, make charts, and take views of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and to make such notations thereon, as may be useful either to navigation or commerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil, and the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it; the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in what plenty; and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, to describe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them, as you can; and, if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or any extraneous fos [...]ils, you are to bring home specimens of each; as also of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains, peculiar to those places, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to our Secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of them. You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any; and to endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship with them; making them presents of such trinkets as you have on board, and they [Page xvii] may like best; inviting them to trassic; and shewing them every kind of civility and regard; but taking care, nevertheless, not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard against any accidents.

You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession, in the name of the King of Great-Britain, of convenient situations in such countries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered or visited by any other European power; and to distribute among the inhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of your having been there; but if you find the countries so discovered are uninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his Majesty, by setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and possessors.

But forasmuch as, in undertakings of this nature, several emergencies may arise not to be foreseen, and therefore not particularly to be provided for by instructions before-hand; you are, in all such cases, to proceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which you are employed.

You are, by all opportunities, to send to our Secretary, for our information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys and drawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you are immediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a full account [Page xviii] of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage; taking care, before you leave the sloop, to demand from the officers and petty officers the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to seal them up for our inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew, not to divulge where they have been, until they shall have permission so to do: and you are to direct Captain Clerke to do the same, with respect to the officers and crew of the Discovery.

If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of the voyage, so as to disable her from proceeding any further, you are, in such case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and to prosecute your voyage in her; her Commander being hereby strictly required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders, the same, in every respect, as when you were actually on board the Resolution; And in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these Instructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in the best manner he can.

Given under our hands the 6th day of July, 1776.

SANDWICH.
C. SPENCER.
H. PALLISER.

By command of their Lordships, PH. STEPHENS.

[Page xix]Government, now heartily in earnest, neglected no step which might tend to promote the object in view. In 1745, a law had passed offering a donation of L. 20,000 to the discoverer of a Northern passage through Hudson's Bay, in which his Majesty's ships were excluded. This was now extended to any ship belonging to his Majesty, or any of his subjects, and the restriction to Hudson's Bay cancelled, bearing that the discoverer of a passage by sea, between the the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean in any direction, or paralled of the Northern Hemisphere, should be entitled, &c. As also a reward of five thousand pounds, to any ship that should approach to within 1° of the North Pole. In the beginning of summer 1776, Captain Pickersgill was appointed Commander of the armed brig the Lion, and ordered to proceed to Davis's Straits, to protect the British fishers; and in order to facilitate Captain Cook's expedition, to proceed up Baffin's Bay, and make such charts and take such views of the several bays, harbours, &c. as might be useful to navigators and others; and to be careful to return in the fall of the year. Pickersgill failed in executing his commissions, and in March following Lieutenant Young was appointed to succeed him.

As the object of this voyage is immediately connected with that of Captain Cook, we have annexed a summary of his instructions, dated March 13th, 1777.

[Page xx]"That as the Resolution and Discovery had been sent out under the command of Capt. Cook, to attempt the discovery of a northern passage, by sea, from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean, and to run as far up as the 65° of north latitude, and there, and as far north as he judged it proper, carefully to search for such rivers or inlets as might appear to him pointing towards Baffin's or Hudson's bay, or the north seas; and to attempt a passage by these if possible; so, on the other hand, you are to proceed to Baffin's Bay, and carefully to explore the western shores thereof, and if an inlet or river is discovered seemingly pointing towards the Pacific Ocean, you are to attempt navigating the same; and if not, endeavour to return to England once this year."

But this expedition was of no service; Young was found more calculated to assist in the glory of a victory, than explore icy mountains.

On examining these instructions, it may be questioned, why Captain Cook was not directed to commence his search, before he arrived at 65°? Why not examine Hudson's Bay, on our side of America? Why was the western sea of John de Fuca in latitude 47° and 48°; the Archipelago of St. Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte from 50° to 55°; and the rivers and lakes to the north eastward, neglected? It may easily be shewn that these pretended discoveries are mere fictions, and that the Orders, not to begin his search before the [Page xxi] 65° of north latitude was founded upon a thorough knowledge of the coast to the south-ward of that point.

Captain Middleton, the commander of the expedition in Hudson's Bay, in 1741, and 42, had entertained a notion of the probability of discovering a passage to the Pacific, and in search of it, had proceeded further north than any of his predecessors; but he found it utterly impracticable. Mr. Dobbs, however, the patron of the enterprise, upon the information of some of Middleton's officers, ventured to accuse him of misrepresenting facts, and that from his own accounts of an inlet running west-ward in latitude 65° or 66° it was evident he had not taken proper pains. To be at a point upon this, he prevailed upon a society of merchants and gentlemen to fit out the Dobbs and California to investigate this very inlet, having previously got the L. 20,000 premium [...].

But this voyage abundantly established Captain Middleton's opinion; for the supposed straits was found to be a fresh water river. So high had expectation been raised in favour of this supposed passage, that notwithstanding the failure of this expedition, it was still considered as attainable. Two places were mentioned as the most probable, the one Chesterfield or Bowden's inlet, in latitude 63° or 64°, the other Repulse Bay in latitude 67°. This last, the committee who directed [Page xxii] the enterprise, declared to be impracticable, upon the testimony of Mr. Ellis, the commander of the Dobbs, and some of his officers; and the former has been fully explored, and traced 170 miles up the country, to a large lake from whence it takes its rise, in two different voyages by Captain Christopher, in the sloop Churchill in the years 1761 and 62.

Besides these sea voyages, the matter is much elucidated by the journey of Mr. Hearne, who was sent out by the Hudson's Bay company to travel over land, as far as the Copper Mine River, which had been much spoken of by Mr. Dobbs and other favourers of the scheme. He set out in December 1770, from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill's River lat. 58° 50′, and his transactions are preserved in his written journal. It is much to be wished that this journal were published, as it contains a very dismal account of the wretched situation of the miserions, inhabitants of that part of the globe. His general course was to the north-west. In June 1771, when at a place called Conge Catha who Chaga, he determined by two good observations, that this place is situated 24° 2′ west longitude of Churchill River, and in 68° 46′ north latitude. On the 13th of July, he reached Copper Mine River; and contrary to the idea he had been left to form of it, sound it scarcely navigable for a canoe. Without entering particularly into the account Mr. Hearne gives of this [Page xxiii] river, it is sufficient for our purpose to mention, that he found it by no means navigable for the smallest vessels, and impossible to be made so. On our general chart, the particular situation of this river, as well as the country in general, through which Mr. Hearne passed, is accurately laid down. In fine, Mr. Hearne's travelling 1300 miles before he arrived at the sea, makes it clear that the continents of North America stretches from Hudson's Bay, at least that distance to the north-west, while his most westerly distance from Hudson's Bay was about 600 miles; and the Indians who attended him as guides were convinced that there existed a vast track of continent, stretching on in the same direction. What we have now mentioned, being sufficiently known to the first Lord of the Admiralty, was a good reason for his ordering Captain Cook to commence his search in latitude 65°, and not more to the southward. But if there are any, we are still inclined to think it should have begun earlier. We beg leave to recommend to them a perusal of the Spanish voyages, particularly that on the coast of America in 1775, published by Mr. Danes Barrington. In the general sketch we have now given of the present and preceding voyages, a pretty distinct idea may be formed, of what was intended to be done, and what was really accomplished. The benefits arising from them may be enumerated as follows:

[Page xxiv]1. All visionary speculators and schemers, such as Busson, Campbell, and de Brosses, will find few votaries to support their airy fanciful dreams of treasures and paradises in these seas, as Captain Cook has sufficiently investigated what is and what is not to be found there; so, many impracticable undertakings which would probably have taken place, will be entirely prevented.

2. But unprofitable searches will not only be discouraged, but the distresses and inconveniencies attending the navigation of these seas, in a great measure prevented. The exact situation of the different islands are properly laid down; rocky shores, perplexing currents, dangerous shoals, and narrow straits accurately described; besides many other advantages, to enumerate which, it would be necessary to transcribe great part of the journals of our several Commanders. By thus lessening the danger of these voyages, a scene of commerce comes in view, that in a course of years will probably come to such a height as is impossible for us at present to have any conception of; nay, in our own day, it is highly probable that some speedy advances will be made to form some commercial establishments in the south Pacific; at least, if we do not, we have taught the Russians and Spaniards some important lessons in the skintrade, and otherwise, which they will not fail to improve.

[Page xxv]3. The valuable accessions which human knowledge has made by the continued plan of discovery carried on in the present reign, cannot fail to distinguish Britain as taking the lead in the most arduous enterprises, for the benefit of mankind. And were no real benefit to accrue to us, either in this or a future age, as mentioned in the preceding article, certainly no greater scope was ever given to the dignified exercise of the powers of the human mind, particularly in the astronomical lines.

4. It is commonly observed, that acquisitions in one science, are generally followed by acquisitions in other branches; so here, the discovery of so [...] new places in the globe presents to our view fresh objects of science. Upon the report of any common sailor, much information may be obtained; but when we consider that in these voyages, the labours of some of the most eminent men of the times are united, we must be satisfied that every thing new and valuable throughout the wide extent of their researches are collected and recorded. It is necessary here to mention that in his second voyage, Captain Cook was accompanied by Sir Joseph Banks; the obligations which (if we may use the expression) science lies under to this great man, cannot be b [...]te [...] expressed than in the words of Mr. Wallis, which we beg leave to transcribe.

[Page xxvi]"That branch of natural knowledge which may be called nautical astronomy, was undoubtedly in its infancy, when these voyages were first undertaken. Both instruments and observers, which deserved the name, were very rare; and so late as the year 1770, it was thought necessary, in the appendix to Mayer's tables, published by the Board of Longitude, to state facts, in contradiction to the assertions of so celebrated an Astronomer as the Abbe de la Caille, that the altitude of the sun at noon, the easiest and most simple of all observations, could not be taken with certainty to a less quantity than five, six, seven, or even eight minutes.^* But those who will give themselves the [Page xxvii] trouble to look into the astronomical observations, made in Captain Cook's last voyage, will find that there were few, even of the petty officers, who could not observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, the most delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy. It may be added, that the method of making and computing observations for finding the variation of the compass is better known, and more frequently practised by those who have been on these voyages, than by most others. Nor is there, perhaps, a person who ranks as an officer, and has been concerned in them, who would not, whatever his real skill may be, feel ashamed to have it thought that he did not know how to observe for, and compute the time at sea; though, but a short while before these voyages were set on foot, such a thing was scarcely ever heard of amongst seamen; and even first-rate astronomers doubted the possibility of doing it with sufficient exactness^*."

[Page xxviii]"The number of places at which the rise and times of flowing of tides have been observed, in these voyages, is very great; and hence an important article of useful knowledge is afforded. In these observations, some very curious and even unexpected circumstances have offered themselves to our consideration. It will be sufficient to instance the exceedingly small height to which the [Page xxix] tide rises in the middle of the great Pacific Ocean; where it falls short, two-thirds at least, of what might have been expected from theory and calculation."

"The direction and force of currents at sea, make also an important object. These voyages will be found to contain much useful information on this head; as well relating to seas nearer home, and which, in consequence, are navigated every day, as to those which are more remote, but where, notwithstanding, the knowledge of these things may be of great service to those who are destined to navigate them hereafter. To this head also we may refer the great number of experiments which have been made for inquiring into the depth of the sea, its temperature, and saltness at different depths, and in a variety of places and climates."

"An extensive foundation has also been laid for improvements in magnetism, for discovering the cause and nature of the polarity of the needle, and a theory of its variations, by the number and variety of the observations and experiments which have been made, both on the variation and dip, in almost all parts of the world. Experiments also have been made, in consequence of the late voyages, on the effects of gravity, in different and very distant places, which may serve to increase our stock of natural knowledge. From the same source of information we have learned, that [Page xxx] the phaenomenon, usually called the aurora borealis, is not peculiar to high Northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all cold climates, whether they be North or South."

"But perhaps no part of knowledge has been so great a gainer by the late voyages, as that of botany. We are told^* that, at least, twelve hundred new plants have been added to the known system; and that very considerable additions have been made to every other branch of natural history, by the great skill and industry of Sir Joseph Banks, and the other gentlemen^† who have accompanied Captain Cook for that purpose."

To Captain Cook himself, we are indebted for another improvement, which was the general health of his crew, during his long voyages, and that may be observed particularly in every passage of the succeeding volumes. Another good effect of these voyages, and that not the least of them, is the opportunity they have afforded of studying human nature in various situations both interesting [Page xxxi] and uncommon. However secluded from the rest of mankind any tribe may appear to be at this time, yet if any traces remain of a quondam acquaintance with any sect or race, by history or our own observation, there cannot be seen uncultivated nature. And in this state the Islands contiguous to the continent of Asia seem to be. But our interprising discoverer had occasion to observe, in the center of the Pacific Ocean, tribes of fellow creatures hitherto unknown; their manners, customs, religion, laws, their every thing, the production of nature and necessity. What a soil for philosophical enquiry!

On the one hand, our admiration is raised, in observing their songs, their dances, their games, their processions, and on the other, our detestation in observing them feed on human flesh.

The Scholar and Antiquarian consider it as a valuable acquisition to discover some relique of Roman or Grecian workmanship; but how much more is not curiosity awakened, in observing the ingenious inventions of our newly discovered friends in the Sandwich Isles? What rusty collection of antiques can vie with the valuable addition made by Cook to Sir Ashton Lever's repository? And the expence of all his three voyages does not exceed the expence of digging out the buried contents of Herculaneum. In a nation so far advanced in refinement as this, the contrast must be [Page xxxii] very striking, and to trace the transition from barbarism to civility truly pleasing.

The Philosopher will find a new field of discussion opened for him, in what may be termed the natural history of the human species. For example, the question concerning the existence of giant's is now determined; as upon the joint testimony of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, we are assured that the inhabitants of a district bordering on the north side of the strait of Magalhaens, considerably exceed the bulk of mankind in statu [...]e.

No subject can be more entertaining than to trace the various migrations of those who first peopled the Globe. It was formerly known, that the Asiatic nation, called the Malayans, traded considerably in the Indies, not only on the side of Asia, but also on the African coast, particularly to Madagascar. But we are indebted to Captain Cook for the information, that the same nation, who are also called Phoenicians, visited, made settlements, and sounded colonies, at different islands and places at vast distances from one another, and that extending from the east side of Africa to the west side of America, a space, including above half the circumference of the Globe; this he demonstrates, by the surest of all proofs, viz. the affinity of language.

Connected with this, we shall mention a very important benefit resulting from these [...], [Page xxxiii] viz. the effectual answer we have now to give those cavillers against the Mosaic account of peopling the earth; the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America is fully established.

When the recesses of the globe are investigated in order to promote general knowledge, and not with a prospect of enlarging private dominion; when we traverse the globe to visit new tribes of our fellow creatures, as friends, wishing to learn their existence, for the express purpose of bringing them within the pale of the offices of humanity, and to relieve their wants, by communicating to them our superior attainments; the voyages projected by his gracious Majesty George the Third, and carried into execution by Captain Cook, have not, it is presumed, been entirely useless. Some rays of light must have been darted on the Friendly Society, and Sandwich Islands, by our repeated intercourse with them. Their stock of ideas must naturally be enlarged, and new materials must have been furnished them for the exercise of their reason, by the uncommon objects we exhibited to them.

Convinced, by comparing themselves to their English visitors, of their extreme inferiority, they will probably endeavour to emerge from it, and to rise nearer to a level with those who left [Page xxxiv] behind them so many proofs of their generosity and humanity. The useful animals and vegetables introduced amongst them will certainly contribute to the comforts and enjoyments of life.

When Great-Britain was first visited by the Phoenicians, the inhabitants were painted savages, much less civilized than those of Tongataboo, or Otaheite; and it is not impossible, but that our late voyages may, in process of time, spread the blessings of civilization amongst the numerous islanders of the South Pacific Ocean, and be the means of abolishing their abominable repasts, and almost equally abominable sacrifices.

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A GENERAL CHART: Exhibiting the DISCOVERIES made by Captⁿ. JAMES COOK in this and his two proceeding VOYAGES; with the TRACKS of the SHIPS under his Command.

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A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK I. TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE, TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW ZEALAND.

CHAP. I.

Captains Cook and Clerke appointed to the Resolution and Discovery—Preparations for the Voyage—Sail from Deptford to Long Reach—Are visited there by the Earl of Sandwich and others—Proceed to Plymouth—Employments there—Number of Officers and Men in each Ship—Departure of the Resolution.

ON the 10th of February, 1776, Captain Cook went on board his Majesty's sloop the Resolution, and hoisted the pendant, having received a commission to command her the preceding day. The Discovery, of three hundred tons, [...], at the same time, prepared for the service, [Page 2] and Captain Clerke appointed to the command of her. It may be necessary to observe, that Captain Clerke had been Captain Cook's Second Lieutenant on board the Resolution, in his second voyage round the world.

These two ships were then equipping in the dock at Deptford, for a voyage to make farther discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under the direction of Captain Cook.

The Resolution was hauled into the river on the 9th of March to complete her rigging, and take in stores and provisions for the voyage. Both ships, indeed, were abundantly supplied with every thing requisite for a voyage of such duration. We sailed on the 29th of May, and arrived the next day at Long Reach, where our powder and shot, and other ordnance stores, were received.

On the 8th of June, while we lay in Long Reach, we had the satisfaction of a visit from the Earl of Sandwich, Sir Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, to examine whether every thing had been completed pursuant to their orders, and to the convenience of those who were to embark. They honoured Captain Cook with their company to dinner on that day; and were saluted, on their coming on board, and on their going ashore, with seventeen guns and three cheers.

[Page 3]To convey some permanent benefit to the inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands which we might happen to visit, his Majesty commanded some useful animals to be taken out. On the 10th we took on board a bull, two cows with their calves, and some sheep; with hay and corn for their support. We were also furnished with a sufficient quantity of our valuable European garden seeds, which might add fresh supplies of food to the vegetable productions of our newly discovered islands.

Both the ships, by order of the Board of Admiralty, were amply supplied with an extensive assortment of iron tools and trinkets, to facilitate a friendly commerce and intercourse with the inhabitants of such new countries as we might discover. With respect to our own wants, nothing was refused us that might be conducive to health, comfort or convenience.

Those at the head of the naval department were equally solicitous to render our vo [...]age of public utility; accordingly we received on board, the next day, variety of astronomical and nautical instruments, which the Board of Longitude intrusted to Captain Cook and Mr. King, his Second Lieutenant; they having engaged to supply the place of a professed observator. The board, likewise, put into their possession the time-keeper, which Captain Cook had carried out in his last voyage, and which had performed so well. It [Page 4] was constructed by Mr. Kendal, and was a copy of Mr. Harrison's. Another time-keeper, and the same assortment of astronomical and other instruments were put on board the Discovery, for the use of Mr. William Bailey, a diligent and skilful observator, who was engaged to embark with Captain Clerke.

Mr. Anderson, Surgeon to Captain Cook, added to his professional abilities a great proficiency in natural history. He had already visited the South-Sea Islands in the same ship, and enabled the Captain to enrich his relation of the preceding voyage with useful and valuable remarks.

Though several young men, among the seaofficers, were capable of being employed in constructing charts, drawing plans, and taking views of the coasts and head-lands, Mr. Webber was engaged to embark with Captain Cook, for the purpose of supplying the defects of written accounts, by taking accurate and masterly drawings of the most memorable scenes of our transactions.

The necessary preparations being completed, Captain Cook received orders to proceed to Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under his command. In consequence of which, he ordered Captain Clerke to carry his ship also [...]ound to Plymouth.

[Page 5]The Resolution, with the Discovery in company, sailed from Long Reach on the 15th of June, and anchored at the Nore the same evening. The Discovery proceeded the next day in obedience to Captain Cook's order, and the Resolution remained at the Nore till Captain Cook, who was then in London, should join her.

It being our intention to touch at Otaheite and the S [...]ic [...]y Islands, it had been determined to carry Omai back to his native country; accordingly Captain Cook and he set out from London early on the 24th, and reached Chatham between ten and eleven o'clock, where they dined with Commissioner Proby, who afterwards ordered his yacht to convey them to Sheerness, where the Captain's boat was waiting to take them on board the Resolution.

Though Omai left London with some degree of regret, when he reflected upon the favours and indulgencies he had received, yet, when mention was made of his own islands, his eyes sparkled with joy. He entertained the highest ideas of this country and its inhabitants; but the pleasing prospect of returning home, loaded with what would be deemed invaluable treasures there, and of obtaining a distinguished superiority among his countrymen, operated so far as to suppress every uneasy sensation, and when he got on board the ship, he appeared to be quite happy.

[Page 6]Omai was furnished by his Majesty, with quantities of every article that were supposed to be in estimation at Otaheite. He also received several presents from Lord Sandwich, Mr. Banks, and many others. Every method had, indeed, been employed, during his abode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument of conveying to his countrymen, an exalted opinion of British greatness and generosity.

About noon on the 25th we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downs, with a gentle breeze at north-west by west. At nine the same day we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing south by east, and Margate Point south-west by south.

On the 26th, at two o'clock, we weighed, and stood round the Foreland; and at eight o'clock the same morning anchored in the Downs. Here Captain Cook received two boats on board, which had been built for him at Deal; and the next day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, we got under sail, but the breeze soon died away, and we anchored again. At ten o'clock the same night we weighed again, and proceeded down the [...].

We anchored at Plymouth Sound on the 30th, at three o'clock in the afternoon. The Discovery had arrived there three days before. We saluted Admiral Amh [...]rst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, and he returned the compliment.

[Page 7]We were employed on the 1st and 2d of July in replacing the water and provisions we had expended, and in receiving on board a supply of port wine. On the 8th Captain Cook received his instructions for the voyage, and an order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution; with directions also to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow him, as soon as he should join his ship, he being at that time in London.

The officers and men on board the Resolution (including marines) were one hundred and twelve, and those on board the Discovery were eighty.

On the 10th of July the proper persons came on board, and paid the officers and crew up to the 30th of last month. The petty officers and seamen received also two months wages in advance. Such indulgence to the latter is customary; but the payment of what was due to the superior officers, was in consideration of our peculiar situation, to enable us to defray the expence of furnishing ourselves with necessaries for a voyage of such uncommon duration.

In the morning of the 11th, Captain Cook delivered into the hands of Mr. Burney, First Lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke's sailing orders; a copy of which he also left with the commanding officer of his Majesty's ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the Captain on his arrival. In the afternoon we weighed with the ebb, [Page 8] and got out beyond all the shipping in the Sound, where we were detained most of the following day. At eight o'clock in the evening, we weighed again, and stood out of the Sound, with a gentle breeze at north-west by west.

CHAP. II.

The Resolution proceeds to Teneriffe—Reception there—Captain Cook visits the Governor—Description of Santa Cruz Road—Ample Supplies to be obtained—Some account of the Island, and of the Cities of Santa Cruz and Laguna—Agriculture—Natural History—Air—Climate—Produce—Description of the Inhabitants.

SOON after we came out of Plymouth Sound, the wind came more westerly, and blew fresh, which obliged us to ply down the channel; and we were not off the Lizard till the 14th at eight in the evening.

On the 16th at noon, the light-house of St. Agnes, on the Isles of Scilly, bore north-west by west, distant about seven or eight miles; and on the 17th and 18th, we were off Ushant.

On the 19th we stood westward till eight o'clock in the morning, when the wind shifted, and we [Page 9] tacked and stretched to the southward: here we beheld nine sail of large ships, which we supposed to be French men of war. On the 22d, at ten in the morning, we saw Cape Ortegal about four leagues distant.

We had calm weather on the 22d and 23d, and on the afternoon of the 24th, we passed Cape Finisterre, with a fine gale at north-north-east.

Captain Cook determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of hay and corn for the subsistence of his animals on board, as well as the usual refreshments for ourselves. We saw Teneriffe on the 31st of July, at four in the afternoon; and at day-light on the first of August, we sailed round the east point of that island, and anchored on the south side, in the road of Santa Cruz, about eight o'clock, in twenty-three fathoms water.

There were, riding in this road, a French frigate, two French brigantines, an English brigantine, and fourteen sail of Spanish ships.

Immediately after we had anchored, we received a visit from the master of the port, who asked the ship's name. Upon his retiring, Captain Cook sent an officer ashore, to present his respects to the Governor, and ask his permission to take in water, and to purchase such articles as were thought necessary. The Governor very politely complied with Captain Cook's request, and sent an officer on board to compliment him on his arrival. In the afternoon Captain Cook waited [Page 10] upon him, accompanied by some of his officers; and, before he returned to his ship, bespoke some corn and straw, ordered a quantity of wine, and made an agreement for a supply of water.

The Road of Santa Cruz is situated on the south-east side of the island, before the town of the same name. It is said to be the principal road of Teneriffe for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its bottom.

The water to supply the shipping, and for the use of the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, is derived from a rivulet that runs from the hills, which is conveyed into the town in wooden troughs. As these troughs were at this time repairing, fresh water was extremely scarce.

From the appearance of the country about Santa Cruz, it might naturally be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot: we were convinced however, from the ample supplies we received, that it not only produced sufficient to supply its own inhabitants, but also enough to spare for visitors. Though wine is the chief produce of the island, beef may be had at about three-pence sterling a pound; the oxen, however, are small, lean, and boney. Sheep, goats, hogs, and poultry, may be had on terms equally reasonable. A great variety of fruits are to be had in plenty, as pears, figs, grapes, mulberries, musk-melons, &c. besides others that were not then in season. The [Page 11] pumpkins, potatoes, and onions, which grow here, are excellent.

Indian corn is produced on this island, and is sold at about three shillings and six-pence per bushel: the fruits and vegetables are, in general, very cheap. Though the inhabitants are but indifferently supplied with fish by the adjoining seas, they are engaged in a considerable fishery on the coast of Barbary, and the produce of it sells at a very moderate price.

Teneriffe is certainly a more eligible place than Madeira, for ships to touch at which are bound on long voyages; but the wine of the latter is infinitely superior to that of the former: the difference of their prices is almost as considerable as their qualities, for the best Teneriffe wine was sold for twelve pounds a pipe, whereas a pipe of the best Maderia was worth considerably more than double that sum.

Behind the town of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually to a moderate height; afterwards it continues to rise south westward towards the celebrated pic of Teneriffe. But we were much disappointed in our expectations with respect to its appearance ^*.

[Page 12]The island, eastward of Santa Cruz, appears perfectly barren. Ridges of high hills run towards the sea, between which are deep vallies, terminating at mountains that run across and are higher than the former.

On the 1st of August in the afternoon, Mr. Anderson (Captain Cook's surgeon) went on shore to one of these vallies, intending to reach the top of the remoter hills, but time would not permit him to get farther than their foot. The lower hills produce great quantities of the euphorbia canariensis. The people on the spot imagine its juice to be so caustic as to erode the skin; but Mr. Anderson convinced them to the contrary, by thrusting his finger into a plant full of it. The inhabitants dry the bushes of euphorbia, and carry them home for fuel.

Santa Cruz, though not large, is a well-built city. Their churches have not a magnificent appearance without, but they are decent and tolerably handsome within.

Almost facing the stone pier, which runs into the sea from the town, is a marble column, lately erected, enriched with human figures which reflect honour to the statuary.

On the 2d of August, in the afternoon, Mr. Anderson and three others hired mules to ride to the city of Laguna, about the distance of four miles from Santa Cruz. They arrived there between five and six in the evening, but the sight [Page 13] of it did not reward us for our trouble, as the roads were very bad, and our cattle but indifferent. Though the place is extensive, it hardly deserves to be dignified with the name of a city. There is some good houses, but the disposition of the streets is very irregular. Laguna is larger than Santa Cruz, but much inferior to it in appearance.

The road from Santa Cruz to Laguna, runs up a steep barren hill; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees and corn-fields. The corn, however, is not produced here without great labour, the ground being greatly encumbered with stones. Nothing else presented itself, deserving notice, except a few aloe plants in flower on the side of the road.

The laborious work in this island is chiefly performed by mules, horses being scarce, and reserved for the use of the officers. Oxen are also much employed here. Some hawks and parrots wer [...] seen, which were natives of the island; as also the sea-swallow, sea-gulls, partridges, swallows, canary-birds, and black-birds. There are also lizards, locusts, and three or four sorts of dragon flies.

Mr. Anderson was informed, by a gentleman of acknowledged veracity, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the description given by Linnaeus of the tea shrub, as growing in China and Japan. It is considered as a weed, [Page 14] and large quantities are rooted out of the vineyards every year. The Spaniards, however, who inhabit the island, sometimes make use of it, and ascribe to it all the qualities of the tea imported from China.

The same gentleman mentioned to Mr. Anderson another botanical curiosity, which is called the impregnated lemon. It is a distinct and perfect lemon enclosed within another.

A certain sort of grape growing here, is deemed an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints. The air and climate are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted to afford relief in such complaints. By residing at different heights in the island, it is in the power of any one to procure such a temperature of air as may be best suited to his constitution. He may continue where it is mild and salubrious, or he may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. No person, it is said, can live comfortably within a mile of the perpendicular height of the pic, after the month of August.

Smoke continually issues from near the top of the pic, but they have had no earthquake or eruption since 1704, when the port of Garrachica was destroyed, being filled up by the rivers of burning lava that flowed into it; and houses are now built, where ships formerly lay at anchor.

The trade of Teneriffe is very considerable, forty thousand pipes of wine being annually made [Page 15] there; which is consumed in the island, or made into brandy, and sent to the Spanish West-Indies. Indeed the wine is the only considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe, unless we reckon the large quantities of filtering stones brought from Grand Canary.

The race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards discovered the Canaries, are no longer a distinct people, having intermarried with the Spanish settlers; their descendants, however, may be known, from their being remarkably tall, strong, and large-boned. The men are tawny, and the woman are pale. The inhabitants, in general, of Teneriffe, are decent, grave, and civil; retaining that solemn cast which distinguishes those of their country from others. Though we are not of opinion that our manners are similar to those of the Spaniards, [...] Omai declared, he did not think there was much difference. He said, indeed, that they did not appear to be so friendly as the English; and that their persons nearly resembled those of his countrymen.

[Page 16]

CHAP. III.

Departure from Teneriffe—Danger of the ship from the sunken rocks near Bonavista—Isle of Mayo —Necessary precautions against Rain and Heat in the Neighbourhood of the Equator—Position of the Coast of Brazil—Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope—Captain Cook's Reception there—Loses some of his Sheep—Other Transactions at the Cape—Junction of the Discovery—Account of Mr. Anderson's Journey up the Country.

HAVING got our water and other articles on board, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, quitted Teneriffe, and proceeded on our voyage.

On the 10th, at nine o'clock in the evening, we saw the island of Bonavista bearing south, distant about a league; though we then thought ourselves much farther off, but it soon appeared that we were mistaken; for after hauling to the eastward, to clear the sunken rocks that lie near the south-east point of the island, we found ourselves clos [...] upon them, and bearly weathered the breakers. Our situation was, for some minutes, so very alarming, that Captain Cook did not chuse to sound, as that might have increased the danger, without any possibility of lessening it.

[Page 17]Having cleared the rocks, we steered between Bonavista and the island of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for the Discovery, as Captain Cook had told Captain Clerke that he should touch there. At one o'clock we saw the rocks south-west of Bonavista, bearing south-east, distant three or four leagues.

On Monday the 12th, at six o'clock in the morning, the isle of Mayo bore south-south-east, distant four or five leagues. We sounded, and found ground at sixty fathoms. At the distance of three or four miles from this island, we saw not the least appearance of vegetation; nothing presented itself to our view, but that lifeless brown, so common in unwooded countries under the torrid zone.

During our continuance among these islands, we had gentle breezes of wind, varying from the south-east to east, and some calms. On the 13th, at nine o'clock in the morning, we arrived before Port Praya, in the island of St. Jago, where two Dutch East-India ships, and a small brigantine, were at anchor. The Discovery not being there, we did not go in, but stood to the southward.

We lost the north-east trade-wind, the day after we left the Cape de Verde islands; and, on the 30th, got that which blows from the south-east. The wind, during this interval, was principally in the south-west quarter. It generally blew a [Page 18] gentle breeze, but sometimes fresh, and in squalls. We had few calms, and those of short duration. Between the latitude of 12°, and of 7° north, the weather was very gloomy, and frequently rainy; insomuch, that we were enabled to save as much water as filled the greatest part of our empty casks.

Every bad consequence is to be apprehended from these rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them. Commanders of ships ought carefully to purify the air between decks with fires and smoke, and to oblige the people to change their cloaths at every opportunity. These precautions were strictly observed on board the Resolution and Discovery; and we enjoyed the advantage of it, having fewer sick than on either of Captain Cook's former voyages. Our ship, however, was very leaky in all her upper works. The sultry weather had opened her seams so wide, that the rain-water passed through as it fell. The officers in the gun-room were driven from their cabins, by the water that came through the sides, and hardly a man could lie dry in his bed. The caulkers were employed to repair these defects, as soon as we got into fair settled weather; but Captain Cook would not trust them over the sides while we were at sea.

On the 1st of September, we crossed the equator, in the longitude of 27° 38′ west, and passed the afternoon in performing the old ceremony of [Page 19] d [...]king those, who had not crossed the equator before. On the 8th, we were a little to the southward of Cape St. Augustine. We proceeded on our voyage, without any remarkable occurrence, till the 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35° 15′ south, longitude 7° 45′ west, we alternately met with light airs and calms for three successive days. For some days before we had seen albatrosses, and pintadoes, and we then saw three penguins. In consequence of this we founded, but found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty fathoms. We shot a few birds, one of which was a black petrel, about the size of a crow.

In the evening of the 8th, a bird, which the sailors call a noddy, settled on our rigging, and was taken. It was larger than a common English black-bird, and nearly of the same colour, except the upper part of the head, which was white. It was web-footed, had black legs, and a long black bill. Though it is said th [...]se birds never venture far from land, we knew of none nearer our station than Gough's or Richmond island, which could not be less than one hundred leagues. But as the Atlantic ocean, southward of us, has been but little frequented, there may possibly be more islands than we know of.

A fresh gale from the north-west succeeded this calm weather, which continued two days. Afterwards we had variable light [...]ir [...] for about [Page 20] twenty-four hours, when the north-west wind returned, and bl [...]w fresh. On the 17th we saw the Cape of Good Hope, and, on the 18th, anchored in Table-bay, in four fathoms water.

After receiving the usual visit from the Masterattendant and the Surgeon, Captain Cook sent an officer to Baron Plettenberg, the Governor, and saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, and was complimented in return with the same number. Two French East-India ships were in the bay, the one outward, and the other homeward-bound.

After having saluted, Captain Cook went on shore, accompanied by some of his officers, and waited on the Governor, the Lieutenant-governor, the Fiscal, and the Commander of the troops. These Gentlemen received Captain Cook with the greatest civility; and the Governor, in particular voluntarily promised him every assistance that the place afforded. Before Captain Cook returned on board, he ordered fresh meat, greens, &c. to be provided every day for the ship's company.

On the 22d we fixed our tents and observatory; the next day we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to discover whether the watch had altered its rate. The caulkers were set to work to caulk the ship; and Captain Cook had concerted measures for supplying both ships with such provisions as were wanted; and, as the several articles for the Resolution were got ready▪ they were immediately conveyed on board.

[Page 21]The homeward-bound French ship sailed for Europe on the 26th, and by her we sent letters to England. The next day the Hampshire East-India ship, from Bencoolen, anchored in the bay.

On the 31st of October it blew excessively hard at south-east, and continued for three days. The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the gale without dragging her anchors.

The storm ceased on the 3d of November, and on the 6th the Hampshire sailed for England, in which Captain Cook sent home an invalid. On the 10th, in the morning, the Discovery arrived in the bay. She sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of August, and would have been in with us a week sooner, had not the late gale of wind blown her off the coast. Captain Clerke, on his passage from England, lost one of his marines, by falling over board. No other accident happened among his people, and they arrived in perfect health.

The next day the Discovery wanting caulking, Captain Cook sent all his workmen on board her, and lent every other assistance to the Captain to expedite his supply of provisions and water.

Having, by the Governor's permission, taken our cattle on shore, on the night preceding the 14th, some dogs got in amongst the sheep, forced them out of the pen, killed four, and dispersed the rest. We recovered six of them the next day; but among those which were missing were two rams, and two of the finest ewes in the whole flock. [Page 22] Though the Dutch frequently boast of the police at the Cape, yet the Captain's sheep evaded all the vigilance of the Fiscal's officers and people. At length, after much trouble and expence, by employing some of the lowest fellows of the place, we recovered all but the two ewes. One of the rams, however, was so miserably torn by the dogs, that we thought he would never recover.

Mr. Hemmy, the Lieutenant-governor, very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving Captain Cook a Spanish ram, out of some he had sent for from Lisbon; but the Captain declined the offer, thinking it would equally answer his purpose to take with him some of the Cape rams: in this, however, the Captain was mistaken. Mr. Hemmy had endeavoured to introduce European sheep at the Cape; but all his attempts were frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who highly esteemed their own breed, on account of their large tails; the fat of which sometimes produces more money than the whole car [...]ass besides. Indeed the most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep is the length and thickness of their tails, which weigh from ten to fifteen pounds.

While the ships were repairing for the prosecution of our voyage, Mr. Anderson, and some of our officers, made an excursion, to take a survey of the neighbouring country. Mr. Anderson [Page 23] relates their proceedings to the following effect:

In the forenoon of Saturday the 16th of November, he, and five others, set out in a waggon, to take a view of the country. They crossed the large plain to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, resembling that which is commonly found on beaches. At five in the afternoon they passed a large farm-house, some corn-fields and vineyards, situated beyond the plain, where the soil appeared worth cultivating. At seven they arrived at Stellenbosh, a colony, in point of importance, next to that of the Cape.

The village stands at the foot of the range of lofty mountains, about twenty miles to the eastward of Cape-Town, and consists of about thirty houses, which are neat and clean: a rivulet, and the shelter of some large oaks, planted at its first settling, form a rural prospect in this desert country. There are some thriving vineyards and orchards about the place, which seem to indicate an excellent soil, though perhaps much may be owing to the uncommon serenity of the air.

At this season of the year, Mr. Anderson could find but few plants in flower, and insects were very scarce. He and his companions left Stellenbosh the next morning, and soon arrived at the house they had passed on Saturday; Mr. Cloeder, the owner of which, having sent them an invitation to visit him, they were entertained [Page 24] by this gentleman with great politeness and hospitality. They were received with a band of music, which continued playing while they were at dinner; which, in that situation, might be reckoned elegant.

In the afternoon they crossed the country, and passed some large plantations. In the evening they arrived at a farm-house, which is said to be the first in the cultivated tract called the Pearl. Here they had a view of Drakenstein, the third colony of this country, which contains several little farms or plantations.

Plants and insects were as scarce here as at Stellenbosh, but there was a greater plenty of shrubs, or small trees, naturally produced, than they had before seen in the country.

On Tuesday the 19th, in the afternoon, they went to see a remarkable large stone, called by the inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond. It stands upon the top of some low hills, and is of an oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lying nearly south and north. The east and west sides are nearly perpendicular. The south end is not equally steep, but its greatest height is there; whence it declines gently to the north-part, by which they ascended, and had a very extensive prospect of the whole country.

The circumference of this stone is about half a mile, as they were half an hour walking round it, including allowances for stopping and a bad [Page 25] road. Its height seems to equal the dome of St. Paul's church. Except some few sissures, it is one uninterrupted mass of stone. The stone is of that sort which mineralogists call Saxum Conglutinatum.

On the 20th, in the morning, they set out from the Pearl, and going a different road, passed through an uncultivated country to the Tyger Hills, where they beheld some tolerable cornfields. About noon, they stopped in a valley for refreshment, where they were plagued with a vast number of musquitoes; and, in the evening, arrived at the Cape-Town.

On Saturday the 23d, we got the observatory, clock, &c. on board. From the result of several calculations and observations, we had reason to conclude, that the watch, or time-piece, had performed well all the way from England.

[Page 26]

CHAP. IV.

The Resolution and Discovery leave the Cape of Good Hope—See two Islands, named Prince Edward's Islands—Description of their Appearance —Visit Kerguelen's Land—Arrive at Christmas Harbour—Take in Water there—Discover an Inscription—Description of Christmas Harbour.

CAPTAIN Cook, fearing a second disaster, got his sheep and other cattle on board as soon as possible. He also increased his stock by purchasing two bulls, two heifers, two stone-horses, two mares, two rams, some ewes and goats, some poultry, and some rabbits.

Both ships being supplied with provisions and water sufficient for two years and upwards, and every other necessary article, and Captain Cook having given Captain Clerke a copy of his instructions, we repaired on board in the morning of the 30th. A breeze sprung up at south-east, at five in the afternoon, with which we weighed and stood out of the Bay; at nine it fell calm, and we anchored. At three o'clock the next morning, we weighed and put to sea, with a light breeze at south, but did not get clear of land till the 3d of December in the morning.

[Page 27]On Thursday the 5th, a squall of wind carried away the mizen top-mast of the Resolution, but we had another to replace it. On the evening of the 6th, being then in the latitude of 39° 14′ south, and in the longitude of 23° 56′ east, we observed several spots of water of a reddish hue. Upon examining some of this water that was taken up, we perceived a number of small animals, which the microscope discovered to resemble crayfish.

We continued to the south-east, followed by a mountainous sea, which occasioned the ship to roll exceedingly, and rendered our cattle troublesome. Several goats, especially the males, died, and some sheep. We now began to feel the cold in a very sensible degree.

On Thursday the 12th, at noon, we discovered land extending from south-east by south, to south-east by east. We, at length, discovered it to be two islands. That which lies most to the south, appeared to be about fifteen leagues in circuit; and the most northerly one, about nine leagues in circuit.

We passed at equal distance from both islands, and could not discover either tree or shrub on either of them. They seemed to have a rocky shore, and, excepting the south-east parts, a ridge of barren mountains, whose sides and summits were covered with snow.

[Page 28]These two islands, and four others more to the east, were discovered by Captains Marion du Fresne and Crozet, French navigators, in January 1772, on their passage from the Cape of Good Hope to the Philippine Islands. As they have no names in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, Captain Cook named the two we now saw Prince Edward's Islands, and the other four by the name of Marion's and Crozet's Islands.

We had now, in general, strong gales, and very indifferent weather. After leaving Prince Edward's Islands, we shaped our course to pass to the southward of the four others, to get into the latitude of the land discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen.

Captain Cook had received instructons to examine this island, and endeavour to discover a good harbour. On the 16th we saw numbers of penguins and divers, and rock-weed floating in the sea; and on the 21st we saw a very large seal. The weather was now very soggy, and as we hourly expected to fall in with the land, our navigation was both dangerous and tedious.

On the 24th, at six in the morning, the fog clearing away a little, we saw land, bearing south south-east, which we afterwards found to be an island of considerable height, and about three leagues in circuit. We soon after discovered another of equal magnitude, about one league to the [Page 29] eastward; and, between these two, some smaller ones. In the direction of south by east, another high island was seen. We did but just weather the island last mentioned: it was a high round rock, named Bligh's Cap. Captain Cook supposed this to be the same that Monsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous; but he knew nothing that could rendezvous at it but the fowls of the air, for it was certainly inaccessible to every other animal.

The weather beginning to clear up about eleven, we tacked, and steered in for the land. At noon we were enable to determine the latitude of Bligh's Cap to be 48° 29′ south, and its longitude 68° 40′. We passed it at three o'clock, with a fresh gale at west.

Presently after we clearly saw the land, and at four o'clock it extended from south-east to south-west by south, distant about four miles. The left extreme, which Captain Cook judged to be the northern point of this land, called in the French chart of the southern hemisphere Cape François, terminated in a high perpendicular rock; and the right one in a high indented point.

Towards the middle of the land there appeared to be an inlet; but, on our approaching it, we saw it was only a bending on the coast: we, therefore, bore up to go round Cape François.

[Page 30]Having got off the Cape, we observed the coast, to the southward, much indented by points and bays, and, therefore, fully expected to find a good harbour. We soon discovered one, into which we began to ply; but it presently fell calm, and we anchored in forty-five fathom water: the Discovery also anchored there soon after. Mr. Bligh, the master, was ordered to sound the harbour; who reported it to be safe and commodious.

Early in the morning of the 25th we weighed, and having wrought into the harbour, we anchored in eight fathoms water. The Discovery got in at two o'clock in the afternoon; when Captain Clerke informed us, that he had with difficulty escaped being driven on the south point of the harbour, his anchor having started before he could shorten in the cable. They were, therefore, obliged to set sail, and drag the anchor after them, till they had room to heave it up, when they perceived that one of its palms was broken off.

Immediately after we had anchored, Captain Cook ordered all the boats to be hoisted out, and the empty water-casks to be got ready. In the mean time he landed, to search for a convenient spot where they might be filled, and to observe what the place afforded.

He found vast quantities of penguins, and other birds, and seals, on the shore. The latter were [Page 31] not numerous, but so insensible of fear, that we killed as many as we chose, and made use of their fat and blubber to make oil for our lamps, and other purposes. Fresh water was exceedingly plentiful; but not a single tree or shrub was to be discovered, and but little herbage of any kind; though we had flattered ourselves with the hope of meeting with something considerable growing here, having observed the sides of some of the hills to be of a lively green.

Before Captain Cook returned to his ship, he ascended a ridge of rocks, rising one above another, expecting, by that means, to obtain a view of the country; but before he had reached the top, so thick a fog came on, that it was with difficulty he could find his way down again. Towards the evening we hauled the seine at the head of the harbour, but caught no more than half a dozen small fish; nor had we any better success the next day, when we tried with hook and line. Our only resource, therefore, for fresh provisions, was birds, which were innumerable.

Though it was both foggy and rainy, on Thursday the 26th, we began to fill water, and to cut grass for our cattle, which we found near the head of the harbour. The rivulets were swelled to such a degree, by the rain that fell, that the sides of the hills, bounding the harbour, appeared to be covered with a sheet of water.

[Page 32]The people having laboured hard for two successive days, and nearly completed our water, Captain Cook allowed them the 27th of December as a day of rest, to celebrate Christmas. In consequence of which, many of them went on shore, and made excursions into the country, which they found desolate and barren in the extreme. In the evening one of them presented a quart bottle to Captain Cook, which he had found on the north-side of the harbour, fastened with some wire to a projecting rock. This bottle contained a piece of parchment, with the following inscription: ‘Lud [...]vico XV. Galliarum rege, et d^* de Boynes reg [...] a Socretis ad res maritimas annas 1772 et 1773.’

It is evident from this inscription, that we were not the first Europeans who had visited this harbour. Captain Cook supposes it to have been left by Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, who went on shore the 13th of February 1772, the day that Monsieur de Kerguelen discovered this land; but the Captain appears to be for once mistaken; for how could Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, in the beginning of 1772, leave an inscription which [Page]

The first American Edition by Gomez Tiebout, and O'Brien.

[Page 33] commemorates a transaction of the following year?

Captain Cook, as a memorial of our having been in this harbour, wrote on the other side of the parchment as follows: ‘Naves Resolution et Discovery de Rege Magnae Britanniae, Decembris 1776.’

He then put it again into the bottle, accompanied with a silver two penny piece of 1772, covered the mouth of the bottle with a leaden cap, and placed it the next morning in a pile of [...]ones, erected for that purpose on an eminence, near the place where it was first found. Here Captain Cook displayed the British flag, and named the place Christmas Harbour, it being on that festival we arrived in it.

It is the first inlet that we meet with on the south-east side of Cape François, which forms the north side of the harbour, and is the northern point of this land. The situation sufficiently distinguishes it from any of the other inlets; and, to make it still more remarkable, its south point terminates in a high rock, perforated quite through, forming an appearance like the arch of a bridge. The head of the harbour lies open to only two points of the compass, and these are covered by [Page 34] islands in the offing, so that a sea cannot fall in to hurt a ship. It is high water here about ten o'clock at the full and change days, and the tide rises about four feet.

In the afternoon, Captain Cook, accompanied by Mr. King, his Second Lieutenant, went upon Cape François; expecting from this elevation to have had a view of the sea-coast, and the islands lying off it. But they found every distant object below them, hid in a thick fog. The land even with them, or of a greater height, was visible enough, and appeared exceedingly naked and desolate; except some hills to the southward, which were covered with snow. When they returned to the ship, they found her unmoored, and ready to put to sea; but we did not weigh anchor till five o'clock the next morning.

[Page 35]

CHAP. V.

Depart from Christmas Harbour—Range along the Coast—Cape Cumberland, Cumberland Bay, Point Pringle, Howe's Foreland, &c. described—Remarkable Beds of Rock-weed—Danger from Shoals —Arrival at Port Palliser—Cape George described—Mr. Anderson's Natural History of the Animals, Plants, Soil, &c. of Kerguelen's Land.

ON the 29th of December we sailed out of Christmas Harbour, steering south-east along the coast, with a fine breeze and clear weather. This was unexpected, as, for some time past, fogs had prevailed more or less every day. Though we kept the lead constantly going, we seldom struck ground with a line of sixty fathoms.

We were off a promontory, which Captain Cook called Cape Cumberland, about seven or eight o'clock. It lies about a league and an half from the south point of Christmas Harbour; between them is a good bay. Off Cape Cumberland is a small island on the summit of which is a rock, resembling a sentry-box, which name was given to the island on that account. A group of small islands and rocks lies two miles farther to the eastward: we sailed between these and Sentrybox [Page 36] Island, the breadth of the channel being full a mile. We found no bottom with forty fathoms of line.

After passing through this channel, we saw a bay on the south-side of Cape Cumberland, running in three leagues to the westward. It is formed by Cape Cumberland to the north, and by a promontory to the south. Captain Cook named this promontory Point Pringle, as a compliment to Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society. The bottom of this bay was called Cumberland Bay.

The coast is formed into a fifth bay, to the southward of Point Pringle. In this bay, which obtained the name of White Bay, are several lesser bays or coves, which appeared to be sheltered from all winds. Off the south-point, several rocks raise their heads above water, and probably there are many others that do not.

The land which first opened off Cape François, in the direction of south 53° east, we had kept on our larboard-bow, thinking it was an island, and that we should discover a passage between that and the main; but we found it to be a peninsula, joined to the rest of the coast by a low isthmus. The bay, formed by this peninsula, Captain Cook named Repulse Bay. The northern point of the peninsula was named Howe's Foreland, in honor of Lord Howe.

Drawing near it, we observed some rocks and breakers not far from the north-west part, and two [Page 37] islands to the eastward of it, which, at first, appeared as one. We steered between them and the foreland, and were in the middle of the channel by twelve o'clock. The land of this foreland or peninsula, is of a tolerable height, and of a hilly and rocky substance. The coast is low, and almost covered with sea-birds. We also saw some seals upon the beaches.

Having cleared the rocks and islands beforementioned, we perceived the whole sea before us to be chequered with large beds of rock-weed, which was fast to the bottom. There is often found a great depth of water upon such shoals, and rocks have, as often, raised their heads almost to the surface of the water. It is always dangerous to sail over them, especially when there is no surge of the sea to discover the danger. We endeavoured to avoid the rocks, by steering through the winding channels by which they were separated. Though the lead was continually going, we never struck ground with a line of sixty fathoms; this increased the danger, as we could not anchor, however urgent the necessity might be. At length we discovered a lurking rock, in the middle of one of these beds of weeds, and even with the surface of the sea. This was sufficiently alarming, to make us take every precaution to avoid danger.

We were now about eight miles to the southward of Howe's Foreland, across the mouth of a [Page 38] large bay. In this bay are several rocks, low islands, and beds of sea-weed; but there appeared to be winding channels between them. We were so much embarrassed with these shoals, that we hauled off to the eastward, in hopes of extricating ourselves from our difficulties; but this plunged us into greater, and we found it absolutely necessary to secure the ships, if possible, before night, especially as the weather was hazy, and a fog was apprehended.

Seeing some inlets to the south-west, Captain Cook ordered Captain Clerke (the Discovery drawing less water than the Resolution) to lead in for the shore, which was immediately attempted: after running over the edges of several shoals, on which was found from ten to twenty fathoms water▪ Captain Clerke made the signal for having discovered an harbour, in which we anchored in fifteen sathoms water, about five o'clock in the evening.

No sooner were the ships secured, than it began to blow so very strong, that we deemed it necessary to strike top-gallant yards. The weather, however, continued fair, and it presently became clear, the wind having dispersed the fog that had settled on the hills. As soon, therefore, as we had anchored, Captain Cook ordered two boats to be hoisted out; in one of which he dispatched Mr. Bligh, the Master, to survey the upper part of the harbour, and looking out for wood. [Page 39] He also desired Captain Clerke to send his Master to sound the channel, south of the small isles, and went himself, in his other boat, accompanied by Mr. Gore and Mr. Bailey, and landed on the north point, to see what discovery could be made from thence.

From an hill over the point, they had a view of the sea-cost, as far as Howe's Foreland. Several small islands, rocks, and breakers, were scattered along the coast, and there appeared no better channel to get out of the harbour, than that by which they had entered it.

While Captain Cook and Mr. Bailey were making these observations, Mr. Gore encompassed the hill, and joined them at the place where the boat was attending for them. There was nothing to obstruct their walk, except some craggy precipices; the country being, if possible, more barren and desolate than that about Christmas Harbour. There was neither food nor covering for cattle of any sort, and, if any had been left, they must inevitably have perished. In the little cove, where their boat was waiting for them (which Captain Cook called Penguin Cove, from the immense numbers of those birds appearing there) is a fine river of fresh water, which we could approach without difficulty. Some large seals, shags, and a few ducks were seen here; and Mr. Bailey had a glance of a very small land-bird, but it flew among the rocks, and they lost it.

[Page 40]At nine o'clock they got on board, and Mr. Bligh returned soon after. He reported that he had been four miles up the harbour; that its direction was west south-west; that its breadth near the ships did not exceed a mile; that the soundings were from thirty-seven to ten fathoms; and that, having landed on both shores, he found the land barren and rocky, without a tree or shrub, or hardly any appearance of verdure.

The next morning we weighed anchor and put out to sea. This harbour was named Port Palliser, in honour of Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser. In getting out to sea, we, in general, steered through the winding channels among the shoals, though we sometimes ventured to run over some of them, on which we never found less than eighteen fathoms water; they would not, therefore, have been discovered, had it not been for the sea-weed growing upon them.

Having got three or four leagues from the coast we found a clear sea, and, about nine o'clock, discovered a round hill, like a sugar-loaf, bearing south-east, and a small island to the northward of it, distant about four leagues. Captain Cook named the sugar-loaf hill Mount Campbell; at noon it bore south 47° west; a low point bore south-east, at the distance of about twenty miles; and we were little more than two leagues from the shore.

[Page 41]The land here, in general, is low and level. The mountains end about five leagues from the low point, leaving a great extent of low land, on which Mount Campbell is situated. These mountains seemed to be composed of naked rocks, whose summits were covered with snow; and nothing but sterility was to be seen in the vallies.

At noon we perceived low land, opening off the low point just mentioned, in the direction of south south-east. It proved to be the eastern extremity of this land, and was named Cape Digby. Between Howe's Foreland and Cape Digby, the shore forms one great bay, extending several leagues to the south-west. A vast quantity of sea-weed grows over it, which seemed to be such as Mr. Banks distinguished by the name of fucus giganteus. Though the stem of this weed is not much thicker than a man's thumb, some of it grows to the amazing length of sixty fathoms.

At one o'clock, seeing a small bending in the coast, on the north side of Cape Digby, we steered for it, with an intention to anchor there; but, being disappointed in our views, we pushed forward, in order to see as much as possible of the coast before night. From Cape Digby, it trends nearly south-west by south to a low point, to which Captain Cook gave the name of Point Charlotte, in honour of our amiable Queen.

[Page 42]In the direction of south south-west, about six leagues from Cape Digby, is a pretty high projecting point, called the Prince of Wales's Foreland; and six leagues beyond that, in the same direction, is the most southerly point of the whole coast, which, in honour of his Majesty, was distinguished by the name of Cape George.

Between Point Charlotte, and the Prince of Wales's Foreland, we discovered a deep inlet, which was called Royal Sound; and, advancing to the south, we saw another inlet into the Royal Sound, on the south-west side of the Prince of Wales's Foreland.

On the south-west side of the Royal Sound, all the land to Cape George consists of elevated hills, gradually rising from the sea to a considerable height; they were naked and barren, and their summits capt with snow. Not a vestige of a tree or shrub was to be seen. Some of the low land about Cape Digby seemed to be covered with a green turf, but a considerable part of it appeared quite naked. Penguins, and other oceanic birds, were numerous on the beaches, and shags innumerable kept flying about our ships.

Desirous of getting the length of Cape George, Captain Cook continued to stretch to the south, till between seven and eight o'clock; when, seeing no probability of accomplishing his design, he took the advantage of the wind, which had shifted to west south-west, (the direction in [Page 43] which we wanted to go) and stood away from the coast.

Cape George now bore south 53° west, distant about seven leagues. We saw no land to the south of it, except a small island that lies off the pitch of the Cape; and a south-west swell, which we met when we brought the Cape to bear in this direction, almost convinced us that there was no more in that quarter.

The French discoverers imagined Cape François to be the projecting point of a southern continent. The English have discovered that no such continent exists, and that the land in question is an island of small extent; which, from its sterility, might properly be called the Island of Desolation; but Captain Cook was unwilling to rob Monsieur de Kerguelen of the honour of its bearing his name.

Mr. Anderson, who, during the short time we lay in Christmas Harbour, lost no opportunity of searching the country in every direction, relates the following particulars.

No place, (says he) hitherto discovered in either hemisphere, affords so scanty a field for the naturalist as this steril spot. Some verdure, indeed, appeared, when at a small distance from the shore, which might raise the expectation of meeting with a little herbage; but all this lively appearance was occasioned by one small plant, resembling saxifrage, which grew up the hills in large speading [Page 44] tufts, on a kind of rotten turf, which, if dried might serve for fuel, and was the only thing seen here that could possibly be applied to that purpose.

Another plant, which grew to near the height of two feet, was pretty plentifully scattered about the boggy declivities; it had the appearance of a small cabbage when it was shot into seeds. It had the watery acrid taste of the antiscorbutic plants, though it materially differed from the whole tribe. When eaten raw, it was not unlike the New-Zealand scurvy-grass; but when boiled, it acquired a rank flavour. At this time, none of its seeds were ripe enough to be brought home, and introduced into our English kitchen-gardens.

Near the brooks and boggy places were found two other small plants, which were eaten as sallad; the one like garden cresses, and very hot; and the other very mild: the latter is a curiosity, having not only male and female, but also androgynus plants.

Some coarse grass grew pretty plentifully in a few small spots near the harbour, which was cut down for our cattle. In short, the whole catalogue of plants did not exceed eighteen, including a beautiful species of lichen, and several sorts of moss. Nor was there the appearance of a tree or shrub in the whole country.

Among the animals, the most considerable were seals, which were distinguished by the name of [Page 45] sea-bears; being the sort that are called the ursine seal. They come on shore to repose and breed. At that time they were shedding their hair, and so remarkably tame, that there was no difficulty in kelling them.

No other quadruped was seen; but a great number of oceanic birds, as ducks, shags, petrels, &c. The ducks were somewhat like a widgeon, both in size and figure; a considerable number of them were killed and eaten: they were excellent food, and had not the least fishy taste.

The Cape petrel, the small blue one, and the small black one, or Mother Carey's chicken, were not in plenty here; but another sort, which is the largest of the petrels, and called by the seamen Mother Carey's goose, is found in abundance. This petrel is as large as an albatross, and is carnivorous, feeding on the dead carcasses of seals, birds, &c.

The greatest number of birds here were penguins, which consist of three sorts. The head of the largest is black, the upper part of the body of a leaden-grey, the under part white, and the feet black; two broad stripes of fine yellow descend from the head to the breast; the bill is of a reddish colour, and longer than in the other sorts. The second sort is about half the size of the former. It is of a blackish grey on the upper part of the body, and has a white spot on the upper [Page 46] part of the head. The bill and feet are yellowish. In the third sort, the upper part of the body and throat are black, the rest white, except the top of the head, which is ornamented with a fine yellow arch, which it can erect as two crests.

The shags here were of two sorts, viz. the lesser corvorant, or water-crow, and another with a blackish back and a white belly. The seaswallow, the tern, the common sea-gull, and the Port Egmont hen, were also found here.

Large flocks of a singular kind of white bird flew about here, having the base of the bill covered with a horney crust. It had a black bill and white feet, was somewhat larger than a pigeon, and the flesh tasted like that of a duck.

The seine was once hauled, when we found a few fish about the size of a small haddock. The only shell-fish we saw here, were a few limpets and muscles.

Many of the hills, notwithstanding they were of a moderate height, were at that time covered with snow, though answering to our June. It is reasonable to imagine that rain must be very frequent here, as well from the marks of large torrents having rushed down, as from the appearance of the country, which, even on the hills, was a continued bog or swamp.

The rocks consist principally of a dark blue and very hard stone, intermixed with particles of [Page 47] glimmer or quartz. Some considerable rocks were also formed here from a brownish brittle stone.

CHAP. VI.

Passage of the Ships from Kerguelen's to Van Diemen's Land—The Resolution damaged by a Squall—Arrival in Adventure Bay—Various Interviews with the Inhabitants—Description of their Persons, Dress, Manners, and Customs—Mr. Anderson's Remarks on the Character and Language of the Natives, and on the various Productions of the Country.

CAPTAIN Cook intending, pursuant to the instructions he had received, to proceed next to New-Zealand, to take in wood and water, and provide hay for the cattle, steered east by north from Kerguelen's Land. The 31st of December, our longitude, by observation of the sun and moon, was 72° 33′ 36″ east; and on the first day of the year 1777, we were in the latitude of 48° 41′ south, longitude 76° 50′ east. Till the 3d of January the weather was tolerably clear, with fresh gales from the west and south-west; but now the wind veered to the north, and continued [Page 48] in that quarter eight days; during which, though there was at the same time a thick fog, we ran upwards of three hundred leagues, chiefly in the dark; the sun, indeed, sometimes made its appearance, but very rarely. On the 7th, Captain Cook dispatched a boat with orders to Captain Clerke, fixing their rendezvous at Adventure Bay, in Van Diemen's Land, if the ships should happen to separate before they arrived there. However, we had the good fortune not to lose company with each other. On Sunday the 12th, the northerly winds were succeeded by a calm, which was soon followed by a southerly wind. Our latitude was now 48° 40′ south, longitude 110° 26′ east. The wind blew from the south a whole day, and then veering to the west and north-west, brought on some fair weather.

On the 19th, a sudden squall carried away the Resolution's fore-top-mast, and main-top-gallantmast, which occasioned some delay in fitting another top-mast. The former was repaired without the loss of any part of it. The wind still remaining at the west point, we had clear weather; and on the 24th, in the morning, we discovered the coast of Van Diemen's Land, bearing north ½ west. Several islands and elevated rocks lie dispersed along the coast, the most southerly of which is the Mewstone. Our latitude, at noon, was 43° 47′ south, longitude 147° east, the south-east or south cape being near three leagues distant. Captain [Page 49] Cook gave the name of the Eddystone to a rock that lies about a league to the eastward of Swilly Isle or Rock, on account of its striking resemblance to Eddystone light-house. These two rocks may, even in the night, be seen at a considerable distance, and are the summits of a ledge of rocks under water. On the north-east side of Storm Bay, are some creeks that seem tolerably sheltered; and if this coast was carefully examined, several good harbours would most probably be found.

The 26th, at noon, a breeze sprung up at south-east, which gave Captain Cook an opportunity of executing his design of carrying the ships into Adventure Bay, where we anchored at four o'clock in the afternoon in twelve fathoms water, about three quarters of a mile from the shore. The Captains Cook and Clerke then went, in separate boats, in search of convenient spots for wooding, watering, and making hay. They found plenty of wood and water, but very little grass. The next morning Captain Cook detached two parties, under the conduct of Lieutenant King, to the east side of the bay, to cut wood and grass, some marines atttending them as a guard, though none of the natives had yet appeared. He also sent the launch to provide water for the ships; and afterwards paid a visit to the parties thus employed.

[Page 50]In the evening we drew the seine, and caught a great quantity of fish, with which this bay abounds; and we should have procured more, if the net had not broken. Every one now came on board with the supplies they had obtained; but next morning, the wind not being fair for sailing, they were again sent on shore on the same duty; and Mr. Roberts, one of the Mates, was dispatched in a boat to examine the bay. We had observed columns of smoke in different parts, from the time of our approaching the coast; but we saw none of the natives till the afternoon of the 28th, when eight men and a boy surprised us with a visit at our wooding-place. They approached us with the greatest confidence, none of them having any weapons except one, who had a short stick pointed at one end. They were of a middling stature, and somewhat slender; their hair was black and wholly, and their skin was also black. They were entirely naked, with large punctures or ridges, some in curved, and others in straight lines, on different parts of their bodies. Their lips were not remarkably thick, nor their noses very flat: their features, on the contrary, were not unpleasing, their eyes pretty good, and their teeth tolerably even and regular, though exceedingly dirty. The faces of some of them were painted with a red ointment, and most of them smeared their hair and beards with the same composition. When we offered them presents, [Page 51] they received them without any apparent satisfaction. They either returnrd, or threw away some bread that was given them, without even tasting it: they likewise refused some elephant fish; but when we gave them some birds, they kept them. Two pigs having been brought on shore to be left in the woods, they seized them by the ears, and seemed inclined to carry them off, with an intention, as we supposed, of killing them.

Captain Cook wishing to know the use of the stick which one of the savages held in his hand, made signs to them to shew him; upon which one of them took aim at a piece of wood placed as a mark, about the distance of twenty-yard; but, after several essays, he was still wide of the mark. Omai, to shew the great superiority of our weapons, immediately fired his musquet at it, which unexpected noise so alarmed them, that they ran into the woods with uncommon speed; and one of them was so terrified, that he let fall two knives and an axe which he had received from us. They then went to the place where the crew of the Discovery were watering; but the officer of that party firing a musquet in the air, they sled with great precipitation.

Immediately after they had retired, Captain Cook ordered the two pigs, one a male and the other a female, to be carried about a mile within the woods, and he himself saw them left there, [Page 52] taking care that none of the natives should observe what was passing. He also intended to have left a young bull and a cow, besides some goats and sheep; but he soon relinquished that design, being of opinion that the natives would destroy them; which he supposed would be the fate of the pigs, if they should chance to find them out. But as swine soon become wild, and are fond of being in the woods, it is probable that they were preserved. The other cattle could not have remained long concealed from the savages, as they must have been put into an open place.

We were prevented from sailing on the 29th by a dead calm, which continued the whole day. Captain Cook, therefore, sent parties on shore to cut wood and grass, as usual; and he accompanied the wooding party himself. Soon after our landing, about twenty of them joined us, one of whom was distinguished not only by his deformity, but by the drollery of his gesticulations, and the seeming humour of his speeches, which, however, we could not understand. Those whom we now saw differed in some respects, particularly in the texture of the hair, from the natives of the more northerly parts of this country, whom Captain Cook met with in his first voyage. Some of our present company had a slip of the kangooroo skin round their ancles; and others wore round their necks some small cord, made of fur. They seemed not to value iron, but were apparently pleased [Page 53] with the medals and beads that were given them. They did not even appear to know the use of fish-hooks, though it is more than probable, that they were acquainted with some method of catching fish.

Their habitations were small hovels or sheds built of sticks, and covered with the bark of trees. We had also good reason to suppose, that they sometimes took up their residence in the trunks of large trees, hollowed out by fire.

Captain Cook, on leaving the wooding party, went to the grass-cutters, and having seen the boats loaded with hay, returned on board. He had just quitted the shore, when several women and children appeared, and were introduced to Lieutenant King by the men who accompanied them. These females wore a kangooroo skin fastened over their shoulders, the only use of which seemed to be, to support their children on their backs, for it left those parts uncovered which modesty directs us to conceal. Their bodies were black, and marked with scars like those of the men; from whom, however, they differed, in having their heads shaved; some of them being completely shorn, others only on one side, while the rest of them had the upper part of their heads shaved, leaving a very narrow circle of hair all round. They were far from being handsome; however, some of our gentlemen paid their addresses [Page 54] to them, and made liberal offers, but without effect.

In the afternoon Captain Cook went again on shore, and found the grass-cutters on Penguin Island, where they had met with excellent grass in the greatest abundance. The different parties laboured hard till the evening, and then, having provided a sufficient quantity of what was most wanted, returned on board.

During our continuance in Van Diemen's Land, we had either light airs from the east, or calms: we therefore lost little or no time by touching on this coast. This land was discovered in November 1642, by Tasman, who gave it the name of Van Diemen's Land. Captain Furneaux touched at it in March 1773. It is the southern point of New-Holland, which is by far the largest island in the known world, and almost deserves the name of a continent. The land is diversified with hills and vallies, and well wooded. The only wind to which Adventure Bay is exposed, is the north-east; and, upon the whole, this may be considered as a very safe road. Its latitude is 43° 21′ 20″ south, and its longitude 147° 29′ east.

Mr. Anderson, surgeon of the Resolution, employed himself in examining the country during our continuance in Adventure Bay. His remarks on the inhabitants and their language, and his account of the natural productions of the country, are to the following purport. There is a [Page 55] beautiful sandy beach, about two miles long, at the bottom of Adventure Bay, formed to all appearance by the particles which the sea washes from a fine white sand-stone. This beach is very well adapted for hauling a seine. Behind it is a plain, with a brackish lake, out of which we caught, by angling, some bream and trout. The parts adjoining the bay are mostly hilly, and are an entire forest of tall trees, rendered almost impassable by brakes of fern, shrubs, &c. The soil on the flat land, and on the lower part of the hills, is sandy, or consists of a yellowish earth, and in some parts of a reddish clay; but further up the hills, it is of a grey tough cast. This country, upon the whole, bears many marks of being very dry, and the heat appears to be great. No mineral bodies, nor stones of any other kind than the white sand stone, were observed by us; nor could we find any vegetables that afforded subsistence for man. The forest-trees are all of one kind, and generally quite straight: they bear clusters of small white flowers. The principal plants we observed were wood-sorrel, milk-wort, cudweed, bell-flower, gladiolus, samphire, and several kinds of fern. The only quadruped we saw distinctly was a species of opossum, about twice the size of a large rat. The kangooroo, found further northward in New Holland, may also be supposed to inhabit here, as some of the inhabitants had pieces of the skin of that animal.

[Page 56]The principal sorts of birds in the woods are brown hawks or eagles, crows, large pigeons, yellowish paroquets, and a species which we called motacilla cyanea, from the beautiful azure colour of its head and neck. On the shore were several gulls, black oyster-catchers, or sea-pies, and plovers of a stone-colour.

We observed in the woods some blackish snakes that were pretty large, and we killed a lizard which was fifteen inches long and six round, beautifully clouded with yellow and black.

Among a variety of fish we caught some large rays, nurses, leather-jackets, bream, soles, flounders, gurnards, and elephant-fish; besides a sort which we did not recollect to have seen before, and which partakes of the nature both of a round and a flat fish. Upon the rocks are muscles and other shell-fish; and upon the beach we found some pretty Medusa's heads. The most troublesome insects we met with were the musquitoes, and a large black ant, whose bite inflicts extreme pain.

The inhabitants seemed mild and chearful, with little of that wild appearance that savages in general have. They are almost totally devoid of personal activity or genius, and are nearly upon a par with the wretched natives of Terra del Fuego. They display, however, some contrivance in their method of cutting their arms and bodies in lines of different directions, raised above [Page 57] the surface of the skin. Their indifference for our presents, their general inattention, and want of curiosity, were very remarkable, and testified no acuteness of understanding. Their complexion is a dull black, which they sometimes heighten by smutting their bodies, as we supposed, from their leaving a mark behind on any clean substance. Their hair is perfectly woolly and is clotted with grease and red ochre, like that of the Hottentots. Their noses are broad and full, and the lower part of the face projects considerably. Their eyes are of a moderate size, and though they are not very quick or piercing, they give the countenance a frank, chearful, and pleasing cast. Their teeth are not very white, nor well set, and their mouths are too wide: they wear their beards long, and clotted with paint. They are, upon the whole, well proportioned, though their belly is rather protuberant. Their favourite attitude is to stand with one side forward, and one hand grasping, across the back, the opposite arm, which, on this occasion, hangs, down by the side that projects.

Near the shore in the bay, we observed some wretched constructions of sticks covered with bark; but these seemed to have been only temporary, and they had converted many of their largest trees into more comfortable and commodious habitations. The trunks of these were hollowed out to the height of six or seven feet, by [Page 58] means of sire. That they sometimes dwell in them, was manifest, from their [...] the middle made of clay, round which [...] persons might sit. These places [...] rendered durable, by their leavi [...] [...] tree sound, so that it continues [...] luxuriance.

That the natives of [...] from the same [...] habit the northern parts of New Holland, [...] evident. Though they differ in [...] their dissimilarity may be reasonably [...] for, from the united considerations of [...] place, length of time, total separation, and [...] versity of climate.

As the inhabitants of New Holland seem all to have sprung from one common source, there is nothing very peculiar in them; for they greatly resemble the savages of [...] Manicola. There is [...] some reason [...] supposing, that they ma [...] [...]riginally [...] from the same place with [...] Pacific Ocean: for, of [...] words [...] we found means to [...] them, [...] used to [...] Zealand [...] the sec [...]nd [...] The re [...]inder [...] of [...] Diemen's [...] follows, [...] [Page]

A MAN and WOMAN of VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.

Quadne,: a woman.
Eve'rai,: the eye.
Muidje,: the nose.
Ka'my,: the teeth, mouth, or tongue.
Lae'renne,: a small bird, living in the woods here.
Koy'gee,: the ear.
Teegera,: to eat.
No'onga,: elevated scars on the body.
Toga'rago,: I will go, or I must be gone.

It will probably be found, upon a diligent enquiry, and an accurate comparison drawn from the affinity of languages, that all the people from New Holland, eastward to Easter Island, are of the same extraction.

[Page 60]

CHAP. VII.

Course to New-Zealand—Transactions in Queen Charlotte's Sound—Intercourse with the New-Zealanders —Their Dexterity in building Huts— Information with regard to the Massacre of Captain Furneaux's People—Two violent Storms— Account of Kahoora, who headed the Party that killed our People—Of the two Youths who accompany us on board—Captain Cook's Observations on the inhabitants of New-Zealand.

ON the 30th of January, in the morning, we weighed anchor with a light westerly breeze, from Adventure Bay. Soon after we had put to sea, the wind became southerly, and produced a perfect storm; but veering in the evening to the east and north-east, its fury began to abate. This wind was attended with an almost-intolerable heat, which, however, was of so short a continuance, that some of our company did not perceive it.

In the night, between the 6th and 7th of February, one of the Discovery's marines fell overboard and was drowned. On the 10th, in the afternoon, we descried the coast of New-Zealand, at the distance of eight or nine leagues. We then steered for Cape Farewell, and afterwards for Stephens's Island; and, in the morning of the [Page 61] 12th, anchored in Ship Cove, Queen Charlotte's Sound. We soon after landed many empty watercasks, and cleared a place for two observatories. In the mean time several canoes came along-side of our ships; but very few of those who were in them would venture on board. This shyness appeared the more extraordinary, as Captain Cook was well known to all of them; and as one man in particular among the present group, had been treated by him with distinguished kindness during a former voyage. This man, however, could not by any means be prevailed on to come aboard. We could only account for this reserve by supposing, that they were apprehensive of our revenging the death of Captain Furneaux's people who had been killed here. But, upon Captain Cook's assuring them of the continuance of his friendship, and that he should not molest them on that account, they soon laid aside all appearance of suspicion and distrust. The next day we pitched two tents, and erected the observatories, in which Messrs. King and Baily immediately commenced their astronomical operations. Two of our men were employed in brewing spruce beer; while others filled the watercasks, collected grass for the cattle, and cut wood. Those who remained on board were occupied in repairing the rigging, and performing the necessary duty of the ships. A guard of marines was appointed for the protection of the different parties [Page 62] on shore, and arms were given to all the workmen, to repel all attacks from the natives, if they had been inclined to molest us; but this did not appear to be the case.

During the course of this day, many families came from various parts of the coast, and erected their huts close to our encampment. The facility with which they build these temporary habitations, is remarkable. They have been s [...]en to erect above twenty of them on a spot of ground, which was covered with plants and shrubs not an hour before. Captain Cook was present when a number of savages landed, and built a village of this kind. They had no sooner leaped from the canoes, than they tore up the shrubs and plants from the ground they had fixed upon, or put up some part of the framing of a hut. While the men were thus employed, the women took care of the canoes, secured the provisions and utensils, and gathered dry sticks, to serve as materials for a fire. These huts are sufficiently calculated for affording shelter from the rain and wind. The same tribe or family, however large, generally associate and build together; so that their towns and villages are usually divided by palisades into separate districts.

We received considerable advantage from the natives coming to live with us; for, every day, some of them were occupied in catching fish, a good share of which we generally procured by [Page 63] exchanges. Besides fish, we had other refreshments in abundance. Scurvy-grass, celery, and portable soup, were boiled every day with the wheat and pease; and we had spruce beer for our drink. Such a regimen soon removed all seeds of the scurvy from our people, if any of them had contracted it. But indeed, on our arrival here, we had only two invalids in both ships.

We were occasionally visited by other natives, besides those who lived close to us. Their articles of traffic were fish, curiosities, and women; the two first of which were speedily disposed of, but the latter did not come to a good market, as our crew had conceived a dislike to them. Captain Cook observes upon this occasion, that he connived at a connection with women, because he could not prevent it; but that he never encouraged it, because he dreaded its consequences. Among our occasional visitors was a chief called Kahoora, who headed the party that cut off Captain Furneaux's people. He was far from being beloved by his countrymen, some of whom even importuned Captain Cook to kill him, at the same time expressing their disapprobation of him in the severest terms. A striking proof of the divisions that prevail among these people occurred to us; for the inhabitants of each village, by turns, solicited our Commodore to destroy the other.

[Page 64]Captain Cook, on the 15th, went in a boat to search for grass, and visited the hippah, or fortified village, at the south-west point of the island of Motuara. He observed no inhabitants at this village, though there were evident marks of its having been lately occupied, the houses and palisades being in a state of good repair. Not the smallest vestage remained of the English gardenseeds which had been planted at this hippah in 1773, during Captain Cook's second voyage. They had probably been all rooted out to make room for buildings; for, at the other gardens then planted, we found radishes, onions, leeks, cabbages, purslain, potatoes, &c. Though the natives of New-Zealand are fond of the lastmentioned root, they had not planted a single one, much less any of the other articles we had introduced among them.

Early in the morning of the 16th, the Captains Cook and Clerke, and several of the officers and sailors, accompanied by Omai and two New-Zealanders, set out, in five boats, to collect fodder for the cattle. Having proceeded about three leagues up the Sound, they landed on the east side, where they cut a sufficient quantity of grass to load the two launches. On their return down the Sound, they paid a visit to Grass Cove, the place where Captain Furneaux's people had been massacred. They here met with Captain Cook's old friend Pedro, who is mentioned by him in [Page 65] the history of his second voyage. He, and another New-Zealander, received them on the beach, armed with the spear and patoo, though not without manifest signs of fear. Their apprehensions, however, were quickly dissipated by a few presents, which brought down to the shore two or three others of the family.

During the continuance of our party at this place, the Commodore, being desirous of enquiring into the particular circumstances relative to the massacre of our countrymen, fixed upon Omai as an interpreter for that purpose, as his language was a dialect of that of New-Zealand. Pedro, and the other natives who were present, none of whom had been concerned in that unfortunate transaction, answered every question without reserve. Their information imported, that while our people were at dinner, some of the natives stole, or snatched from them, some fish and bread, for which offence they received some blows; a quarrel immediately ensued, and two of the savages were shot dead, by the only two musquets that were firred; for, before a third was discharged, the natives rushed furiously upon our people, and being superior in number, destroyed them all. Pedro and his companions also pointed out the very spot where the fracas happened, and the place where the boat lay, in which a black servant of Captain Furneaux had been left to take care of it.

[Page 66]According to another account, this negro was the occasion of the quarrel; for, one of the natives stealing something out of the boat, the black gave him a violent blow with a stick. His countrymen hearing his cries at some distance imagined he was killed, and immediately attacked our people, who, before they could reach the boat, or prepare themselves against the unexpected assault, fell a sacrifice to the fury of the exasperated savages.

The former of these accounts was corroborated by the testimony of many other natives, who could have no interest in disguising the truth. The latter account [...]ests upon the authority of the young New-Zealander, who quitted his country for the sake of going away with us, and who, therefore, could not be supposed to be inclined to deceive us. As they all agreed, that the fray happened while the boat's crew were at dinner, both the accounts may be true; for it is by no means improbable, that, while some of the islanders were stealing from the man who had been left to guard the boats, others might take equal liberties with those who were on shore.

It appears, that there was no premeditated plan of bloodshed, and that, if these thefts had not been rather too hastily resented, all mischief would have been avoided; for Kahoora's greatest enemies acknowledged, that he had no previous intention of quarrelling. With regard to the [Page 67] boat, some said, that it had been pulled to pieces and burnt; while others asserted, that it had been carried off by a party of strangers.

Our party continued at Grass Cove till the evening, and then embarked to return to the ships. They had scarcely left the shore, when the wind began to blow violently at north-west, so that it was not without great difficulty that they could reach the ships, where some of the boats did not arrive till the next morning; and it was very fortunate that they got on board then, for soon afterwards a perfect storm arose. Towards the evening, however, the wind veering to the east, brought on fair weather. On Tuesday the 18th, Pedro and his whole family came to reside near us. The proper name of this chief was Matahouah; but some of Captain Cook's people had given him the appellation of Pedro in a former voyage. On the 20th we had another storm, of less duration than the former, but more violent; in consequence of which, both our ships struck their yards and top-masts. These tempests are frequent here; and the nearer the shore, the more sensible are their effects.

On Friday the 21st, a tribe or family of about thirty persons came from the upper part of the sound to visit us. Their chief was named Tomatongeauooranuc: he was about the age of forty-five, and had a frank, chearful countenance; and, indeed, the rest of his tribe were, upon the [Page 68] whole, the handsomest of all the New-Zealanders that Captain Cook had ever seen. By this time upwards of two-thirds of the natives of Queen Charlotte's Sound had settled near us, numbers of whom daily resorted to the ships, and our encampment on shore; but the latter was most frequented, during the time when our people there were making seal blubber; for the savages were so fond of train oil, that they relished the very dreg of the casks, and skimmings of the kettle, and considered the pure stinking oil as a most delightful feast.

When we had procured a competent supply of hay, wood, and water, we struck our tents, and the next morning, which was the 24th, weighed out of the Cove. But the wind not being so fair as we could have wished, we were obliged to cast anchor again near the Isle of Motuara. While we were getting under sail, Tomatongeau [...]oranuc, Matahouah, and many others of the natives, came to take leave of us. These two chiefs having requested Captain Cook to present them with some hogs and goats, he gave to Tomatongeauooranuc two pigs, a boar and a sow; and to Matahouah two goats, a male and female, after they had promised not to destroy them. As for the animals, which Captain Furneaux had left [...]ere, Captain Cook was now told, that they were all dead; but he was afterwards informed, by the two New-Zealand youths who went away with [Page 69] us, that Tiratou a popular chief, had in his possession many cocks and hens, besides a sow.

Before we had been long at anchor near Motuara, several canoes, filled with natives, came towards us, and we carried on a brisk trade with them for the curiosities of this place. In one of these canoes was Kahoora, whom Omai immediately pointed out to Captain Cook, and solicited him to shoot that chief; he also threatened to be himself his executioner, if he should ever presume to pay us another visit. These menaces of Omai had so little influence upon Kahoora, that he returned to us the next morning, accompanied with his whole family. Omai, having obtained Captain Cook's permission to ask him to come on board, introduced him into the cabin, saying, "There is Kahoora; dispatch him." But, fearing perhaps that he should be called upon to put his former threats in execution, he instantly retired. He soon, however, returned; and perceiving that the chief was unhurt, he earnestly remonstrated to Captain Cook on the subject, saying, that if a man killed another in England, he was hanged for it; but that Kahoora had killed ten, and therefore justly deserved death. These arguments, however plausible, had no weight with our Commodore, who desired Omai to ask the New-Zealand chief, why he had destroyed Captain Furneaux's people? Kahoora, confounded at this question, hung down his head, folded [Page 70] his arms, and seemed in expectation of immediate death: but, as soon as he was assured of safety, he became chearful. He appeared, however, unwilling to answer the question which had been put to him, till after repeated promises that no violence should be offered him. He then ventured to inform us, that one of the natives having brought a stone hatchet for the purpose of traffic, the person to whom it was offered took it, and refused either to return it, or give any thing in exchange; upon which the owner of it seized some bread by way of equivalent; and this gave rise to the quarrel that ensued. He also mentioned, that he himself, during the disturbance, had a narrow escape; for a musquet was levelled at him, which he found means to avoid by skulking behind the boat; and another man, who happened to stand close to him, was shot dead: upon which Kahoora attacked Mr. Rowe, the officer who commanded the party, who defended himself with his hanger, with which he gave the chief a wound in the arm, till he was overpowered by superiority of numbers. Mr. Burney, whom Captain Furneaux dispatched the next day with an armed party in search of his people who were missing, had, upon discovering the melancholy proofs of this catastrophe, fired several vollies among the natives who were still on the spot, and were probably partaking of the horrid banquet of human flesh. It was reasonable [Page 71] to suppose that this firing was not ineffectual; but upon inquiry it appeared, that not a single person had been killed, or even hurt, by the shot which Mr. Burney's people had discharged.

Most of the natives we had met with, expected that Captain Cook would take vengeance on Kahoora for his concern in the massacre; and many of them not only wished it, but testified their surprise at the Captain's forbearance and moderation. As the chief must have known this, it was a matter of astonishment that he so often put himself in the power of our Commodore. His two last visits, in particular, were made under such circumstances, that he could not have flattered himself with a prospect of escaping, had the Captain been inclined to detain him: and yet, when his first fears, on being questioned, had subsided, so far was he from entertaining uneasy sensations, that, on seeing in the cabin a portrait of a New-Zealander, he desired that his own likeness might be taken, and sat till Mr. Webber had finished his portrait, without the smallest token of impatience. Captain Cook admired his courage, and was pleased with the confidence which he reposed in him; for he placed his whole safety in the uniform declarations of the Captain, that he had always been a friend to the natives, and would continue in the same sentiments till they gave him reason to behave otherwise; that he should think no more of their barbarous treatment [Page 72] of our countrymen, as that transaction had happened long ago; but that, if they should ever venture to make a second attempt of that kind, they might rest assured of meeting with an adequate punishment.

Before our arrival in New-Zealand, Omai had expressed a desire of taking one of the natives with him to his own country. He soon had an opportunity of gratifying his inclination, for a youth named Taweiharooa, the only son of a deceased chief, offered to accompany him, and took up his residence on board. Captain Cook caused it to be made known to him and all his friends, that if the youth departed with us, he would never return. This declaration, however, had no effect. The day before we quitted the Cove, Tiratouton, his mother, came to receive her last present from Omai; and the same evening she and her son parted, with all the marks of the tenderest affection. But she said she would weep no more, and faithfully kept her word; for the next morning, when she returned to take her last farewell of Taweiharooa, she was quite chearful all the time she remained on board, and departed with great unconcern. A boy of about ten years of age accompanied Taweiharooa as a servant; his name was Kokoa. He was presented to Captain Cook by his own father, who parted with him with such indifference, as to strip him, and leave him entirely naked. The Captain [Page 73] having in vain endeavoured to convince these people of the great improbability of these youths ever returning home, at length consented to their going.

The inhabitants of New-Zealand seem to live under continual apprehensions of being destroyed by each other; most of their tribes having, as they think, sustained injuries from some other tribe, which they are ever eager to revenge: and it is not improbable, that the desire of a good meal is frequently a great incitement. They generally steal upon the adverse party in the night, and if they chance to find them unguarded, which is seldom the case, they kill every one without distinction, without sparing even the women and children: when they have completed the inhuman massacre, they either gorge themselves on the spot, or carry off as many dead bodies as they can, and feast on them at home, with the most horrid acts of brutality. If they are discovered before they have time to execute their sanguinary purpose, they usually steal off again, and sometimes they are pursued and attacked by the adverse party, in their turn. They never give quarter, or take prisoners, so that the vanquished must trust to flight alone for safety. From this state of perpetual hostility, and this destructive mode of carrying it on, a New-Zealander derives such habitual vigilance and circumspection, that he is scarce ever off his guard: [Page 74] and, indeed, these people have the most powerful motives to be vigilant, as the preservation of both soul and body depends on it; for it is a part of their creed, that the soul of the man whose flesh is devoured by his enemies, is condemned to an incessant fire; while the soul of him whose body has been rescued from those that slew him, as well as the souls of those who die a natural death, ascend to the mansions of the gods. Captain Cook having asked them, whether they eat the flesh of such friends as had lost their lives in war, but whose bodies had been prevented from falling into the enemy's hands, they answered in the negative, and expressed their abhorrence of the idea.

Their ordinary method of disposing of their dead is to commit their bodies to the earth; but when they have more of their slain enemies than they can conveniently eat, they throw them into the sea. There are no morais, or other places of public worship, among them; but they have priests, who pray to the gods for the success of their temporal affairs. The principles of their religion, of which we know but little, are strongly instilled into them from their infancy. We observed a remarkable instance of this in a youth, who abstained from eating during the greatest part of the day, merely on account of his hair being cut, though every method was practised that could induce him to change his resolution. He [Page 75] said that the eatooa, or deity, would kill him if he eat any thing on that day. Towards the evening, however, his religious scruples gave way to the importunate cravings of appetite, and he eat, though sparingly.

Notwithstanding the divided state in which these people live, travelling strangers, whose designs are honourable, are well received and entertained; but it is expected that they will remain no longer than their business requires. It is thus that a trade for green talc, which they call poenammoo, is carried on. They informed us, that none of this stone is to be found, except at a place which bears its name, near the head of Queen Charlotte's Sound. We were told many fabulous and improbable stories concerning this stone, one of which is, that it is originally a fish, which they strike with a gig in the water, and having tied a rope to it, drag it to the shore, to which they fasten it, and it afterwards hardens into a stone. As it is fished out of a large lake, it is probable that it may be brought from the mountains, and deposited in the water, by means of the torrents. This lake is called by the inhabitants Tavai Poenammoo, or the water of green talc.

The New-Zealanders have adopted polygamy among them; and it is common for one man to have two or three wives. The women are ripe for marriage at an early age; and those who are [Page 76] unmarried, find difficulty in procuring subsistence.

These people seem perfectly contented with the small degree of knowledge they possess, for they make no attempts to improve it. They are not remarkably curious, nor do new objects strike them with much surprise, for they scarce fix their attention for a moment. Omai, indeed, being a great favourite with them, would sometimes attract a circle about him; but they listened to his speeches with very little eagerness.

On our inquiring of Taweiharooa, how many ships, resembling ours, had ever arrived in Queen Charlotte's Sound, or in its neighbourhood, he gave us an account of one entirely unknown to us. This vessel, he said, had put into a harbour on the north-west coast of Teerawitte, a few years before Captain Cook arrived in the Sound in the Endeavour. He further informed us, that the Captain of her, during his continuance here, had cohabited with a female of the country, who had borne him a son that was still living. He also mentioned, that this ship first introduced the venereal disease among the natives of New-Zealand. This dreadful disorder is now but too common among them. The only method they put in practice as a remedy, is to give the patient the use of a kind of hot bath, produced by the steam of certain green plants placed over hot stones.

[Page 77]Taweiharooa's intelligence induced us to believe, that a ship had really been at Teerawitte previous to Captain Cook's arrival in the Endeavour, as it corresponded with what the Captain had formerly heard; for, towards the latter end of 1773, some of the natives informed him of a ship's having put into a port on the coast of Teerawitte.

We had another piece of information from Taweiharooa, importing that their are here snakes and lizard of an enormous size. The latter were described by him as being eight feet long, and equal to a man's body in circumference. He said that they burrow in the ground; that they sometimes seize and devour men, and are killed by making fires at the mouths of their holes. We could not misunderstand him with respect to the animal; for, in order to shew us what he meant, he drew, with his own hand, very good representations of a lizard and snake on a piece of paper.

Though much has been said concerning this country and its inhabitants, in the accounts of Captain Cook's two former voyages, yet the remarks of Mr. Anderson, being the result of accurate observation, must not be considered as altogether superfluous. The reader will find them in the succeeding chapter.

The longitude of Ship-cove, by lunar observations, is 174° 25′ 15′ east; its latitude 41° 6′ south.

[Page 78]

CHAP. VIII.

The Country near Queen Charlotte's Sound described— The Fertility of the Soil—Temperature of the Climate—Rain and Wind—Plants—Birds —Fish—Animals—Description of the Persons of the Inhabitants—Dress—Ornaments—Buildings— Canoes or Boats—Food, and Method of Cookery— Arts—Weapons—Horred Cruelty to their Enemies, whose Bodies they mangle and eat—Various other Customs.

ABOUT Queen Charlotte's Sound the land is uncommonly mountainous, rising immediately from the sea into large hills. At remote distances are vallies, terminating each towards the sea in a small cove, with a pebbly or sandy beach; behind which are flat places, where the natives usually built their huts. This situation is the more convenient, as a brook of fine water runs through every cove, and empties itself into the sea.

The bases of these mountains, towards the shore, are constituted of a brittle yellowish sand-stone, which acquires a blueish cast where it is laved by the sea. At some places it runs in horizontal, and, at others, in oblique strata. The mould or soil by which it is covered resembles marle, and is, in general, a foot or two in thickness.

[Page 79]The luxuriant growth of the productions here, sufficiently indicates the quality of the soil. The hills, except a few towards the sea, are one continued forest of lofty trees, flourishing with such uncommon vigour, as to afford an august prospect to the admirers of the sublime and beautiful works of nature.

This extraordinary strength in vegetation is, doubtless, greatly assisted by the agreeable temperature of the climate; for, at this time, though answering to our month of August, the weather was not so warm as to be disagreeable; nor did it raise the thermometer, higher than 66°. The winter also seems equally mild with respect to cold; for in the month which corresponds to our December, the mercury was never lower than 48°, the trees at the same time retaining their verdure, as if in the height of summer. It is supposed their foliage remains, till pushed off in spring by the succeeding leaves.

Though the weather is generally good, it is sometimes windy, with heavy rain; which, however, is never excessive, and does not last above a day. In short, this would be one of the finest countries upon earth, were it not so extremely hilly; which, supposing the woods to be cleared away, would leave it less proper for pasturage than flat land, and infinitely less so for cultivation, which could never be effected here by the plough.

[Page 80]The large trees on the hills are principally of two sorts. One of them, of the size of our largest [...]irs, grows nearly after their manner. This supplied the place of spruce in making beer; which we did, with a decoction of its leaves fermented with sugar or treacle; and this liquor was acknowledged to be little inferior to American spruce-beer. The other sort of tree is like a maple, and often grows very large, but is fit only for fuel; the wood of that, and of the preceding, being too heavy for masts, yards, &c.

A greater variety of trees grow on the flats behind the beaches: two of these bear a kind of plumb, of the size of prunes; the one, which is yellow, is called karraca, and the other, which is black, called maitao; but neither of them had a pleasant taste, though eaten both by our people and the natives.

On the eminences which jut out into the sea, grows a species of philadelphus, and a tree bearing flowers almost like myrtle. We used the leaves of the philadelphus as tea, and found them an excellent substitute for the oriental sort.

A kind of wild celery, which grows plentifully in almost every cove, may be reckoned among the plants that were useful to us; and another that we used to call scurvy-grass. Both sorts were boiled daily with wheat ground in a mill, for the people's breakfast, and with their pease-soup for dinner. Sometimes also they were used as salled, [Page 81] or dressed as greens. In all which ways they are excellent; and, together with the fish, with which we were amply supplied, they formed a most desirable refreshment.

The known kinds of plants to be found here are bindweed, night-shade, nettles, a shrubby speed-well, sow-thistles, virgin's bower, vanelloe, French willow, euphorbia, crane's-bill, cudweed, rushes, bulrushes, flax, all-heal, American night-shade, knot-grass, brambles, eye-bright, and groundsel; but the species of each are different from any we have in Europe.

There are a great number of other plants, but one in particular deserves to be noticed here, as the garments of the natives are made from it. A fine silky flax is produced from it, superior in appearance to any thing we have in this country, and, perhaps, as strong. It grows in all places near the sea, and sometimes a considerable way up the hills, in bunches or tufts, bearing yellowish flowers on a long stalk.

It is remarkable that the greatest part of the trees and plants were of the berry-bearing kind; of which, and other seeds, Mr. Anderson brought away about thirty different sorts.

The birds, of which there is a tolerable good stock, are almost entirely peculiar to the place. It would be difficult and fatiguing to follow them, on account of the quantity of underwood, and the climbing plants; yet any person, by continuing [Page 82] in one place, may shoot as many in a day as would serve seven or eight persons. The principal kinds are large brown parrots, with grey heads, green parroquets, large wood-pigeons, and two sorts of cuckoos. A gross-beak, about the size of a thrush, is frequent; as is also a small green bird, which is almost the only musical one to be found here; but his melody is so sweet, and his notes so varied, that any one would imagine himself surrounded by a hundred different sorts of birds, when the little warbler is exerting himself. From this circumstance it was named the mocking-bird. There are also three or four sorts of smaller birds, and, among the rocks, are found black sea-pies with red bills, and crefted shags of a leaden colour. About the shore, there are a few sea-gulls, some blue herons, wild ducks, plovers, and some sand-larks. A snipe was shot here, which differs but little from that of Europe.

Most of the fish we caught by the seine were elephant-fish, mullets, soles, and flounders; but the natives supplied us with a sort of sea-bream, large conger eels, and a fish of five or six pounds weight, called a mogge by the natives. With a hook and line we caught a blackish fish, called cole-fish by the seamen, but differing greatly from that of the same name in Europe. We also got a sort of small salmon, skate, gurnards, and nurses. The natives sometimes furnished us with hake, paracutas, parrot-fish, a sort of mackarel, [Page 83] and leather jackets; besides another, which is extremely scarce, of the figure of a dolphin, a black colour, and strong bony jaws. These, in general, are excellent to eat; but the small salmon, cole-fish, and mogge, are superior to the others.

Great quantities of excellent muscles inhabit among the rocks; one sort of which exceeds a foot in length. Many cockles are found buried in the sand of the small beaches; and, in some places, oysters, which, though very small, have a good flavour. There are also perriwincles, limpets, wilks, sea-eggs, star-fish, and some beautiful sea-ears, many of which are peculiar to the place. The natives also furnished us with some excellent cray-fish.

Insects here are not very numerous; we saw some butterflies, two sorts of dragon-flies, some small grasshoppers, several sorts of spiders, some black ants, and scorpion flies innumerable, with whose chirping the woods resounded. The sand-fly, which is the only noxious one, is very numerous here, and is almost as disagreeable as the musquitoe. The only reptiles we saw here, were two or three sorts of inoffensive lizards.

In this extensive land, it is remarkable that there should not even be the traces of any quadruped, except a few rats, and a kind of fox dog, which is kept by the natives as a domestic animal.

[Page 84]They have not any mineral deserving notice, but a green jasper or serpent stone, of which the tools and ornaments of the inhabitants are made. This is held in high estimation among them; and they entertain some superstitious notions about the mode of its generation, which we could not comprehend; they say it is taken from a large river far to the southward; it is disposed in the earth in detached pieces like flints, and, like them, the edges are covered with a whitish crust.

The natives, in general, are not so well formed, especially about the limbs, as the Europeans, nor do they exceed them in stature. Their sitting so much on their hams, and being deprived, by the mountainous disposition of the country, of using that kind of exercise which would render the body straight and well-proportioned, is probably the occasion of the want of due proportion. Many of them, indeed, are perfectly formed, and some are very large boned and muscular; but very few among them were corpulent.

Their features are various, some resembling Europeans, and their colour is of different casts, from a deepish black to an olive or yellowish tinge. In general, however, their faces are round, their lips rather full, and their noses (though not flat) large towards the point. An aquiline nose was not to be seen among them: their eyes are large, and their teeth are commonly broad, white, and regular. The hair, in general, is [Page 85] black, strong, and straight; it is commonly cut short on the hinder part, and the rest tied on the crown of the head. Some, indeed, have brown hair, and others a sort that is naturally disposed to curl. The countenance of the young is generally free and open; but, in many of the men, it has a serious or sullen cast. The men are larger than the women; and the latter are not distinguished by peculiar graces, either of form or features.

Both sexes are cloathed alike; they have a garment, made of the silky flax already mentioned, about five feet in length, and four in breadth. This appears to be their principal manufacture, which is performed by knotting. Two corners of this garment pass over the shoulders, and they fasten it on the breast with that which covers the body: it is again fastened about the belly with a girdle made of mat. Sometimes they cover it with dog-skin or large feathers. Many of them wear mats over this garment, extending from the shoulders to the heels. The most common covering, however, is a quantity of the sedgy plant above-mentioned, badly manufactured, fastened to a string, and thrown over the shoulders, whence it falls down on all sides to the middle of the thighs. When they sat down in this habit, they could hardly be distinguished from large grey stones, if their black heads did not project beyond their coverings.

[Page 86]They adorn their heads with feathers, combs of bone or wood, with pearl shell, and the inner skin of leaves. Both men and women have their ears slit, in which are hung beads, pieces of jasper, or bits of cloth. Some have the septum of the nose bored in its lower part, but we never saw any ornament worn in that part; though a twig was passed through it by one of them, to shew that it was occasionally used for that purpose.

Many are stained in the face with curious figures, of a black or dark blue colour; but it is not certain whether this is intended to be ornamental, or as a mark of particular distinction: the women are marked only on their lips and chins; and both sexes besmear their heads and faces with a greasy reddish paint. The women also wear necklaces of shark's teeth, or bunches of long beads; and a few of them have small triangular aprons, adorned with feathers or pieces of pearl shells, festened about the waist with a double or treble set of cords.

They live in the small coves already mentioned, sometimes in single families, and sometimes in companies of perhaps forty or fifty. Their huts, which are in general most miserable lodging places, are built cont [...]guous to each other. The best we saw was built in the manner of one of our country barns, and was about six feet in height, fifteen in breadth, and thirty-three in [Page 87] length. The inside was strong and regular, well fastened by means of withes, &c. and painted red and black. At one end it had a hole serving as a door to creep out at, and another considerably smaller, seemingly for the purpose of letting out the smoke. This, however, ought to be considered as one of their palaces, for many of their huts are not of half the size, and seldom are more than four feet in height.

They have no other furniture than a few small bags or baskets, in which they deposit their fishing hooks and other trifles. They sit down in the middle round a small fire, and probably sleep in the same situation, without any other covering that what they have worn in the day.

Fishing is their principal support, in which they use different kinds of nets, or wooden fish-hooks pointed with bone; but made in so extraordinary a manner, that it appears astonishing how they can answer such a purpose.

Their bo [...]s consist of planks raised upon each other, and fastened with long withes. Many of them are fifty feet long. Sometimes they fasten two together with rafters, which we call a double canoe: they frequently carry upwards of thirty men, and have a large head, ingeniously carved and painted, which seems intended to represent a man enraged. Their paddles are narrow, pointed, and about five feet long. Their [Page 88] sail, which is very little used, is a mat formed into a triangular shape.

They dress their fish by roasting, or rather baking them, being entirely ignorant of the art of boiling. It is thus they also dress the root of the large fern-tree, in a hole prepared for that purpose: when dressed, they split it, and find a gelatinous substance within, somewhat like sago powder. The smaller fern-root seems to be their substitute for bread, being dried and carried about with them, together w [...]h great quantities of dried fish, when they go far from their habitations.

When the weather will not suffer them to go to sea, muscles and sea-ears supply the place of other fish. Sometimes, but not often, they kill a few penguins, rails, and shags, which enable them to vary their diet. Considerable numbers of their dogs are also bred for food; but they depend principally on the sea for their subsistence, by which they are most bountifully supplied.

They are as filthy in their feeding as in their persons, which often emit a very offensive effluvia, from the quantity of grease about them, and from their never washing their cloaths: their heads are plentifully stocked with vermin, which they sometimes eat. Large quantities of stinking train oil, and blubber of seals, they would eagerly devour. When on board the ships, they not only emptied the lamps, but actually swallowed [Page 89] the cotton with equal voracity. Though the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land would not even taste our bread, these people devoured it with the greatest eagerness, even when it was rotten and mouldy.

In point of ingenuity, they are not behind any uncivilized nations under similar circumstances: for, without the assistance of metal tools, they make every thing by which they procure their subsistence, cloathing, and warlike weapons, with neatness, strength, and convenience. Their principal mechanical tool is formed in the manner of an adze, and is made of the serpent-stone or jasper: their chissel and gouge are furnished from the same material, though they are sometimes composed of black solid stone. Carving, however, is their master-piece, which appears upon the most trifling things; the ornaments on the heads of their canoes not only display much design, but execution. Their cordage for fishing lines is not inferior to that in this country, and their nets equally good. A shell, a bit of flint, or jasper, is their substitute for a knife; and a shark's tooth fixed in the end of a piece of wood, is their auger. They have a saw made of some jagged fishes teeth, fixed on a piece of wood nicely carved; but this is used for no other purpose than to cut up the bodies of those whom they kill in battle.

[Page 90]Though no people are more ready to resent an injury, yet they take every opportunity of being insolent, when they apprehend there is no danger of punishment; whence it may be concluded, that their eagerness to resent injuries, is rather an effect of a furious disposition than genuine bravery. They are naturally mistrustful, and suspicious, for such as are strangers never venture immediately to visit our ships, but keep at a small distance in their boats, observing our motions, and hesitating whether they should risk their safety with us. They are to the last degree dishonest, and steal every thing within their reach, if they suppose they can escape detection; and, in trading, they seem inclined to take every possible advantage; for they never trust an article out of their hands for examination, and seem highly pleased if they have over-reached you in a bargain.

Such conduct indeed is not surprising, when it is considered that there appears to be but little subordination, and few, if any, laws for the punishment of transgressors. No man's authority extends beyond his own family; and when they join, at any time, for mutual defence or safety, those among them who are most eminent for valour and prudent conduct, are directors.

Their public contentions are almost perpetual, for war is their principal profession, as appears from their number of weapons, and their dexterity [Page 91] in using them. Their arms are spears, patoos and halberts, and sometimes stones, The first are from five to thirty feet long, made of hard wood and pointed. The patoo is about eighteen inches long, of an elliptical shape, with a handle made of wood, stone, &c. and appears to be their principal dependance in battle. The halbert is about five or six feet in length, tapering at one end with a carved head, and broad or flat, with sharp edges, at the other.

Before the onset, they join in a war song, keeping the exactest time; and, by degrees, work themselves into a kind of frantic fury, accompanied with the most horrid distortions of their tongues, eyes and mouths, in order to deter their enemies. To this succeeds a circumstance that is most horrid, cruel, and disgraceful to human nature, which is mangling and cutting to pieces (even when not perfectly dead) the bodies of their enemies; and, after roasting them, devouring the flesh with peculiar pleasure and satisfaction.

It might naturally be supposed, that those who could be capable of such excess of cruelty, must be totally destitute of every humane feeling; and yet they lament the loss of their friends in a manner the most tender and affectionate. Both men and women, upon the death of their relations or friends, bewail them with the most miserable cries; at the same time cutting large gashes in [Page 92] their cheeks and foreheads, with shells, or pieces of flint, till the blood flows copiously, and mixes with their tears. They also carve a resemblance of an human figure, and hang it about their necks, as a memorial of those who were dear to them. They also perform the ceremony of lamenting and cutting for joy, at the return of a friend who has been some time absent.

The practices of the fathers, whether good or bad, their children are, at an early age, instructed in; so that you find a child of either sex, of the age of nine or ten years, able to imitate the frightful motions and gestures of the men. They also sing, and with some degree of melody, the traditions and actions of their forefathers, with which they are immoderately delighted, and pass much of their time in these amusements, accompanied sometimes with a kind of flute.

Their language is neither harsh nor disagreeable. Whatever qualities are requisite to make a language musical, obtain to a considerable degree in this, if we may judge from the melody of their songs. It is not, indeed, so comprehensive as our European languages, which owe their perfection to long and gradual improvement.

[Page]

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK II. CONTAINING OUR ADVENTURES FROM OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW-ZEALAND, TILL OUR ARRIVAL AT OTAHEITE, OR THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.

CHAP. I.

Course of the Voyage—Behaviour of the two New-Zealand Youths on board—The Island of Mangeea discovered—Account of the Persons and Dress of the Inhabitants—Mourooa and his Companion described—Figure of a Mangeean Canoe—The Coast of the Island examined—Impracticability of landing—Transactions with the Natives—Description of the Island—Disposition and Manners of the Mangeeans.

IN the morning of the 25th of February, we left the Sound, and made sail through Cook's Straits. On the 27th, Cape Palli [...]er bearing west about seven leagues distant, we had a fine gale, and steered towards the north-east. As [Page 94] soon as we had lost sight of land, our two young New-Zealanders heartily reperted of the adventurous step they had taken. Though we endeavoured, as far as lay in our power, to sooth them, they wept, both in public and private; and gave vent to their sorrows in a kind of song, which seemed to express their praises of their country and people, from which they were now, in all probability, to be for ever separated. They continued in this state for several days, till, at length, the agitation of their minds began to subside, and their sea-sickness, which had aggravated their grief, wore off. Their lamentations then became less and less frequent; their native country, their kindred and friends, were gradually forgotten, and they appeared to be firmly attached to us.

On the 28th at noon, being in the latitude of 41° 17′ south, and in the longitude of 177° 17′ east, we tacked about and stood to the south-east, with a gentle breeze at east north-east, which afterwards veered to north-east, in which point the wind remained two days, sometimes blowing a fresh gale with squalls and rain. On the 2d of March it shifted to north-west, and afterwards to south-west, between which point and the north it continued to blow, sometimes very moderately, and at other times a strong gale. With this wind we steered north-east by east and east, with all the sail we could carry, till Tuesday the 11th, when [Page 95] it veered to north-east and south-east; we then stood to the north and the north-east, as the wind would permit, till the 16th, when having a gale from the north, we stood to the east. The next day we proceeded to the north-east; but, as the wind frequently veered to east and east-north-east, we often made no better than a northerly course. The hopes, however, of the wind coming more southerly, or from the westward, a little without the Tropic of Capricorn, encouraged the Commodore to continue this course. It was indeed necessary that we should run all hazards, as our proceeding to the north this summer, in prosecution of the principal object of the expedition, entirely depended on our having a quick passage to Otaheite, or the Society Isles.

We crossed the Tropic on the 27th, the wind, for a considerable time before, having remained almost invariably fixed at east south-east. In all this run, we observed nothing that could induce us to suppose we had sailed near any land, except occasionally a tropic bird. In the latitude of 34° 20′, longitude 199°, we passed the trunk of a tree, which appeared much weather-beaten, and was covered with barnacles. On the 29th, as we were standing to the north-east, the Discovery made a signal of seeing land. We soon found it to be a small island, and stood for it till the evening, when it was at the distance of two [Page 96] or three leagues. The next morning, at daybreak, we bore up fo [...] the west side of the island, and saw several people wading to the reef, where, as they observed the ship leaving them quickly, they remained. But others, who soon appeared, followed her course; and some of them assembled in small bodies, making great shouts.

Upon our nearer approach to the shore, we saw many of the natives running along the beach, and, by the assistance of our glasses, could perceive that they were armed with long spears and clubs, which they brandished in the air with signs of threatening, or, as some of us supposed, with invitations to land. Most of them were naked, except having a kind of girdle, which was brought up between their thighs; but some of them wore about their shoulders pieces of cloth of various colours, white, striped, or chequered; and almost all of them had about their heads a white wrapper, in some degree resembling a turban. They were of a tawny complexion, robust, and about the middle size.

A small canoe was now launched from the most distant part of the beach, and a man getting into it, put off, as with a view of reaching the ship; but his courage failing, he quickly returned towards the beach. Another man soon after joined him in the canoe; and then both of them paddled towards us. They seemed, however, afraid to approach, till their apprehensions [Page 97] were partly removed by Omai, who addressed them in the language of Otaheite. Thus encouraged, they came near enough to receive some nails and beads, which, being tied to some wood, were thrown into the canoe. They however put the wood aside without untying the things from it, which may perhaps have proceeded from superstition; for we were informed by Omai, that when they observed us offering presents to them, they requested something for their Eatooa. On Omai's asking them whether they ever eat human flesh, they replied in the negative, with equal abhorrence and indignation. One of them, named Mourooa, being questioned with regard to a scar on his forehead, said it was the consequence of a wound he had received in fighting with the natives of an island lying towards the north-east, who sometimes invaded them. They afterwards laid hands on a rope, but would not venture on board, telling Omai, that their countrymen on shore had suggested to them this caution; and had likewise directed them to enquire whence our ship came, and to procure information of the name of the Captain. Their chief, they said, was called Orooaeeka. Upon our enquiring the name of the island, they told us it was Mangya, or Mangeea, to which they sometimes added nooe, nai, naiwa.

The features of Mourooa were agreeable, and his disposition, to all appearance, was no less so; [Page 98] for he exhibited some droll gesticulations, which indicated humour and good-nature. He also made others of a serious kind, and repeated some words with an air of dev [...]tion, before he would venture to take hold of the rope at the stern of the ship. He was [...] and well made, though not ta [...] [...] as nearly of the [...] cast with that of the [...] of the most [...] parts of Europe. [...] companion was [...] handsome. They both had strong, straight, black hair, [...]ied together on the top of their heads with a piece of white cloth. They had long beards; and the inside of their arms from the elbow to the shoulder, and some other parts, were tatooed or punctured. The lobe of their ears was slit to such a length, that one of them stuck their a knife and some beads, which we had given them. The same person had hung about his neck, by way of ornament, two polished pearl-shells, and a bunch of human hair, loosely twisted together. They wore a kind of girdles, which we found were a substance manufactured from the morus papyrifera, and glazed like those used in the Friendly Islands. They had on their feet a sort of sandals, made of a grassy substance interwoven, which we observed were also worn by those whom we had seen on the beach. The canoe in which they came was the only one we saw. It was very narrow, and not above ten feet long, but strong and neatly made. The lower [Page]

A MAN of MANGEA. A WOMAN of EAOO.

[Page 99] part was of white wood; but the upper part was black, and their paddles were made of wood of the same colour: these were broad at one end, and blunted, and about three feet long. The fore part had a flat board fastened over it, which projected out, to prevent the water from getting in. It had an upright stern, five feet high, which terminated at the top in a kind of fork. They paddled indifferently either end of the canoe forward.

As soon as the ships were in a proper station, Captain Cook sent out two boats to endeavour to find a convenient place for landing. In one of them he went himself, and had no sooner put off from the ship, than the two men in the canoe paddled towards his boat; and when they were come along-side, Mourooa, without hesitation, stept into her. Omai, who was with the Captain, was desired to enquire of the islander where we could land; upon which he directed us to two places. But we soon observed, with regret, that the attempt at either place was impracticable, on account of the surf, unless at the risque of having our boats destroyed. Nor were we more successful in our search for anchorage, as we could find no bottom till within a cable's length of the breakers, where we met with from forty to twenty fathoms depth, over sharp rocks of coral.

While we thus reconnoitred the shore of Mangeea, the natives thronged down upon the reef, [Page 100] all armed. Mourooa, who still remained in the boat with Captain Cook, thinking, perhaps, that this warlike appearance deterred us from landing, commanded them to retire. As many of them complied, we imagined, that he was a person of some consequence: indeed, if we did not misunderstand him, he was brother to the king of the island. Several of them, instigated by curiosity, swam from the shore to the boats, and came on board them without reserve. We even found some difficulty in keeping them out, and could scarce prevent their pilfering whatever they could lay hands upon. At length, when they observed us returning to the ships, they all left us except Mourooa, who, though not without manifest indications of fear, accompanied the Commodore on board the Resolution. The cattle and other new objects that he saw there, did not strike him with much surprize; his mind, perhaps, benig too much occupied about his own safety, to allow him to attend to other things. He seemed very uneasy, and gave us but little new intelligence; and therefore, after he had continued a short time on board, Captain Cook ordered a boat to carry him towards the land. In his way out of the cabin, happening to stumble over one of the goats, he stopped, looked at the animal, and asked Omai what bird it was; but not receiving an immediate answer from him, he put the same question to some of the people who [Page 101] were upon deck. The boat having conveyed him near the surf, he leaped into the water, and swam ashore. His countrymen, eager to learn from him what he had seen, flocked round him as soon as he had landed; in which situation they remained when we lost sight of them. We hoisted in the boat as soon as she returned, and made sail to the northward. Thus were we obliged to leave this fine island unvisited, which seemed capable of supplying all our necessities. It is situate in the longitude of 210° 53′ east, and in the latitude of 21° 57′ south.

Those parts of the coast of Mangeea which fell under our observation, are guarded by a reef of coral rock, against which a heavy surf is continually breaking. The island is about five leagues in circumference, and though of a moderate and pretty equal height, may be seen in clear weather at the distance of ten leagues. In the interior parts, it rises into small hills, whence there is an easy descent to the shore, which, in the south-west part, is steep, though not very high, and has several excavations made by the dashing of the waves against a brownish sand-stone, of which it consists. The descent here abounds with trees of a deep green, which seem to be all of one sort, except nearest the shore, where we observed numbers of [...] species of dracoena found in the woods of New-Zealand. The shore, on the north-west part, terminates in a sandy, [Page 102] beach, beyond which the land is broken into small chasms, and has a broad border of trees which resemble tall willows. Further up, on the ascent, the trees were of the deep green abovementioned, which some of us imagined to be the rima, intermixed with cocoa-palms, and a few other sorts. Some trees of a higher sort were thinly scattered on the hills, the other parts of which were either covered with something like fern, or were bare, and of a reddish colour. The island, upon the whole, has a pleasing appearance, and might, by proper cultivation, be made a beautiful spot.

The natives appearing to be both numerous and well- [...]ed, it is highly probable that such articles of provision as the island produces are found in great abundance. Our friend Mourooa informed us, that they had no hogs nor dogs, though they had heard of both those animals; but that they had plaintains, taro, and bread-fruit. The only birds we observed, were some terns, noddies, white egg-birds, and one white heron.

The language of the Mangeeans is a dialect of that of Otaheite; but their pronunciation is more guttural. They resemble the inhabitants of Otaheite and the Marquesas in the beauty of their persons; and their general disposition also seems to correspond with that of the first-mentioned people; for they are not only lively and chearful, but are acquainted with all the lascivious gesticulations [Page 103] practised by the Otaheiteans in their dances. We had likewise reason to suppose, that they have similar methods of living: for, though we had not an opportunity of seeing many of their habitations, we observed one house near the beach, which, in its mode of construction, differed little from those of Otaheite. It appeared to be seven or eight feet high, and about thirty in length, with an open end, which represented an ellipse, or oval, transeversely divided. It was pleasantly situated in a grove.

These people salute strangers by joining noses, and taking the hand of the person whom they accost, which they rub with some force upon their mouth and nose. It is worthy of remark, that the inhabitants of the Palaos, New Philippine, or rather Caroline Islands, though at the distance of near 1500 leagues from Mangeea, have a similar method of salutation.

[Page 104]

CHAP. II.

An Island named Watecoo discovered—Visits from the Inhabitants on board the Ships—Their Persons and Dress described—The coast of the Island examined—Lieutenants Gore and Burney, Mr. Anderson and Omai, sent on Shore—Mr. Anderson's Account of their Reception—They are introduced to three Chiefs—Dance of twenty young Women described—Omai's Apprehensions of being roasted— The Islanders send Provisions on board—Further Description of the Natives—Of their double Canoes —Trees and Plants—Omai's Expedient to prevent being detained on Shore—He meets with three of his Countrymen—Account of their distressful Voyage —Additional Remarks relative to Wateeoo.

WE quitted Mangeea in the afternoon of the 30th of March, and proceeding on a northerly course, we again discovered land, on the 31st, at the distance of nine or ten leagues.— The next morning we were abrest of its north end, within four leagues of it. It now appeared to us to be an island nearly of the same extent with that which we had just left. Another island, much smaller, was also descried right a-head. Though we could soon have reached this, we preferred the larger one, as being most likely to [Page 105] furnish food for the cattle. We therefore made sail to it; but there being little wind, and that unfavourable, we were still about two leagues to leeward at eight o'clock the succeeding morning. The Commodore, soon after, dispatched three armed boats, under the command of Mr. Gore, his First Lieutenant, in search of a landing-place and anchoring-ground. Mean while we plied up under the island with the ships. As our boats were putting off, we saw several canoes coming from the shore, which repaired first to the Discovery, as that ship was the nearest. Not long after, three of these canoes, each conducted by one man, came along-side of the Resolution. They are long and narrow, and are supported by out-riggers: the head is flat above, but prow-like below; and the stern is about four feet high. We bestowed on our visitors, some knives, beads, and other trifles; and they gave us some cocoa-nuts, in consequence of our having asked for them; but they did not part with them by way of exchange, as they seemed to have no idea of barter or traffic. One of them, after a little persuasion, came on board; and the other two soon followed his example. They appeared to be perfectly at their ease, and free from all apprehension. After their departure, a man arrived in another canoe, bringing a bunch of plantains as a present to Captain Cook, who gave him, in return, a piece of red cloth and an axe. [Page 106] We were afterwards informed by Omai, that this present had been sent from the king of the island. Soon after, a double canoe, containing twelve of the islanders, came towards us. On approaching the ship, they recited some words in concert, by way of chorus, one of them first giving the word before each repetition. Having finished this solemn chant, they came along-side, and asked for the chief. As soon as Captain Cook had made his appearance, a pig and some cocoa-nuts were conveyed into the ship; and the Captain was also presented with a piece of matting, by the principal person in the canoe, when he and his companions had got on board.

These new visitors were introduced into the cabin, and conducted to other parts of the ship. Though some objects seemed to surprise them, nothing could fix their attention. They were afraid to venture near the cows and horses, of whose nature they could form no conception. As for the sheep and goats, they gave us to understand, that they knew them to be birds. It is a matter of astonishment, that human ignorance could ever make so ridiculous a mistake, as there is not the smallest resemblance between any winged animal and a sheep or goat. But these people seemed unacquainted with the existence of any other terrestrial animals, than hogs, dogs, and birds; and as they saw that our goats and sheep were very different from the two former, they absurdly [Page 107] inferred, that they must belong to the latter class, in which they knew there was a great variety of species. Though the Commodore bestowed on his new friend what he supposed would be the most acceptable present, yet he seemed somewhat disappointed. The Captain was afterwards informed, that he eagerly wished to procure a dog, of which kind of animals this island was destitute, though the natives knew that the race existed in other islands of the Pacific Ocean. Captain Clerke had received a similar present, with the same view, from another man, who was equally disappointed in his expectations.

The islanders whom we had seen in those canoes were in general of the middle stature, and not unlike the Mangeeans. Their hair either flowed loosely over their shoulders, or was tied on the crown of the head; and though in some it was frizzled, yet that, as well as the straight sort, was long. Some of the young men were handsome. Like the inhabitants of Mangeea, they were girdles of glazed cloth, or fine matting, the ends of which were brought between their thighs.— Their ears were bored, and they wore about their necks, by way of ornament, a sort of broad grass, stained with red, and strung with berries of the night-shade. Many of them were curiously marked or tatooed from the middle downwards, particularly upon their legs; which made them appear as if they wore boots. Their beard [...] were long [...] [Page 108] and they had a kind of sandals on their feet. They were frank and chearful in their deportment, and very friendly and good-natured.

Lieutenant Gore returned from his excursion in the afternoon, and informed Captain Cook, that he had examined the west side of the island, without being able to find a place where the ships could ride in safety, or a boat could land, the shore being bounded by a steep coral rock, against which a continual surf broke with extraordinary violence. But as the inhabitants seemed extremely friendly, and as desirous of our landing as we ourselves were, Mr. Gore was of opinion, that they might be prevailed upon to bring off to the boats beyond the surf, such articles as we were most in need of. As we had little or no wind, the delay of a day or two was of small consideration; and therefore the Commodore resolved to try the experiment the next morning. We observed, soon after day-break, some canoes com [...]ng towards the ships; one of which directed its [...]ourse to the Resolution. There were in it some [...]ocoa-nuts and plantains, and a hog, for which [...]he natives demanded a dog from us, refusing [...]very other thing that we offered by way of ex [...]hange. Though one of our gentlemen on board [...] a dog and a bitch, which were great nui [...]nces in the ship, and which might have served [...] propagate a race of so useful an animal in this [...], yet he could not be prevailed upon to [Page 109] part with them. However, to gratify these people, Omai gave them a favourite dog he had brought from Great-Britain; with which acquisition they were highly pleased.

The same morning, which was the 3d of April, Captain Cook detached Mr. Gore with three boats, to make trial of the experiment which that officer had proposed. Two of the natives, who had been on board, accompanied him; and Omai served as an interpreter. The ships being a full league from the island when the boats put off, and the wind being inconsiderable, it was twelve o'clock before we could work up to it. We then perceived our three boats just without the surf, and an amazing number of the islanders on the shore, abreast of them. Concluding from this, that Lieutenant Gore, and others of our people had landed, we were impatient to know the event. With a view of observing their motions, and being ready to afford them such assistance as they might occasionally require, the Commodore kept as near the shore as was consistent with prudence. He was convinced, however, that the reef was a very effectual barrier between us and our friends who had landed, and put them completely out of the reach of our protection. But the natives, in all probability, were not so sensible of this circumstance as we were. Some of them, now and then, brought a few cocoa-nuts to the ships, and exchanged them for whatever was offered [Page 110] them. These occasional visits diminished the Captain's solicitude about our people who had landed; for, though we could procure no intelligence from our visitors, yet their venturing on board seemed to imply, that their countrymen on shore had made no improper use of the confidence reposed in them. At length, towards the evening, we had the satisfaction of seeing the boats return. When our people got on board, we found that Mr. Gore, Mr. Anderson, Mr. Burney, and Omai, were the only persons who had landed. The occurrence of the day were now fully reported to the Commodore by Mr. Gore. Mr. Anderson's account of their transactions, which was very circumstantial, and included some observations, on the island and it's inhabitants, was to the following purport.

They rowed towards a sandy beach, where a great number of the natives had assembled, and came to an anchor at the distance of an hundred yards from the reef. Several of the islanders swam off, bringing cocoa-nuts with them; and Omai gave them to understand, that our people were desirous of landing. Soon after, two canoes came off; and to inspire the natives with a greater confidence, Mr. Gore and his companions resolved to go unarmed. Mr. Anderson and Lieutenant Burney went in the canoe, a little before the other; and their conductors watching with great attention the motions of the surf, landed [Page 111] them safely on the reef. A native took hold of each of them, with a view of supporting them in walking over the rugged rocks to the beach, where several others, holding in their hands the green boughs of a species of mimosa, met them, and saluted them by the junction of noses. They were conducted from the beach amidst a vast multitude of people, who flocked around them with the most eager curiosity; and being led up an avenue of of cocoa palms, soon came to a number of men, arranged in two rows, and armed with clubs. Proceeding onward among these, they found a person, who appeared to be a chief, sitting cross-legged on the ground, and cooling himself with a kind of triangular fan, made from the leaf of the cocoa-palm, with a polished handle of black wood. He wore in his ears large bunches of beautiful feathers of a red colour; but had no other mark to distinguish him from the rest of the people. Our two countrymen having saluted him as he sat, marched on among the men armed with clubs, and came to a second chief, adorned like the former, and occupied, like him, in fanning himself. He was remarkable for his size and corpulence, though he did not appear to be above thirty years of age. They were conducted in the same manner to a third chief, who seemed older than the two former: he also was sitting, and was ornamented with red feathers. After they had saluted him as they had done the [Page 112] others, he desired them both to sit down: which they willingly consented to, being greatly fatigued with walking, and with the extreme heat they felt amidst the surrounding multitude.

The people being ordered to separate, Messrs. Anderson and Burney saw, at a small distance, about twenty young women, adorned like the chiefs with red feathers, engaged in a dance, which they performed to a slow and solemn air, sung by them all. Our two gentlemen rose up, and walking forward to see these dancers, who, without paying them the smallest attention, still continued their dance. They seemed to be directed by a man, who, in the capacity of a prompter, mentioned the several motions they were to make. They never changed the spot, as Europeans do in dancing, and though their feet were not entirely at rest, this exercise consisted more in moving their fingers very nimbly, holding their hands at the same time in a prone position near the face, and occasionally clapping them together^*. Their dancing and singing were performed in the exactest concert. They had probably been instructed with extraordinary care, and selected for this ceremony, being superior in beauty to most of those who were in the crowd. They were, in general, rather stout, and of an olive complexion, with black hair flowing in ringlets down their necks. [Page 113] Their shape and limbs were elegantly formed; for, their dress consisting only of a piece of glazed cloth tied round the waist, which scarcely reached so low as the knees, our gentlemen had an opportunity of observing almost every part. Their features were rather too full to constitute a perfect beauty. Their eyes were of a deep black, and their countenances expressed a great degree of modesty and complacency.

Before these beauteous females had finished their dance, our two countrymen heard a noise, as if some horses had been galloping towards them; and on turning their eyes aside, they saw the people armed with clubs, who had been desired to entertain them, as they supposed, with an exibition of their mode of fighting; which they now did, one party pursuing another who ran away.

Lieutenant Burney and Mr. Anderson began now to look about for Mr. Gore and Omai, whom they at length found coming up, as much incommoded by the crowds of people as themselves had been, and introduced in the same manner to the three chiefs; the names of whom were Otteroo, Taroa, and Fatouweera. Each of these expecting a present, Mr. Gore gave them such things as he had brought with him for that purpose; after which he informed the chiefs of his views in coming on shore, but was desired to wait till the next day before he should have what was wanted. [Page 114] They now seemed to endeavour to separate our gentlemen from each other, every one of whom had his respective circle to surround, and gaze at him. Mr. Anderson was, at one time, upwards of an hour apart from his friends; and when he told the chief, who was near him, that he wished to speak to Omai, his request was peremptorily refused. At the same time he found that the people pilfered several trifling things which were in his pocket; and on his complaining of this treatment to the chief, he justified their behaviour. From these circumstances, Mr. Anderson began to apprehend, that they designed to detain our party among them. In this situation he asked for something to eat; upon which they brought him some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, and a sort of sour pudding; and when he complained of the heat, occasioned by the multitude of people, the chief himself condescended to fan him.

Mr. Burney going to the place where Mr. Anderson was, the latter informed him of his suspicions; and to try whether they were well founded or not, they both attempted to get to the beach: but they were soon stopped by some of the natives, who said they must return to the place which they had left. On their coming up they found Omai under the same apprehensions; but he had, as he imagined, an additional motive of terror; for, having observed that they had dug a [Page 115] hole in the ground for an oven, which they were then heating, he could assign no other reason for it, than that they intended to roast and devour our party: he even went so far as to ask them whether that was their intention, at which they were much surprised, asking, in return, whether that custom prevailed among us.

Thus were Mr. Anderson and the others detained the greatest part of the day, being sometimes separated, and sometimes together; but continually in a croud, who frequently desired them to uncover parts of their skin, the sight of which struck the islanders with admiration. They at the same time rifled the pockets of our countrymen; and one of them snatched from Mr. Gore a bayonet, which hung by his side. This being represented to one of the chiefs, he pretended to send a person in search of it, but probably countenanced the theft; for Omai, soon after, had a dagger stolen from his side in the same manner. They now brought some green boughs as emblems of friendship, and sticking the ends of them in the ground, desired that our party would hold them as they sat, giving them to understand, that they must stay and eat with them. The sight of a pig lying near the oven which they had prepared and heated, removed Omai's apprehensions of being put into it himself, and made him think it might be intended for the repast of him and his three friends. [Page 116] The chief also sent some of his people to provide food for the cattle, and they returned with a few plantain trees, which they conveyed to the boats. In the mean time, Messrs. Burney and Anderson made a second attempt to get to the beach; but, on their arrival, they found themselves watched by people who seemed to have been stationed there for that purpose; for, when Mr. Anderson endeavoured to wade in upon the reef, one of them dragged him back by his clothes. They also insisted upon his throwing down some pieces of coral that he had picked up, and on his refusal to comply, they took them from him by force. Nor would they suffer him to retain some small plants which he had gathered. They likewise took a fan from Mr. Burney, which on his coming ashore he had received as a present. Finding that obedience to their will was the only method of procuring better treatment, the gentlemen returned to the place they had quitted; and the natives now promised, that after they had partaken of a repast which had been prepared for them, they should be furnished with a canoe to carry them off to their boats. Accordingly, the second chief to whom they had been presented, having seated himself on a low stool, and directed the multitude to form a large ring, made them sit down by him. A number of cocoa-nuts were now brought, with a quantity of baked plantains, and a piece of the pig that had been dressed was [Page 117] placed before each of them. Their fatigue, however, had taken away their appetites; but they eat a little to please their entertainers. It being now near sun-set, the islanders sent down to the beach the remainder of the provisions that had been dressed, to be carried to the ships. Our gentlemen found a canoe prepared to put them off to their boats, which the natives did with great caution; but as they were pushing the canoe into the surf, one of them snatched a bag out of her, which contained a pocket-pistol belonging to Mr. Anderson, who calling out to the thief with marks of the highest displeasure, he swam back to the canoe with the bag. The islanders then put them on board the boats, with the cocoa-nuts, plantains, and other provisions; and they immediately rowed back to the ships.

The restrained situation of these gentlemen gave them very little opportunity of observing the country: for they were seldom a hundred yards from the place where they had been introduced to the chiefs, and consequently were confined to the surrounding objects. The first thing that attracted their notice was the number of people, which must have been at least two thousand. Except a few, those who had come on board the ships were all of an inferior class; for a great number of those that our gentlemen met with on shore, had a superior dignity of demeanor, and their complexion was much whiter. In genneral, [Page 118] they had their hair, which was long and black, tied on the crown of the head. Many of the young men were perfect models in shape, and of a delicate complexion. The old men were, many of them, corpulent; and they as well as the young, had a remarkable smoothness of skin. Their general dress consisted of a piece of cloth wrapped about the waist, but some had pieces of mats, very curiously variegated with black and white, formed into a kind of a jacket without sleeves; while others wore conical caps made of the core of a cocoa-nut, interwoven with beads. In their ears, which were pierced, they hung pieces of the membraneous part of some plant, or stuck there some odoriferous flower. The chiefs, and other persons of rank, had two little balls, with a common base, made of bone; which they hung round their necks with small cord. Red feathers are here considered as a particular mark of distinction; for none but chiefs, and the young women who danced, assumed them. Some of the men were punctured all over the sides and back, and some of the women had the same ornament (if it deserves that name) on their legs. The elderly women had their hair cropped short, and many of them were cut all over the fore part of the body in oblique lines. The wife of a chief appeared with her child, laid in a piece of red cloth, which had been presented to her husband; she suckled the infant much after the manner [Page 119] of our women. Another chief introduced his daughter, who was young, beautiful, and modest. No personal deformities were observed in either sex, except in a few individuals who had scars of broad ulcers remaining on the face and other parts.

Many of the natives were armed with spears and clubs, the latter of which were generally about six feet long, made of a hard black wood, neatly polished. The spears were formed of the same wood, simply pointed, and were in general twelve feet long; but some were so short as to seem intended for darts.

They preserved their canoes from the sun under the shade of various trees. Our gentlemen saw eight or ten of them, all double ones; that is, two single ones fastened together by rafters lashed across. They were about four feet deep, and in length about twenty feet, and the sides were rounded with a plank raised upon them. Two of these canoes were [...]uriously stained all over with black, in innumerable small figures, as triangles, squares, &c. and were far superior to any thing of the kind Mr. Anderson had ever seen at any other island in the South Sea. The paddles were almost elliptical, and about four feet long.

Most of the trees observed by Mr. Anderson, were cocoa-palms, some species of hibiscus, a sort of euphorbia, and many of the same kind he had seen at Mangeea. The latter are tall and slender, [Page 120] resembling a cypress; and are called by the natives etoa. He also saw a species of convolvulus, and some treacle-mustard; besides which there are doubtless other plants and fruit-trees which he had not an opportunity of seeing. The soil, towards the sea, is nothing more than a bank of coral, generally steep and rugged, which, though it has probably been for many centuries exposed to the weather, has suffered no further change than becoming black on its surface. The reef or rock, with which the shore is lined, runs to different breadths into the sea, where it resembles a high steep wall: it is of a brownish colour, and nearly even with the surface of the water; and though its texture is rather porous, it is capable of withstanding the washing of the surf which constantly breaks upon it.

Though the landing of our gentlemen was the means of enriching the narrative of the voyage with the preceding particulars, the principal object in view was partly unattained; for we scarce procured any thing worth mentioning from the island.

It has been already observed, that Omai was sent upon this expedition as Mr. Gore's interpreter; which, perhaps, was not the only service he performed this day. He was questioned by the natives concerning us, our country, our ships and arms; in answer to which, he told them, among many other particulars, that our country [Page 121] had ships as large as their island, on board of which were implements of war (describing our guns) of such dimensions, as to contain several people within them; one of which would demolish the island at one shot. As for the guns in our two ships, he acknowledged they were but small in comparison with the former; yet even with these, he said we could with great ease, at a considerable distance destroy the island and every soul in it. On their enquiring by what means this could be done, Omai produced some cartridges from his pocket, and having submitted to inspection the balls, and the gunpowder by which they were to be set in motion, he disposed the latter upon the ground, and, by means of a piece of lighted wood, set it on fire. The sudden blast, the mingled flame and smoke, that instantaneously succeeded, filled the natives with such astonishment, that they no longer doubted the formidable power of our weapons. Had it not been for the terrible ideas they entertained of the guns of our ships, from this specimen of their mode of operation, it was imagined that they would have detained the gentlemen the whole night; for Omai assured them, that, if he and his friends did not return on board the same day, they might expect that the Commodore would fire upon the island.

Though this island had never before been visited by Europeans, there were other strangers [Page 122] now residing in it; and it was entirely owing to Omai's accompanying Mr. Gore, that this remarkable circumstance came to our knowledge. He had scarcely landed on the beach, when he found among the crowd, three of his own countrymen, natives of the Society Isles. At the distance of about two hundred leagues from those islands, an immense ocean intervening, with such miserable sea-boats as their inhabitants make use of, such a meeting, at such a place, so accidentally visited by us, may be considered as one of those extraordinary and unexpected situations, which strike a curious observer with wonder and amazement. The mutual surprize and pleasure with which Omai and his countrymen engaged in conversation, may easily be imagined. Their story, as related by themselves, is a very affecting one. About twenty persons, male and female, had embarked in a canoe at Otaheite, with an intention of crossing over to Ulietea; but they were prevented by contrary winds from reaching the latter, or returning to the former island. Their stock of provisions being soon exhausted, they suffered inconceivable hardships. They passed many days without sustenance, in consequence of which their number gradually diminished, worn out by famine and fatigue. Only four men survived, when their canoe was overset. The destruction of this small remnant now seemed inevitable; however, they continued hanging [Page 123] by the side of the vessel, during some of the last days, till they providentially came in sight of the inhabitants of this island, who sent out canoes and brought them on shore. One of these four had since died. The other three were so well satisfied with the generous treatment they met with here, that they refused the offer made them by our gentlemen, at the request of Omai, of taking them on board our ships, and restoring them to their native islands. They had arrived upon this coast at least twelve years ago. Their names were Tavee, Otirreroa, and Orououte: the former was born at Huahenie, the second at Ulietea, and the latter at Otaheite. The application of the preceding narrative is obvious. It will serve to explain, in a more satisfactory manner than the flimsy conjectures of some speculative reasoners, how the detached parts of the world, and, in particular, the islands of the Pacific Ocean, may have been first peopled; those especially which lie at a considerable distance from each other, or from any inhabited continent.

The natives of this island call it by the name of Wateeoo. It is situated in the longitude of 201° 45′ east, and in the latitude of 20° 1′ south; and is about six leagues in circuit. It is a beautiful spot, with a surface covered with verdure, and composed of hills and plains. The soil, in some parts, is light and sandy: but, further up the country, we saw from the ship, by the assistance [Page 124] of our glasses, a reddish cast on the rising grounds. There the islanders build their houses, for we could perceive several of them, which were long and spacious. Its produce is nearly the same with that of Mangeea Nooe Nainaiwa, the island we had last quitted.

If we may depend on Omai's report of what he learned from his three countrymen in the course of conversation, the manners of the people of Wateeoo, their general habits of life, and their method of treating strangers, greatly resemble those that prevail at Otaheite, and its neighbouring islands. There is also a great similarity between their religious opinions and ceremonies. From every circumstance, indeed, it may be considered as indubitable, that the inhabitants of Wateeoo derive their descent from the same stock which has so remarkably diffused itself over the immense extent of the Southern Ocean. Omai assured us that they dignified their island with the pompous appellation of Wenooa no te Eatoa, implying a land of Gods; esteeming themselves a kind of divinities, possessed with the spirit of the Eatoa. T [...]eir language was equally well understood by Omai, and by our two New Zealanders who were on board: its peculiarites, when compared with the other dialects we cannot point out; for the memorandum-book, in which Mr. Anderson had put down a specimen o [...] it, was stolen by the natives.

[Page 125]

CHAP. III.

Otakootaia visited—Description of the Island, and its Produce—Birds—Fish—Visit H [...]rvey's Island— Discover it to be inhabited—The Inhabitants refuse to come on board—Their propensity to Theft—Their Manners, Persons, Dress, Canoes, &c.—Make a fruitless attempt to land—Bear away for the Friendly Islands—Two Islets of Palmerston's Island touched at—Description of the Islets, their Produce, &c.—Refreshments procured there—Proceed to the Friendly Islands.

CALMS and light airs having alternately prevailed all the night of the 3d. of April, before day-break the easterly swell nad carried the ships some distance from Wateeoo; but having failed of procuring, at that place, some effectual supply, there appeared no reason for our continuing there any longer; we therefore willingly quitted it, and steered for the island which we had discovered three days before.

We got up with it about ten o'clock in the morning, when Captain Cook immediately dispatched Mr. Gore with two boats, to see if he could land, and get subsistence for our cattle. Though a reef surrounded the land here, as at Wateeoo, and a considerable surf broke against the rocks, our boats no sooner reached the west side [Page 126] of the island, but they ventured in, and Mr. Gore and his attendants arrived safe on shore. Captain Cook, seeing they had so far succeeded, sent a small boat to know if farther assistance was required. She waited to take in a lading of the produce of the island, and did not return till three o'clock in the afternoon: being cleared, she was sent again for another cargo; the jolly boat was also dispatched upon the same business, with orders for Mr. Gore to return vith the boats before night, which orders were punctually observed.

The supply obtained here was about two hundred cocoa-nuts for ourselves, and for our cattle some grass, and a quantity of the leaves and branches of young cocoa trees, and the pandanus.

This island lies about three or four leagues from Wateeoo, the inhabitants of which call it Otakootaia. It is in the latitude of 19° 15′ south, and [...]he longitude of 201° 37′ east, and is supposed not to exceed three miles in circuit.

This island is entirely destitute of water. Cocoa-palms were the only common trees found there, of which there were several clusters, and great quantities of the wharra, or pandanus. There were also the callophyllum, suriana, with a few other shrubs; also a sort of bind-weed, treacle-mustard, a species of spurge, and the morinda citrifolia; the fruit of which is sometimes eaten by the natives of Otaheite. Omai, who landed with [Page 127] the party, dressed some of it for their dinner, but they thought it very indifferent.

A beautiful cuckoo, of a chesnut brown, variegated with black, was the only bird seen amongst the trees; but, upon the shore, were a small sort of curlew, blue and white herons, some egg-birds▪ and great numbers of noddies.

One of the company caught a lizard running up a tree; though small it had a most forbidding aspect. Many of another sort were also seen. Infinite numbers of a kind of moth, elegantly speckled with black, white, and red, frequented the bushes towards the sea. Some other sorts of moths and pretty butterflies were seen.

At this time there were no fixed inhabitants upon the island; but we discovered a few empty huts, which convinced us of its being, at least occasionally visited. Monuments, consisting of several large stones, were also erected under the shade of some trees: there were also some smaller ones, with which several places were inclosed, where we supposed their dead had been buried. We found in one place a great many cockle-shells of a particular sort, finely grooved, and larger than the fist; from which it was conjectured, that the island had been visited by persons who sometimes feed on shell-fish. Mr. Gore left some nails and a hatchet in one of the huts, for the use of those who might visit the island in future.

[Page 128]The boats being hoisted in, we made sail again to the northward, resolving to try our fortune at Hervey's island, which was discovered by Captain Cook in 1773, during his last voyage, We got sight of it about day break in the morning of the 6th, at the distance of about three leagues. We approached it about eight o'clock, and observed several canoes coming from the shore towards the ships. We were rather surprized at this circumstance, as no traces or signs of inhabitants were seen when the island was first discovered: this indeed, might be owing to a brisk wind that then blew, and prevented their canoes venturing out.

Advancing still towards the island, six or seven double canoes immediately came near us, with from three to six men in each of them. At the distance of about a stone's throw from the ship they stopped, and it was with difficulty that Omai prevailed on them to come along side; but they could not be induced to trust themselves on board. They attempted to steal some oars out of the Discovery's boat, and struck a man for endeavouring to prevent them. They also cut away a net containing meat, which hung ov [...]r the stern of that ship, and at first would not restore it, though they afterwards permitted us to purchase it from them. Those who were about the Resolution behaved equally disorderly and daring; for, with a sort of hooks [Page 129] made of a long stick, they openly endeavoured to rob us of several things, and actually got a frock belonging to one of our people. It appeared that they had a knowledge of bartering, for they exchanged some fish for some of our small nails, of which they were extravagantly fond, and called them goore. Pieces of paper, or any other trifling articles that was thrown to them, they caught with the greatest avidity; and if what was thrown fell into the sea, they immediately plunged in to swim after it.

Though the distance between Hervey's Island and Wateeoo is not very great, the inhabitants differ greatly from each other, both in person and disposition. The colour of the natives of Hervey's Island is of a deeper cast, and several of them had a fierce savage aspect, like the natives of New-Zealand, though some were fairer. Their hair was long and black, either hanging loose about their shoulders, or tied in a bunch on the top of the head. Some few, indeed, had it cropped short, and, in two or three of them, it was of a red or brownish colour. Their clothing was a narrow piece of mat, bound several times round the lower part of the body, and passing between the thighs. We saw a fine cap of red feathers lying in one of the canoes, and some amongst them were ornamented with the shell of a pearl-oyster, polished, and hung about the neck.

[Page 130]The mode of ornament, so prevalent among the natives of this ocean, of puncturing or tatooing their bodies, not one of them had adopted; but though they were singular in this respect, their being of the same common race is not to be doubted. Their language more resembled the dialect of Otaheite, than that of Mangeea or Wateeoo. Like the natives of those islands, they enquired from whence we came, whither bound, the ship's name, the name of our chief, and the number of men on board. Such questions as we proposed to them, they very readily answered. They informed us, among other things that they had before seen two large ships like ours, but had not spoken to them as they passed. These were, doubtless, the Resolution and Adventure. They acquainted us, that the name of their island was Terouggemou Atooa; and that they were subject to Teerevatooeah, King of Wateeoo.

Their food, they said, consisted of cocoa-nuts, fish, and turtle; being destitute of dogs and hogs, and the island not producing bread fruit or plantains. Their canoes (near thirty of which appeared one time in sight) are tolerably large, and well built, and bear some resemblance to those of Wateeoo.

We drew near the north-west part of the island about one o'clock. This seemed to be the only part where we could expect to find anchorage, or a landing-place for our boats. Captain Cook [Page 131] immediately dispatched Lieutenant King, with two armed boats, to sound and reconn [...]tre the coast. The boats were no sooner hoisted out, than our new visitors suspended their traffic with us, pushing for shore as fast as possible, and came no more near us.

The boats returned at three o'clock, and Mr. King informed Captain Cook that he could find no anchorage for the ships; and that the boats could advance no farther than the outer edge of the reef, which was almost a quarter of a mile from the dry land. That a number of the natives came upon the reef, armed with clubs and long pikes, meaning, as he supposed, to oppose his landing; though, at the same time, they threw cocoa-nuts to our people, and requested them to come on shore; and notwithstanding this seeming friendly treatment, the women were very active in bringing down a fresh supply of darts and spears.

Captain Cook considered that as we could not bring the ships to an anchor, the attempt to procure grass here would be attended with delay and danger. Being thus disappointed in all the islands after our leaving New-Zealand, and having, from variety of circumstances, been unavoidably retarded in our progress, it was in vain to think of doing any thing this year in the high latitudes of the nothern hemisphere, from which we were then so far distant, though it was then the season [Page 132] for our operations there. Thus situated, it was necessary to pursue such measures as appeared best calculated to preserve our cattle, and save the stores and provisions of the ships; the better to enable us to prosecute our nothern discoveries, which could not now commence till a year later than was intended.

If we could fortunately have procured a supply of water and grass, at any of the islands we had lately visited, Captain Cook intended to have stood back to the south till he had got a westerly wind. But, without such a supply, the certain consequence of doing this, would have been the loss of the cattle before it was possible for us to reach Otaheite, without gaining a single point of advantage respecting the grand object of our voyage.

The Captain, therefore, determined to bear away for the Friendly Islands, where he knew he could be well supplied with everything he wanted: and, it being necessary to run night and day, he ordered Captain Clerke to keep a league a-head of the Resolution; because his ship could best claw of the land, which we might possibly fall in with in our passage.

We steered west by south, with a fine breeze. Captain Cook proposed to proceed first to Middleburgh, or Eooa, thinking we might, perhaps, have provision enough for the cattle, to last till we should arrive at that island. But the next day [Page 133] about noon, those faint breezes that had so long retarded us, again returned; and we found it necessary to get into the latitude of Palmerston's and Savage Islands, which Captain Cook discovered in 1774; that, in case of necessity, recourse might be had to them.

In order to save our water, Captain Cook ordered the still to be kept at work a whole day; during which time we procured about fifteen gallons of fresh water.

These light breezes continued till Thursday the 10th, when the wind blew some hours fresh from the north, and north north-west. In the afternoon we had some very heavy rain, attended with thunder squalls. We collected as much rain-water as filled five of our puncheons. When these squalls had blown over, the wind was very unsettled, both in strength and in position, till the next day at noon, when it fixed at north-west, and north north-west, and blew a fresh breeze.

We were thus persecuted with a wind in our teeth, and had the additional mortification to find those very winds here, which we had reason to expect farther south. At day break, however, on the 13th, we perceived Palmerston's Island, bearing west by south, at the distance of about five leagues; but did not get up with it till the next morning at eight. Captain Cook then dispatched three boats from the Resolution, and one from the Discovery, with a proper officer in each, [Page 134] to search for a convenient landing place; we being now under an absolute necessity of procuring here some provender for our cattle, or we must certainly have lost them.

What is called Palmerston's Island, consists of a group of small islets, about nine or ten in number, connected together by a reef of coral rocks, and lying in a circular direction. The boats first examined the most south easterly islet; and not succeeding there, ran down to the second, where they immediately landed. Captain Cook then bore down with the ships, till we were a-breast of the place, where we kept standing off and on, there being no bottom to be found to anchor upon. This, however, was of no material consequence, as there were no human beings upon the island, except the party who had landed from our boats.

At one o'clock one of the boats returned, laden with scurvy-grass and young cocoa-trees, which was, at this time, a most excellent repast for our animals on board. A message was also brought from Mr. Gore, who commanded the party upon this expedition, acquainting us that the island abounded with such produce, and also with the wharra-tree and cocoa-nuts. In consequence of this information, Captain Cook resolved to get a sufficient supply of these articles before he quitted this station, and accordingly went a-shore in a small boat, accompanied by the [Page 135] Captain of the Discovery. The island does not exceed a mile in circumference, and is not elevated above three feet beyond the level of the sea. It consisted almost entirely of a coral sand, with a small mixture of blackish mould, which appeared to be produced from rotten vegetables.

This poor soil is, however, covered with the same kind of shrubs and bushes as we had seen at Otakootia or Wenooa-ette, though not in so great variety. We perceived a great number of man of war birds, tropic birds, and two sorts of boobies, which were then laying their eggs, and so exceedingly tame as to permit us to take them off their nests, which consists only of a few sticks loosely put together. These tropic birds differ essentially from the common sort, being of a beautiful white, slightly tinged with red, and having two long tail feathers of a deepish crimson. Our people killed a considerable number of each sort, which, though not the most delicate kind of food, were highly acceptable to us, who had been for a long time confined to a salt diet. We saw plenty of red crabs creeping about among the trees; and caught several fish, which, when the sea retreated, had been left in holes upon the reef.

At one part of the reef, which bounds the lake within, almost even with the surface, there was a large bed of coral, which afforded a most enchanting prospect. Its base, which was fixed to [Page 136] the shore, extended so far that it could not be seen, so that it appeared to be suspended in the water. The sea was then unruffled, and the refulgence of the sun exposed the various sorts of coral, in the most beautiful order; some parts luxuriantly branching into the water; others appearing in vast variety of figures; and the whole greatly heightened by spangles of the richest colours, glowing from a number of large clams, interspersed in every part. Even this delightful scene was greatly improved by the multitude of fishes, that gently glided along, seemingly with the most perfect security. Their colours were the most beautiful that can be imagined; blue yellow, black, red, &c. far excelling any thing that can be produced by art. The richness of this submarine grotto was greatly increased by their various forms; and the whole could not possibly be surveyed without a pleasing transport, accompanied, at the same time, with regret, that a work so astonishingly elegant should be concealed in a place so seldom explored by the human eye.

Except a piece of a canoe that was found upon the beach, no traces were discoverable of inhabitants having ever been here; and probably that may have been drifted from some other island. We were surprised, however, at perceiving some small brown rats on this little island; a circumstance, perhaps, not easily accounted for, unless [Page 137] we admit the possibility of their being imported in the canoe, of which we saw the remnant.

The boats being laden, Captain Cook returned on board, leaving Mr. Gore and his party to pass the night on shore, to be ready for business early the next morning.

The 15th. like the preceding day, was spent in collecting subsistence for the cattle, consisting principally of tender branches of the wharra tree, palm-cabbage, and young cocoa-nut trees. A sufficient supply of these having been procured by sun-set, Captain Cook ordered all the people on board: but having very little wind, he determined to employ the next day, by endeavouring, from the next island to leeward, to get some cocoa-nuts for our people: for this purpose, we kept standing off and on all the night; and, about nine o'clock in the morning, we went to the west-side of the islands, and landed, from our boats, with little difficulty. The people immediately employed themselves in gathering cocoa-nuts, which we found in the greatest plenty; but it was a tedious operation to convey them to our boats, being obliged to carry them half a mile over the reef, up to the middle in water. Omai, who accompanied us, presently caught, with a scoop-net, as many fish as supplied the party on shore for dinner, besides sending a quantity to each ship. Men of war, and tropic-birds, were found here in abundance; so that we fared most sumptuously. [Page 138] In these excursions to the uninhabited islands, Omai was of the greatest service to us. He caught the fish, and dressed them, as well as the birds we killed, after the fashion of his country, with a dexterity and cheerfulness that did him honour. Before night the boats had made two trips, and were each time heavy laden: with the last, Captain Cook returned on board, leaving his Third Lieutenant, Mr. Williamson, with a party, to prepare another lading for the boats against the next morning.

Accordingly, Capt. Cook dispatched them about seven o'clock, and, by noon, they returned laden. No delay was made in sending them back for another cargo, with orders for all to be on board by sunset. These orders being punctually obeyed, we hoisted in the boats, and sailed to the westward, with a light air from the north.

The islet we last came from is somewhat larger than the other, and almost covered with cocoa-palms. The other productions were the same as at the first islet. On the beach were found two pieces of board, one of which was rudely carved▪ and an elliptical paddle. These were, perhaps, a part of the same canoe, the remains of which we had seen on the other beach, the two islets being within half a mile of each other. There were not so many crabs here as at the last place, but we found some scorpions and other insects, and a much greater number of fish upon the reefs. [Page 139] Among the rest were some beautiful large spotted eels, which would raise themselves out of the water, and endeavour to bite their pursuers. There were also snappers, parrot-fish, and a brown spotted rock-fish, not larger than a haddock, so tame, that it would remain fixed, and gaze at us. If we had been really in want, a sufficient supply might easily have been had, for thousands of the clams stuck upon the reef, many of which weighed two or three pounds. There were also some other sorts of shell-fish; and, when the tide flowed, several sharks came with it, some of which were killed by our people; but their presence rendered it, at that time, unsafe to walk into the water.

Mr. Williamson and his party, who were left on shore, were much pestered in the night with musquitoes. Some of them shot two curlews, and saw some plovers upon the shore; one or two cuckoos, like those at Wenooa-ette, were also seen.

The islets comprehended under the name of Palmerston's Island, may be said to be the summits of a reef of coral-rock, covered only with a thin coat of sand; though clothed with trees and plants, like the low grounds of the high islands of this ocean.

Having left Palmerston's Island, we steered west, in order to proceed to Annamooka. We had variable winds, with squalls, some thunder, and much rain. The showers being very copious, we saved a considerable quantity of water; and, [Page 140] as we could procure a greater supply in one hour, by the rain, than by distilation in a month, we laid the still aside, as being attended with more trouble than advantage.

The heat, which had continued in the extreme for about a month, became much more disagreeable in this close rainy weather, and we apprehended it would soon be noxious. It is however, remarkable, that there was not then a single person sick on board either of the ships.

We passed Savage Island, which Captain Cook discovered in 1774, in the night between the 24th and 25th; and on the 28th, about ten o'clock in the morning, we saw the islands to the eastward of Annamooka, bearing north by west about five leagues distant. We steered to the south, and then hauled up for Annamooka. At the approach of night, the weather being squally, with rain, we anchored in fifteen fathoms water.

[Page 141]

CHAP. IV.

Barter with the Natives of Komango and other Islands, for Provisions, &c.—Arrival at Annamooka—Variety of Transactions there—A Visit received from Feenou, a principal Chief from Tongataboo—His reception in the island—Dines frequently on board the Resolution—Several Instances of the pilfering Disposition of the Natives —Punishments inflicted on them—Account of Annamooka—Proceed on to Hapaee.

WE had not long anchored, when two canoes paddled towards us, and came along side without delay or hesitation: there were four men in one of the canoes, and three in the other. They brought with them some sugar-cane, bread-fruit, plaintains, and cocoa-nuts, which they bartered with us for nails. After these canoes had left us, we were visited by another; but as night was approaching, he did not long continue with us. The island nearest to us was Komango, which was five miles distant, this shews how these people disregard trouble or danger, to get possession of a few of our most trifling articles.

At four o'clock the next morning, Captain Cook dispatched Leutenanat King with two boats to Komango, in order to procure refreshments; [Page 142] and at five made the signal to weigh, to proceed to Annamooka.

As soon as day-light apppeared, we were visited by six or seven canoes, bringing with them two pigs, some fowls, several large wood-pidgeons, small rails, and some violet coloured coots, besides fruits and roots of various kinds; which they exchanged with us for nails, hatchets, beads, &c. They had other articles of commerce, but Captain Cook gave particular orders that no curiosities should be purchased, till the ships were supplied with provisions, and till they had obtained permission from him.

About noon Mr. King's boat returned with seven hogs, some fowls, a quantity of fruit and roots; and also some grass for our animals. His party was treated with great civility at Komango. The inhabitants did not appear to be numerous: and their huts, which almost joined to each other, were but indifferent. Tooboulangee, the chief of the island, and another, named Taipa, came on board with Mr. King. They brought a hog, as a present to Captain Cook, and promised to bring some more the next day.

The boats being a-board, we stood for Annamooka; and, having little wind, we intended to go between Annamooka-ette^*, and the breakers at the south-east; but, on drawing near, we met [Page]

[figure]

[Page 143] with very irregular soundings, which obliged us to relinquish the design, and go to the southward. This carried us to leeward, and we found it necessary to spend the night under sail. It was dark and rainy, and we had the wind from every direction. The next morning at day-light, we were farther off than we had been the preceding evening; and the wind was now right in our teeth.

We continued to ply, to very little purpose, the whole day, and, in the evening, anchored in thirty-nine fathoms water; the west point of Annamooka bearing east north-east, four miles distant. Tooboulangee and Taipa, agreeable to their promise, brought off some hogs for Captain Cook: we obtained others, by bartering, from the different canoes that followed us, and a large quantity of fruit. It is remarkable, that those who visited us from the island on that day, would hardly part with any of their commodities to any one but Captain Cook.

At four the next morning, Captain Cook ordered a boat to be hoisted out, and the master to sound the south-west side of Annamooka. When he returned, he reported, that he had founded between Great and Little Annamooka, where he found ten and twelve fathoms depth of water; that the place was very well sheltered from winds; but that no fresh water was to be had but at a considerable distance inland, and that, even there, [Page 144] it was neither plentiful nor good. For this very sufficient reason, Captain Cook resolved to anchor on the north side of the island, where, in his last voyage, he had found a convenient place for watering and landing.

Though not above a league distant, we did not reach it till about five o'clock in the afternoon, being retarded by the quantity of canoes that crowded round the ships, laden with abundant supplies of the produce of their island. Several of the canoes, which were double, had a large sail, and carried between forty and fifty men each. Several women too appeared in the canoes, incited, perhaps, by curiosity to visit us; though they were as earnest in bartering as the men, and used the paddle with equal skill and dexterity. We came to an anchor in eighteen fathoms water, the island extending from east to south-west, about three quarters of a mile distant. Thus Captain Cook resumed the station, which he had occupied when he visited Annamooka three years before; and probably where Tasman, who first discovered this island, anchored in 1643.

The next day, during the preparations for wa [...]ering, Captain Cook went ashore, in the forenoon, accompanied by Captain Clerke, and others, to fix on a place for setting up the observatories, the natives having readily granted us permission. They shewed us every mark of civility, [Page 145] and accommodated us with a boat-house, which answered the purpose of a tent. Toobou, the chief of the island, conducted Captain Cook and Omai to his house, situated on a pleasant spot, in the centre of his plantation. It was surrounded with a grass-plot, which he said was for the purpose of cleaning their feet, before they entered his habitation. Such an attention to cleanliness we had never observed before, whereever we had visited in this ocean; though we afterwards found it to be very common at the Friendly Islands. No carpet in an English drawing-room could be kept neater, than the mats which covered the floor of Toobou's house.

While we were on shore, we bartered for some hogs and fruit; and, when we arrived on board, the ships were crowded with the natives. As very few of them came empty-handed, we were speedily supplied with every refreshment.

In the afternoon, Captain Cook landed again, with a party of marines, and such of the cattle as were in a weakly state, were sent on shore with him. Having settled every thing to his satisfaction, he returned to the ship in the evening, leaving Mr. King in command upon the island. Taipa was now become our trusty friend, and, in order to be near our party, had a house carried a quarter of a mile, upon men's shoulders, and placed by the side of the shed which our party occupied.

[Page 146]Our various operations on shore began the next day. Some were busied in making hay, others in filling our water-casks, and a third party in cutting wood. On the same day, Messrs. King and Baily began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to get the rate of our time-keepers. In the evening, Taipa harangued the natives, for some time; but we could only guess at the subject, and supposed he was instructing them how to treat us, and advising them to bring of the produce of the island to market. His eloquence had the desired effect, and occasioned us to receive a plentiful supply of provisions the next day.

On the 4th of May, the Discovery lost her small bower anchor, the cable being cut in two by the rocks.

We were visited, on the 6th, by a chief from Tongataboo, whose name was Feenou: he was introduced by Taipa, as King of all the Friendly Isles. Captain Cook was now informed, that, on our arrival, a canoe had been immediately dispatched to Tongataboo with the news; which occasioned his coming to Annamooka. We were informed, by the officer on shore, that, on his arrival, all the natives were ordered out to meet him, who saluted him by bowing their heads as low as his feet, the soles of which they touched with the palms of each hand, and afterwards with the back part. A personage received with such [Page 147] extraordinary marks of respect, could not be supposed to be any thing less than a King.

Captain Cook in the afternoon, went to pay a visit to this great man, having first received from him a present of two fish, brought on board by one of his attendants. As soon as the Captain landed, Feenou came up to him. He was tall and thin, and appeared to be about thirty years of age: his features were more of the European cast than any we had seen here. After the first salutation, Captain Cook requested to know if he was king; as he entertained some doubts on that score, perceiving that he was not the man whom he remembered to have seen in that character during his former voyage. Taipa eagerly answered for him, and mentioned no less than one hundred and fifty three islands, of which he was the sovereign. Soon after, our grand visitor, attended by five or six servants, accompanied us on board. Captain Cook made them suitable presents, and entertained them in a manner which he thought would be most agreeably to them.

Towards the evening, the Captain attended them on shore in his boat, into which, by order of the chief, three hogs were conveyed, as a return for presents he had received. We were then informed of an accident, the relation of which will convey some idea of the extent of the authority exercised here over the inferior people. [Page 148] While Feenou was on board the Resolution, an inferior chief ordered all the natives to retire from the post we occupied. Some of them, however, having ventured to return, he beat them most unmercifully, with a large stick. One, in particular, received so violent a blow on the side of the face, that the blood gushed from his mouth and nostrils: and, after lying motionless for some time, he was removed from the place in convulsions. The person who gave the blow, on being told that he certainly had killed the man, only laughed at the circumstance; and, indeed, it was very evident, that he did not grieve for what had happened. We had afterwards the satisfaction of hearing that the poor sufferer was out of danger.

On the 7th, the Discovery having found her small bower anchor, shifted her birth; but not till after her best bower cable had met with the fate of the other. This day, Feenou dined with Captain Cook; and also on the next, when he was attended by Taipa, Toobou, and some other chiefs. None but Taipa, however was permitted to sit at table with Feeuou, or even to eat in his presence. The Captain was highly pleased on account of this etiquette; for before the arrival of Feenou, he had generally a larger company than he chose, his table being overflowed with visitors of both sexes. For though, at Otaheite, the females are denied the privilege of eating [Page 149] in company with the men, this is not the practice at the Friendly Islands.

A large junk axe having been stolen out of the ship by one of the natives on the first day of our arrival at Annamooka, application was made to Feenou to exert his authority to get it restored; who gave orders for this purpose, which exacted such implicit obedience, that it was brought on board before we had finished our dinner. We had, indeed, many opportunities of remarking, how expert these people were in thievery. Even some of their chiefs were not ashamed of acting in that profession. On the 9th of May, one of them was detected carrying out of the ship, the bolt belonging to the spun-yarn winch, which he had carefully concealed under his clothes. For this offence Captain Cook sentenced him to receive a dozen lashes, and to be confined till he paid a hog for his liberty. Though, after this circumstance, we were troubled with no more thieves of rank, their servants or slaves were constantly employed in this dirty business; and they received a flogging with as much seeming indifference, as if it had been upon the mainmast. When any of them were caught in the act of thieving, instead of interceding in their behalf, their masters would often advise us to kill them. This being a punishment we were not fond of inflicting, they usually escaped without any kind of punishment; they were alike insensible [Page 150] of the shame and torture of corporal chastisement. At length, however, Captain Clerke contrived a mode of treatment, which we supposed had some effect. Immediately upon detection, he ordered their heads to be completely shaved, and thus pointed them out as objects of ridicule to their countrymen, and put our people upon their guard, to deprive them of future opportunites for a repetition of their thefts.

Feenou was so fond of our company, that he dined on board every day, though he did not always partake of our fare. On the 10th, his servants brought him a mess, which had been dressed on shore, consisting of fish, soup, and yams; cocoa-nut liquor had been used instead of water, in which the fish had been boiled or stewed, (perhaps in a wooden vessel with hot stones) and it was carried on board on a plantain leaf. Captain Cook tasted of the mess, and was so well pleased with it, that he afterwards ordered some fish to be dressed in the same way; though his cook succeeded tolerably well, it was much inferior to the dish he attempted to imitate.

Having, in a great measure, exhausted the island of almost every article of food, on Sunday the 11th of May, we removed, from the shore, the observatories, horses, and other things that we had landed; intending to sail as soon as the Discovery should have found her best bower anchor. Feenou, hearing that the Captain meant to [Page 151] proceed to Tongataboo, earnestly entreated him to alter his plan; expressing as much aversion to it, as if, by diverting him from it, he wished to promote some particular interest of his own. He warmly recommended a group of islands, called Hapaee, lying to the north-east; where, he assured us, we could be easily and plentifully supplied with every refreshment; and even offered to attend us thither in person. In consequence of his advice, Hapaee was made choice of; and, as it had not been visited by any European ships, the surveying it became an object to Captain Cook.

On Tuesday the 13th, Captain Clerke's anchor was happily recovered; and, on the morning of the 14th, we got under sail, and left Annamooka.

Though this island is somewhat higher than the other small isles that surround it, yet it is lower than Mangeea and Wateeoo; and even those are but of a moderate height. The shore, where our ships lay, consists of a steep, rugged, coral rock, about nine or ten feet high, except two sandy beaches, which were defended from the sea, by a reef of the same sort of rock. In the centre of the island there is a salt water lake, about a mile and an half in breadth, round which the ground rises with a gradual ascent; and we could not trace its having any communication with the sea. On the rising parts of the [Page 152] island, and especially towards the sea, the soil is either of a blackish loose mould, or a reddish clay; but there is not a stream of fresh water to be found in any part of the island.

The land here is well cultivated, except in a few places; and, though some parts appear to lie waste, they are only left to recover the strength exhausted by constant culture; for we often saw the natives at work upon these spots, in order to plant them again. Yams and plantains form their principal plantations; many of which are very extensive, and enclosed with fences of reed about six feet high. Fences of less compass were often seen within these, surrounding the houses of the principal people. The bread-fruit and cocoa-nut-trees are interspersed without any regular order, but principally near the habitations of the natives. The other parts of the island, especially towards the sea, and round the lake, are covered with luxuriant trees and bushes; among which there are a great many mangroves and faitanoo-trees. All the rocks and stones about the island are of coral, except in one place, to the right of the sandy beach, where there is a rock of about twenty five feet in height, of a calcareous stone, and of a yellowish colour; but, even here, some large pieces are to be seen of the same coral rock as that which compose the shore.

We sometimes amused ourselves in walking up the country and shooting wild ducks, resembling [Page 153] our widgeon, which are very numerous on the salt lake, as well as on the pool where we procured our water. We found, in these excursions, that the inhabitants frequently deserted their houses to repair to the trading place, without entertaining the least suspicion that strangers would take away or destroy any property that belonged to them. From this circumstance it might be supposed, that most of the natives were sometimes collected on the beach, and that there would be no great difficulty in forming an accurate computation of their number; but the continual resort of visitors, from the other islands, rendered it impossible. However, as we never saw more than a thousand persons collected at one time, it may be reasonably supposed, that there are about twice that number upon the island.

In the direct track to Hapaee, whither we were now bound, to the north and north-east of Annamooka, a great number of small isles are seen. Amidst the rocks and shoals adjoining to this group, we were doubtful whether there was a free passage for ships of such magnitude as ours; though the natives sailed through the intervals in their canoes; therefore, when we weighed anchor from Annamooka, we steered to go to the westward of the above islands, and north north-west towards Kao, and Toosoa, two islands remarkable for their great height, and the most westerly of those in sight. Feenou, with his attendants, [Page 154] remained in the Resolution till about noon, and then entered the large sailing canoe, which had brought him from Tongataboo, and stood in amongst the cluster of islands, of which we were now abreast.

They are scattered at unequal distances, and most of them are as high as Annamooka. Some of them are two or three miles in length, and others only half a mile. Many of them have steep rocky shores, like Annamooka; some have reddish cliffs, and others have sandy beaches, extending almost their whole length. In general, they are entirely clothed with trees, among which are many cocoa-palms, each having the appearance of a beautiful garden placed in the sea. The serene weather we now had, contributed greatly to heighten the scene; and the whole might convey an idea of the realization of some fairy land. It appears, that some of these islands have been formed, as Palmerston's island was supposed to have been; for one of them is now entirely sand, and another has but a single bush or tree upon it.

In the afternoon, about four o'clock, we steered to the north, leaving Toofoa and Kao on our larboard. We intended to have anchored for the night, but it arrived before we could find a place, in less than fifty fathoms water; and we rather chose to spend the night under sail, than come to in such a depth.

[Page 155]In the afternoon, we had been within two leagues of Toofoa, and observed the smoke of it several times in the day. There is a volcano upon it, of which the Friendly islanders entertain some superstitious notions, and call it Kollofeea, saying, it is an Otooa, or divinity. We were informed, that it sometimes throws up very large stones, and the crater is compared to the size of a small islot, which has not ceased smoking in the memory of the inhabitants; nor have they any traditions that it ever did. We sometimes saw the smoke from the centre of the island, even at Annamooka, the distance of at least ten leagues. We were told that Toofoa was but thinly inhabited, but that the water upon it was excellent.

At day-break, on the 15th, we were not far from Kao, which is a large rock of a conic figure; we steered to the passage between Footooha and Hafaiva, with a gentle breeze at south-east. About ten o'clock, Feenou came on board, and continued with us all day. He brought with him a quantity of fruit and two hogs; and, in the course of the day, several canoes came to barter quantities of the former article, which was very acceptable to us, as our stock began to be low. At noon, our latitude was 19° 49′ 45″ south, and we had made seven miles of longitude from Annamooka.

[Page 156]After having passed Footooha, we met with a reef of rocks, and, there being but little wind, it was attended with some difficulty to keep clear of them. Having passed this reef, we hauled up for Neeneeva, a small low isle in the direction of east-north-east from Footooha, in hopes of finding an anchorage, but were again disappointed; for notwithstanding we had land in every direction, the sea was unfathomable. We plainly saw, in the course of this night, flames issuing from the volcano upon Toofoa.

At day-break on the 16th, we steered with a gentle breeze at south-east, for Hapaee, which was now in sight; and perceived it to be low land, from the trees only appearing above the water. At nine o'clock we saw it plainly forming three islands nearly equal in size; and, soon after, a fourth appeared to the southward of these, as large as any of the others. Each of these islands appeared to be of a similar height and appearance, and about six or seven miles in length. The most northern of them is called Haanno, the next Foa, the third Lefooga, and the fourth Hoolaiva; but they are all four included under the general name of Hapaee.

By sun-set, we got up with the nothernmost of these isles, where we experienced the same distress for want of anchorage, that we did the two preceding evenings; having another night to spend under sail, with land and breakers in [Page 157] every direction. Feenou, who had been on board all day, went forward to Hapaee in the evening, and took Omai with him in the canoe. He was not unmindful of our disagreeable situation, and kept up a good fire the whole night, by way of a land-mark.

At the return of day-light, on the 17th, being then close in with Foa, we perceived it was joined to Haanno, by a reef running from one Island to the other, even with the surface of the sea. Captain Cook dispatched a boat to look for anchorage; and a proper place was found abreast of a reef which joins Lefooga or Foa, having twenty-four fathoms depth of water. In this station the nothern point of Hapaee bore north, 16° east. We were not above three quarters of a mile from the shore; and, as we lay before a creek in the reef, it was convenient landing at all times.

[Page 158]

CHAP. V.

Arrival at Hapaee—Friendly Reception there— Taipa harangues the People—Exhorts them not to steal, &c.—Presents and Solemnities—Entertainment —Single Combats with Clubs—Wrestling —Boxing—Female Boxing—Marines exercised —A Dance by Men—Fire Works—Night Entertainments, consisting of Singing and Dancing by Men and Women.

AS soon as we had anchored, we were surrounded by a multitude of canoes, and our ships were presently filled with the natives. They brought with them hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots, which they exchanged for cloath, knives, beads, nails, and hatchets. Feenou and Omai having come on board, early the next morning, in order to introduce Captain Cook to the people of the island, he soon accompanied them on shore for that purpose.

The Chief conducted the Captain to a hut, situated close to the sea-beach, which was brought thither but a few minutes before for his reception. In this Feenou, Omai, and Captain Cook, were seated. The other chiefs, and the multitude, appeared fronting them on the outside; and they also seated themselves. Captain Cook being asked how long he intended to stay, answered [Page 159] five days. Taipa was, therefore, ordered to sit by him, and declare this to the people. He then harangued them in words nearly to the following purport, as we afterwards were informed by Omai. He exhorted both old and young, to look upon Captain Cook as a friend, who meant to continue with them a few days; and that, during his stay among them, they would not steal any thing from him or offend him in any other manner. He informed them, that it was expected they should bring hogs, fowls, fruit, &c. to the ships; for which they would receive in exchange, such articles as he enumerated. Soon after Taipa had delivered his address to the assembly, Feenou left them; on which Captain Cook was informed by Taipa, that it was necessary he should make a present to Earoupa, the chief of the island. The Captain being not unprepared for this gave him such articles as far exceeded his expectation. This liberality created similar demands from two chiefs of other isles who were present, and even from Taipa himself. Soon after he had made the last of these presents, Feenou returned, and expressed his displeasure with Taipa for suffering me to be so lavish of my favours. But this was, doubtless, a finesse, as he certainly acted in concert with the others.

Feenou now resumed his seat, ordering Earoupa to sit by him, and harangue the people as Taipa [Page 160] had done, which he did nearly to the same purpose.

These ceremonies over, the Chief, at the Captain's request, conducted him to three stagnant pools of what he called fresh water; in one of which the water was indeed tolerable, and the situation convenient for filling our casks. On his return to his former station, he found a baked hog and some yams, smoaking hot, ready to be conveyed on board for his dinner. He invited Feenou and his friends to partake of the repast, and they embarked for the ship, though none but himself sat down with us at table. Dinner being over, the Captain conducted them on shore; and, before he returned, received, as a present from the chief, a fine large turtle, and a quantity of yams. We had a plentiful supply of provisions, for in the course of the day we got, by bartering with the natives, about twenty small hogs, together with a large quantity of fruit and roots.

On Sunday the 18th, early in the morning, Feenou and Omai, who now slept on shore with the Chief, came on board, to request Captain Cook's presence upon the island. He accompanied them, and, upon landing, was conducted to the place where he had been seated the preceding day, and where he beheld a large concourse of people already assembled. Though he imagined that something extraordinary was in [Page]

[figure]

[Page 161] agitation, yet he could not conjecture what, nor could Omai give him any information.

Soon after he was seated, about an hundred of the natives appeared and advanced, laden with yams, plantains, bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes; their burdens were deposited on our left. A number of others arrived soon after, bearing the same kind of articles, which were collected into two piles on the right side. To these were fastened two pigs, and half a dozen fowls; and to those upon the left, six pigs and two turtles. Earoupa seated himself before the articles on the left side, and another chief before those upon the right; they being, it was supposed, the two chiefs who had procured them by order of Feenou, who was as implicitly obeyed here, as he had been at Annamooka, and who had probably laid this tax upon the chiefs of Hapaee for the present occasion.

When this munificent collection of provisions was placed in order and advantageously disposed, the bearers of it joined the multitude, who formed a circle round the whole. Immediately after, a number of men, armed with clubs, entered this circle, or area; where they paraded about for a few minutes and then one half of them retired to one side, and the other half to the other side, seating themselves before the spectators. Presently after, they successively entertained us with single combats; one champion from one [Page 162] side challenging those of the other side, partly by words but more by expressive gestures, to send one of their party to oppose him. The challenge was, in general, accepted; the two combatants placed themselves in proper attitudes, and the engagement began, which continued till one of them yielded, or till their weapons were broken. At the conclusion of each combat, the victor squatted himself down before the chief, then immediately rose up and retired. Some old men who seemed to preside as judges, gave their plaudit in a very few words; and the multitude, especially those on the side of the conqueror, celebrated the glory he had acquired in two or three loud huzzas.

This entertainment was sometimes suspended for a short space, and the intervals of time were filled up with wrestling and boxing-matches. The first were performed in the method practised at Otaheite, and the second differed very little from the English manner. A couple of stout wenches next steped forth, and without ceremony, began boxing with as much dexterity as the men. This contest, however, was but of short duration, for in the space of half a minute, one of them gave it up. The victorious heroine was applauded by the spectators, in the same manner as the successful combatants of the other sex. Though we expressed some disapprobation at this part of the entertainment, it did not hinder two [Page]

A BOXING-MATCH in HAPAEE.

[Page 163] other females from entering the lists; who seemed to be spirited girls, and, if two old women had not interposed to part them, would probably have given each other a good drubbing. At least three thousand spectators were present when these combats were exhibited, and every thing was conducted with the most perfect good humour on all sides; though some of the champions, of both sexes, received blows which they must have felt the effect of for some time after.

The diversions being finished, the chief informed Captain Cook that the provisions on our right hand were a present to Omai; and that those on our left (making about two-thirds of the whole quantity) were intended for him, and that he might suit his own convenience in taking them on board.

Four boats were loaded with the munificence of Feenou, whose favours far exceeded any that Captain Cook had ever received from the sovereigns of any of the islands which he had visited in the Pacific Ocean. He, therefore, embraced the first opportunity of convincing Feenou that he was not insensible of his liberality, by bestowing upon him such commodities as he supposed were most valuable in his estimation. Feenou was so highly pleased with the return that was made him, that he left the Captain still indebted to him by sending him two large hogs, some yams, and a considerable quantity of cloth.

[Page 164]Feenou having expressed a desire to see the marines perform their exercise, Captain Cook ordered them all ashore on the morning of the 20th of May. After they had gone through various evolutions, and fired several vollies; which seemed to give pleasure to our numerous spectators, the chief, in his turn, entertained us with an exhibition, which was performed with an exactness and dexterity, far surpassing what they had seen of our military manoeuvres. It was a kind of dance, performed by men, in which one hundred and five persons were engaged; each having an instrument in his hand, resembling a paddle, two feet and an half long, with a thin blade, and a small handle. With these instruments various flourishes were made, each of which was accompanied with a different movement, or a different attitude of the body. At first, the dancers ranged themselves in three lines and so changed their stations by different evolutions, that those who had been in the rear came into the front. At one part of the performance, they extended themselves in one line; afterwards they formed themselves into a semi circle; and then into two square columns. During the last movement, one of them came forward, and performed an antic dance before Captain Cook, with which the entertainment ended.

The music that accompanied the dances was produced by two drums, or rather hollow logs of [Page 165] wood, from which they forced some varied notes by beating on them with two sticks. The dancers, however, did not appear to be much assisted or directed by these sounds; but by a chorus of vocal music, in which all the performers joined. Their song was rather melodious, and their corresponding motions were so skilfully executed, that the whole body of dancers appeared as one regular machine. Such a performance would have been applauded even on an European theatre. It far exceeded any attempt that we had made to entertain them; insomuch that they seemed to plume themselves on their superiority over us. They esteemed none of our musical instruments, except the drum, and even thought that inferior to their own. They held our French horns in the highest contempt, and would not pay the smallest attention to them, either here or at any other of the islands.

To give them a more favourable opinion of the amusements and superior attainments of the English, Captain Cook ordered some fire-works to be prepared; and, after it was dark exhibited them in the presence of Feenou, and a vast multitude of people. They were highly entertained with the performance in general: but our water and skyrockets, in particular, astonished them beyond all conception. They now admitted that the scale was turned in our favour.

[Page 166]This, however, served only as an additional stimulus to urge them to proceed to fresh exertions of their singular dexterity. As soon as our fire-works were ended, a succession of dances, which Feenou had prepared for our entertainment, began.

A band of music, or chorus consisting of eighteen men, seated themselves before us, in the centre of a circle formed by the numerous spectators. About four or five of the performers had each pieces of large bamboo, from three to six feet in length, each played on by one man, who held it almost vertically; the upper end of which was open, but the other closed by one of the joints. They kept constantly striking the ground, though slowly, with the close end, and thus produced variety of notes, according to the different lengths of the instruments, but all were of the base or hollow kind; which was counteracted by a person who struck nimbly a piece of the same substance, split and lying upon the ground; furnishing a tone as acute, as the others were grave and solemn. The whole of the band (including those who performed upon the bamboos) sung a slow soft air, which so finely tempered the harsher notes of the instruments, that the most perfect judge of the modulation of sweet sounds could not avoid confessing the vast power, and pleasing effect of this simple harmony.

About a quarter of an hour after the concert began, twenty women entered the circle, whose [Page]

A NIGHT DANCE by WOMEN in HAPAEE.

[Page 167] heads were adorned with garlands of crimson-flowers; and many of their persons were decorated with leaves of trees, curiously scolloped, and ornamented at the edges. They encircled those of the chorus, with their faces towards them, and began by singing a soft air, to which responses were made by the chorus; and those were alternately repeated. The women accompanied their song with many graceful motions of their hands, and continually advancing and retreating with one foot, while the other remained fixed. After this, they turned their faces to the assembly, and having sung some time, retreated slowly in a body, and placed themselves opposite the hut, where the principal spectators sat. One of them next, advanced from each side, passing each other in the front, and progressively moving till they came to the rest. On which two advanced from each side, two of whom returned, but the other two remained; and to these, from each side, came on by intervals, till they all had, once more, formed a circle about the chorus.

Dancing to a quicker measure now succeeded, in which the performers made a kind of half-turn by leaping; then clapping their hands, and snapping their fingers, repeated some words in unison with the chorus. As they proceeded in the dance, the rapidity of their music increased; their gestures and attitudes were varied with wonderful dexterity; and some of their motions would, by [Page 168] an European, be thought rather indecent; though, perhaps, they meant only to display the astonishing variety of their movements.

This female ballet was succeeded by one performed by fifteen men; and, though some of them were old, time seemed to have robbed them of but little of their agility. They were disposed in a sort of circle, divided at the front. Sometimes they sung slowly in concert with the chorus, making several graceful motions with their hands but differing from those of the women; at the same time inclining the body alternately to either side, by raising one leg outward, and resting on the other; the arm of the same side being also stretched upward. Then they recited sentences, which were answered by the chorus; and occasionally increased the measure of the dance, by clapping the hands, and quickening the motions of the feet. Towards the conclusion, the rapidity of the music and dancing so much increased, that the different movements were hard to be distinguished.

This dance being ended, after a considerable interval, twelve other men advanced, placing themselves in double rows, fronting each other. On one side was stationed a kind of prompter, who repeated several sentences, to which responses were made by the performers and the chorus. They sung and danced slowly; and gradually grew quicker, like those whom they had succeeded.

[Page 169]The next who exhibited themselves were nine women, who sat down opposite the hut where the chief had placed himself. A man immediately rose, and gave the first of these women a blow on the back with both his fists joined. He treated the second and third in the same manner; but when he came to the fourth, he struck her upon the breast. Upon seeing this, a person instantly rising up from among the crowd, knocked him down with a blow on the head, and he was quietly carried away. But this did not excuse the other five women from so extraordinary a discipline; for they were treated in the same manner by a person who succeeded him. When these nine women danced, their performance was twice disapproved of, and they were obliged to repeat it again. There was no great difference between this dance and that of the first women, except that these sometimes raised the body upon one leg, and then upon the other, alternately, by a sort of double motion.

Soon after a person unexpectedly entered, making some ludicrous remarks on the fire-works that had been exhibited, which extorted a burst of laughter from the crowd. We had then a dance by the attendants of Feenou: they formed a double circle of twenty-four each round the chorus, and joined in a gentle soothing song, accompanied with motions of the head and hands. They also began with slow movements, which [Page 170] gradually became more and more rapid, and finally closed with several very ingenious transpositions of the two circles.

The festivity of this memorable night concluded with a dance, in which the principal people assisted. In many respects it resembled the preceding ones, but they increased their motions to a prodigious quickness, shaking their heads from shoulder to shoulder, insomuch that they appeared in danger of dislocating their necks. This was attended with a clapping of the hands, and a kind of savage holla! or shriek. A person on one side, repeated something in a truly musical recitative, and with an air so graceful, as might put some of our applauded performers to the blush. He was answered by another, and this was repeated several times by the whole body on each side; and they finished, by singing and dancing, as they had begun.

The two last dances were universally approved by all the spectators. They were perfectly in time, and some of their gestures were so expressive, that it might justly be said, they spoke the language that accompanied them.

The theatre for these performances was an open space among the trees, bordering on the sea, with lights, placed at small intervals, round the inside of the circle. Though the concourse of people was pretty large, their number was much inferior to that assembled in the forenoon, when the marines performed their exercise. At that time [Page]

[...] DANCE by MEN, in HAPAEE.

[Page 171] many of our gentleman supposed there might be present five thousand persons, or upwards; but Captain Cook supposes that to be rather an exaggerated account.

CHAP. VI.

Captain Cook makes an excursion into Lefooga— Description of that Island—Occurrences there— A false Report propagated—A Female Oculist— Singular Method of shaving—The Ships are removed to another Station—A remarkable artificial Mount and Stone—Description of Hoolaiva—Account of Poulaho, King of the Friendly Isles—The Commodore accompanies him on Shore— Departure from the Hapaee Islands—Kotoo described—The Ships return to Annamooka—Meeting of Poulaho and Feenou—Both the ships strike on the Rocks—Arrival at Tongataboo.

THE next day, which was the 21st of May, Captain Cook made an excursion into the Island of Lefooga, on foot, which he found to be, in some respects, superior to Annamooka, the plantations being not only more numerous, but also more extensive. Many parts of the country, near [Page 172] the sea, are still waste; owing perhaps to the sandiness of the soil. But, in the internal parts of the island, the soil is better; and the marks of considerable population, and of an improved state of cultivation, are very conspicuous. Many of the plantations are inclosed in such a manner, that the fences, running parallel to each other, form spacious public roads. Large spots covered with the paper mulberry-trees, were observed; and the plantations in general, were abundantly stocked with such plants and fruit-trees as the island produces. To these the Commodore made some addition, by sowing the seeds of melons, pumpkins, Indian corn, &c. At one place was a house, about four times as large as the ordinary ones, with an extensive area of grass before it, to which the people probably resort on some public occasions. Near the landing place we observed a mount two or three feet high, on which stood four or five little huts, wherein the bodies of some persons of distinction had been in [...]erred. The island is but seven miles in length; and its breadth, in some places, is not above three miles. The east-side has a reef, projecting considerably, against which the sea breaks with great violence. It is a continuation of this reef that joins Lefooga to Foa, which is but half a mile distant; and, at low water, the natives can walk upon this reef from one island to the other. The shore is either a sandy beach, or a coral rock.

[Page 173]When the Captain returned from his excursion, and went on board, he found a large sailing canoe fastened to the stern of the Resolution. In this canoe was Latooliboula, whom the Commodore had seen, during his last voyage, at Tongataboo, and who was then supposed by him to be the king of that island^*. He could not be prevailed upon to come on board, but continued sitting in his canoe with an air of uncommon gravity. The islanders call him Areekee, which signif [...]es King; a title which we had not heard any of them give to Feenou, however extensive his authority over them had appeared to be. Latooliboula remained under the stern till the evening, and then departed. Feenou was on board the Resolution at that time; but neither of these chiefs took the smallest notice of the other.

The next day, some of the natives stealing a tarpaulin and other things, Captain Cook applied to Feenou, desiring him to exert his authority, for the purpose of getting them restored; but this application was of no effect. On the 23d, as we were preparing to leave the Island, Feenou and his prime-minister Taipa came along-side in a canoe, and informed us that they were going to [Page 174] Vavaoo: an island situate, as they said, about two days sail to the northward of Hapaee. They assured us, that the object of their voyage was to procure for us an additional supply of hogs, besides some red-feathered caps for Omai to carry with him to Otaheite; and desired us not to sail till their return, which would be in four or five days; after which Feenou would accompany us to Tongataboo. Captain Cook consented to wait the return of this chief, who immediately set out for Vavaoo. On the 24th, a report was industriously spread about by some of the islanders, that a ship resembling ours had arrived at Annamooka since we left it, and was now at anchor there. It was also reported, that Toobou, the chief of that island, was hastening thither to receive these new visitors. After enquiry, however, it appeared, that this report was totally void of foundation. It is difficult to conjecture, what purpose the invention of this tale could answer; unless we suppose it was contrived with a view of getting us removed from one island to the other.

On Sunday the 25th, Captain Cook went into a house where a woman was dressing the eyes of a child, who seemed blind. The instruments used by this female oculist were two slender wooden probes, with which she brushed the eyes so as to make them bleed. In the same house he found another woman shaving a child's head with a [Page 175] shark's tooth, stuck into the end of a stick: she first wetted the hair with a rag dipped in water, and then making use of her instrument, took off the hair as close as if a razor had been employed. Captain Cook soon after tried upon himself one of these remarkable instruments, which he found to be an excellent substitute. The natives of these islands however, have a different method of shaving their beards, which operation they perform with two shells; one of which they place under a part of the beard, and with the other, applied above, they scrape off that part: in this manner they can shave very close, though the process is rather tedious. There are among them some men who seem to profess this trade: for it was as common for our sailors to go ashore to have their beards scraped off after the mode of Hapaee, as it was for their two chiefs to come on board to be shaved by our barbers.

Captain Cook finding that little or nothing of what the island produced was now brought to the ships, determined to change his station, and to wait Feenou's return in some other anchoring-place, where we might still meet with refreshments. We accordingly, on the 26th, made sail to the southward along the reef of the island, and having passed several shoals, hauled into a bay, that lies between the north end of Hoolaiva, and the south of Lefooga, and there anchored. We had no sooner cast anchor, than Mr. Bligh, Master [Page 176] of the Resolution, was sent to sound the bay where we were now stationed; and Captain Cook, accompanied by Lieutenant Gore, landed on the southern part of Lefooga, to look for fresh water, and examine the country. On the west side of the island, they observed an artificial mount of considerable antiquity, about forty feet high, and measuring fifty feet in the diameter of its summit. At the bo [...]tom of this mount was a stone fourteen feet high, two and a half thick, and four broad, hewn out of a coral rock; and they were informed by the islanders, that not more than half its length was to be seen above ground. They called it Tangata Areekee ^*; and said it had been set up, and the mount raised, in memory of one of their kings. On the approach of night, the Captain and Mr. Gore returned on board, and Mr. Bligh came back from sounding the bay, in which he found from fourteen to twenty fathoms water with a bottom principally of sand.

Lefooga and Hoolaiva are separated from each other by a reef of coral rocks, dry at low water. Some of our gentlemen, who landed in the last mentioned island, found not the smallest mark of cultivation or habitation upon it, except a single hut, in which a man employed to catch fish and turtle resided. It is remarkable that it should [Page 177] remain in this desolate condition, since it communicates so immediately with Lefooga, which is so well cultivated. The west side of it has a bending, where there seems to be good anchorage; and the east side has a reef, as well as Lefooga. Uninhabited as Hoolaiva is, an artificial mount has been raised upon it, equal in height to some of the surrounding trees.

On Tuesday the 27th, at break of day, the Commodore made the signal to weigh; and as he intended to attempt, in his way to Tongataboo, a passage to Annamooka, by the south-west, among the intermediate isles, he sent Mr. Bligh in a boat to sound before the ships. But before we got under sail, the wind became so variable and unsettled, as to render it unsafe to attempt a passage with which we were so little acquainted: we therefore lay fast, and made signal for the Master to return. He and the Master of the Discovery were afterwards sent, each in a boat to examine the channels. Towards noon, a large [...]ailing canoe came under our stern, in which was a person named Poulaho, or Futtafaihe, or both; who was said, by the natives then on board, to be king of Tongataboo, Annamooka, Hapaee, and all the neighbouring islands. We were surprised to find a stranger dignified with this title, which we had been taught to believe appertained to another: but they persisted in their assertions, that the supreme dignity belonged to Poulaho; an [...] [Page 178] now for the first time acknowledged, that Feenou was not the king, but a subordinate chief, though of great power. Poulaho was now invited by the Captain on board, where he was not an unwelcome guest, as he brought with him two fat hogs, by way of present. This great personage, though not very tall, was extremely unwieldy, and almost shapeless with corpulence. He appeared to be about forty; his hair was straight, and his features considerably different from those of the majority of his people. We found him to be a man of gravity and good sense. He viewed the ship, and the various new objects, with particular attention; and asked many pertinent questions. When he had gratified his curiosity in looking at the cattle, and other novelties, he was requested to walk down into the cabin; to which some of his retinue objected, saying, that, if he should go down thither, it would doubtless happen that people would walk over his head; a circumstance that could not be permitted. Though the Captain offered to obviate this objection, by ordering that no one should presume to walk over the cabin, Poulaho waved all ceremony, and went down without any previous stipulation. He now appeared to be no less solicitous than his people were, to convince us that he was sovereign, and not Feenou. He sat down to dinner with us, but eat and drank very little; and afterwards desired our Commodore to accompany [Page]

POULAHO. KING of the FRIENDLY ISLANDS. AN OPOSSI [...] [...] VOL. 1. P. 55.

[Page 179] him on shore. Omai was asked to be one of the party; but he was too faithfully attached to Feenou, to shew much respect to his competitor, and therefore declined the invitation. Captain Cook attended the chief in his own boat, having first made him such presents as exceeded his expectations; in return for which, Poulaho ordered two more hogs to be sent on board. The chief was then carried out of the boat, by his own subjects, on a board resembling a hand-barrow; and immediately seated himself in a small house near the shore. He placed the Captian at his side, and his attendants formed a semi-circle before them, on the outside of the house. An old woman sat close to the chief, with a kind of fan in her hand, to prevent his being incommoded by the flies. The various articles which his people had procured by trading on board the ships, being now displayed before him, he attentively looked over them all, inquired what they had given in exchange, and, at length, ordered every thing to be returned to the respective owners, except a glass-bowl, which he reserved for himself. Those who brought these things to him, first squatted themselves down before him, then deposited their purchases, and instantly rose and retired. They observed the same ceremony in taking them away; and not one of them presumed to speak to him standing. His attendants, just before they left him, paid him obeisance, by [Page 180] bowing their heads down to the sole of his foot and touching it with the upper and under side of the fingers of each hand. Captain Cook was charmed with the decorum that was maintained on this occasion, having scarce seen the like any where, even among more civilized nations.

When the Captain arrived on board, he found me Master returned from his expedition, who informed him, that, as far as he had proceeded, there was a passage for the ships, and tolerable anchorage; but that towards the south and south-east, he observed numerous shoals, breakers, and small isles. In consequence of this report, we relinquished all thoughts of a passage that way; and being resolved to return to Annamooka by the same route which we had so lately experienced to be a safe one, we should have sailed the next morning, which was the 28th, if the wind had not been very unsettled. Poulaho came early on board, bringing a red-feather'd cap as a present to Captain Cook. These caps were greatly sought after by us, as we knew they would be highly valued at Otaheite: but not one was ever brought for sale, though very large prices were offered nor could a person in either ship make himself the proprietor of one, except the two Captains and Omai. They are composed of the tail feathers of the tropic bird, intermixed with the red feathers of the paroquet; and are made in such manner, as to tie on the forehead without any [Page 181] crown, and have the form of a semi-circle, whose radius is eighteen or twenty inches. But the best idea of them will be conveyed by Mr. Webber's representation of Poulaho, ornamented with one of these caps or bonnets. The chief left the ship in the evening; but his brother, whose name also was Futtafaihe, and some of his attendants, remained all night on board.

On the 29th, at day-break, we weighed with a fine breeze at east north-east, and made sail to the westward, followed by several sailing canoes, in one of which was Poulaho the king, who, getting on board the Resolution, enquired for his brother, and the others who had continued with us all night. We now found that they had staid without his permission, for he gave them such a reprimand as brought tears from their eyes: however, he was soon reconciled to their making a longer stay; for, on his departure from the ship, he left his brother, and five attendants, on board. We were also honoured with the company of a chief named Tooboueitoa, just then arrived from Tongataboo; who, as soon as he came, sent away his canoe, declaring, that he, and five others who came with him, would sleep on board; so that Captain Cook now had his cabin filled with visitors. This inconvenience he the more willingly endured, as they brought with them plenty of provisions as presents to him, for which they met with suitable returns.

[Page 182]In the afternoon the easterly wind was succeeded by a fresh breeze at south south-east. Our course being now south south-west, we were obliged to ply to windward, and barely fetched the northern side of Footooha, by eight o'clock in the evening. The next day we plied up to Lofanga, and got soundings, under the lee or north-west side of forty fathoms water; but the bottom being rocky and a chain of breakers lying to leeward, we stretched away for Kotoo, expecting to find better anchorage there. It was dark before we reached that island, where finding no convenient place to anchor in, we passed the night in making short boards. On the 31st, at break of day, we stood for the channel which is between Kotoo, and the reef of rocks lying to the westward of it; but, on our approach we found the wind insufficient to lead us through. We therefore bore up on the outside of the reef, and stretched to the south-west till near twelve o'clock, when, perceiving that we made no progress to windward, and being apprehensive of losing the islands while we had so many of the natives on board, we tacked and stood back, and spent the night between Footooha and Kotoo. The wind now blew fresh, with squalls and rain; and, during the night, the Resolution, by a small change of the wind, fetching too far to the windward was very near running full upon a low sandy isle, named Pooto Pootooa, encompassed with breakers. Our people [Page 183] having fortunately been just ordered upon deck, to put the ship about, and most of them being at their respective stations, the necessary movements were performed with judgment and alertness; and this alone preserved us from destruction. The Discovery, being astern, incurred no danger.

This narrow escape so alarmed the natives who were on board, that they were eagerly desirous of getting ashore: accordingly, on the return of day-light, a boat was hoisted out, and the officer who commanded her was ordered, after landing them at Kotoo, to sound for anchorage along the reef that projects from that island. During the absence of the boat, we endeavoured to turn the ships through the channel between the reef of Kotoo and the sandy isle; but meeting with a strong current against us, we were obliged to desist, and cast anchor in fifty fathoms water, the sandy isle bearing east by north, about the distance of one mile. Here we remained till the 4th of June, being frequently visited by the king, by Tooboueitoa, and by people who came from the neighbouring islands to traffic with us. Mr. Bligh was, in the mean time dispatched to sound the channels between the islands situate to the eastward; and Captain Cook himself landed on Kotoo, to take a survey of it. This island, on account of the coral reefs that environ it, is scarcely accessible by boats. Its north-west end is low; but it rises suddenly in the middle, and [Page 184] terminates at the south east: end in reddish clayey cliffs. It produces the same fruits and roots with the adjacent islands, and is tolerably cultivated, though thinly inhabited. It is about two miles in length. While the Commodore was walking all over it, our people were occupied in cutting grass for the cattle; and we planted some melon seeds. On our return to the boat, we passed by some ponds of dirty brackish water, and saw a burying-place, which was considerably neater than those of Hapaee.

We weighed in the morning of the 4th, and with a fresh gale at east south-east, made sail towards Annamooka, where we anchored the next morning, nearly in the same station which we had so lately occupied. Captain Cook soon after went on shore, and found the islanders very busy in their plantations, digging up yams for traffic. In the course of the day, about two hundred of them assembled on the beach, and traded with great eagerness. It appeared, that they had been very diligent, during our absence, in cultivating; for we now observed several large plantain fields, in places which, in our late visit, we had seen lying waste. The yams were now in the highest perfection: and we obtained a good quantity of them, in exchange for iron. Before the Captain returned on board, he visited the several places where he had sown melon and cucumber seeds; but found to his great regret, that [Page 185] most of them had been destroyed by vermin; though some pine-apple plants, which he had also left, were in a thriving condition.

On Friday the 6th, about noon, Feenou arrived from Vavoo, and informed us, that several canoes, laden with hogs and other provisions, had sailed with him from that island, but had been lost in the late tempestuous weather, and every person on board of them had perished. This melancholy tale did not gain much credit with us, as we were by this time sufficiently acquainted with the character of the relater. The truth perhaps was, that he had been unable to procure at Vavoo the expected supplies; or, if he obtained any there, that he had left them at Hapaee, which lay in his way back, and where he must have heard that Poulaho had come to visit us; who therefore, he knew, would, as his superior, reap all the merit and reward of procuring these supplies, without having had any participation of the trouble. The invention, however, of this loss at sea, was not ill managed; for we had lately had very stormy weather. On the succeeding morning Poulaho, and some other chiefs, arrived; at which time Captain Cook happened to be ashore with Feenou, who now appeared to be sensible of the impropriety of his conduct, in arrogating a character to which he had no just claim; for he not only acknowledged Poulaho as sovereign of Tongataboo and the adjacent isles, [Page 186] but affected to insist much on it. The Captain left him, and went to pay a visit to the King, whom he found sitting with a few of the natives before him; but great numbers hastening to pay their respects to him, the circle increased very fast. When Feenou approached, he placed himself among the rest that sat before Poulaho, as attendants on his majesty. He at first seemed to be somewhat confused and abashed; but soon recovered from his agitation. Some conversation passed between these two chiefs, who went on board with the Captain to dinner; but only Poulaho sat at table. Feenou, after having made his obeisance in the usual mode, by saluting the foot of his sovereign with his head and hands, retired from the cabin, and it now appeared, that the could neither eat nor drink in the king's presence.

On the 18th, we weighed anchor, and steered for Tongataboo, with a gentle breeze at north-east. We were accompanied by fourteen or fifteen sailing vessels belonging to the Islanders, every one of which outran the ships. The royal canoe was distinguished from the rest by a small bundle of grass, of a red colour, fastened to the end of a pole, and fixed in the stern of the canoe in the same manner as our ensign staffs. At five in the afternoon we descried two small islands, at the distance of four leagues to the westward; one was called Hoonga Hapaee, and the other Hoonga [Page 187] Tonga. They are situated in the latitude of 20° 36′ south, about ten leagues from the western point of Annamooka. According to the information of two islanders who had been sent on board by Feenou as pilots, only five men resided on Hoonga Hapaee, and Hoonga Tonga had no inhabitants. We still proceeded on a south-west course, and on the 9th saw several little islands, beyond which Eooa and Tongataboo appeared. We had at this time twenty-five fathoms water, the bottom consisting of broken coral and sand; and the debth gradually decreased, as we approached the above-mentioned small isles. Steering, by the direction of our pilots, for the widest space between those isles, we were insensibly drawn upon a large flat, on which lay innumerable rocks of coral below the surface of the sea. Notwithstanding our utmost care and attention to avoid these rocks, we were unable to prevent the ship from striking on one of them: nor did the Discovery, though behind us, keep clear of them. It fortunately happened, that neither of the ships stuck fast, nor sustained any damage. We still continued our course; and the moment we found a place where we could anchor with any degree of safety, we came to; and the Masters were dispatched, with the boats, to [...]ound. Soon after we had cast anchor, several of the natives of Tongataboo came to us in their canoes; and they, as well as our pilots, assured us, that we should [Page 188] meet with deep water further in, free from rocks. Their intelligence was true; for, about four o'clock, the boats made a signal of having found good anchoring ground. We therefore weighed, and stood in till dark, when we anchored in nine fathoms water, with a clear sandy bottom. During the night, we had some rain; but early in the morning, the wind becoming southerly, and bringing on fair weather, we weighed again, and worked towards the shore of Tongataboo. While we were plying up to the harbour, the King continued sailing round us in his canoe; and at the same time there was a great number of small canoes about the ships. Two of these not getting out of the way of his royal vessel, he ran quite over them, with the greatest unconcern. Among these who came on board the Resolution, was Otago, who had been so useful to Captain Cook when he visited Tongataboo in his last voyage; and one Toobou, who had, at that time, attached himself to Captain Furneaux. Each of them brought some yams and a hog, in testimony of friendship; for which they received a suitable return.

We arrived at our intended station about two o'clock in the afternoon of the 10th of June. It was a very convenient place, formed by the shore of Tongataboo on the south-east, and two little isles on the east and north-east. Here both our ships anchored over a sandy bottom, where the [Page 189] depth of water was ten fathoms. Our distance from the shore exceeded a quarter of a mile.

CAAP. VII.

Favourable Reception at Tongataboo—Distribution of Pork, Yams, and Kava among the King's Attendants—The Ships supplyed with Water—The Observatory erected—The Natives stock to our People from all Quarters—Excursion of our Captains to see Mareewagee—Their Disappointment —Description of the Village where the chiefs reside—Interviews with Mareewagee and Toobou— Presents from the King's Son—A curious Work of Art—Process of manufacturing Cloth—A grand Haiva giving by Mareewagee—Exhibition of Fire-works—Wrestling—Boxing—Presents of Animals to the Chiefs—Poulaho, Feenou, &c. confined— The King's present, and Haiva.

WE had not been long at anchor off Tongataboo, when Captain Cook landed on the island, accompanied by some of the officers and Omai. They found the King waiting for them on the beach, who conducted them to a small neat house near the woods, with an extensive [Page 190] area before it, and told the Captain, that it was at his service during his continuance in the island. Before they had been long in the house, a large circle of the natives assembled before them, and seated themselves upon the area. A root of the kava plant being brought to the king he commanded it to be split into pieces, and distributed to several people, of both sexes, who began to chew it and soon prepared a bowl of their favourite liquor. Mean while a baked hog, and a quantity of baked yams, were produced, and divided into ten portions. These shares were given to some of those who were present, except one, which remained undisposed of, and which was probably reserved for the King himself. The liquor was next served out; and the first cup being brought up to his majesty, he ordered it to be given to a person who sat near him: the second was also brought to him, which he kept: the third was given to Captain Cook; but, their mode of preparing the liquor having given him a distaste for it, it was brought to Omai. The remainder of it was distributed to different people; and one of the cups being carried to Poulaho's brother, he retired with this, and with his share of the provisions. Some others also withdrew from the circle with their portions, because they could neither eat nor drink in his majesty's presence: but there were others of an inferior rank, of both sexes, who both eat and drank before [Page]

POULAHO. KING of the FRIENDLY ISLANDS. DRINKING KAVA.

[Page 191] him. Soon afterwards, the greater part of them went away, carrying with them what they had not eat of their share of the feast. It is worthy of remark, that the servants, who distributed the meat and the kava, delivered it sitting, not only to the king, but to the others.

Captain Cook, before he returned on board, went in search of a watering place, and was conducted to some ponds, in one of which the water was tolerable, but it was at some distance inland. Being informed that the small island of Pangimodoo, near which the ships were stationed, could better supply this important article, he went over to it the next morning, and found there a pool containing fresher water than any he had met with amongst these islands. This pool being extremely dirty, he caused it to be cleaned; and here it was that we filled our water-casks. The same morning, a tent was pitched near the house which the king had assigned for our use. The horses, cattle, and sheep, were then landed, and a party of marines stationed there as a guard. The observatory was set up at an inconsiderable distance from the other tent; and Mr. King took up his residence on shore, to direct the observations, and superintend all other necessary business. A party was occupied in cutting wood for fuel, and planks for the ships; and the gunners were appointed to conduct the traffic with the inhabitants, who flocked from all parts of the [Page 192] island with hogs, yams, cocoa-nuts, and other articles, insomuch, that our land station resembled a fair, and our ships were remarkably crowded with visitants. Feenou residing in our neighbourhood, we had daily proofs of his opulence and generosity, by the continuance of his valuable donations. Poulaho was equally attentive to us in this respect, as scarcely a day passed without his savouring us with cosiderable presents. We were now informed, that a person of the name of Mareewagee was of very high rank in the island, and was treated with great reverence; nay, if our interpreter Omai did not misunderstand his informers, that, he was superior to Poulaho himself; but that, being advanced in years, he lived in retirement, and therefore was not inclined to pay us a visit. This intelligence exciting the curiosity of Captain Cook, he signified to Poulaho his intention of waiting upon Mareewagee; and the king having agreed to accompany him, they set out the next morning in the pinnace, Captain Clerke joining them in one of his own boats. They proceeded to the eastward of the little isles which form the harbour, and then, turning towards the south, entered a spacious bay, upon which they rowed about three miles, and landed amidst a great concourse of people, who received them with shouts and acclamations. The crowd instantly separated, that Poulaho might pass, who took our gentlemen [Page 193] into a small enclosure, and changed the piece of cloth he wore, for a new piece, very neatly folded: an old woman assisted in dressing him, and put a large mat over his cloth. Being now asked where Mareewagee was, he said, to the great surprize of the gentlemen, that he was gone down to the ships. However, he requested them to accompany him to a malaee, or house of public resort; and when they came to a large area before it, he seated himself in the path, while they, at his desire, walked up to the house, and sat down in the front. After waiting a little while, they repeated their enquiries, by the medium of Omai, whether they were to be introduced to Mareewagee? But receiving no satisfactory answer, and being inclined to suspect that the aged chief was purposely concealed from them, they returned to their boats much piqued at their disappointment. It afterwards appeared, that Mareewagee had not been there; and that, in this affair, some gross mistakes had been made, Omai either having been misinformed, or having misunderstood what was told him concerning the old chief.

The place our gentlemen went to was a very pleasant village, delightfully situated on the banks of the bay or inlet▪ where most of the principal persons of the island reside. Each of these has his house in the midst of a small plantation, with a kind of out-houses, and offices for [Page 194] servants, These plantations are neatly fenced round, and, in general, have only one entrance, which is by a door fastened on the inside with a prop of wood. Between each plantation there are public roads and narrow lanes. A considerable part of some of these enclosures is laid out in grass-plots, and planted with such things as seem less adapted for use than for ornament. In such other plantations as were not the residence of persons of high rank, every article of the vegetable produce of the island was in great plenty. Near the public roads are some large houses, with spacious grass-plots before them, which are said to belong to the king, and are probably the places where their public meetings are held.

On Friday the 13th, about twelve o'clock, Mareewagee came within a small distance of our post on shore, attended by a great number of people of all ranks. In the course of the afternoon, the two Captains, and others of our gentlemen, accompanied by Feenou, went ashore to visit him. They found a person sitting under a tree, with a piece of cloth, about forty yards long, spread before him, round which numbers of people were seated. They imagined that this was the great personage, but were undeceived by Feenou, who informed them, that another, who was sitting on a piece of mat, was Mareewagee. To him they were introduced by Feenou; and he received them very graciously, and desired them to [Page 195] sit down by him. The chief, who sat under the tree, was named Toobou, whom we shall for the future call Old Toobou, to distinguish him from his namesake, who has been already mentioned as Captain Furneaux's friend. Both he and Mareewagee were venerable in their appearance. The latter was slender in his person, and seemed to be near seventy years of age. Old Toobou was somewhat corpulent, and almost blind from a disorder in his eyes; he was younger than Mareewagee. Captain Cook not expecting on this occasion to meet with two chiefs, had brought on shore a present for one only: this therefore he was obliged to divide between them; but, as it happened to be considerable, both of them appeared to be satisfied, our party now entertained them about an hour with the performance of two French horns and a drum; but the firing of a pistol that Captain Clarke had in his pocket, [...]eemed to please them most. Before our gentlemen took their leave of the two chiefs, the large piece of cloth was rolled up, and presented to Captain Cook, together with a few cocoa-nuts. The next morning, Old Toobou came on board to return the Commodore's visit; he also visited Captain Clarke; and if our former present was not sufficiently considerable, the deficiency was now supplied. In the mean time, Mareewagee went to see our people who were stationed on [...]hore; and Mr. King shewed him whatever we [Page 196] had there. He was struck with admiration at the sight of the cattle; and the cross-cut saw rivetted his attention. Towards noon, Poulaho came on board, bringing with him his son, who was about twelve years of age. He dined with Captain Cook; but the son, though present, was not permitted to sit down with him. The Captain found it very convenient to have him for his guest; for whenever he was present, (which was frequently the case) every other native was excluded from the table, and few of them would continue in the cabin: whereas, if neither he nor Feenou were on board, the chiefs of inferior rank were very importunate to be of the dining party, or to be admitted at that time into the cabin, which became consequently very much crowded. The king was soon reconciled to our cookery, and was fond of our wine. He now resided at the malaee near our tent, where he this evening entertained our people with a dance, in which he himself, though so corpulent and unwieldy, engaged.

On the 15th, Captain Cook received a message from Old Toobou, importing, that he was desirous of seeing him on shore. He and Omai accordingly waited on that chief, whom they found sitting, like one of the ancient patriarchs, under the shade of a tree, with a large piece of cloth, the manufacture of the island, spread out before him. He desired them to place themselves [Page 197] by him; after which he told Omai, that the cloth, with some cocoa-nuts, and red feathers, constituted his present to Captain Cook. The latter thanked him for the donation, and requested him to go on board with him. Omai, being sent for by Poulaho, now left the Captain, who was informed by Feenou, that young Fattafaihe, the king's son, desired to see him. He immediately obeyed the summons, and found the young prince and Omai seated under a canopy of fine cloth, with a piece of a coarser kind, seventy-six yards long, and seven and a half broad, spread before them and under them. On one side was a quantity of cocoa-nuts; and, on the other, a large boar. A multitude of people sat round the cloth; and among them was Mareewagee, with other persons of rank. The Captain was requested to seat himself by the prince; and then Omai informed him, that he had been instructed by Poulaho to tell him, that as his majesty and the Captain were friends, he hoped that his son Fattafaihe might be comprehended in this friendship; and that the Captain, as a testimony of his consent, would accept of the prince's present. Captain Cook readily agreed to this proposal, and invited them all to dine with him on board. Accordingly, the young prince, Old Toobou, Mareewagee, three or four subordinate chiefs, and two old ladies of high rank, accompanied the Commodore to the ship. Mareewagee was [Page 198] dressed in a new piece of cloth, with six patches of red feathers on the skirts of it. This dress was probably made on purpose for this visit; for, as soon as he arrived on board, he put it off, and presented it to Captain Cook. When dinner was served up, not one of them would even sit down, or eat a morsel of any thing, as they were all taboo, they said; which word, though it has a very comprehensive meaning, generally signifies that a thing is prohibited. Why they were thus restrained at present, was not accounted for. Having made presents to them all, and gratified their curiosity by shewing them every part of the ship, the Captain conducted them ashore. When the boat had reached the land, Feenou and several others immediately stepped out; and the young prince following them, was called back by Mareewagee, who now paid the heir apparent the same obeisance which the king was accustomed to receive; and when Old Toobou, and one of the old ladies, had honoured him with the same marks of respect, he was suffered to land. After this ceremony, the old people stepped out of the boat into a canoe, which was waiting to convey them to their place of residence. Capt. Cook was pleased at being present on this occasion, as he was thus furnished with the most convincing proofs of the supreme dignity of Poulaho and his son. By this time, indeed, he had gained some certain information with regard to the relative situation of [Page 199] several of the chiefs. He now knew, that old Toobou and Mareewage were brothers. Both of them were men of very considerable property, and in high estimation with the people: Mareewagee, in particular, had obtained the honourable appellation of Motooa Tonga, which implies father of Tonga, or of his country. We also now understood, that he was the king's-father-in-law, Poulaho having espoused, one of his daughters, by whom he had young Fattafaihe: so that Mareewagee was grandfather to the prince. As for Feenou, he was one of the sons of Mareewagee, and Tooboueitoa was another.

Captain Cook, on his landing found Poulaho in the house adjoining to our tent, who immediately made him a present of a quantity of yams and a hog. Towards evening a number of the islanders came, and having seated themselves in a circle, sung in concert with the music of bamboo-drums, which were placed in the centre. Three of them were long ones, and two were short. With these they struck the ground end-wise. There were two others that lay side by side on the ground, one of which was partly split: on these a person continued beating with two sticks. They sung three songs while the Captain staid; and the entertainment lasted, after he left them, till ten o'clock. They burned the leaves of the wharra palm for a light.

[Page 200]In the mean time, Mr. Anderson, with several others, made an excursion into the country, which furnished him with observations to the following effect. Westward of the tent, the country for about two miles is entirely uncultivated, though covered with trees and bushes growing naturally with the greatest vigour. Beyond this a pretty large plain extends itself, on which are cocoa-trees, and some small plantations. Near the creek, which runs west of the tent, the land is perfectly flat, and partly overflowed every tide by the sea. When the water retires, the surface is seen to consist of coral-rock, interspersed with holes of yellowish mud; and near the edges, where it is rather more firm, are vast numbers of little openings, whence issue innumerable small crabs, which swarm upon the spot, but are so very nimble, that, when approached, they instantaneously disappear, and baffle all the dexterity of the natives who endeavour to catch them. At this place is a work of art, which testifies some degree of ingenuity and perseverance: on one side is a narrow causeway, which, gradually increasing in breadth, rises with a gentle ascent to the height of ten feet, where its breadth is five paces, the whole length being about seventy-four paces. Adjacent to this is a kind of circus, thirty paces in diameter, about one or two feet higher than the causeway that joins it; and in the middle of this circus some trees are planted. On the opposite [Page 201] side, another causeway descends, which is partly in ruins, and not above forty paces in length. The whole is built of large coral-stones, with earth on the surface, which is overgrown with shrubs and low trees. From its decaying in several places, it is probably of some antiquity. It seems to be of no service at present, whatever may have been its use in former times. All the intelligence concerning it, that Mr. Anderson could procure from the natives, was, that it was called Etchee, and belonged to the king.

In the morning of the 16th, Captain Cook and Mr Gore took a walk into the country; in the course of which they met with an opportunity of seeing the whole process of making cloth, the principal manufacture of these islands, as well as of many others in the South Sea. An account of this operation, as performed here, may not improperly be subjoined. The manufacturers, who are of the female sex, take the slender stalks or trunks of the paper mulberry, which rarely grows more than seven feet in height, and about thickness of four fingers. From these stalks they strip the bark, and scrape off the exterior rind: after which the bark is rolled up, and macerated for some time in water; it is then beaten with a square instrument of wood, full of coarse grooves, but sometimes with a plain one. The operation is often repeated by another person or the bark is solded several times, and beat longer, which is [Page 202] probably intended to close rather than divide its texture. It is then spread out to dry: the pieces being from four, to six or seven feet in length, and about half as broad. These pieces are joined by smearing part of them with the glutinous juice of a berry called tooo; and, after being thus lengthened, they are placed over a large piece of wood, with a sort of stamp, composed of a fibrous substance, laid beneath them. The manufacturers then take a bit of cloth, and having dipped it in a juice extracted from the bark of a tree called kokka, rub it briskly [...]ver the piece that is making. This leaves upon the surface a dry gloss, and a dull brown colour; and the stamp makes, at the same time, a slight impression. Thus they proceed, joining and staining by degrees, till a piece of cloth, of the requisite length and breadth, is produced. They generally leave a border, about a foot broad, at the sides, and rather longer at the ends, unstained. If any parts of the original pieces have holes, or are too thin, they giue spare bits upon them, till their thickness equals that of the rest. Whenever they are desirous of producing a black colour, they mix the juice of the kokka with the soot procured from an oily nut called dooedooe. They assert, that the black cloth, which is usually most glazed, makes a cold dress, but the other a warm one.

The Commodore and Mr. Gore, meeting with Feenou on their return from their excursion, took [Page 203] him, and another chief, on board to dinner; which being served up, neither of them would eat a morsel, alledging that they were taboo avy; but when they found, that, in dressing a pig and some yams no avy (water) had been made use of, they both sat down, and eat very heartily, and drank some wine, on being assured that there was no water in it. From this circumstance we inferred, that they were at this time, for some particular reason, forbidden to use water; or that, perhaps, they did not like the water we then used, it being taken out of one of the places where the islanders bathed.

The following day, which was the 17th, was fixed upon by Mareewagee for giving a grand haiva, or entertainment, at which we were all invited to attend. Before the temporary hut of this chief, near our land station, a large space had been cleared for that purpose. In the morning, vast numbers of the natives came in from the country, every one of whom bore on his shoulder a long pole, at each end of which a yam was suspended. These poles and yams being deposited on each side of the open space, or area, formed two large heaps, decorated with small fish of different kinds. They were Mareewagee's present to the Captains Cook and Clerke. The necessary preparations being made, the islanders began, about eleven o'clock, to exhibit various dances, which they call mai. The band of music [Page 204] at first consisted of seventy men as a chorus, amidst whom were placed three instruments that we called drums, though they did not much resemble them. They are cylindrical pieces of wood, from three to four feet in length, some of them twice as thick as a man of ordinary size, and some not so large. They are entirely hollow, but close at each end, and open only by a chink, about the breadth of three inches, running nearly the whole length of the drums. By this opening, the rest of the wood is hallowed; which must be an operation of some difficulty. This instrument is called by the natives naffa; and, having the chink turned towards them, they sit and beat vigorously upon it, with two cylindrical pieces of wood, as thick as the wrist, and about a foot in length; by which means a [...]rude, but loud and powerful sound, is produced. They occasionally vary the strength and rate of their beating: and likewise change the tones, by beating towards the end, or in the middle of the instrument.

There were four ranks, of twenty-four men each, in the first dance. These held in their hands a small thin wooden instrument, above two feet in length, resembling in its shape an oblong paddle. With these instruments, which are called pagge, they made many different motions; such as pointing them towards the ground on one side, and inclining their bodies that way at the same instant: then shifting them to the opposite side [Page 205] in the same manner; passing them with great quickness from one hand to the other, and twirling them about with remarkable dexterity; with various other manoeuvres. Their motions, which were slow at first, quickened as the drums beat faster; and they repeated sentences the whole time in a musical tone, which were answered by the chorus; but in a short time, they all joined, and ended with a shout. After a cessation of a few minutes, they began as before, and continued, with short intervals, upwards of a quarter of an hour; and then the rear rank dividing, moved slowly round each end, met in the front, and formed the first rank: during which time the whole number continued to recite sentences. The other ranks successively did the same, till that which was foremost became the rear; and this evolution did not cease till the last rank regained its former situation. A much quicker dance, though slow at first, was then begun, and they sung for ten minutes, when the whole body, in a two-fould division, retreated, and then advanced, forming a kind of circular ugure, which concluded the dance; the chorus retiring, and the drums being removed, at the same time.

In the second dance, there were forty men as a chorus, with only two drums; and the dancers (or rather actors) consisted of two ranks, the foremost of which had seventeen persons, and the other fifteen. Feenou was in the middle of the [Page 206] first rank, which is considered, on these occasions, as the principal place. They danced and repeated sentences, with very short intervals, for half an hour, sometimes slowly, and at other times quickly, with the highest degree of exactness and regularity. Towards the close, the rear-rank divided, came round, and occupied the place of the front, which afterwards resumed its pristine situation. This dance being finished, the drums were taken away, and the chorus retired, as in the preceding dance.

Three very large drums were now brought in, and seventy men served as a chorus to the third dance. This consisted of two ranks, of sixteen men each, having young Toobou at their head, who was splendidly ornamented with a kind of garment covered with red feathers. These persons danced, sung, and twirled the pagge, so as to meet with the continual applauses of the spectators, who were particularly pleased with a motion in which they held the face aside as if ashamed, with the pagge before it. The hindmost rank closed before the front one, which soon after resumed its place, as in the first and second dances: then beginning again, they formed a triple row, divided, retreated to each end of the area, and left the ground in a great measure clear. Two men rushing in at that instant, began to exercise the clubs which they make use of in battle. They first twirled them in their hands, and [Page 207] made circular strokes before them with great quickness, managing with such skill, that, though they stood close to each other, they never interfered. They shifted the clubs, with uncommon dexterity, from one hand to the other; and, after some time, kneeled down, and made various motions, tossing up their clubs in the air, and catching them as they fell. They then retired as hastily as they had entered. They had pieces of white cloth about their heads, fastened at the crown with a wreath of foliage round their foreheads, and, that they might be free from all incumbrance, they had only a very small piece of cloth tied round the waist. A man, armed with a spear, then rushed in, and put himself in a menacing attitude as if he intended to strike with his weapon at one of the people in the crowd; at the same time bending the knee a little, and trembling as it were with fury. He continued in this position near a minute, and then moved to the other side, where having stood in the same posture, he hastily retreated from the area. During all this time the dancers, who had divided themselves into two parties, continued to repeat something slowly; and they now came forward, and joined again, concluding the dance with general applause. This dance was probably considered as a capital performance, as some of the principal people were engaged in it; one of the drums being beat by Futtafaihe, the king's brother, [Page 208] another by Feenou, and the third by Mareewagee himself.

In the fourth and last dance, there were forty men as a chorus, with two drums. The performers were sixty men, arranged in three rows having twenty-four in front. Before they commenced, we were entertained with a preliminary harangue, in which the whole number made responces to an individual speaker. They recited sentences alternately with the chorus, and made with the pagge many quick motions. They divided into two parties, with their backs to each other; formed again, shifted their ranks (as in the preceding dances) divided, and retreated, being succeeded by two men who exercised their clubs, as before, after whom came two others; the dancers in the mean time repeating in their turns with the chorus: they then advanced, and terminated the dance.

These amusements continued from eleven o'clock till near three. The number of islanders who attended as spectators, together with those who were round the trading-place at the tent, or stragling about, amounted to at least ten thousand, all within the compass of a quarter of a mile. If we had understood what was spoken in this entertainment, we might probably have gained much information with regard to the genius and customs of these people. Though the spectators constantly applauded the different motions, [Page 209] when well made, a considerable share of the pleasure they received, seemed to arise from the sentimental part, or what the performers recited. However, the mere acting part well deserved our notice, on account of the extensiveness of the plan, the variety of the motions, and the exact unity, ease, and gracefulness, with which they were performed.

In the evening we were entertained with the bomai, or night dances, on a large area before the temporary dwelling-place of Feenou. They continued three hours▪ during which time about twelve of them were performed, nearly in the same manner as those at Hapaee. In two of them, which were performed by women, a party of men came and formed a circle within their's. In another, which consisted of twenty-four men, many motions that we had not before seen, were made with the hands, and met with great applause. The music was once changed in the course of the evening; and in one of the dances, Feenou himself appeared at the head of fifty men: he was well dressed in linen, and some small pictures were hung round his neck.

Though the whole entertainment was conducted with better order than could reasonably have been expected, yet our utmost care and attention could not prevent our being plundered by the natives, in the most daring and insolent manner. There was scarcely any thing which they did not endeavour [Page 210] to steal. They once, in the middle of the day, attempted to take an anchor from off the Discovery's bows; but without effect. The only violence of which they were guilty, was, the breaking the shoulder-bone of one of our goats; in consequence of which she died soon after. On Wednesday the 18th, an islander got out of a canoe into the Resolution, and stole a pewter-bason; but being detected, he was pursued, and brought along-side the ship. Upon this occasion, three old women in the canoe made loud lamentations over the prisoner. beating their faces and breasts with the palms of their hands in a very violent manner, but without shedding a tear. This mode of expressing sorrow occasions the mark which most of th [...]se people bear on the face over their cheek-bones; for the repeated blows inflicted by them on this part, abrade the skin, and cause some blood to flow out; and when the wound is recent, it looks as if a hollow circle had been made by burning. On some occasions, they cut this part of the face with an instrument.

The same day Captain Cook bestowed some presents on Mareewagee, in return for those which had been received from that chief the preceding day; and as the entertainments then exhibited called upon us to make some exhibition in return, he ordered all the marines to go through their exercise, on the spot where the late dances [Page 211] had been performed; and, in the evening▪ some fire-works were also played off at the same place. The King, the principal chiefs, and a vast multitude of people, were present. The platoon fiiring seemed to please them; but, when they beheld our water-rockets, they were filled with astonishment and admiration. They did not much regard the fife and drum, or French horns, that were playing during the intervals. Poulaho sat behind every one, no person being permitted to sit behind him; and, that his view might receive no obstruction, none sat immediately before him; but a lane, as it were, was made by the spectators from him, quite down to the space allotted for playing off the fire-works.

While the natives were in expectation of this evening's exhibition, they engaged, for the greatest part of the afternoon, in wrestling and boxing. When a person is desirous of wrestling, he gives a challenge by crossing the ground in a kind of measured pace, and clapping smartly on the elbow joint of one arm, which is bent, and sends forth a hollow sound. If no opponent steps forth, he returns and sits down; but if an antagonist appears, they meet with marks of the greatest good-nature, generally smiling, and deliberately adjusting the piece of cloth that is fastened round the waist. They then lay hold of each other by this cloth, and he who succeeds in drawing his opponent to him, instantly endeavours to lift him [Page 212] upon his breast, and throw him on his back; and if he can turn round with him in that position two or three times, before he throws him, he meets with great applause for his dexterity. If they are more equally matched, they quickly close, and attempt to throw each other by entwining their legs, or raising each other from the ground; in which struggles they display an extraordinary exertion of strength. When one of them is thrown, he immediately retires; while the conqueror sits down for near a minute then rises, and goes to the side from which he came, where the victory is proclaimed aloud. After sitting for a short time, he rises again, and challenges; and if several antagonists appear, he has the privilege of choosing which of them he pleases to engage wit [...] ▪ he may also, if he should throw his competitor, challenge again, till he himself is vanquished; and then the people on the opposite side chant the song of victory in favour of their champion. It frequently happens, that five or six rise from each side, and give challenges together; so that it is not uncommon to see several sets engaged on the field at the same time. They preserve great temper in this exercise, and leave the spot without the least displeasure in their countenances. When they find that they are too equally matched, they desist by mutual consent; and if it does not clearly appear which of them has had the advantage, both sides proclaim the [Page 213] victory, and then they engage again. But no one, who has been vanquished, is permitted to engage a second time with his conqueror.

Those who intend to box advance side-ways, changing the side at every pace, having one arm stretched out before, the other behind; and holding in one hand a piece of cord, which they wrap closely about it, when they meet with an opponent. This is probably intended to prevent a dislocation of the hand or fingers. Their blows are dealt out with great quickness and activity, and are aimed principally at the head. They box equally well with either hand. One of their most dexterous blows i [...], to turn round on the heel, just after they have struck their adversary, and to give him another pretty violent blow with the other hand backward. In boxing-matches, unless a person strikes his antagonist to the ground they never sing the song of victory; which shews, tha [...] this diverson is less approved among them than wrestling. Not only boys engage in both these exercises; but it not unfrequently happens, that little girls box with great obstinacy. On all these occasions, they do not consider it as any disgrace to be overcome; and the vanquished person sits down with as much indifference as if he had never engaged. Some of our people contended with them in both exercises, but were generally worsted.

[Page 214]Captain Cook intending to leave behind him some of the animals he had brought, thought proper to make a distribution of them before his departure. He therefore, on the 10th, assembled the chiefs before our house, and marked out his intended presents to them. To the king he gave a bull and a cow; to Mareewagee, a Cape ram, and two ewes; and to Feenou, a horse and a mare. He instructed Omai to tell them, that no such animals existed within several months sail of their island; that he had brought them, with a great degree of trouble and expence, for their use; that, therefore, they ought to be careful not to kill any of them till they had multiplied considerably; and, finally, that they and their posterity ought to remember, that they had received them from the natives of Britain. Omai also explained to them their respective uses, as far as his limited knowledge in such points would permit him. The Captain had intended to give old Toobou two or three goats; but finding that chief indifferent about them, he added them to the share of Poulaho. It soon appeared, that some of the natives were dissatisfied with the allotment of our animals; for, the next morning, two of our turkey-cocks, and one kid, were missing. Our Commodore being determined to get them restored, seized on three canoes that were along- [...]de the ships; then went on shore, and having found his majesty, his brother, Feenou, [Page 215] and some other chiefs, in our house, he immediately appointed a guard over them, and intimated to them, that they must continue under restraint, till not only the turkeys and the kid, but the other things of which he had been plundered at various times, were restored to us. They assured him, that the things in question should all be returned; and then sat down to drink kava, with an appearance of unconcern. Soon afterwards, an axe, and an iron wedge, were brought to us. Some armed natives, in the mean time, began to assemble behind the house; but they dispersed when a part of our guard marched against them; and the chiefs, at the instigation of the Commodore, gave orders that no more should appear. When he invited them to dine with him on board, they readily consented. Some of them having afterwards objected to Poulaho's going, he rose up immediately, and declared that he would be the first man. Accordingly, the chiefs went on board with Captain Cook, and remained in the ship till near four o'clock. He then conducted them ashore; and, not long after, the kid and one of the turkeys were restored to him. On their promising that the other turkey should be brought back the next morning, he released both them and the canoes.

Captain Cook now walked out with Omai, with a view of observing how the natives in our neighbourhood fared; for this was the usual time of [Page 216] their meals. He found that they were, in general, ill supplied; a circumstance not to be wondered at, since most of the yams, and other provisions that they brought with them, were disposed of to us; and they were unwilling to return to their own habitations, while they could procure any sustenance near our post. That particular part of the island, where our station was, being uncultivated, there were none of the natives who had a fixed residence within half a mile of us. Those therefore who were at our post, were obliged to live under trees and bushes, or in temporary shades; and the cocoa-trees were stripped of their branches, for the purpose of erecting huts for the chiefs.

Omai and the Captain, in the course of their walk, found six or seven women at supper together, two of whom were fed by the others. On their asking the the reason of this circumstance, the women replied, taboo mattee. Upon further enquiry it appeared, tha [...] one of them, about two months before, had washed the corpse of a chief, on which account she was not allowed to handle any food for five months; and that the other had performed the same office to the dead body of a person of inferior rank, and was therefore under a similar restriction though not for so long a space.

On Saturday the 21st, early in the morning, Poulaho came on board, to invite Captain Cook to an [Page 217] baiva or entertainment, which he designed to give the same day. He had already had his head besmeared with red pigment, in order to communicate a red colour to his hair, which was naturally of a dark brown. The Captain, after breakfast, attended him to the shore, and found the islanders very busy in two places, fixing, in a square and upright position, four very long posts, at the distance of near two feet from each other. They afterwards filled up with yams the space between the posts; and fastened sticks across, from one post to another, at the distance of every four feet, to prevent the posts from separating, by the weight of the inclosed yams, and also to ascend by. As soon as the yams had reached the summit of the first posts, they continued to fasten others to them, till each pile was thirty feet or more in height. They placed, on the top of one of the piles, two bakedhogs; and, on the top of the other, a living one: and they tied another by the legs half-way up. The facility and dispatch with which these two piles were raised, were remarkable. After they had completed them, they accumulated some other heaps of yams, and also of bread-fruit, on each side of the area; to which a turtle, and a great quantity of excellent fish, were added. The whole of this, with some red feathers, a mat, and a piece of cloth, composed the king's present to Captain Cook. About one o'clock the mai, or dances, were begun. [Page 218] The first of these very nearly resembled the first that was performed at Mareewagee's entertainment. The second was conducted by young Toobou; and in this, four or five women were introduced, who equalled the men in the exactness and regularity of their motions. Near the end, the performers divided, in order to leave room for two champions, who exercised their clubs. In the third dance, which was the last, two other men, with clubs, exibited their skill and activity. The dances were succeeded by boxing and wrestling; and one man entered the lists with a kind of heavy club, made from the stem of a cocoa-leaf, but could meet with no opponent to engage him in so rough a diversion. Towards the evening, the bomai, or night-dances, began, in which the king himself, apparelled in English manufacture, was a performer: but neither these, nor the dances in the day-time, were so capital as those of Feenou, or Mareewagee.

The Commodore, in order to be present the whole time, dined on shore. Poulaho sat down with him, but neither eat nor drank, which was owing to the presence of a female, who had been admitted, at his request, to the dining party, and who, as we were informed in the sequel, was of superior rank to himself. This lady had no sooner dined, then he walked up to Poulaho, who applied his hands to her feet; after which she reretired. He immediately dipped his fingers into [Page 219] a glass of wine, and then all her attendants paid him obeisance. At his desire, some of our fireworks were played off in the evening: but being damaged, they did not answer the expectations of the spectators.

CHAP. VIII.

Some Officers plundered of their Muskets, and other Articles by the Natives—Omai complains to the King of this Outrage—Consequences that it was probable might attend it—A visit to Poulaho— Description of a Fialooka—Country Entertainment at Poulaho's House—His Mourning Ceremony— Beastly method of preparing Kava—Account of Onevy—Messrs. King and Anderson visit Futtafaihe—Entertained by him—Method of dressing Hogs, and carving them—Manner of passing the Night—Observations on the Country—Prepare for Departure—Description of the Island, its Animals, Vegetables, &c.

NO more entertainments being expected on either side, and the curiosity of the populace being in a great degree satisfied, most of them deserted us the day after Poulaho's haiva. [Page 220] Still, however, we had thieves among us, and had continual instances of their depredations.

Some of the officers of both ships, who had made an excursion into the interior parts of the island, returned the 22d of June in the evening after an absence of two days. They had taken their muskets and necessary ammunition with them, besides several small articles of the favourite commodities; the whole of which the natives had the dexterity to steal from them, in the course of their short journey. Inconvenient consequences were likely to have attended this affair; for, when our plundered travellers returned, they employed Omai, without consulting Captain Cook, to complain to the king of the treatment they had received. He, not knowing how the Captain would proceed in this affair, and apprehending that he might again lay him under restraint, set off early the next morning, and Feenou followed his example; so that not a chief of authority was now remaining in our neighbourhood. The Captain was offended at this business, and reprimanded Omai for having presumed to interfere in it. This reprimand induced him to endeavour to bring back his friend Feenou, and he succeeded in his negociation, by assuring him that no violent measures would be pursued to oblige the natives to return what they had stolen. Trusting to this declaration, Feenou came back in the [Page 221] evening, and was favourably received. Poulaho also favoured us with his company the next day.

Upon this occasion, the two chiefs very justly observed to Captain Cook, that, whenever any of his people wanted to take an excursion into the country, they ought to be made acquainted with it, that they might order proper people to attend them, to prevent such outrages. And, had this precaution been taken, it is not to be doubted but that a man and his property would have been as safe here, as in other parts of the more civilized world. Though the Captain did not afterwards endeavour to recover the articles taken upon this occasion, the whole of them were returned through the interposition of Feenou, except one musket, and a few other insignificant articles. By this time also, we recovered the tools and other matters, that had been stolen from our workmen.

On Wednesday the 25th of June, two boats, which Captain Cook had sent in search of a commodious channel to sea, returned. The commanders of them reported, that the channel to the north, through which we came in, was imminently dangerous, being full of coral rocks; that there was a good channel to the eastward, though contracted, in one place, by the small islands; consequently a westerly wind would be necessary to get through it. We had now recruited our ships, and repaired our sails, and had little more [Page 222] to expect of the produce of the island; but as an eclipse of the sun was to happen on the 5th of July, the Captain determined to stay till that time, to have a chance of observing it.

Having now some leisure before us, Captain Cook, and a party of us accompanied by Poulaho, set out the next morning, in a boat, for Mooa, a kind of village, where he and the other men of consequence, usually reside. Rowing up the inlet, we saw fourteen canoes fishing in company; in one of which was Poulaho's son. They had then taken some fine mullets, about a dozen of which they put into a boat. They shewed us their whole method of fishing, which appeared to be an effectual one.

Taking leave of the prince and his fishing party, we were rowed to the bottom of the bay, and landed where we had done before, when we went to see Mareewagee. As soon as we got on shore we were conducted to one of Poulaho's houses; which, though tolerably large, seemed to be his private place of residence, and was situated within a plantation. The king seated himself at one end of the house, and those who came to visit him, sat down in a semi-circle at the other end. A bowl of kava was immediately prepared for us, and directions were given to bake some yams. While these were getting ready, some of us, together with a few of the king's attendants, and Omai as our interpreter, went to take a view of a [Page]

[...]

[Page 223] [...]atooka, or burying-place, at a small distance from the habitation, it belonged to the king, and consisted of three largish houses situated on a rising ground, with a small one not far off, all [...]anged longitudinally. The largest of the three [...]rst was the middle house, which was placed in a [...]quire, twenty-four paces by twenty-eight, and [...]aised about three feet. The other houses where placed on little mounts. On the floors of these houses, as also on the tops of the mounts, where fine loose pebbles; and the whole was inclosed by large flat stones of coral rock. One of the houses was open on one side, and two wooden [...]usts of men, rudely carved, were within it. We enquired of the natives who followed us, (but durst not enter here) what these images were; who informed us, that they were memorials of some chiefs who had been buried there, [...]nd not meant as the representatives of any deity▪ [...]ch monuments, it is presumed, are seldom [...]sed; for these appeared to have been erected [...]ny ages.

We were informed that dead bodies had been [...] in each of these houses, but no marks of [...] were to be distinguished. The carved head [...]an Otaheite canoe, which had been driven [...]ore on their coast, was deposited in one of [...]. On the rising ground was a grass-plot, [...] which different large trees were planted; among which were several of those called etoa. [Page 224] They greatly resemble the cypress, and had a very solemn effect. A row of low palms was also planted near one of the houses.

After refreshing ourselves with some provisions which we had brought from our ships, we took a pretty large circuit into the country, attended by one of the king's ministers, who would not suffer any of the rabble to follow us, and obliged those whom we met upon our progress, to sit down while we were passing; a mark of respect due only to their sovereigns. The greatest part of the country was cultivated, and most of their plantations fenced round. Some parts, indeed, lay fallow, and others in a state of nature; the latter afforded large quantities of timber.

We found many public and well- [...]aten paths, leading to different parts of the island. Travelling here was, indeed, very commodious, the roads being excellent, and the country level. We were conducted to several pools and springs of water, but they were, in general, either brackish or stinking.

In the dusk of the evening, we returned from or walk, and found our supper in readiness. It consisted of some fish and yams, and a baked hog in which all the culinary arts of the island had been displayed. There being nothing to amuse us after supper, we lay down to sleep, according to the custom of the country, on mats spread upon the floor, and had a covering of cloth. [Page 225] The king, who became happy with some wine and brandy which we had brought, also slept in the house, as did several others of the natives. Before day-break, they all rose, and entered into conversation by moon-light. As soon as it was day they dispersed different ways, but it was not long before they all returned, accompanied by several of their countrymen.

While they were preparing a bowl of kava, Captain Cook went to pay a visit to Toobou, Captain Furneaux's friend, who had a house not far distant, which for size and neatness was hardly exceeded in the place. Here also we found a company preparing a morning draught. The cheif made a present to the Captain of a living hog, and one that was baked; also a quantity of yams, and a large piece of cloth. Returning to the king, we found him and his attendants drinking the second bowl of kava. That business being performed, he informed Omai that he was immediately going to perform a morning ceremony, called tooge, in memory of a son who had been some time dead, and desired us to accompany him. Naturally expecting to see somewhat new or curious, we readily complied with the request.

The king stepped out of the house, attended by two old woman, and put on a new cloathing, over which was placed an old ragged mat, which might probably have served his grandfather upon [Page 226] a similar solemn occasion. His attendants were habited in the same manner, excepting that, in point of antiquity, none of their mats could vie with that of their master. Thus equipped, we marched off, preceded by eight or ten persons in the same uniform, each of them having likewise a green bough about his neck. Poulaho, who held his bough in his hand till he approached the place of rendezvouz, then also put it about his neck. We now entered a small inclosure, wherein was a neat house, and a man sitting before it. As the company entered, they took the branches from their necks, and threw them away. The king seated himself, and the others sat before him in the usual manner. By the arrival of other persons, the circle increased to upwards of an hundred, principally old men, all dressed in the manner above described. The company being assembled, a large root of kava was produced by one of the king's servants, and a capacious bowl that would contain five or six gallons. Many persons now began to chew the root, and the bowl that was filled with liquor up to the brim. Others were employed in making drinking-cups of plantain leaves. The first cup that was filled, being presented to the king, he ordered it to be given to another person; the second was also presented to him, and he drank it; the third was offered to Captain Cook. Afterwards a cup was given to several others, till the liquor was [Page 227] exhausted; and though not half the company partook of it, no one appeared in the least dissatisfied. Each cup, as it was emptied, was thrown upon the ground, whence it was taken up, and carried to be filled again. All this time the chief, and his whole circle, sat with a great deal of gravity hardly speaking a syllable to each other.

All this while we were in expectation of seeing the mourning ceremony begin, when, to our great surprise, as soon as the kava was drank out, they all rose up and dispersed; and Poulaho informed us, he was now ready to attend us to the ships.

We had sometimes seen the drinking of kava at other islands, but no where so frequently as here. The kava is a species of pepper, which they esteem a valuable article, and cultivate for this purpose, carefully defending the young plants from any injury; and it is usually planted about their houses. It does not often exceed the height of a man, though they are sometimes seen [...] higher. It has large heart-shaped leaves, and jointed stalks.

Only the root of the kava is used at the Friendly Islands: after being dug up, it is given to the servants; who, breaking it in pieces, scrape the dirt off, and each chews his portion, which he afterwards spits into a piece of plantain leaf. Those, who are to prepare the liquor, collect these mouthfuls together, and deposit them in a large wooden bowl, adding a sufficient quantity [Page 228] of water to make it of a proper strength. It is then well mixed up with the hands, and wrung hard, in order to make it productive of as much liquid as possible.

About a quarter of a pint of this beverage is usually put into each cup. It has no perceptible effect upon these people, who use it so frequently: but, on some of ours, it operated like our spirits, occasioning intoxication, or rather stupefaction.

The mourning ceremony being over, we left Mooa, and set out on our return to the ships. Rowing down the inlet, we met with two canoes returning from fishing. Poulaho ordered them to approach him, and took from them every fish and shell. He afterwards stopped two other canoes, searched them, and found nothing. He gave us some of the fish, and the rest were sold by his servants on board the ship. Proceeding down the inlet, we overtook a large sailing canoe, when every person on board her sat down till we had passed; even the man who steered, though he could not possibly manage the helm, but in a standing posture.

Having been informed, by Poulaho and others, that there was some good water at Onevy, a small island, about a league off the mouth of the inlet; we landed there, in order to taste it, but found it to be extremely brackish. This island is quite in a natural state, and only frequented as a [Page 229] fishing-place; having nearly the same productions as Palmerston's island.

When we returned to the ship, Captain Cook was informed that every thing had been quiet during his absence; not a single theft having been committed; of which Feenou, and Futtafaihe, the king's brother, who had undertaken the management of his countrymen in the Captain's absence, boasted not a little. This evinces what power the chiefs have, when they are inclined to execute it; which is not often to be expected; for whatever was stolen from us, was generally conveyed to them.

The next day, six or eight of the natives, assaulted some of our people who were sawing planks; in consequence of which they were fired on by the sentry; one of them was supposed to be wounded, and three were taken. The latter were confined till night, when they were punished, and set at liberty. After this their behaviour was very decent and circumspect; occasioned, as we imagined, by the man being wounded: for, till this time, they had only heard of the effect of fire-arms, but now they had felt it. We were not mistaken in our conjecture, for Mr. King, and Mr. Anderson, in an excursion they took into the country, met with the very man, and found indubitable marks of his having been wounded with a musket-ball.

[Page 230]Nothing worthy of notice happened at the ships for two days; we shall therefore fill up that interval with an account of Mr. Anderson's excursion, above mentioned. On Monday the 30th of June, Mr. King, and he accompanied Futtafaihe as visitors to his house, which is not far from that of his brother Poulaho, at Mooa. Soon after they arrived, a largish hog was killed, which was effected by repeated strokes upon the head. The hair was then curiously scraped off, with the sharp edge of pieces of split bamboo, and the entrails taken out by the same simple instrument. Previous to this an oven had been prepared, which is a large hole dug in the earth, the bottom of which is covered with stones, about the size of a man's fist, which are made red hot by kindling a fire over them; then they wrapt up some of these stones in leaves of the bread fruit tree, with which they filled the hog's belly; stuffing in a quantity of leaves to prevent their falling out, and thrusting a plug of the same kind in the anus. This being done, the carcase was placed upon some sticks laid across the stones, and covered with plantain-leaves. The earth was afterwards dug up all round; and the oven being thus effectually closed, the operation of baking required no farther aid.

They afterwards amused themselves by walking about the country, but saw nothing remarkable, except a fiatooka of about thirty feet high. At a [Page 231] small distance, there, was a number of etooa-trees, on which were vast quantities of Ternate bats, making a most horrible noise. Not having their muskets, at this time, they could not kill any of them, but some, taken at Annamooka, measured almost a yard, when the wings were extended.

On their return to Futtafaihe's house, the baked hog was produced, accompanied with some cocoa-nuts, and several baskets of baked yams. The person who prepared the hog in the morning, now cut it up in a very masterly manner, with a knife made of split bamboo. Though the weight of it was at least fifty pounds, the whole was placed before them; when they took a small part, and desired the rest might be partaken of by the people sitting round. Fattafaihe could hardly be prevailed upon to eat a morsel.

Dinner being ended, they went, with him, and his attendants, towards the spot where Poulaho's mourning-ceremony was performed. They saw nothing but a kind of continuation of the same solemn rites, by way of condolence. Upon enquiring upon whose account it was now transacted, they were informed, that it was in memory of a chief who had long since died at Vavaoo, that they had practised it ever since, and should continue to do so for a considerable length of time to come.

[Page 232]They were entertained in the evening, with a pig for supper, dressed like the hog, and, like that accompanied with yams and cocoa-nuts. When the supper was over, a large quantity of cloth was brought for them to s [...]eep in; but they were disturbed in their repose, by a singular instance of luxury, in which their men of consequence indulge themselves; that of being thumped or beat while they are asleep. Two women, who sat by Futtafaihe, performed this operation, which they call tooge tooge, by striking his body and legs, with both fists, till he fell asleep, and, with some intervals, continued it the whole night. The person being fast asleep, they abate a little of the strength and briskness of the beating; but, if they observe any appearance of his awaking, they resume it. In the morning they were informed, that Futtafaihe's women relieved each other, and went alternately to sleep. Such a practise as this in any other country, would be supposed to be destructive of all rest; but here it operates like an opiate, and strongly shews what habit may effect.

They set out with Futtafaihe the next morning, and walked to the point, down the east-side of the bay. The country all along this side appeared to be well cultivated, but not so much inclosed as at Mooa. They found, that, in travelling, Futtafaihe exercised a power, which shewed the great authority the principal men are [Page 233] invested with. To one place, he sent for fish; and to another, for yams; and his orders were as readily obeyed, as if he had been absolute master of all the people's property.

They crossed the bay, in the evening, to their station, in a canoe procured by Futtafaihe, by exercising his authority in calling to the first that appeared; he had also a large hog at this place, and wanted them to accept of a bundle of cloth; but, the boat being small, they objected; and he ordered it to be taken to them the next day. Thus ends Mr. Anderson's account of his excursion.

Captain Cook had prolonged his stay at this island, on account of the approaching eclipse; but, on looking at the micrometer, (on the 2d of July) he found some accident had happened to it, and that it was rendered useless, till repaired; which could not be done before the time it was intended to be used. We therefore got on board, this day, all the cattle and other animals, except those that were destined to remain. The Captain designed to have left a turkey-cock and hen, but two hens being destroyed by accident, and wishing to carry the breed to Otaheite, he reserved the only remaining pair for that purpose.

We took up our anchor the next day, and moved the ships behind Pangimodoo, to be ready for the first favourable wind to take us through [Page 234] the narrows. The king, who this day dined with us, took particular notice of the plates; which the Commodore observing, made him an offer of one, either of pewter, or of earthen ware. He made choice of the first, and mentioned the several uses to which he intended to apply it; two of which were so very extraordinary that they deserve to be related.

Whenever he should visit any of the other islands, he said he would leave this plate behind him at Tongataboo, as his representative, that the people might in his absence, pay it the homage due to himself in person. On being asked, how he had usually been represented in his absence, before he was in possession of this plate, he informed us, that this singular honour had always been conferred on a wooden bowl, in which he washed his hands. The other use to which he meant to apply the plate instead of the bowl, was to discover a thief. When any thing had been stolen, and the thief not detected, the people were assembled before him, when he washed his hands in this vessel. After this it was cleaned, and every man advanced, and touched it with his hand, in the same manner that they touch his foot when they offer him obeisance. If touched by the guilty person, he dropped down dead immediately; and, if any one refused to touch, it, such refusal was considered as a sufficient proof of his guilt.

[Page 235]In the morning of Saturday the 5th of July, the day of the eclipse, the weather was cloudy, with some showers of rain. About nine o'clock, the sun broke out at small intervals for about half an hour, but was totally obscured just before the beginning of the eclipse. The sun again appeared at intervals till about the middle of the eclipse; but was seen no more during the remainder of the day, so that we could not observe the end. This disappointment was the less to be lamented, as the longitude was sufficiently determined by lunar observations.

The eclipse being over, we packed up the instruments, and every thing was conveyed on board. None of the natives having taken any care of the three sheep allotted to Mareewagee, the Commodore ordered them to be carried back to the ships. He was apprehensive that, if they had been left there, they would probably be destroyed by dogs. These animals did not exist upon the island in 1773, when the Commodore first visited it; but there is now a plenty of them; partly from the breed left by him, and partly from some imported from an island, called Feejee. At present, however, the dogs have not got into any of the Friendly Islands, except Tongataboo.

Mr. Anderson has given us the following description of this island. Amsterdam, Tongataboo, or Tonga (as it is sometimes called by the natives) is about twenty leagues in circumference, [Page 236] rather oblong, though broadest at the east-end, and its greatest length is from east to west. The south-shore is straight, consisting of coral-rocks of about eight or ten feet high, terminating perpendicularly, except in some few places, where there are sandy beach [...] ▪ The west-end is about five or six miles broad, and has a shore like that of the south-side; but the north-side is environed with shoals and islands; and the east side is, most probably, like the south.

This island may, with propriety, be called a low one; the only eminent part, to be observed from a ship, is the south-east point, though many gently rising and declining grounds are perceivable by those who are on shore. Though the general appearance of the country does not exhibit that beautiful kind of landscape, produced by a variety of hills and valleys, rivulets, and lawns, yet it conveys an idea of the most exuberant fertility. The surface, at a distance, seems entirely clothed with trees of various sizes: but the tall cocoa-palms raise their tufted heads high above the rest, and are a noble ornament to any country that produces them. The boogo, which is a species of the fig, is the largest sized tree upon the island: and the most common bushes and small trees, on the uncultivated spots, are the pandanus, the faitanoo, several sorts of hibiscus, and a few others.

[Page 237]The climate of Tongataboo, from the situation towards the tropic, is more variable than in countries far within that line; though that might, perhaps, be occasioned by the season of the year which was now the winter solstice. The winds are generally from some point between south and east. The wind, indeed, sometimes veers to the north-east, or even north-west, but never continues long, nor blows strong from thence, though often accompanied by heavy rain, and close sultry weather.

The vegetable productions are never so much affected, respecting the foliage, as to shed it all at once; but every leaf, as it falls, is succeded by another, which causes the appearanee of universal spring.

A coral rock appears to be the basis of the island, that being the only sort that presents itself on the shore. There was not the appearance of any other stone, except some small blue pebbles about the fiatookas and the smooth black stone, of which the natives make their hatchets; and these have, perhaps, been brought from other islands in the neighbourhood. Though, in many places, the coral projects above the surface, the soil is, in most parts, of a considerable depth. In cultivated places, it is generally of a loose black colour, seemingly produced by the rotten vegetables.

[Page 238]The principal of the cultivated fruits in this island, are plantains, of which they have fifteen varieties; the jambu, and the eeevee: the latter being a kind of plum; and vast quantities of shaddocks, as often found in a natural state as planted.

Of yams there are two sorts; one black and so large as to weigh from twenty to thirty pounds; the other white and long, seldom exceeding a pound in weight. There is a large root, called kappe; another like our white potatoes, called mawhaha; the tal [...], and the jeejee.

They have vast numbers of cocoa-nut-trees, and three other sorts of palms. One is called beeoo, growing almost as high as the cocoa-tree, and having very large leaves plaited like a fan. The other is a kind of cabbage-tree, much resembling the cocoa, but rather thicker. A third sort is called ongo ongo; it seldom grows higher than five or six feet. Plenty of excellent sugarcane is cultivated here; also gourds, bamboo, turmeric, and a species of fig, called matte; but the catalogue of uncultivated plants is too large to be enumerated.

There are no quadrupeds in this island, but hogs, dogs, and a few rats. Fowls of a large breed, are domesticated here.

Among the birds, are parrots, and parroquets, cuckoos, king-fishers, and a bird of the thrush kind, of a dull green colour, which is the only [Page 239] singing-bird we could find here; but it compensates, in a great degree, for the want of others, by the force and melody of its voice.

Among the other land birds are rails about the size of a pigeon, of a variegated grey colour; a black sort with reddish eyes: large violet coots, with red bald crowns; two sorts of fly-catchers; a small swallow; and three sorts of pidgeons.

Of water-fowl, are the ducks seen at Annamooka; tropic birds; blue and white herons; noddies; white terns; a new species of a leaden colour; a small bluish curlew; and a large spotted plover.

Among the animals of the reptile, or insect tribe, are sea snakes, (though often seen on shore) about three feet long, with alternate black and white circles; some scorpions, and centipedes; also green guanoes, about eighteen inches long, and two smaller sorts. Here are some beautiful moths and butterflies, and some very large spiders; together with others, making in the whole, about fifty different sorts of insects.

Though the sea abounds with fish, the variety is less than might be imagined: those in the greatest plenty are mullets, silver fish, old wives, parrot fish, soles, leather jackets, albicores, bonnetos, eels like those about Palmerston's Island, rays, a sort of pike, and some devil fish.

There are an endless variety of shell fish about the reefs and shoals; among which are the hammer [Page 240] oyster; a large indentated oyster, and many others; but none of the common sort; gigantic cockle; panamas; cones; pearl-shell oysters, &c. Also several sorts of sea-eggs; many curious star fish; crabs: cray-fish, &c. and several sorts of sponge.

CHAP. IX.

Strange Solemnity at Mooa, called Natche, in Honour of the King's Son. Description of many extraordinary Processions and Ceremonies during the first Day. Manner of supping and spending the Evening at the King's house. Description of the second Day's Ceremony. Captain Cook ventures himself in the midst of the Assembly. His Reception there. Arrival at Eooa. Some Account of that Island. Weigh Anchor and turn through the channel.

THOUGH we were now ready to sail, we had not sufficient day-light to turn through the narrows; the morning flood falling out too early and the evening flood too late. We were therefore under a necessity of waiting two or three days, unless we should be fortunate enough to have a leading wind.

[Page 241]This delay gave us an opportunity to be present at a public solemnity, to which the king had invited us, and which was to be performed on the 8th. He and all the people of consequence repaired to Mooa on the 7th, where the solemnity was to be exhibited. Several of us followed them the next morning. Poulaho had informed us, that his son was now to be initiated into certain privileges; one of which was, that of eating with his father; an honour he had not hitherto enjoyed.

About eight o'clock in the morning we arrived at Mooa, where we found the king, with a number of attendants sitting before him, within a small dirty enclosure. They were, as usual, busied in preparing a bowl of kava. As this was not liquor for us, we went to pay a visit to some of our friends, and to observe what preparations were making for the ceremony, which was soon expected to begin.

About ten o'clock, the people assembled in a large area before the malace, or great house. At the end of a road, opening into this area, stood several men with spears and clubs, incessantly reciting short sentences, in mournful accents, which conveyed an idea of distress. This was contined about an hour; during which time, many people came down the road, each having a yam tied to the middle of a pole, which they laid down before those who continued repeating [Page 242] the sentences. At length, the king and prince arrived, and seated themselves upon the area; and we were requested to sit down by them, to take off out hats and to untie our hair. The bea [...] ers of the yams having all entered, each pole was taken up between two men, who carried it over their shoulders. They afterwards formed themselves into companies, of ten or twelve each, and marched across the place, with a rapid pace, each company headed by a man who had a club or spear, and defended, on the right, by several others, armed with different weapons. About two hundred and fifty persons walked in the procession, which was closed by a man carrying on a perch a living pigeon.

Omai was desired by Captain Cook to ask the chief where the yams were to be carried, with so much solemnity; but he seemed unwilling to give us the information we required; some of us, therefore, followed the procession, seemingly contrary to his inclination.

They stopped before a morai or fiatooka of one house standing upon a mount, about a quarter of a mile from where they first assembled. Here they deposited the yams, and gathered them into bundles; but for what purpose, we could not possibly learn. Our presence seeming to give them offence or uneasiness, we quitted them, and returned to Poulaho, who advised us to amuse ourselves by walking about, as nothing would be [Page]

[figure]

[Page 243] done for a considerable time. The fear of losing the sight of any part of the ceremony prevented our being long absent. When we returned to the king, he desired Captain Cook to order the boat's crew not to presume to stir from the boat, for every thing would, very soon, be taboo; and if any of our people, or of there own, should be seen walking about, they would certainly be knocked down with clubs; nay mateed, that is, killed. He also informed us that we could not be present at the ceremony; but that we should be placed in such a situation, as to be able to see every thing that passed. Our dress was particularly objected to, and we were told, that, to qualify us to be present, we must be naked as low as the breast, and our hats must be taken off and our hair untied. Omai readily agreed to conform to these requisites, and immediately began to strip; but other objections were then started, and he was excluded equally with ourselves.

Not relishing this restriction, the Captain stole out, to see what might now be going forward. Very few people, however, were to be seen, except those who were dressed to attend the ceremoney; some having in their hands small poles, about four feet in length, to the under part of which were fastened two or three other small sticks, about six inches long. These men were going towards the morai. Captain Cook took the same [Page 244] road, and was frequently stopped by them, all crying out taboo. However, he ventured to go forward till he came in sight of the morai, and of the people sitting before it. He was now strongly urged to go back, and, not knowing what might be the consequence of a refusal, he complied. He had observed, that those who carried the poles, passed the morai; and guessing, from this circumstance, that something was transacting beyond it, he had some thoughts of advancing, by making a round for this purpose; but he was so narrowly observed by three men, that he had no opportunity of putting his design in execution. In order to shake off these fellows, he returned to the malaoo, where he had parted from the king, and afterwards made an elopement a second time; but he instantly met with the same three men, who had doubtless received instructions to watch him. He paid no attention to them, till he came within sight of the king's principal [...]atooka or morai; before which a great number of people were sitting, being those whom he had just before seen pass by the other morai, from which this was but a little distant. Seeing that he could observe the proceedings of this company from the king's plantation, he repaired thither, accompanied by several of his people.

The number of persons at the fiatooka continued increasing for some time, and at length they quitted their sitting posture, and marched [Page 245] off in procession. They walked in pairs, every pair carrying between them, one of the small poles on their shoulders. We were informed, that the small pieces of sticks fastened to the poles, were yams; it is therefore probable, that they were meant to represent this root emblematically. The hindmost man of each couple placed one of his hands to the middle of the pole, as if it were not strong enough to carry the weight that hung to it, and under which they all seemed to bend, as they proceeded. This procession consisted of one hundred and eight pairs, and principally men of rank.

Having seen them all pass, we repaired to Poulaho's house, and saw him going out. We were not permitted to follow him; but were immediately conducted to the place allotted to us, behind a fence adjoining to the area of the fiatooka where the yams had been deposited in the morning.

Arriving at our station, we saw two or three hundred people sitting on the grass, near the end of the road opening into the area of the morai; and others were continually joining them. At length, arrived a few men, each carrying some small poles and branches, or leaves of the cocoanut tree. As soon as they appeared, an old man seated himself in the road, and pronounced a long oration in a serious majestic tone. He then retired, and the others advancing to the middle [Page 246] of the area, began to erect a small shed or hut; employing, for that purpose▪ the materials already mentioned. Their work being finished, they all squatted down, for a moment, before it, then rose up and joined the rest of the company. Poulaho's son arrived soon after, preceded by four or five men. After them appeared about twelve or fourteen women of the first rank, advancing slowly in pairs, each pair carrying between them a narrow piece of white cloth, about two or three yards in length. They approached the prince, squatted down before him, and wrapped some of the pieces of the cloth round his body; they then rose up and retired in the same order, to some distance on his left, where they seated themselves. Poulaho now made his appearance, preceded by four men, walking two and two abreast, and sat down on his son's left hand, at a small distance from him. The young prince then quitted his first position, and seated himself under the shed, with his attendants; many others placed themselves on the grass before this royal canopy. The prince sat facing the people, with his back to the morai. Three companies, of about ten or a dozen men in each, started up from among the crowd, soon after each other, and, running hastily to the opposite side, sat down for a few seconds; and then returned, in the same manner, to their former stations. To them succeeded two men, each having [Page 247] a small green branch in his hand, who rose and advanced towards the prince, sitting down, for a few seconds, three different times, as they approached; and retired in the same manner, inclining there branches to each other as they sat. Afterwards two others repeated the same ceremony.

The grand procession, which marched from the other morai, now began to come in. As they entered the area, they proceeded to the right of the shed, and having prostrated themselves on the grass, deposited their pretended heavy burthens (the poles), and faced round to the prince. They then rose up, and retired in the same order, closing their hands with the most serious aspect, and seated themselves along the front of the area. While this numerous band where entering, and depositing their poles, three men who sat with the prince continued pronouncing separate sentences, in a mournful melancholy tone.

A profound silence then ensued for a short time, after which a man who sat in the front of the area, began a kind of oration, during which, at several different times, he broke one of the poles which had been brought in. Having concluded his oration, the people, sitting before the shed separated to make a lane through which the prince and his attendants passed, and the assembly closed.

[Page 248]Satisfied with what they had already seen, some of our party now returned to the ships; but Captain Cook, and some more of the officers, remained at Mooa, to see the conclusion of the solemnity, which was not to be till the day following. The small poles, which had been brought by those who walked in procession, being left on the ground, after the crowd had dispersed, the Commodore examined them, and found that, to the middle of each, two or three small sticks were tied, as has been related. They were probably intended as only artificial representations of small yams.

Our supper, consisting of fish and yams, was got ready about seven o'clock. The king supped with us and drank so freely of brandy and water, that he retired to bed with a sufficient dose. We continued the whole night in the same house with him and his attendants.

All, except Poulaho himself, rose at day-break; soon after which, a woman, one of those who gennerally attended upon the chief, came in, and, sitting down by him, immediately began the same operation which had been practised upon Futtafaihe, tapping or beating gently, with her clinched fists, on his thighs. This, instead of adding to his repose, had the contrary effect, and he awoke.

Captain Cook and Omai now paid a visit to the prince, who had parted from us early the [Page 249] preceding evening; for he did not lodge with the king, but in apartments of his own, at some distance from his father's house. We found him with a circle of boys, about his own age, sitting before him; and an old man and woman. There were others, of both sexes, employed, about their necessary affairs, who, probably, belonged to his houshold.

We then returned to the king, who had a crowded levee before him, consisting principally of old men. While a bowl of kava was preparing, a baked hog and yams, smoking hot, were introduced; the greatest part of which fell to our share, for th [...]e people, especially the kava drinkers, eat very little in a morning.

We afterwards walked out, and visited several other chiefs; all of whom were taking their morning draught, or they had already taken it. Returning to the king, we found him asleep in a retired hut, with two women tapping or striking on his breech. About eleven o'clock he arose again, and ate some fish and yams, and again lay down to sleep. We now left him, and waited on the prince, with a present of cloth beads, and other articles. There was a sufficient quantity of cloth to make him a complete suit, and he was immediately clad in his new habiliments. Proud of his dress, he first went to exhibit himself to his father, and then conducted Captain Cook to his mother, with whom were [Page 250] about a dozen other women of a very respectable appearance. Here the prince changed his apparel, and made Captain Cook a present of two pieces of the cloth which had been manufactured in the island.

It was now about noon, when, by appointment, the Captain repaired to the palace to dinner; which was soon after served up, and consisted of two pigs and some yams. The drowsy monarch was rouzed to partake of what he had appointed, for our entertainment. Two mullets, and some shell-fish, were introduced, as if intended for his separate portion. But he added it to our fare, sat down with us, and made a very hearty meal.

Dinner being over, we were informed that the ceremony would soon begin, and were strictly enjoined not to venture out. The Commodore had resolved, however, to peep no longer from behind the curtain, but, if possible to mix with the actors themselves. With this view he walked towards the morai, the scene of the solemnity. He was frequently desired to return, but he paid no regard to the admonitions he received, and was permitted to pass on. When arrived at the morai, he saw a number of men seated on the side of the area. A few were also sitting on the opposite side, and two men in the middle, with their faces turned to the morai. When Captain Cook had got into the midst of the first company, [Page 251] he was desired to sit down, which he accordingly did. Where he sat, there were lying a number of small bundles, composed of cocoa-nut leaves, and fastened to sticks made into the form of hand-borrows. All the information he could get concerning them was, that they were taboo. From time to time, one or another of the company turned to those who were coming to join us, and made a short speech, in which we remarked, that the word arekee (king) was generally mentioned. Something was said by one man that produced loud bursts of laughter from all around; others, of the speakers, were also much applauded. The Captain was frequently desired to leave the place; but at length, finding him determined to stay, they requested him to uncover his shoulders as theirs were. This he readily complied with, and then they no longer seemed uneasy at his presence.

The prince, the woman, and the king, at length appeared, as they had done the preceding day. The prince being placed under the shed, two men, each with a piece of mat, came, repeating something in a very serious strain, and put them about him. The people now began their operations, and different companies ran backward and forward across the area, as in the former day. Presently afterwards, the two men, in the middle of the area, made a short speech, and then the whole company rose up and placed [Page 252] themselves before the shed in which the prince, and three or four men were seated. One of the company who seemed very desirous of obliging Captain Cook, procured him such a situation, that if he could have made use of his eyes, nothing could have escaped him. But it was necessary to have a demure countenance and downcast looks.

The procession soon after arrived as on the preceding day; a pole, with a cocoa-nut leaf plaited round the middle of it being carried on the shoulders of every two persons. These were deposited with the same ceremonies as on the day before. After this succeeded another procession, composed of men who brought baskets, made of palm-leaves, such as are generally used by this people to carry provisions in. A third procession followed, in which a variety of small fish, each placed at the end of a forked stick, were brought. An old man, who sat on the prince's right-hand, without the shed, received the baskets; each of which he kept in his hand, making a short speech or prayer; then laying that aside, [...] called for another, repeating the same kind of prayer; he proceeded in this manner till he had gone through the whole number of baskets. Two men, who, till this time, had in their hands green branches, and were seated on the left, received the fish one by one, as they were presented to them on the forked sticks. The [Page 253] first fish they laid down on their right, and the second on their left. The third being presented, a stoutish man, who was seated behind the other two, endeavoured to seize it, as did also the other two at the same time. Thus every fish was contended for; but the man behind, on account of his disadvantageous situation, got only pieces; for he never quitted his hold till the fish was torn out of his hand. What the others got, were laid on the right and left. At last the person behind got possession of a whole fish, the other two not even touching it. Upon this, the word mareeai (very good) was pronunced in a low voice throughout the whole crowd. It appeared, that he had now done all that was expected from him; for he did not contend for the other fish. The persons who brought in these baskets and fish, delivered them sitting; and in the same manner, the poles, carried in the first procession, had been placed upon the ground. At the close of the last procession, there was some speaking or praying by different persons. Then, on a signal being given, we all rose up, ran several paces, and sat down, with our backs to the prince. The Commodore was requested not to look behind him; but he was not discouraged by this injunction, from facing about. The prince had now turned his face to the morai, and from that moment he was admitted to the honour of eating with his father; and a piece of roasted [Page 254] yam was presented to each of them for that purpose.

Soon after, we all turned about, forming a kind of semicircle before the prince, and leaving an open space between us. Presently some men advanced towards us, two and two, bearing large poles upon their shoulders, waving their hands as they proceeded, and making a noise like singing. When they came near us, they made a shew of walking quick, without advancing a single step. Several men, armed with large sticks, immediately started from the crowd, and ran towards the new visitors, but they instantly made off having thrown down the poles from their shoulders. The others attacked the poles, and having beat them most unmercifully, returned to their places. The former, as they ran off, gave the challenge used here in wrestling; and, in a short time, some lusty fellows came from the same quarter, repeating the challenge as they approached. These were resisted by a company, who arrived at that instant from the opposite side. Both parties, however, returned to their own quarter, after having paraded about the area for some minutes. Afterwards, for the space of half an hour, wrestling and boxing-matches succeeeded. Speeches were then delivered by two men, who seated themselves before the prince, with which the solemnity ended, and the whole assembly broke up.

[Page 255]In vain did we endeavour to find out the purport of the solemnity, called Natche. All the answer we received to our enquiries, was taboo; which as has been already observed, is applied to many things. There was a mysterious solemnity in the whole transaction; and from the manner of performing it, as well as the place where it was performed, it was evident, that there was a mixture of religion in the institution. Upon no occasion had they regarded our dress and deportment; but now it was required, that our hair should slow about our shoulders; that we should be uncovered to the waist; sit cross-legged; and have our hands locked together. It should be observed also that none but the chief people and those who were concerned in the ceremony, were admitted to assist in the celebration of it. All these circumstances evidently pointed out that they supposed themselves acting under the inspection of a Supreme Being, upon this occasion.

From the above account of the present Natche, it may be considered as merely figurative. The few yams, which were seen the first day, could not be meant as a general contribution; and it was intimated to us, that they were a portion consecrated to the Otooa, or Divinity.

We were however, informed that, in the space of three months, there would be represented a more important solemnity; on which occasion, [Page 256] the tribute of Tongataboo, Hapaee, Vavaoo, and all the other islands, would be brought to the chief, and more awfully confirmed, by sacrificing ten human victims from amongst the people. A horrid solemnity indeed! On our enquiring into the occasion of so barbarous a practice, we were informed, that it was a necessary part of the Natche; and that, if omitted, the Deity would destroy their king.

The day was far spent, before the breaking up of the assembly; and as we were at some distance from the ships, we were impatient to set out from Mooa. Taking leave of Poulaho, he pressed us earnestly to stay till the next day, in order to be present at a funeral ceremony. The wife of Mareewagee, his mother-in-law, had lately died: and, on account of the Natche, her corps had been carried on board a canoe in the lagoon. Poulaho told Captain Cook, that when he had paid the last offices to her, he would attend him to Eooa; but if he did not chuse to wait, that he would follow him thither. He would gladly have seen this ceremony, had not the tide been now favourable. The wind too, which had been very boisterous, was now moderate and settled. Besides, we were informed that the funeral ceremonies would continue five days, which, as the ships lay in such a situation, that we could not get to sea at pleasure, was too long a time to stay. The Captain, however, assured the king, that if [Page 257] he did not immediately sail, he would visit him again the next day. Whereupon we all took leave of him, and arrived at our ships about eight o'clock in the evening.

While the Commodore was attending the Natche, at Mooa, he ordered the horses, bull, and other cattle, to be brought thither, thinking they would be safer there, than at a place that would be, in a great measure, deserted, the moment after our departure. Besides, we had left with our friends here, a young English boar, and three young English sows. They were exceedingly desirous of them, naturally supposing that they would greatly improve their own breed, which is but small. Feenou also got two rabbits from us, a buck and doe, from which young ones were produced before we sailed. If the cattle succeed, the acquisition to these islands will be great; and as Tongataboo is a fine level country, the horses will be extremely useful.

We weighed anchor on the 10th, about eight o'clock in the morning, and, with a steady gale, turned through the channel, between the small isles called Makkahaa and Monooafai. The flood, at first, set strong in our favour, till leading up to the lagoon, where the eastward flood meets that from the west. This, with the indraught of the lagoon, and of the shoals before it, occasions, strong riplings and whirlp [...]ols. Besides these disadvantages, the depth of the channel [Page 258] exceeds the length of a cable; consequently there can be no anchorage, except close to the rocks, in forty and forty-five fathoms water, where a ship would be exposed to the whirlpools. The Captain, therefore, abandoned the design he had formed of coming to an anchor, when we were through the narrows, and afterwards of making an excursion to see the funeral. He rather chose to be absent from that ceremony, than to leave the ships in so dangerous a situation. We plied to windward, between the two tides, till it was near high water, without either gaining or losing an inch, when we suddenly got into the influence of the eastern tide, where we expected the ebb to run strong to the eastward in our favour. It proved, however, very inconsiderable. Convinced that we could not get to sea before it was dark, we anchored under the shore of Tongataboo, in forty-five fathoms water. The Discovery dropped anchor under our stern; but drove off the bank before the anchor took hold, and did not recover it till about midnight.

After remaining in this station till eleven o'clock the next day, we weighed, and plied to the eastward. At ten o'clock at night we weathered the east end of the island, and stretched away, for Middleburg, or Eooa (as the inhabitants call it) where we anchored,, about eight the next morning, in forty fathoms water; being nearly the same place [Page 259] where the Captain took his station in 1773, when he named it English Road.

As soon as we had anchored, Taoofa the chief, and several of the natives visited us on board, and seemed rejoiced at our arrival. This Taoofa had been Captain Cook's Tayo when he was here in 1773, and therefore they were not strangers to each other. The Captain accompanied him on shore in search of fresh water, the procuring of which was the chief object that brought him to Eooa. He had heard at Tongataboo of a stream here, which ran from the hills into the sea; but this was not the case at present. He was conducted to a brackish spring, among rocks, between low and high water mark. When they perceived that we did not approve of this we were shewn a little way into the island; where, in a deep chasm, we found some excellent water; which, though attended with some trouble, might be conveyed to the shore, by means of spouts or troughs, that might be provided for that purpose: but rather than undertake that tedious task, the Captain contented himself with the supply the ships had received at Tongataboo.

Before he returned on board, he began a traffic for hogs and yams. Of the former we could not procure many; but of the latter, plenty. At this island we landed the ram and two ewes, of the Cape of Good Hope breed, and committed them to the care of Taoofa, who seemed delighted [Page 260] with his charge. It was, perhaps, a fortunate circumstance that Mareewagee, to whom they had been given, as before related, slighted the present: as Eooa had no dogs upon it at present, it seemed to be a fitter place for the rearing of sheep than Tongataboo.

While we were lying at anchor, this island had a very different aspect from any that we had lately seen, and formed a most pleasing landscape. It is the highest of any we had seen since we had left New-Zealand, and from its top, which appears to be almost flat, declines gradually towards the sea. The other isles, which form this cluster, being level, the eye cannot discover any thing except the trees that cover them, but here the land, rising gently upwards, presents an extensive prospect, where groves of trees in beautiful disorder, are interspersed at irregular distances. Near the shore, it is quite shaded with a variety of trees, among which are erected the habitations of the natives; and to the right of where we were stationed, was one of the most extensive groves of cocoa-palms that we had ever seen.

In the afternoon of the 13th, a party of us ascended the highest part of the island, a little to the right of our ships, to have a perfect view of the country. Having advanced about half way up, we crossed a deep valley, the bottom and sides of which were clothed with t [...]ees. We found plenty of coral till we approached the summits of [Page 261] the highest hills; the soil near the top is, in general, a reddish clay; which in many places, is very deep. On the most elevated part of the island we saw a round platform, supported by a wall of coral stones. Our conductors informed us that this mount had been raised by the direction of their chief; and that they met there, occasionally, to drink kava. They called it Etchee; by which name an erection was distinguished which we had seen at Tongataboo. At a small distance from it was a spring of most excellent water; and, about a mile lower down, a stream, which, we were told, ran into the sea when the rains were copious. We also discovered water in several small holes; and supposed that plenty might be found by digging.

From this elevation we had a complete view of the whole island, except a small part to the south. The south-east side, from which the hills we were now upon are not far distant, rises with great inequalities, immediately from the sea; so that the plains and meadows lie all on the north-west side; which being adorned with tufts of trees, intermixed with plantations, form a most delightful landscape in every point of view. While Captain Cook was surveying this enchanting prospect, he enjoyed the pleasing idea, that some future navigators might, from the same eminence, behold these meadows stocked with cattle, brought by the ships of England; and that the completion of this [Page 262] single benevolent purpose, exclusive of all other considerations, would sufficiently prove that our voyages had not been useless. We found, on this height, besides the plants common on the neighbouring isles, a species of acrosticum, melastoma, and fern-tree.

All, or most of the land on this island, we were told, belonged to the chiefs of Tongataboo; the inhabitants being only tenants, or vassals, to them. This seemed, indeed, to be the case at all the neighbouring isles, except Annamooka, where some of the chiefs seemed to act with some kind of independence. Omai, who was much esteemed by Feenou, and many others, was tempted with the offer of being appointed a chief of this island, if he would continue among them; and he seemed inclinable to have accepted the offer, had he not been advised to the contrary by Captain Cook, though not because he thought he would do better for himself in his native isle.

Returning from our country excursion, we heard that a party of the natives, in the quarter where our people traded, had struck one of their own people with a club, which fractured his skull, and afterwards broke his thigh with the same instrument. No signs of life were remaining, when he was carried to a neighbouring house, but, in a short time, he recovered a little. On our desiring to know the reason of such severity we were informed, that he had been discovered in an [Page 263] indelicate situation with a woman who was taboo'd, we soon understood, however, that she was no otherwise taboo'd than by belonging to another person, who was superior in rank to her gallant. We discovered from this circumstance, how these people punish such infidelities. But the female sinner, as we were informed, has a much milder punishment for her misdemeanour, and only receives a remonstrance and a very slight beating.

Captain Cook, the next morning, planted a pine-apple, and sowed the seeds of melons and other articles, in the chief's plantation. He had reason, indeed to suppose, that his endeavours of this kind would not be fruitless; for a dish o [...] turnips was, this day, served up at his dinner, which was the produce of the seeds he had left here in 1773.

The Captain having fixed upon the 15th for sailing, Taoofa pressed him to stay a little longer, in order to receive a present which he had prepared for him. His entreaties, together with the daily expectation of receiving a visit from some of his friends at Tongataboo, induced him to defer his departure. The next day he received from the chief the present; consisting of two little heaps of yams, and a quantity of fruit, which seemed to be collected as at the other isles. On this occasion the greatest part of the inhabitants of the island had assembled; and, as we had many times experienced on such numerous meetings [Page 264] among their neighbouring islanders, gave us no small trouble to prevent their pilfering. Cudgelling, wrestling and boxing, were exhibited for our entertainment; and in the latter, combatants, of both sexes engaged. The diversions were intended to have been finished with the bomai or night-dance; but an accident happened that either put a total stop to it, or, at least, prevented our staying on shore to see it. One of our people was surrounded by twenty or thirty of the natives, some of whom knocked him down, stripped him, and carried off all his clothes. Hearing of this, the Commodore seized two canoes, and a large hog; and insisted on the chief's not only causing the apparel to be restored, but also on the offenders being delivered up to him. Taoofa seemed greatly concerned at what had happened, and took the necessary steps to satisfy him. The people who were assembled were so alarmed at this affair, that most of them immediately fled. However, when they were informed that the Captain meant to take no other measures to revenge the insult, they returned. One of the delinquents was soon delivered up to him, and a shirt and at pair of trowsers restored. The remainder of the stolen goods not coming in before the evening, the Commodore was obliged to leave them, in order to go aboard; the sea running so high, that it was extremely difficult for the boats to get out of the creek even with day-light, and would be [Page 265] attended with much more danger in the dark. He came ashore again the next morning, bringing with him a present for Taoofa, in return for what he had received from him. Being early, there were but few people at the landing-place, and even those few not without their fears and apprehensions; but on the Captain's desiring Omai to assure them, that we did not mean to injure them; and having restored the canoes, and released the offender, who had been delivered up to him, they resumed their usual chearfulness, and a large circle was presently formed, in which the chief and the principal men of the island took their respective places.

The remainder of the cloths were at length brought in, but, having been torn off the man's back by pieces, they were not thought worth carrying on board. Taoofa shared the present he had received, with three or four other chiefs, reserving a small part only for himself. This donation so far exceeded their expectation, that a venerable old chief told the Captain, they were not deserving of it, considering how little he had received from them, and the ill treatment one of his people had met with. Captain Cook continued with them, till they had emptied their bowl of kava; and then, after paying for the hog, which he had taken the day before, returned on board, in company with Taoofa, and one of Poulaho's servants, by whom he sent a piece of bar [Page 266] iron, as a parting mark of his esteem for that chief, that being as valuable a present a any he could possibly make.

We weighed soon after and with a light breeze at south-east, stood out to sea, when Taoofa, and some other natives, left us. We found, on heaving up the anchor, that the cable had been much injured by the rocks. Besides this, we experienced, that a most astonishing swell rolls in there from the south-west. Presently we observed a sailing canoe entering the creek before which we had anchored our ships. A few hours after, a small canoe, conducted by four men, came off to us: for, having but very little wind, we were still at no considerable distance from the land. We were informed, by these men, that the sailing canoe, which we had seen arrive, had brought directions to the people of Eooa, to furnish us with hogs; and that the king, and other chiefs, would be with us in the space of two or three days. They requested, therefore, that we would return to our former station. There was no reason to doubt the truth of this information; but being now clear of the land, it was not a sufficient inducement to bring us back: especially, as we had, already, a sufficient stock of fresh provisions to last us in our passage to Otaheite. Besides Taoofa's present, we received a large quantity of yams at Eooa, in exchange for nails, &c. and added considerably to our supply of hogs. [Page 267] Finding that we would not return, these people left us in the evening, as did some others who had come off in two canoes, with cocoa-nuts and shaddocks, to barter for what they could get; their eagerness to possess more of our commodities, inducing them to follow us out to sea, and to continue their intercouse with us even to the last moment.

CHAP. X.

Quit the Friendly islands with regret—Time not misemployed in visiting the Friendly islands—Variety of Refreshments to be procured there—Number of islands, among which are Keppel's and Boscawen's Islands—Account of Vavao [...], Hamoa, and Feejee—Method of calculating Distances by Time—Omai incapable of giving exact information —Persons of the Inhabitants described—their diseases—Character—Manner of wearing the Hair in both Sexes—Of puncturing and painting their Bodies—Their Habits—Ornaments, &c.

WE have now taken leave of the Friendly Islands, and their inhabitants, after a cordial intercourse with the latter for between two and three months. Some differences, indeed, [Page 268] occasionally happened on account of their natural propensity to thieving, though too frequently encouraged by the negligence and inattention of our people. These differences, however, were never attended with any fatal consequences; and few, belonging to our ships, parted from their friends without some regret. The time we continued here was not thrown away; and as we, in a great measure, subsisted upon the produce of the islands, we expended very little of our sea provisions. We carried with us a sufficient quantity of refreshments, to supply us till our arrival at another station, where we could again recruit. The Commodore rejoiced at having [...]d an opportunity of serving these poor people by leaving some useful animals among them; and that those intended for Otaheite, had acquired fresh strength in the pastures of Tongataboo. The advantages we received by touching here, were great, and they were received without retarding the prosecution of our great object; the season for proceeding to the north being lost, before we formed the resolution of visiting these islands.

Iron tools are the best articles for traffic here. Axes, hatchets, nails of all sizes, knives, rasps, and files, are much demanded. Red cloth, white and coloured linen; looking-glasses and beads, are also in great estimation; but, of the latter, those which are blue are preferred to all others especially the white ones. A hog might, at any [Page 269] time, be purchased, by a string of large blue beads; it should, nevertheless, be observed, that articles, merely ornamental, may be highly esteemed at one time, and disregarded at another. On our first arrival at Annamooka, the people were unwilling to take them in exchange for fruit; but when Feenou arrived, his approbation of them brought them into vogue, and stamped them with the value above-mentioned.

In return for the commodities just enumerated, all the refreshments that the islands produce may be procured. The yams, produced by the Friendly Islands, are excellent, and, when grown to perfection, preserve well at sea: but their pork, plantains, and bread-fruit, are inferior in quality to the same articles at Otaheite.

Good water is scarce in these islands. It may be found, indeed, in all of them, but not to serve the purposes of navigators; for either the situations are too inconvenient, or the quantities too inconsiderable. Whilst we lay at anchor under Kotoo, we were informed, that there was a stream of water at Kao, which ran from the mountains into the sea, on the south-west side of the island. This intelligence may probably deserve the attention of future navigators.

We must include, under the denomination of Friendly Islands, not only the group at Hapaee, but also those which have been discovered to the north, nearly under the same meridian, as well as [Page 270] some others under the dominion of Tongataboo which is the capital, and seat of government.

From the best information we could receive, this archipelago is very extensive. One of the natives enumerated one hundred and fifty islands: and Mr. Anderson procured all their names. Sixty-one of them are marked upon our chart of the Friendly Islands, and upon the sketch of the harbour of Tongataboo. Keppel's and Boscawen's Islands, two of Captain Wallis's discoveries in 1765, are doubtless comprehended in Mr. Anderson's list.

But the most considerable islands that we heard of in this neighbourhood, are Hamoa, Vavaoo, and Feejee; each of which is larger than Tongataboo; but it does not appear that any European has ever yet seen any one of them.

Hamoa lies two days sail north-west from Vavaoo. It is said to be the largest of all their islands; affords harbours and good water, and produces, in abundance, all the articles of refreshment that are found at the places we visited. Poulaho frequently resides upon this island; and the people here are in high estimation at Tongataboo.

Feejee lies in the direction of north-west by west, about three days sail from Tongataboo. It abounds with hogs; dogs, fowls, and such fruits and roots as are to be found in any of the others and is much larger that Tongataboo; but not [Page 271] subjec [...] its dominion, as the other islands of this archipelago are. Feejee and Tongataboo often engage in war against each other; and the inhabitants of the latter are often so much afraid of this enemy, that they bend the body forward, and cover the face with their hands, to express the sense of their own inferiority to the Feejee men. This is, indeed, no matter of surprise, for those of Feejee have rendered themselves formidable, by their dexterity in the use of bows and slings; but more so, by their savage practice of eating such of their enemies as they kill in battle.

It has been insisted on, that extreme hunger first occasioned men to feed on human flesh; but where could be the inducement for the Feejee people to continue the practice in the midst of plenty? It is held in detestation by the inhabitants of Tongataboo, who seem to cultivate the friendship of their savage neighbours of Feejee through fear; though they, occasionally, venture to skirmish with them on their own territory, and carry off large quantities of red feathers as trophies. When a profound peace reigns between the two islands, they have frequent intercourse together; though, it is probable they have not long been known to each other; or, it might be supposed that Tongataboo, and its neighbouring islands, would, before this time, have been supplied with a breed of dogs, which are numerous [Page 272] at Feejee, and were not introduced at Tongataboo, when Captain Cook first visited it, in 1773.

The colour of the natives of Feejee was, at least, a shade darker than that of the inhabitants of the other Friendly Islands. We saw one of the natives of Feejee, who had his left ear slit, and the lobe so stretched, that it almost extended to his shoulder; which singularity had been observed by Captain Cook at other islands of the South Sea, during his second voyage. The Feejee men were much reverenced here; not only on account of their power and cruelty in war, but also for their ingenuity; for they greatly excel the inhabitants of Tongataboo in workmanship. Specimens were shewn us of their clubs and spears, which were ingeniously carved. We were also shewn some of their beautifully chequered cloth, variegated mats, earthen pots, and other articles, all of which displayed superiority in the execution.

Feejee, as has been already mentioned, is three days sail from Tongataboo; these people having no other method of discovering the distance from island to island, but by mentioning the time required for the voyage in one of their canoes. That this might be ascertained with some precision, Captain Cook sailed in one of their canoes, and by repeated trials with the log, found that she went close hauled in a gentle gale, seven miles in an hour. He supposed from this that [Page 273] they will sail, with such breezes as in general blow in their seas seven or eight miles an hour on an average. Each day, however, is not to be reckoned at twenty-four hours; for when they talk of one days sail, they mean no more than from the morning to the evening, or ten or twelve hours at the most. From the morning of the first day till the evening of the second, is, with them, two days sail. In the day, they are guided by the sun; and, in the night, by stars. When these are obscured, they can only have recourse to the points from whence the winds and waves come upon the vessel. If, at that time the winds and the waves should shift they are quit bewildered, often missing their intended port, and being never heard of more. The story of Omai's countrymen, who where driven to Wateeoo, convinces us however, that those who are not heard of, are not always lost.

The harbour and anchoring-place of Tongataboo, is superior to any we have met with among these islands, as well from its great security, as its capacity, and goodness of bottom. The risk we ran in entering it from the north, should caution every future commander from attempting that passage again, especially with a ship of burden, since that, by which we left it, may be pursued with greater ease and safety.

Though the harbour of Tongataboo has the preference, its water is exceeded in goodness, by [Page 274] that at Annamocka, and yet this cannot be reckoned good. Tolerable water may nevertheless, be procured, by digging holes near the side of the pond. Besides, Annamooka being nearly in the centre of the group, is the best situated for procuring refreshments from the others. There is a creek in the reef on the north side of the islands, wherein two or three ships may lie securely.

Those who are desirous of having a more particular description of the Friendly Islands, must have recourse to the chart, where every thing is delineated as accurately as circumstances would permit. To the same chart, recourse may also be had for tracing the several stations of the ships, and their route.

What may have been here omitted; concerning the geography of these islands, will be found in the history of Captain Cook's last voyage ^*; to which narrative the reader is referred ^†, for such particulars as he had then observed. At present, we shall only relate such interesting circumstances, as either were omitted in that account, or were imperfectly and incorrectly represented.

After living among them between two and three months, it is reasonable to expect, that we should be able to clear up every difficulty, and to give a tolerably good account of their manners, customs, [Page 275] and institutions, civil as well as religious; particularly as we had a person with us, who, by understanding their language as well as ours, might be enabled to act as an interpreter. But Omai was not qualified for that task. Unless we had before us the object or thing, concerning which we wanted information, we found it difficult to obtain a competent knowledge from his explanations. Omai was certainly more liable to make mistakes than we were: for having no curiosity, he never troubled himself with making remarks; and when he attempted to explain matters to us, his ideas were apparently so limited, and, probably, differed so much from ours, that his confused accounts, instead of instructing, often only perplexed us. Besides, we could seldom find a person, among the natives, who had both the ability and inclination to give us the information we required. And many of them, we observed, appeared offended at being asked, what they, perhaps, deemed frivolous questions. At Tongataboo, where we continued the longest, our situation was likewise unfavourable; being in a part of the country, where, except fishers, there were but few inhabitants. With our visitors, as well as those we visited, it was always holiday; so that we could not observe, what was really the domestic way of living among the natives. That we could not, therefore, in this situation, bring away satisfactory accounts of many [Page 276] things, is not the least surprising. Some of us, indeed, endeavoured by diligent observation, to remedy those disadvantages; and we are indebted to Mr. Anderson, for a considerable share of what is related in this and the following chapter.

The friendly islanders seldom exceed the common stature, (though some here were above six feet in height) and are strong and well proportioned. Their shoulders are, in general, broad; and we saw several who were really handsome, though their muscular disposition rather conveyed the idea of strength than of beauty. Their features are so various, that, unless it be a fulness at the point of the nose, which is common it is impossible to fix any general likeness by which to characterize them. On the other hand many genuine Roman noses, and hundreds of European faces, were seen amongst them. They have good eyes and teeth; but the latter are neither so well set, nor so remarkably white, as among the Indian nations. Few of them, however have that uncommon thickness about the lips, so frequent in other islands.

The women are less distinguished from the men by their features, than by their general form, which seems destitute of that strong fleshly firmness that appears in the latter. Though the features of some are very delicate, and a true index of their sex, laying claim to a considerable share of beauty and expression, yet the rule is not, by [Page 277] any means, so general, as in many other countries. This is generally, however, the most exceptionable part; for the bodies of most of the females are usually well proportioned; and some are absolutely perfect models, of a beautiful figure. But the extraordinary smallness and delicacy of their fingers, which may be put into competition with any in Europe, seems to be the most remarkable distinction in the women.

The general colour among the natives is a cast deeper than the copper brown; but several of both sexes, have a true olive complexion. Some of the women are even much fairer; owing, perhaps, to their being less exposed to the sun; as a tendency to corpulence, in some of the principal people, seems to be the natural consequence of a more indolent life: a softer and clearer skin is almost frequently observed among the latter. Among the major part of the people, the skin is generally of a dull hue, with some degree of roughness, particularly the parts that are uncovered, occasioned, perhaps, by some cutaneous disease. We saw a man at Hapaee, perfectly white, and a child equally so at Annamooka. In all black nations, such phenomena are found, but their colour, it is imagined, proceeds from a disease.

Upon the whole, however, few natural defects or deformities are to be seen among them; though we observed two or three with their feet bent inwards. [Page 278] Neither are they exempt from some diseases. Vast numbers of them are effected with the tetter or ringworm, which leaves whitish serpentine marks behind it. But they have another disease of a more mischievous consequence, which is also very frequent, and appears on every part of the body, in large broad ulcers, discharging a thin, clear pus, some of which had a very virulent appearance, particularly on the face. Some, however, appeared to be cured of it, and others mending; but it was generally attended with the loss of the nose, or a considerable part of it. It being certainly known, and even acknowledged by themselves, that the natives were subject to this disease before they were visited by the English, it cannot be the effect of venereal contagion, notwithstanding the similarity of the symptoms; unless we adopt the supposition, that the venereal disorder was not introduced here by our people, in 1773. It certainly was amongst them at this time; for, soon after we arrived there, some of our people received the infection; and Captain Cook had the mortification to learn from hence, that all the care he took in 1773, to prevent the communication of this dreadful disease, had proved ineffectual. They do not seem, however, to regard it much; and, as we did not see many instances of its destroying effects, perhaps the climate, and the way of living of these people, may abate its virulence. Two other diseases are [Page 279] common amongst them; one of which is a firm swelling, which effects the legs and arms, the other is a tumour in the testacles, which sometimes exceed the size of the two fists. In other respects, they are remarkably healthy, not a single person having, during our stay, being confined to the house by any kind of sickness. Their strength and activity are, in every respect, answerable to their muscular appearance; and they exert both, in such a manner, as to prove, that they are, as yet, little debilitated by the numerous diseases that are the natural consequences of indolence.

The graceful mien and firmness of step with which they walk, are obvious proofs of their personal accomplishments. They consider this as a thing so necessary to be acquired, that their laughter was excited when they saw us frequently stumbling upon the roots of trees, or other inequalities, in walking.

The mildness or good-nature which they abundantly possess, is depicted on their countenance, which are totally free from that savage keenness, which always marks the nations that are in a barbarous state. We might almost be induced to suppose, that they had been reared under the severest restrictions, to acquire so settled an aspect, such a command of their passions, and such a steadiness of conduct. At the same time, they are open, chearful, and good-humoured; though, in the presence of their chiefs, they sometimes [Page 280] assume a degree of gravity, which has the appearance of reserve.

Their pacific disposition is thoroughly evinced, from their friendly reception of all strangers. Instead of attacking them openly,, or clandestinely, they have never appeared, in the smallest degree, hostile; but, like the most civilized nations, have even courted an intercourse with their visitors, by bartering; a medium which unites all nations in a degree of friendship. So perfectly do they understand barter, that, at first we supposed they had acquired the knowledge of it by trading with the neighbouring islands; but it afterwards appeared, that they had hardly any traffic, except with Feejee. No nation, perhaps, in the world, displayed, in their traffic, more honesty and less distrust. We safely permitted them to examine our goods, and they had the same implicit confidence in us. If either party became dissatisfied with his bargain, a re-exchange was made with mutual consent and satisfaction. They seem, upon the whole, to possess many of the most excellent qualities that adorn the human mind.

A propensity to thieving, seems to be the only defect to sully their fair character. Those of all ages, and both sexes, were addicted to it in an uncommon degree. It should be considered, however, that this exceptionable part of their conduct existed merely with respect to us; for, in their general intercourse with each other, thefts are [Page 281] not, perhaps, more frequent than in other countries, where the dishonest practices of individuals should not authorize any indiscriminate censure on the people at large. Allowances should be made for the foibles of these poor islanders, whose minds we overpowered with the glare of new and captivating objects. Stealing, among civilized nations, denotes a character deeply stained with moral turpitude. But at the Friendly Islands, and others which we visited, the thefts committed by the natives, may have been occasioned by less culpable motives. They were stimulated solely by curiosity and desire to possess something new, and the property of a sort of people so different from themselves. And, perhaps, if a set of beings, seemingly as superior to us, as we appear to be to them, should make their appearance among us, it might be possible that our natural regard to justice would not be able to restrain many from being guilty of the same error. That this is the true motive for their propensity to this practice, is evident from their stealing every thing indiscriminately. The thieving disposition of these islanders, was the means, however, of affording us some information as to their ingenuity and their quickness of intellects. For their petty thefts were managed with much dexterity; and those of greater consequence, with a settled plan or scheme, adapted to the importance of the objects.

[Page 282]The hair of these islanders is in general, thick, straight, and strong; though some have it bushy or frizzled. The natural colour appears to be black, but many of the men, and some of the women, stain it of a brown, or purple colour; and a few give it an orange cast. The first of these colours is produced by applying a sort of plaister of burnt coral mixed with water; the second, by the raspings of a reddish wood, mixed into a poultice, and laid over the hair; and the third is said to be the effect of turmeric root.

They are so whimsical in their fashions of wearing their hair, that it is difficult to say which is most in vogue. Some have none on one side of the head, while it remains long on the other side; some have only a part cut short, others have parted with the whole, except a single lock on one side. Some permit it to grown to its full length, without any of these mutilations. The women usually wear it short. The beards too are cut short, and both sexes strip the hair from their arm-pits. The men are stained with a deep blue colour from the middle of the belly, to half way down the thighs. This is effected with a flat bone instrument, full of fine teeth, which by a stroke of a bit of stick introduce [...] the juice of dooe dooe into the skin, by whi [...] means indeliable marks are made. Lines and figures are thus traced, which, in some, are very elegant. The women have only some small lines, thus imprinted, [Page 283] in the inside of their hands. As a mark of distinction, their kings are excepted from this custom. The men are not circumcised, but rather supercised; the operation consists in cutting off only a piece of the foreskin in the upper part, which is thus rendered incapable of ever covering the glans. They have no other aim in this operation, and only practise it from a notion of cleanliness.

The dress of both sexes is the same; consisting of a piece of cloth or matting, about two yards in breadth, and two yards and a half in length. It is double before, and, like a petticoat, hangs down to the middle of the leg. That part of the garment which is above the girdle, is plaited into several folds, which extended is sufficient to draw up and wrap round the shoulders. This as to form, is the general dress: but the fine matting, and long pieces of cloth, are worn only by the superior class of people. The inferior sort are contented with small pieces and very often, have only a covering made of leaves of plants, or the maro, a narrow piece of cloth, or matting, like a sash. They pass this between the thighs and round the waist. It is seldom used but by the men. In their haivas, or grand entertainments, they have various dresses, which, though the same in form, are embellished, more or less, with red feathers.

[Page 284]Both men and women occasionally defend their faces from the sun with little bonnets, made of various sorts of materials.

The ornaments, worn by those of either sex, are the same. Those which are most common are necklaces, made of the fruit of the pandanus, and various sweet-smelling flowers, known by the general name of kabulla. Others consist of small shells, shark's teeth, the wing and leg-bones of birds, &c. all which are pendant upon the breast. In this manner, they often wear a polished mother-of-pearl shell, or a ring, o [...] [...]he upper part of the arm; rings of tortoise-shell on the fingers; and several of these, joined together, formed into bracelets on the wrists.

Two holes are perforated in the lobes of the ears, in which they wear cylindrical bits of ivory. of the length of three inches, introduced at one hole, and drawn out of the other; or bits of reeds, filled with a yellow pigment. This appears to be a fine powder of turmeric, which the women rub all over their bodies, in the same manner as the European ladies use their dry rouge upon their cheeks.

Personal cleanliness is their delight, to produce which, they bathe frequently in the ponds. Though the water has an intolerable stench in most of them, they always prefer them to the sea; and they are so sensible that their skin is injuried with salt water, that, when they are obliged [Page 285] to bathe in the sea, they have fresh water poured over them to wash off its bad effects. They are extravagantly fond of cocoa-nut oil; a great quantity of which they pour upon their head and shoulders, and rub the body all over with a smaller quantity.

CHAP. XI.

Various Employment of the women of the friendly Islands—Occupations of the Men—Agriculture— Manner of building their Houses—Their Furniture—Canoes—Working Tools—Cordage—Fishing Tackle—Instruments of Music—Weapons— Vegetable and Animal Food—Methods of Cooking—Diversions—Marriage—Mourning Ceremonies—Custom of cutting off their little Finger— Their Deities—Sentiments concerning the Soul, and a future State—Their Fiatookas—Form of Government—Power of the Chiefs—Mode of paying Homage to the King—Taboo incurred by it —Precaution against Famine—Of the Tammahas—Language—Tides.

THE domestic life of these people is neither so laborious as to be disagreeable, nor so free from employment as to suffer them to degenerate [Page 286] into indolence. Their country has been so favoured by nature, that the first can scarcely occur; and their disposition appears to be a sufficient bar to the last. By this fortunate concurrence of circumstances, their necessary labour seems to yield, in its turn, to their amusements and recreations, which are never interrupted by the thoughts of being obliged to recur to business, till they are induced by satiety to wish for that transition. The employments of the women is not difficult: and is generally such as they can execute in the house. The making of cloth is entirely entrusted to their care; the process of which manufacture has been already described. Their cloth is of different degrees of fineness: the coarser kind does not receive the impression of any pattern: but, of the finer sort, they have various patterns, differently coloured. The cloth, in general, is able to resist water for some time; but that which has the strongest glaze, is the least liable to be penetrated by that fluid.

Another manufacture which is also consigned to the women, is that of their mats, which excel those of most other countries, both with respect to their texture and their beauty. Of these mats there are seven or eight different sorts, which they either wear or sleep upon; and many are merely ornamental. The last are principally made from the rough, membraneous part of the stock of the plantain-tree; those that they wear, are generally [Page 287] composed of the pandanus; and the coarser kind, on which they sleep, are formed from a plant called evarra. There are several other articles of less importance, that employ their females; as combs, of which they make great quantities; and small baskets made of the same substance as the mats, and others composed of the fibrous husk of the cocoa-nut, either interwoven with beads, or plain; all which are finished with extraordinary neatness and taste.

The province of the men is, as might reasonably be expected, far more laborious and extensive than that of the other sex. Architecture, boat-building, agriculture, and fishing, are the principal objects of their care. As cultivated roots and fruits form their chief subsistence, they find it necessary to practise husbandry, which they have brought by their diligence to some degree of perfection. In planting yams and plantains they dig small holes for their reception, and afterwards root up the surrounding grass. The instruments used by them for this purpose, are called hooo; and are nothing more than stakes of various lengths, flattened and sharpened to an edge at one end; and the largest ones have a short piece fixed transversely, by means of which they press the implement into the ground with the foot. When they plant the two above-mentioned vegetables, they observe such particular exactness, that, whichever way you turn your [Page 288] eyes, the rows present themselves complete and regular.

The bread-fruit and cocoa-nut-trees are dispersed about, without any order; and when they have arrived at a certain height, give them little or no trouble. The same may be said of another large tree, which produces a roundish compressed nut, called ecefee; and of a smaller tree being an oval nut, with two or three triangular kernels. The kappe is in general, planted regularly and in large spots but the mawhaha is interspersed among other things, as are also the yams and jeejee. Sugar-cane is usually in small spots, closely crowded. The mulberry, of which the cloth is made, is kept very clean, and has a good space allowed for it. The pandanus is commonly planted in a row, close together, at the sides of the fields.

They display very little taste or ingenuity in the construction of their houses. Those of the lower class of people are wretched huts, scarce sufficient to shelter them from the weather. Those of the better sort are larger, as well as more commodious and comfortable. A house of a middling size is of following dimensions, viz, about twelve in height, twenty in breadth, and thirty in length. Their houses are, properly speaking, thatched roofs or sheds, supported by rafters and posts. The floor is raised with earth smoothed, and covered with thick matting. Some [Page 289] of their habitations are open all round: but the major part of them are enclosed on the weather side with strong mats, or with branches of the cocoa-nut tree, plated or interwoven with each other. A thick mat, about three feet broad, bent into a semicircular form, and placed edgeways, with the ends touching the side of the house, encloses a sufficient space for the master and mistress to sleep in. The rest of the family sleep upon any part of the floor, the unmarried men and women lying apart from each other. If the family is large, there are little huts adjoining, in which the servants sleep. Their whole furniture consists of some wooden stools, which serve them for pillows; baskets of different sizes, in which they put their combs, fish-hooks, and tools; two or three wooden bowls, in which they make kava; some cocoa-nut shells, a few gourds, and a bundle or two of cloth.

They are very skillful in building their canoes which, indeed, are the most perfect of their mechanical productions. The double ones are made sufficiently large to carry about fifty persons, and sail at a great rate. Upon them they generally fix a hut or shed, for the reception of the master and his family. They are made of the bread-fruit tree, and the workmanship is extremely neat. They appear on the outside as if they where composed of one solid piece; but, upon close inspection, they are found to consist [Page 290] of a great number of pieces, which fit each other exactly, and by means of a ledge on the inside are secured together with cocoa-nut line. The single canoes are furnished with an outrigger. The only tools which they make use of in the construction of these boats, are hatchets, or adzes, of a smooth black stone; augers, made of shirk's teeth; and rasps, composed of the rough skin of a fish, fastened on flat pieces of wood. The same tools are all they have for other works, except shells, which serve them for knives. Their cordage is made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, which; though not above ten inches long, they plait about the size of a quill, to whatever length is required, and roll it up in balls; from which the ropes of a larger size are made, by twisting several of those together. Their fishing-lines are as strong and even as our best cord. Their small hooks consist entirely of pearl-shell; but the large ones are only covered with it on the back; and the points of both are, in general, of tortoise-shell. With the large hooks they catch albicores, and bonnetos, by putting them to a bamboo-rod, about twelve feet long, with a line of the same length. They have also numbers of small seines, some of which are of the most delicate texture.

Their musical reeds or pipes, which resemble the syrinx of the ancients, have eight or ten pieces placed parallel to each other, most of which are [Page 291] of unequal lengths. Their flutes are made of a joint of bamboo, about eighteen inches long, and are closed at both ends, having a hole near each end, and four others; two of which, and only one of the first, are used by them in playing. They close the left nostril with the thumb of the left-hand, and blow into the hole at one end with the other nostril. The fore-finger of the right-hand is applied to the lowest hole on the right, and the middle finger of the left, to the first hole on that side. In this manner, with only three notes, they produce a pleasing, though simple, music. Their naffa, or drum, has been already described.

Their warlike weapons are clubs, curiously ornamented, spears, and darts. They also make bows and arrows; but these are intended for amusement, such as shooting at birds, and not for the purposes of war. Their stools, or rather pillows, are about two feet long, but only four or five inches in height, and near four in breadth, inclining downwards towards the middle, with four strong legs and circular feet; the whole composed of brown or black wood, neatly polished, and sometimes inlaid with ivory. They likewise inlay with ivory the handles of fly-flaps and, with a shark's tooth, shape bones into figures of men, birds. &c.

Their vegetable diet principally consists of plantains, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, and yams. [Page 292] Their chief articles of animal food are hogs, fish, and fowls; but the common people frequently eat rats. The hogs, fowls, and turtle, however, seem to be only occasional dainties, reserved for persons of rank. Their food is, in general, dressed by baking, as at Otaheite; and they make, from different sorts of fruit, several dishes, which are very good. They sometimes boil their fish in the green leaves of the plantain-tree, which serve as a bay to hold both fish and water: having tied them up, they wrap them again in three or four other leaves, and place them upon stones heated for the purpose: when they are sufficiently done, they not only eat the fish, but drink the liquor or soup. They are not very cleanly either in their cookery, or their manner of eating. Their usual drink at their meals is water, or cocoa-nut milk, the kava being only their morning beverage. The food that is served up to the chiefs, is generally laid upon plantain-leaves. The king, at his meals, was commonly attended upon by three or four of the natives, one of whom cut large pieces of the fish, or of the joint, another afterwards divided it into mouthfuls, and the rest stood by with cocoa-nuts, and whatever else he might happen to want. We never observed a large company sit down to a sociable meal, by eating from the same dish. The women are not excluded from taking their meals with the men; but there are certain ranks that are not allowed [Page 293] either to eat or drink together. This distinction begins with his majesty, but we know not where it ends.

They rise at day-break, and retire to rest as soon as it becomes dark. They, for the most part, sleep also in the day time, when the weather is very hot. They are fond of associating together; in consequence of which, it is not uncommon to find several houses empty, and the possessors of them assembled in some other house, or upon some convenient spot in the neighbourhood, where they relax themselves by conversation and other amusements. Their private diversions chiefly consist of dancing, singing, and music. When two or three women snap their fingers, and sing in concert, it is called oobai; but when there are more, they form several parties, each of which sings in a different key, which constitutes an agreeable melody, and is termed heeva or haiva. The songs are generally accompanied with the music of their flutes. The dances both of the men and women, are performed with an ease and grace which are difficult to be described.

We could not determine with precision, whether their marriages were rendered durable by any kind of solemn contract: it is certain, however, that the major part of the people contented themselves with one wife. The chiefs, indeed, commonly have several women, though there was only one who (as we thought) was considered [Page 294] in the light of mistress of the family. Though female chastity seemed to beheld in little estimation, not a single breach of conjugal fidelity happened, to our knowledge, during our whole continuance at these islands; nor were the unmarried women of rank more liberal of their favours. But there were great numbers of a very different character.

The concern shewn by these islanders for the dead, is a strong proof of their humanity. Besides the tooge, which we have mentioned before, and burnt circles and scars, they strike a shark's tooth into their heads till the blood flows considerably, beat their teeth with stones, and thrust spears not only through their cheeks into their mouths, but also into the inner part of their thighs, and into their sides. The more painful operations, however, are only practised when they mourn the death of those who were most nearly connected with them. When one of them dies, he is wrapped up in mats and cloth, and then interred. The siatookas seem to be appropriated to the chiefs and other persons of distinction, as their burial-places; but the inferior people have no particular spot set apart for their interment. It is uncertain what part of the mourning ceremony follows immediately afterwards; but there is something besides the general one which is continued for a considerable time, the funeral of Mareewagee's wife being attended with ceremonies of five days duration. They seem to consider death as a great [Page 295] evil, to avert which they practise a very singular custom. When Captain Cook, during his second voyage, first visited these islands, he observed that many of the natives had one on both of their little fingers cut off; of the reason of which mutilation he could not then obtain a satisfactory account. But he was now informed, that they perform this operation when they are afflicted with some dangerous disorder, which they imagine may bring them to the grave. They suppose that the little finger will be accepted of by the Deity, as a kind of propitiatory sacrifice sufficiently efficacious to procure their recovery. In cutting it off, they make use of a stone-hatchet. There was scarcely one person in ten who was not thus mutilated; and they sometimes cut so close, as to encroach upon that bone of the hand which joins the amputated finger. It is also common for the lower class of people to cut off a joint of their little finger, on account of the sickness of the chiefs to whom they respectively belong.

When the rigid strictness with which they perform their mourning and religious ceremonies is considered, it might be expected, that they endeavoured thereby to secure to themselves eternal happiness: but their principal object regards things merely temporal; for they have apparently little conception of future punishment for sins committed in the present life. They believe, however, [Page 296] that they meet with just punishment upon earth; and, therefore, put every method in practice to render their divinities propitious. They admit a plurality of deities, all of them inferior to Kallafootonga, who they say is a female, and the supreme author of most things, residing in the heavens, and directing the wind, rain, thunder, &c. They are of opinion, that when she is much displeased with them, the productions of the earth are blasted, many things consumed by lightning, and themselves afflicted with sickness and death; but that when her anger abates, every thing is immediately restored to its former state. Among their surbordinate deities, they mention Futtafaihe, or Footasooa, who has the administration of the sea, and its productions; Toofooa-boolootoo, god of the clouds and fog; Talloteboo, Mattaba, Tareeava, and others. The same system of religion does not extend all over the Friendly Islands; the supreme deity of Hapaee, for instance, being called Alo Alo. They entertain very absurd opinions relative to the power and various attributes of these beings, who, they suppose, have no further concern with them after death. They have, however, juster sentiments respecting the immortality and immateriality of the soul; which they call life the living principle, or an O [...]ooa, that is, a divinity. They imagine that, immediately after death, the souls of their chiefs are separated from their bodies, and go to a delightful region called [Page 297] Boolootoo, the god of which is named Gooleho. By this Gooleho they probably personify death. His country, according to their mythology, is the general repository of the dead; and those who are once conveyed thither, are no more subject to death, but feast on all the favourite productions of their native soil, with which this blissful abode is plentifully furnished. As for the souls of people of an inferior class, they are supposed by them to suffer a kind of transmigration; or are eaten up (they say) by a bird called loata, which walks upon the graves with that intent.

They do nor worship any visible part of the creation, or any thing made by their own hands. They make no offerings of dogs, hogs, and fruit (as is the custom at Otaheite) unless emblamatically. But there seems to be no reason to doubt of their offering up human sacrifices. Their fiatookas, or morais, are, in general, burying-grounds and places of worship: some of them, however, appeared to be appropriated only to the former purpose; but these were small and greatly inferior to the rest.

We are very little acquainted with their form of government. A subordination, resembling the feudal system of our ancestors in Europe, is established among them; but of its subdivisions, and the constituent parts we are ignorant. Though some of them informed us, that the king's power is unbounded, and that he has the absolute disposal [Page 298] of the lives and properties of his subjects; yet the few circumstances that offered themselves to our observation, contradicted, rather than confirmed, the idea of despotic sway. Mareewagee, Feenou, and Old Toobou, acted each the part of a petty sovereign, and not unfrequently counteracted the measures of the king. Nor was his court superior in splendor, to those of Old Toobou and Mareewagee, who, next to his majesty, were the most potent chiefs in these islands; and, next after them, Feenou appeared to stand highest in rank and authority. But however independent on the king the principal men may be the inferior people are totally subject to the will of the chiefs to whom they severally belong.

The island of Tongataboo is divided into numerous districts, each of which has its peculiar chief, who distributes justice, and decides disputes, within his own territory. Most of these chieftains have estates in other islands, whence they procure supplies. The king, at stated times, receives the product of his distant domains at Tongataboo, which is not only the usual place of his residence, but the abode of most persons of distinction among these islands. Its inhabitants frequently call it the Land of Chiefs, and stigmatize the subordinate isles with the appellation of Lands of Servants.

The chiefs are stilled by the people lords of the earth, and also of the sun and sky. The royal [Page 299] family assume the name of Futtafaihe, from the god distinguished by that appellation, who is probably considered by them as their tutelary patron. The king's peculiar title is simply Tooee Tonga. The order and decorum observed in his presence, and likewise in that of the other chiefs, are truly admirable. Whenever he sits down, all the attendants seat themselves before him, forming a semi-circle, and leaving a sufficient space between them and him, into which no one, unless he has particular business, presumes to come. Nor is any one suffered to sit, or pass, behind him, or even near him, without his permission. When a person wishes to speak to his majesty, he comes forward, and having seated himself before him, delivers in a few words what he has to say; then, after being favoured with an answer, retires. If the king speaks to any one, the latter gives an answer from his seat, unless he is to receive an order; in which case he rises from his place, and seats himself cross-legged^* before his majesty. To speak to the king standing, would here be considered as a glaring mark of rudeness.

None of the most civilized nations have ever exceeded these islanders in the great order and regularity maintained on every occasion, in ready [Page 300] and submissive compliance with the commands of their chiefs, and in the perfect harmony that subsists among all ranks. Such a behaviour manifests itself in a remarkable manner, whenever their chiefs harrangue a body of them assembled together, which frequently happens. The greatest attention and most profound silence are observed during the harrangue; and whatever might have been the purport of the oration, we never saw a single instance, when any one of those who were present shewed signs of his being displeased, or seemed in the least inclined to dispute the declared will of the speaker.

It is a peculiar privilege annexed to the person of the king, not to be punctured, nor circumcised, or rather supercised, as all his subjects are. Whenever he walks out all who meet him must sit down till he has passed. No person is suffered to be over his head; but, on the contrary, all must come under his feet. The method of doing homage to him, and the other chiefs is as follows: the person who is to pay obeisance, squats down before the great personage, and bows the head down to the sole of his foot, which he taps or touches with the under and upper side of the fingers of each hand; then rising up, he retires. We had reason to think, that his majesty cannot refuse any one who is desirous of paying him this homage, which is called by the natives moe moca; for the people would frequently think proper to [Page 301] shew him these marks of submission when he was walking; and he was on those occasions obliged to stop, and hold up one of his feet behind him, till they had performed this respectful ceremony. This, to so corpulent and unwieldy a man as Poulaho, must have been painful and troublesome; and we have some times seen him endeavour, by running, to get out of the way, or to reach a convenient place for sitting down. The hands after having been thus applied, becomes, in some cases, useless for a little time; for, till they are washed, they must not touch food of any sort. This prohibition, in a country where water is far from being plentiful, would be attended with inconvenience, if a piece of any juicy plant, which they can immediately procure, being rubbed over the hands, did not serve for the purpose of purification. When the hands are in this situation, they term it taboo rema; the former word generally signifying forbidden, and the latter implying hand. When the taboo is incurred, by doing homage to a person of rank, it may thus easily be washed off; but, in several other cases, it must continue for a certain period. We have often seen women, who have been taboo rema, not fed by themselves, but by others. The interdicted person, after the limited time had elapsed, washes herself in one of their bathes, which are, in general, dirty ponds of brackish water. She then waits upon the sovereign, and, after having paid [Page 302] the customary obeisance, takes hold of his foot, which she applies to her shoulders, breast, and other parts: he then embraces her on both shoulders, and she immediately retires, purified from her uncleanness. If it be always necessary to have recourse to his majesty for this purpose (of which we are not certain, though Omai assured us it was) it may be one reason for his travelling very frequently from one island to another.

The word taboo has a great latitude of signification. They call human sacrifices tangata taboo; and when any particular thing is prohibited to be eaten, or made use of, they say it is taboo. They informed us, that, if the king should go into a house belonging to one of his subject, that house would in consequence become taboo, and could never be again inhabited by the owner of it; so that, wherever his majesty travels, there are houses peculiarly assigned for his accommodation. At this time, Old Toobou presided over the taboo; that is, if Omai did not misunderstand those who gave him the intelligence, he and his deputies had the inspection of all the produce of the island, taking care that each individual should cultivate and plant his quota, and directing what should, and what should not, be eaten. By so prudent a regulation, they take effectual precautions against a famine; sufficient ground is employed in raising provisions; and every article is secured from unnecessary consumption. By another good regulation, [Page 303] an officer of rank is appointed to superintend the police. This department was administered, while we continued among them, by Feenou, whose business (as we were informed) it was, to punish all delinquents: he was also generalissimo, or commander in chief of the forces of the islands. Poulaho himself declared to us, that, if he should become a bad man, Feenou would dethrone, and kill him; by which he doubtless meant, that, if he neglected the duties of his high station, or governed in a manner that would prove prejudicial to the public welfare, Feenou would be desired, by the other chiefs, or by the collective body of the people, to depose him from his sovereignty, and put him to death. A monarch thus subject to controul and punishment for abuse of power, cannot justly be deemed a despotic prince.

When we take into consideration the mumber of islands of which this state consists, and the distance at which some of them are removed from the seat of government, attempts to throw off the yoke of subjection might be apprehended. But they informed us, that this circumstance never happens. One reason of their not being thus embroiled in domestic commotions may be this; that all the principal chiefs take up their residence at Tongataboo. They also secure the dependence of the other isles, by the decisive celerity of their operations; for if a seditious and popular man [Page 304] should start up in any of them, Feenou, or whoever happens to hold his office, is immediately dispatched thither to put him to death, by which means they extinguish an insurrection while it is yet in embryo.

The different classes of their chiefs seemed to be nearly as numerous as among us; but there are few, comparatively speaking, that are lords of extensive districts of territory. It is said, that, when a person of property dies, all his possessions devolve on the sovereign; but that it is customary to give them to the eldest son of the deceased, with this condition annexed, that he should provide, out of the estate, for the other children. The crown is hereditary; and we know, from a particular circumstance, that the Futtafaihes, of which family is Poulaho, have reigned, in a direct line, for the space of at least one hundred and thirty-five years, which have elapsed between our present visit to these islands, and Tasman's discovery of them. Upon our inquiring of them, whether any traditional account of the arrival of Tasman's ships had been preserved among them till this time, we found, that this history had been delivered down to them, from their ancestors, with great accuracy: for they said that his two ships resembled ours, and also mentioned the place where they had lain at anchor, their having continued but a few days, and their quitting that station to go to Annamoka; and for the purpose [Page 305] of informing us how long ago this affair had happened, they communicated to us the name of the Futtafaihe who reigned at that time and those who had succeeded him in the sovereignty, down to Poulaho, who, is the fifth monarch since that period.

It might naturally be imagined, that the present sovereign of the Friendly Isles had the highest rank of any person in his dominions. But we found it to be otherwise; for Latoolibooloo, who has been already mentioned, and three women, are superior, in some respects, to Poulaho himself. Th [...]se great personages are distinguished by the title of Tammaha, which implies a chief. When we made inquiry concerning them, we were informed that the late king, father of Poulaho, left behind, him a sister of equal rank, and older than himself; that she, by a native of Feejee, had a son and two Daughters; and that these three persons, as well as their mother, are of higher rank than the king. We endeavoured to discover the reason of this pre-eminence of the Tammahas, but without effect. The mother, and one of her daughters, named Tooeela-kaipa, reside at Vavaoo. The other daughter, called Moungoulakaipa, and, Latoolibooloo the son, dwell at Tongataboo. Moungoula-kaipa is the lady who has been mentioned as having dined with Captain Cook on the 21st of June. Latoolibooloo was [Page 306] supposed, by his countrymen, to be disordered in his senses. At Eooa, or Middleburgh, they shewed us a considerable quantity of land, which was said to be his property; and we saw there a son of his, a child who was honoured with the same title that his father enjoyed.

The language of these islands bears a striking resemblance to that of New-Zealand, of Otaheite, and the Society Isles. The pronunciation of these people differs, indeed, in many instances, from that both of Otaheite and New-Zealand; but, notwithstanding, that, a great number of words are either very little changed, or exactly the same. The language, as spoken by the Friendly Islanders, is sufficiently copious to express all their ideas; and, besides being tolerably harmonious in common conversation, is easily adapted to the purposes of music. They have terms to signify numbers as far as a hundred thousand, beyond which they either would not, or could not, reckon.

The latitude of that part of Tongataboo where our observatory was erected, which was near the middle of the north-side of the island, was, according to the most accurate observations, 21° 8′ 19″ south; and its longitude was 184° 55″ 18″ east.

The tides are more considerable at the Friendly Islands than at any other of Captain Cook's discoveries [Page 307] in this ocean, that are situated within either of the tropics. At Annamooka the tide rises and falls about six feet, upon a perpendicular. At Tongataboo, it rises and falls four feet and three quarters, on the the full and change days, and three feet, and a half at the quadratures.

[Page]

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK III. OCCURRENCES AT OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLES; AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH-AMERICA.

CHAP. I.

Heavy Squail—The Island of Toobouai discovered—Its Situation, Extent, and Produce—Description of the Persons, Dress, and Canoes, of its Inhabitants—Arrival in Oheitepeha Bay at Otaheite—Omai's Reception—His imprudent Conduct—Account of two Spanish Ships which had twice visited Otaheite—Great Demand for red Feathers—Captain Cock visits a Chief, who was said by Omai to be the God of Bolabola—Account of the House erected by the Spaniards—Inscriptions—Allowance of Grag lessened—The Captain's Interview with Waheiadooa—Description of a Toopapaoo—An Enthusiast—The Ships anchor in Malavia Bay.

WE had now taken our final leave of the Friendly Islands. On the 17th of July, at eight o'clock in the evening. [...]ooa bore northeast [Page 309] by north, distant three or four leagues. The wind blew a fresh gale at east. We stood to the south, till about six o'clock the next morning, when, from the same direction, a sudden squall took our ship aback; and before we could trim the ships on the other tack, the main-sail and the top-gallant sails were considerably torn.

On the 19th and 20th, the wind kept between the south-west, and south-east; then it veered to the east, north-east, and north.

We stretched to the east south-east, without meeting with any thing remarkable, till the 29th, at seven o'clock in the evening, when we had a very heavy squall of wind from the north. We were, at this time, under single-reefed top-sails, courses, and stay-sails. Two of the latter were almost demolished by the wind, and it was with the utmost difficulty that we saved the other sails. This squall being over, we saw several lights moving about on board the Discovery; whence we conjectured that something had given way; and, the next morning, we perceived that her main-top-mast had been lost. Both wind and weather remained very unsettled till noon, when the latter cleared up, and the former settled in the north-west quarter. We were now in the latitude of 28° 6′ south, and our longitude was 198° 23′ east. We saw some pintado-birds, which were the first we had seen since we left the land.

[Page 210]At noon, on the 31st, Captain Clerke made a signal to speak with Captain Cook; and afterwards informed him, that the head of the main-mast had sprung, and in such a manner as to reader the rigging of another top-mast extremely dangerous; that he must therefore rig something lighter in its place. He further informed him, that he had lost his main-top-gallant-yard: and had not another on board, nor a spar to make one. Captain Cook sent him the Resolution's sprit-sail-top-fail-yard, which supplied this want for the present. The next day, by getting up a jury-top-mast, on which he set a mizen-top-sail, he was enabled to keep way with the Resolution.

We steered east-north-east, and north-east, without meeting with any remarkable occurrence till the morning of the 8th of August, at eleven o'clock; when land was observed bearing north-north-east, about nine or ten leagues distant. At first it appeared like so many separate islands; but, as we approached, we found it was all connected, and formed one and the same island. We steered directly for it with a fine gale, and, at half past six in the afternoon, it extended from north by east, to north-north-east, distant three or four leagues.

At day-break, the next morning, we steered for the north-west side of the island, and as we stood round its south-west part, we saw it guarded by a reef of coral rock, extending, in some [Page 311] places, at least a mile from the land, and a high surf breaking upon it. As we drew near, we saw people walking or running along shore, on several parts of the coast, and, in a short time after, when we had reached the lee-side of the island, we saw two canoes launched, in which were about a dozen men who paddled towards us.

In order to give these canoes time to come up with us, as well as to sound for anchorage, we shortened sail; and, at the distance of half a mile from the reef, we found from forty to thirty-five fathoms water. The canoes, after having advanced within pistol-shot of the ships, suddenly stopped. Omai was desired, as was usual on such occasions, to endeavour to prevail upon the men in them to come nearer; but no arguments could induce them to trust themselves within our reach. They often pointed eagerly to the shore with their paddles, at the same time calling to us to go thither; and many of their people who were standing upon the beach, held up something white in their hands, which we construed as an invitation for us to land. We could easily have accomplished this, there being good anchorage without the reef, and an opening in it, through which the canoes had passed, which had no surf upon it. But the Captain did not chuse to risk the advantage of a fair wind, in order to examine an island, that appeared to be but of little consequence. We required no refreshments, if we [Page 312] had been certain of meeting with them there, and therefore, after making several unsuccessful attempts to prevail upon these people to come near us, we made sail to the north, and left them; having first learned that the name of their island was Toobouai. It is situated in the latitude of 23° 25′ south; and in 210° 37′ east longitude.

The greatest extent of this island, in any direction, is not above five or six miles. Small, however, as it appears, there are hills in it of a considerable elevation; at the foot of which, is a narrow border of flat land, extending almost all round it, bordered with a white sand-beach. The hills were covered with herbage, except a few rocky cliffs, with patches of trees interspersed to their summits. This island, as we were informed by the men in the canoes, is plentifully stocked with hogs and fowls; and produces the several kinds of fruits and roots that are to be met with at the other islands in this neighbourhood.

From the conversation we had with those who came off to us, we discovered that the inhabitants of Toobouai speak the Otaheite language; an indubitable proof that they are of the same nation. Those whom we saw in the canoes were a stout copper-coloured people; some wearing their hair (which was straight and black) flowing about the shoulders, and others having it tied in a bunch on the crown of the head. Their faces were roundish and full, but the features flat; and their [Page 313] countenance expressed a degree of natural ferocity. Their covering was a piece of narrow stuff wrapped round the waist, and passing between the thighs; but some of those whom we beheld upon the beach, were compleatly clothed in white. Some of our visitors in the canoes, had their necks ornamented with pearl shells; and one of them continued blowing a large conchshell, to which a reed, of about two feet long, was fixed; he began in a long tone, without any variation; and afterwards converted it into a kind of musical instrument. Whether the blowing of the conch portended any thing, we cannot say, but we never found it the messenger of peace.

The length of their canoes appeared to be about thirty feet, and they rose about two feet above the surface of the water, as they floated. The forepart projected a little; the after-part rose to the height of two or three feet, with a gradual curve, and, like the upper part of the sides, was carved all over. The rest of the sides were ornamented with flat white shells curiously disposed. There were eight men in one of the canoes, and seven in the other. They were conducted with small paddles, whose blades were almost circular; and they sometimes paddled, with the two opposite sides so close together, that they appeared to be but one boat; the rowers occasionally turning their faces to the stern, and pulling that way, without paddling the canoes round. Seeing we were determined [Page 314] to leave them, they stood up, and repeated something aloud; but we knew not whether they were expressing their enmity, or friendship. It is certain, however, that they had not any weapons with them; nor could we with our glasses discover, that those on shore were armed.

Leaving the island, we steered to the north with a fresh gale, and, at day-break, on the 12th, we perceived the island of Maitea. Otaheite appeared soon after; the point of Oheitepeha-bay bearing west, about four leagues distant. We steered for this bay, intending to anchor there, in order to draw some refreshments from the south-east part of the island, before we proceeded to Matavia, where we expected our principal supply. We had a fresh gale till two o'clock in the afternoon; when, at about a league from the bay the wind suddenly died away. About two hours after, we had sudden squalls, with rain, from the east. About nine o'clock, we were obliged to stand out, and spend the night at sea.

As we drew near the island, we were attended by several canoes, each conducted by two or three men. But, as they were of the lower class, Omai seemed to take no particular notice of them, nor they of him. They did not even know, that he was one of their countrymen, though they had for some time conversed with him. At length a chief, whom Captain Cook had known before, [Page 315] named Ootee, and Omai's brother-in-law, who happened to be now at this corner of the island, and three or four others, all of whom knew Omai, before he embarked with Captain Furneaux, came on board. Yet there was nothing in the least tender or striking in their meeting, but, on the contrary, a perfect indifference on both sides, till Omai, conducting his brother into the cabin, opened a drawer, and gave him a few red feathers. This circumstance being soon communicated to the rest of the natives on deck, Ootee, who before would hardly speak to him, now begged, that they might be tayos (friends) and exchange names. Omai accepted of the honor, and a present of red feathers ratified the agreement; and Ootee, by way of recompence, sent ashore for a hog. It was evident, however, to all of us, that it was not the man, but his property, that they esteemed. Had he not exhibited his treasure of red feathers, a commodity highly estimated in the island, it is a matter of great doubt whether they would have bestowed a single cocoa-nut upon him. Such was Omai's first reception among his countrymen, and we never expected it would be otherwise; but we supposed, that the valuable cargo of presents, with which he had been loaded by the liberality of his frends in England, would be the certain means of raising him into consequence among the first persons throughout the extent of the Society Islands. This, indeed, [Page 316] must have been the case, had he conducted himself with any degree of prudence; but he paid little or no attention to the repeated advice of his well-wishers, and laid himself open to every imposition.

We understood from the natives who came off to us, that since Captain Cook last visited this island in 1774, two other ships had twice been in Oheitepeha-bay, and had left animals there, like those we had on board. But, on enquiry into the particulars, we found, that they consisted only of hogs, dogs, goats, a bull, and the male of another animal, which they so imperfectly described, that we could not conjecture what it was. These ships, they informed us, had come from a place called Re [...]ma; which we supposed to be Lima, the capital of Peru, and that these late visitors were consequently Spaniards. They told us, that the first time they arrived, they built a house, and left behind them two priests, a boy or servant, and a person called Mateema; taking away with them, when they sailed, four of the natives; that about ten months afterwards, the same ships returned, bringing back only two of the natives, the other two having died at Lima; and that, after a short stay, they took away the people they had left; but that the house which they erected was left standing.

News having been propagated on shore, of red feathers being on board our ships, we were early [Page 317] the next morning, surrounded by a multitude of canoes, crowded with people, with plenty of hogs and fruits. A quantity of feathers, which might be taken from the body of a tom-tit, would, at that time, purchase a hog of forty or fifty pounds weight. But as the whole ships crew were possessed of some of this precious article of trade, it decreased above five hundred per cent. in its value in a few hours. However, the balance even then, was considerably in our favour, and red feathers still preserved their superiority over every other commodity. Some of the islanders would not dispose of a hog, without receiving an axe in exchange; but nai [...]s, and beads, and many other trinkets, which, during our former voyages, were held in high estimation at this island, were now so much dispised, that few would even deign to look at them.

Not having wind in the morning, it was nine o'clock before we could anchor in the bay, when we moored with the two bowers. We had not long anchored, before Omai's sister came on board to congratulate him on his arrival. It was pleasing to observe, that, to the honour of each of them, their meeting was marked with expressions of the tenderest affection more easily conceived than described.

When this affecting scene was closed, and the ship properly moored, Omai attended Captain Cook on shore. The Captain's first object was [Page 318] to pay a visit to a man whom Omai represented as a very extraordinary personage indeed, saying he was the God of Bolabola. They saw him seated under one of those awnings, which are usually carried in their larger canoes. He was old, and had so far lost the use of his limbs, that he was carried from place to place upon a hand-barrow. By some, he was called Olla or Orra, which is the name of the God of Bolabola; but his real name was Erary. From Omai's extraordinary account of his person, the Captain expected to have seen religious adoration paid to him: but he saw very little to distinguish him from their other chiefs. Omai presented to him a tuft of red feathers, fastened to the end of a small stick; but after a little conversation with this Bolabola man, his attention was excited by the presence of his mother's sister, who was already at his feet, and had bedewed them plentifully with tears of joy. The Captain left him with the old lady in this situation, surrounded by a number of people, and went to take a survey of the house said to have been erected by the strangers who had lately landed here. He found it still standing at a small distance from the beach. It was composed of wooden materials, which appeared to have been brought hither, ready prepared, in order to set up as occasion might require; for the planks were all numbered. It consisted of two small rooms, in the inner [Page 319] of which, were a bedsted, a bench, a table, some old hats, and other trifles, of which the natives seemed to be remarkably careful, as well as of the building itself, which had received no injury from the weather, a kind of shed having been erected over it. Scuttles, serving as air holes, appeared all round the building; and perhaps, they were also meant for the additional purpose of firing from with muskets, if necessity should require it. A wooden cross was placed at a little distance from the front, on the transverse part of which appeared the following inscription: ‘Christus vincit.’ On the perpendicular part (which confirmed our conjecture that the two ships were Spanish) was engraved, ‘Carolus III. imperat, 1774.’ And on the other side of the post, Captain Cook very properly preserved the memory of the prior visits of the English, by inscribing, ‘Georgius tertius rex, Annis 1767, 1769, 1773, 1774, et 1777.’

Near the foot of the cross the islanders pointed out to us the grave of the Commodore of the two ships, who died here, while they lay in the bay, on their first arrival. His name, as near as we could gather from their pronunciation, was [Page 320] Or [...]ede. The Spaniards, whatever their intentions might be in visiting this island, seemed to have taken infinite pains to have ingratiated themselves with the natives; who, upon all occasions, mentioned them with the strongest terms of esteem and veneration.

On this occasion, the Captain met with no chief of any considerable note excepting the aged personage above described. Waheiadooa, king of Tiaraboo, (as this part of the island is called by the natives) was now absent; and we were afterwards informed, that (though his name was the same) he was not the same person as the chief whom Captain Cook had seen here in 1774; but his brother, a youth of ten years of age, who had succeeded the elder Waheiadooa. We also discovered, that the celebrated Oberea was dead; but that Otoo, and all our other friends, were living.

When Captain Cook returned from the house erected by the Spaniards, he found Omai haranguing a very large company; and could with difficulty disengage him to accompany him aboard, where he had to settle a matter of importance.

Knowing that Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, could supply us plentifully with cocoanuts, the liquor of which is a most excellent beverage, he wished to prevail upon his people to consent to be abridged, for a short time of their stated allowance of spirits to mix with water.

[Page 321]But as this, without assigning some powerful reason, might have occasioned a general murmur, he assembled the ship's company, to communicate to them the entent of the voyage, and the extent of our future operations. He took notice of the generous rewards offered, by parliament, to such as shall first discover a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans in the Northern Hemisphere, as well as to those who shall first penetrate beyond the 89th degree of northern latitude. He said, that he did not entertain a doubt, that he should find them ready to co-opperate with him in attempting to obtain one, or both these rewards; but that it would be necessary to be strickly oeconomical in the expenditure of our stores and provisions, as we had not a chance of getting a supply after leaving these islands. He further observed, that the duration of our voyage would exceed by a year, at least, what had been originally supposed, by our having lost the opportunity of getting to the north this summer. He begged them to consider the various obstructions, and aggravated hardships, they must yet labour under, if they should be under the necessity of being put to short allowance, of any species of provisions, in a cold climate. He therefore submitted to them, whether it would not be the most adviseable to be prudent in time, and rather than run the risk of having their spirits exhausted, when they might [Page 322] be most wanted, to consent to be without their grog at present, when we could supply its place with so excellent, a liquor as that of cocoa-nuts. He added nevertheless, that he would leave the determination entirely to their own choice.

This proposal did not remain a moment under consideration, and Captain Cook had the satisfaction to find that it was unanimously approved of. He ordered Captain Clerke to make a similar proposal to his his people; which they also readily agreed to. The serving of grog was therefore immediately stopped, except on Saturday nights, when all the men had a full allowance of it, to enable them to drink the healths of their female friends in England; lest, amidst the pretty girls of Otaheite, they should be totally forgotten.

We began, the next day, some necessary operations; such as inspecting the provisions in the main and fore-hold, getting the casks of beef and pork, &c. out of the ground tier, and putting a quantity of ballast in their place- The ship was ordered to be caulked, which she stood in much need of; having, at times, made a considerable deal of water on our passage from the Friendly Islands. Captain Cook also put his cattle on shore, and appointed two of his men to look after them while grazing; not intending to leave any of them on this part of the island.

It rained almost incessantly, the two following days; notwithstanding which, we were visited by [Page 323] the natives from every quarter, the news of our arrival having most rapidly spread. Waheiadooa, though at a considerable distance, had been informed of it; and in the afternoon of the 16th, a chief, named Etorea, who was his tutor, brought Captain Cook two hogs as a present from him; acquainting him, at the same time, that he himself would attend him the day after. He was punctual to his promise; for the Captain received a message from him early the next morning, notifying his arrival, and requesting he would go ashore to meet him. In consequence of this invitation, Omai and he prepared to make him a formal visit. Omai, on this occasion, took some pains to dress himself, not after the manner of the English, nor that of Otaheite, or Tongataboo, or in the dress of any other country upon earth; but in a strange medly of all the habiliments and ornaments he was possessed of.

Thus equipped, they got ashore, and first paid a visit to Etary; who, carried on a hand-barrow, accompanied them to a large building, where he was set down; Omai seated himself on one side of him, and Captain Cook on the other. The Captain caused a piece of Tongataboo cloth to be spread, on which were placed the presents he intended to make. The young Chief soon after arrived, attended by his mother, and several principal men, who all seated themselves opposite to us. A man who sat near, the Captain made a [Page 324] short speech consisting of separate sentences; parts of which was dictated by those about him. Another, on the opposite side, near the chief, spoke next; Etary after him, and then Omai, &c. The subjects of these orations were Captain Cook's arrival, and his connexions with them. Amongst other things, one of them told the Captain, that the men of Reema (the Spaniards) desired they would not suffer him to come into Oheitepeha Bay, if he should return again to the island, for that it was their property; but that, so far from regarding this request, he was authorized now to surrender to him the province of Tiaraboo, and every thing that was in it. It was evident from this, that these people are no strangers to the policy of accommodating themselves to present circumstances. The young chief, at length, was directed, by his attendants, to embrace Captain Cook; and, as a confirmation of this treaty of friendship, they exchanged names. After these ceremonies were over, he and his friends accompanied the Captain, to dine with him on board.

Omai had prepared, as a present for Otoo, the king of the whole island, a maro, composed of red and yellow feathers; and, considering where we were, it was a present of great value. Captain Cook endeavoured to prevail on him not to produce it now, wishing him to keep it till he had an opportunity of presenting it to Otoo with his own hands. But he entertained too good an [Page 325] opinion of the fidelity of his countrymen, to be guided by his advice. He was determined to carry it ashore, on this occasion, and to give it to Waheiadooa, to be forwarded by him to Otoo, and added to the royal maro. By this management, he supposed he should oblige both chiefs; on the contrary, he highly disobliged that whose favour was of the most consequence to him, without obtaining any reward from the other. The Captain was prophetic upon this occasion; for Waheiadooa, as he expected, kept the maro for himself, and only sent to Otoo about a twentieth part of what composed the magnificent present.

On the 19th, Captain Cook received, from the young chief, a present of ten or a dozen hogs some cloath, and a quantity of fruit. In the evening, we exhibited some fire works, which both pleased and astonished the numerous spectators.

Some of our gentlemen, in their walks, discovered, as they thought, a Roman Catholic chapel. They described the alter which they said they had seen, and every other constituent part of such a place of worship. They mentioned, however, at the same time, that two persons, who had the care of it, would not permit them to go in; on which account the Captain imagined they were mistaken, and had the curiosity to pay a visit to it himself. The supposed chapel happened to be a toopapaoo, in which the body of the late Waheiadooa lay, in [Page 326] a kind of state. It was in a pretty large house, enclosed with a low palisade. The toopapaoo was remarkably neat, and resembled one of those little awnings over their large canoes. It was hung and covered with cloaths and mats of a variety of colours, which had a beautiful effect. One piece of scarlet broad cloth of the length of four or five yards, appeared conspicuous among the other ornaments; which had probably been received as a present from the Spaniards. This cloth, and some tassels of feathers, suggested to our gentlemen the idea of a chapel; and their imagination supplied what ever else was wanting to create a resemblance: hearing that the Spaniards had visited this place, might also operate on their minds upon this occasion, and add to the probability of its being a chapel. Small offerings of fruits and roots seemed to be daily made at this shrine, some pieces being now quite fresh. These were deposited on a kind of alter which stood without the palisades; within which we were not permitted to enter. Two men constantly attended here, both night and day; as well to watch over the place, as to dress and undress the toopapaoo. When Captain Cook went to survey it, the cloth and its appendages were rolled up; but at his request, the two attendants placed it in order, but not till after they had dressed themselves, in clean white robes. The [Page 327] chief we were informed, had been dead about twenty months.

Having provided a fresh supply of water, and finished all our necessary operations, on the 22d we brought off our animals from shore, and made ready for sea. While the ships were unmooring, Omai and Captain Cook landed, in the morning of the 23d, to take leave of the young chief. While they were with him, one of those persons, whom they called Eatooas, from a persuasion that they possess the spirit of the divinity, presented himself before them. He had all the appearances of insanity about him, and his only covering was a quantity of planting leaves wrapped round his waist. He uttered what he had to say in a low, squeaking voice, so as hardly to be understood. But Omai said he perfectly comprehended him, and that he was advising Waheiadooa not to accompany Captain Cook to Matavia, an expedition which he had never known that he intended, nor had the Captain ever made such a proposal to him. The Eatooa also predicted, that the ships would not arrive that day at Matavai. In this, however, he was mistaken; though appearances, at that time, favoured his assertion, as there was not a single breath of wind in any direction. While he was delivering his prophecy, a heavy shower of rain came on, which occasioned all to run for shelter, except himself, who appeared to disregard it. He continued squeaking about half [Page 328] an hour, and then retired. No attention was paid to what he uttered, though some of the natives laughed at him.

Captain Cook asked the chief, whether he was an Earee or a Towtow? The answer he received was, that he was toata eno, that is, a bad man. And yet, notwithstanding this, and the little notice taken of the mad prophet, superstition so far governs the natives, that they absolutely believe such persons to be possessed with the spirit of the Eatooa. Omai seemed to be well instructed concerning them. He said, that during the fits, with which they are seized, they know nobody, and that if any one of them is a man of property, he will then give away every moveable he possesses, if his friends do not put them out of his reach; and when he recovers, he seems not to have the least remembrance of what he had done during the time the fit was upon him.

Soon after the Captain got on board, a light breeze springing up at east, we got under sail, and the Resolution anchored, the same evening at Matavai Bay; but the Discovery did not get in till the next morning; consequently the man's prophecy was half fulfilled.

[Page 329]

CHAP II.

Interview with Otoo, King of Otaheite—Imprudent Behaviour of Omai—Various Animals landed— Occupations on Shore—Visits from a Native who had been at Lima—Account of Oedidee—False Report—The Islanders make a precipitate Retreat, but soon return—a Rebellion in Eimeo—Council of Chiefs—War with Eimeo resolved on—A Human Sacrifice—Circumstantial Description of that Solemnity—The great Morai of Attahooroo described—Behaviour of the Natives during the Ceremony—Particular Customs.

ON Sunday the 24th, in the morning, Otoo, the king of the whole island, accompanied by a great number of the natives in their canoes, came from Oparre, his place of residence, and having landed on Matai Point, sent a messenger on board, intimating his desire to see Captain Cook there. He accordingly went a shore, attended by Omai, and some of the officers. They found a vast multitude of people assembled on this occasion, in the midst of whom was the king, with his father, his two brothers, and three sisters. The Captain went towards him and saluted him, being followed by Omai, who kneeled and embraced his legs. Though Omai had prepared himself for this ceremony, by dressing himself in [Page 330] his best apparel, and behaved with great respect and modesty, yet very little notice was taken of him. He made the king a present of two or three yards of gold cloth, and a large piece of red feathers, and the Captain gave him a gold-laced hat, a suit of fine linen, some tools, a quantity of read feathers, and one of the bonnets worn at the Friendly islands.

This visit being over, the king, and all the royal family, accompanied Captain Cook on board, followed by several canoes, plentifully laden with all kind of provisions. Each of the family owned a part; so that the Captain had a present from every one of them; and each received from him a separate present in return. Not long after, the king's mother came on board, bringing with her some provisions and cloth, which she divided between the Commodore and Omai. Though the latter was but little noticed at first by his countrymen, they no sooner gained information of his wealth, than they began to court his friendship. Captain Cook encouraged them as far as lay in his power, being desirous of fixing him with Otoo. intending to leave all his European animals at this island, he thought Omai would be able to give the natives some instruction with regard to their use, and the management of them. Besides, the Captain was convinced, that the farther he was removed from his native island, the more he would be respected. But unfortunately, Omai rejected [Page 331] his advice, and behaved in so imprudent a manner, that he soon lost the friendship of Otoo, and of all the most considerable persons at Otaheite. He associated with none but strangers and vagabonds, whose sole intention was to plunder him: and, if the Captain had not interfered, they would not have left him a single article of any consequence. This conduct drew upon him the ill-will of the principal chiefs; who found that they could not obtain, from any one in either ship, such valuable presents as were bestowed by Omai on the lowest of the people. After dinner, a party of us accompanied Otoo to Oparre, taking with us some poultry, consisting of a peacock and hen, a turky-cock and hen, three geese, one gander, four ducks, and a drake. All these we left at Oparre, in the possession of Otoo: and these geese and ducks began to breed before we sailed. We found there a gander, that Captain Wallis had given to Oberea ten years before; we also met with several goats, and the Spanish bull, whom they kept tied to a tree, near the habitation of Otoo. We never beheld a finer animal of his kind. He now belonged to Etary, and had been conveyed from Oheitepeha to this place, in order to be shipped for Bolabola. The next day the Commodore sent to this bull the three cows that he had on board; and the bull, which he had brought, the horse, and mare, and sheep, were now put ashore at Matavai. Having thus disposed [Page 332] of these animals, he found himself eased of the extraordinary trouble and vexation that had attended the bringing this living cargo to such a distance.

As Captain Cook intended to continue here a considerable time, we set up our observatories on Matavai Point; and, adjoined to them, two tents were pitched, for the reception of a guard, and of such people as might be left on shore, in different departments. The command, at this station, was entrusted to Mr. King; who also attended the astronomical and other observations. While we remained here, the crews of both ships were occupied in many necessary operations. The Discovery's main-mast was carried ashore, and made as good as it had ever been before. Our sails and water-casks were repaired; both of our ships were caulked; and the rigging was compleatly over-hauled. We likewise inspected the bread that we had on board in casks, and found that but little of it was damaged.

On the 26th, a piece of ground was cleared for a garden, and planted with several articles; very few of which will, probably, be looked after by the natives. Some potatoes, melons, and pine-apple plants, were in a fair way of succeeding before we quitted the place. We had brought, from the Friendly Islands, several shaddock-trees, which we also planted here; and they will in all probability succeed, unless their growth should [Page 333] be checked by the same idle and premature curiosity which destroyed a vine planted at Oheitepeha by the Spaniards. Many of the natives assembled to taste the first fruit it produced; but the grapes being still sour, they considered it as a little better than poison, and trod it under foot. In that state Omai accidentally found it, and was rejoiced at the discovery; for he was confident, that if he had but grapes, he could easily make wine. Accordingly, he had several slips cut off from the tree, with an intention of carrying them away with him; and he pruned, and put in order, the remains of it.

Before we had been two days at anchor in Matavai Bay, we were visited by all our old friends, whose names are mentioned in the narrative of Captain Cook's last voyage. Not one of them came with empty hands; so that we had an amazing quantity of provisions, without any apprehensions of exhausting the island, which presented to our eyes every mark of the most exuberant fertility and abundance. Soon after we had arrived here, one of the islanders, whom the Spaniards had carried with them to Lima, paid us a visit; but, in his exterior appearance, he was not distinguishable from the rest of his countrymen. He still remembered some Spanish words, among which the most frequent were, si Sennor. He also found here the young man whom we called Oedidee, but whose real name is Heete-heete. [Page 334] Captain Cook had carried him from Ulieta on board his ship in 1773, and brought him back in the succeeding year, after he had visited the Friendly Islands, New-Zealand, Easter Island, and the Marquesas. He had come from Bolabola (of which he was a native) to Otaheite, about three months before probably with the sole view of gratifying hid [...]riosity. He preferred the modes, and even dress, of his countrymen to ours; for, though Captain Cook gave him some cloths, which our board of admiralty had thought proper to send for his use (to which he added a chest of tools, and several other articles, as a present for himself) he, after a few days, declined wearing them. This instance, as well as that of the person who had been at Lima, may be adduced as a proof of the strong inclination of mankind in general to habits acquired at an early age; and it is perhaps no unreasonable supposition, that even Omai, who had imbibed almost the whole English manners, will in a short time after being left by us, return, like Oedidee, and the visitor of Lima, to his own native garments, and his original mode of life.

In the morning of the 27th, a man from Oheitepeha informed us, that two Spanish ships had achored in that bay the preceeding night; and to confirm this intelligence, he produced some coarse blue cloth, which, he said, he had got out of one of the ships. He further said, that Mateema was [Page 335] in one of the ships; and that they would come to Matavai in two or three days. These and some other circumstances, which he mentioned, gave the story so much the apperance of truth, that the Commodore dispatched Lieutenant Williamson in a boat, to look into Oheitepeha Bay; and, in the mean time, both our ships were put in a posture of defence. For, though England and Spain were at peace when he left England, he did not know but that a different scene might, by this time, have opened. Upon enquiry, however, we had reason to imagine, that the relater of the story had imposed upon us; and this was put beyond all doubt, when Mr. Williamson returned the day following, who made his report to Captain Cook, that he had been at Oheitepeha, and found that no ships were there at present, nor had any been there since we left it. The people of this part of the island, were we now were stationed, told us indeed, at first, that it was a fiction invented by those of Tiaraboo. But what view they could have, we could not conceive, unless they supposed that the report would induce us to quit the island, and thus deprive the inhabitants of Otaheite-nooe of the advantages they might otherwise reap from our ships remaining there; the natives of the two parts of the island being inveterate enemies to each other.

Since we arrived at Matavai, the weather had been very unsettled till the 29th; before which [Page 336] day we were unable to get even altitudes of the sun for ascertaining the going of the time-keeper. The caulking, and other repairs of the ships, were also retarded by the same cause. In the evening of this day, the islanders made a precipitate retreat, both from our land station, and from on board the ships. We conjectured that this arose from their knowing that some theft had been committed, and apprehending punishment upon that account. At length, we became acquainted with the whole affair: one of the surgeon's mates had made an excursion into the country to purchase curiosities, and had taken with him four hatchets for the purpose of exchange. Having been so imprudent as to employ a native to carry them, the fellow took an opportunity of running off with so valuable a prize. This was the reason of the sudden flight, in which Otoo himself, and all his family had joined; and it was with difficulty that the Captain stopped them, after following them for the space of two or three miles. As he had determined to take no measures for the recovery of the hatchets, that his people for the future might be more upon their guard against such negligence, every thing quickly resumed its former tranquillity.

The next morning some messengers arrived from Eimeo, with intelligence, that the people of that island were in arms: and that Otoo's partizans there had been obliged by the opposite [Page 337] party to retreat to the mountains. The quarrel between the two islands, which began in 1774, had partly subsisted every since. A formidable armament had sailed soon after Captain Cook left Otaheite in his last voyage; but the malecontents of Eimeo had made so gallant a resistance, that the fleet had returned without success; and now another expedition was deemed necessary. On the arrival of these messengers, the chiefs assembled at Otoo's house, where the Captain actually was at that time, and had the honour of being admitted into their council. One of the messengers opened the business with a speech of considerable length, the purport of which was to explain the situation of affairs in Eimeo, and to excite the Otaheitean chiefs to arm on the occasion. This opinion was opposed by others who were against commencing hostilities; and the debate was, for some time, carried on with great order and decorum. At length, however, they became very tumultuous, and the Captain began to expect that their meeting would conclude like a Polish diet. But the contending chiefs cooled as fast as they grew warm, and order was speedily restored. In the end, the party for war prevailed; and it was resolved, though not unanimously, that a strong force should be sent to Eimeo. Otoo said very little during the whole debate. Those of the council, who were inclinable for war, applied to the Captain for his assistance; and all of them [Page 338] were desirous of knowing what part he would take, Omai was sent for to act as his interpreter; but, as he could not be found, the Captain, being under a necessity of speaking for himself, told them, as well as he could, that, as he was not perfectly acquainted with the dispute, and as the natives of Eimeo had never given him the least cause of offence, he could not think of engaging in hostilities against them. With this declaration they either were, or appeared to be, satisfied. The council was then dissolved; but, before the Captain retired, Otoo desired him to come again in the afternoon, and bring Omai with him.

A party of us accordingly waited upon him at the appointed time; and he conducted us to his father, in whose presence the dispute with Eimeo was again discussed. The Commodore being very desirous of effecting an accommodation, sounded the old chief on that subject; but he was deaf to any such proposal, and fully determined to carry on hostilities. On our enquiry into the cause of the war, we were informed, that, several years ago, a brother of Waheiadooa, of Tiaraboo, was sent to Eimeo, at the desire of Maheine, a popular chief of that island, to be their king; but had not been there many days before Maheine, having caused him to be put to death, set up for himself, in opposition to Tierataboonooe, newphew of the deceased, who now became the lawful heir, or perhaps had been appointed, by the people of [Page 339] Otaheite, to succeed to the government on the death of the other.

Towha, who is related to Otoo, and chief of the district of Tettaha, and who had been commander in chief of the armament sent against Eimeo in 1774, happened not to be at Matavai at this time, and, therefore, was not present at these consultations. It appeared, however, that he was no stranger to what was transacted; and that he entered into the affair with great eagerness and spirit. For, on the 1st of September, a messenger arrived from him to acquaint Otoo, that he had killed a man to be sacrificed to the Fatooa, with the view of imploring the assistance of the deity against Eimeo. This ceremony was to be performed at the great morai, at Attahooroo; and Otoo's presence was necessary on the occasion. Captain Cook was desirous of being present at this solemnity, and therefore proposed to Otoo, that he might be permitted to accompany him. To this the king readily consented; and they immediately set out in the Captain's boat, with his old friend Potatou, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Webber, while Omai followed them in a canoe. In their way they landed upon a small island, lying off Tettaha, where they found Towha and his attendants. After a little conversation between the two chiefs, on the subject of the war, Towha addressed himself to the Captain, soliciting his assistance. When he exclused himself, Towha seemed [Page 340] displeased; thinking it rather extraordinary, that one who had constantly declared himself the friend of their island, should now refuse to fight against its enemies. Before they parted, Towha gave to Otoo two or three red feathers, tied up in a tuft; our party then re-embarked, having taken on board a priest, who was to assist at the solemnity.

As soon as they landed at Attahooroo, which was about two o'clock, Otoo desired that the sailors might be ordered to continue in the boat; and that Captain Cook, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Webber, would take off their hats as soon as they should come to the morai, to which they immediately proceeded, attended by numbers of men, and some boys; but not one woman was present. They found four priests, with their assistants, waiting for them. The dead body, or sacrifice, was in a small canoe that lay on the beach, fronting the morai. Two of the priests with several of their attendants, were sitting by the canoe; the others at the morai. Our company stopped at the distance of twenty or thirty paces from the priests. Here Otoo placed himself; our gentlemen, and a few others, standing by him, while the majority of the people were removed at a greater distance.

The ceremonies now commenced. One of the attendants of the priests brought a young plantain-tree, and laid it down before the king. Another approached, bearing a small tuft of red feathers, [Page 341] twisted on some fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, with which he touched one of Otoo's feet, and afterwards retired with it to his companions. One of the priests who were seated at the morai, now began a long prayer; and, at particular times, sent down young plantain-trees, which were placed upon the sacrifice. During this prayer, an islander, who stood by the officiating priest, held in his hands two bundles, in one of which, as we aftewards found, was the royal maro; and the other, if we may be allowed the expression, was the ark of the Eatooa. The prayer being finished, the priests at the morai, with their assistants, went and sat down by those who were upon the beach, carrying the two bundles with them. They here renewed their prayers▪ during which the plantain-trees were taken, one by one, at various times, from off the dead body, which, being wrapped up in cocoa-leaves and small branches, was now taken out of the canoe, and laid upon the beach. The priests placed themselves around it; some standing, and others sitting; and one, or more of them, repeated sentences for about ten minutes. The body was now stripped of the leaves and branches, and placed parallel with the sea-shore. Then one of the priests, standing at the feet of the corpse, pronounced a long prayer, in which he was occasionally joined by the others, each of them holding a tuft of red feathers in his hand. During this prayer, some hair was pulled [Page 342] off the head of the intended sacrifice, and the left eye was taken out; both which being wrapped up in a green-leaf, were presented to the king; who, however did not touch them, but gave, to the man who presented them the tuft of red feathers which he had received from Towha. This, with the eye and hair, was taken to the priests. Not long after, his majesty sent them another piece of feathers. In the course of this last ceremony, a king-fisher making a noise in the trees, Otoo turned to Captain Cook, saying, "That is the Eatooa;" and seemed to consider it as a favourable prognostic.

The corpse was then carried a littie way, and laid under a tree; near which were fixed three thin pieces of wood, variously carved. The bundles of cloth were placed on a part of the morai; and the tufts of red feathers were laid at the feet of the dead body, round which the priests stationed themselves; and our gentlemen were now permitted to go as near as they pleased. He who seemed to be the chief priest spoke for about a quarter of an hour, with different tones and gestures; sometimes appearing to expostulate with the deceased; at other times, asking several questions; then making various demands, as if the dead person either had power himself, or interest with the deity, to engage him to grant such requests; among which he desired him to deliever Eimeo, Maheine its chief, the women, hogs, and [Page 343] other things of the island, into their hands; which was, indeed, the express object of the sacrifice. He then prayed near half an hour, in a whining tone, and two other priests joined in the prayer, in the course of which a priest plucked some more hair from the head of the corpse, and put it upon one of the bundles: The chief priest now prayed alone, holding in his hand the feathers received from Towha. Having finished, he gave them to another priest, who prayed in like manner; then all the tufts of feathers were placed upon the bundles of the cloth, which concluded the ceremony at this place.

The dead body was now carried to the most conspicuous part of the morai, with the feathers and the two bundles of cloth, while the drums beat slowly. The feathers and bundles were laid against the pile of stones, and the body at the foot of them. The priests having again seated themselves round the corpse, renewed their prayers, while some of their assistants dug a hole about the depth of two feet, into which they threw the victim, and covered it over with stones and earth. While they were committing the body to the grave, a boy squeaked aloud, upon which Omai said to Captain Cook, that it was the Eatooa. A fire having been made in the mean time, a lean half-starved dog was produced and killed by twisting his neck. The hair was then singed off, and the entrails being taken out, [Page 344] were thrown into the fire, where they were left to be consumed; but the kidney, heart, and liver, were only roasted, by being put on heated stones; and the carcase of the dog, after being rubbed over with the blood, was, with the liver, &c. laid down before the priests, who were seated round the grave praying. They for some time uttered ejaculations over the dog, while two men, at intervals, beat very loud on two drums; and a boy screamed, in a loud shrill voice, three times. This, they said, was to invite the Eatooa to feast on the banquet that they had provided for him. When the priests had finished their prayers, the body, heart, liver, &c. of the dog, were placed on a whatta, or scaffold, about six feet in height, on which lay the remans of two other dogs, and of two pigs, which had been lately sacrificed. The priests and attendants now gave a kind of shout, which put an end to the ceremonies for the present. The evening being arrived, our gentlemen were conducted to a house belonging to Potatou, where they were entertained and lodged for the night. Having been informed, that the religious rites were to be renewed the next morning, they would not quit the place while any thing remained to be seen. Some of them repaired to the scene of action early in the morning; and, soon afterwards, a pig was sacrificed, and laid upon the same scaffold with the others. About eight o'clock, Otoo took our [Page 345] party again to the morai, where the priests, and a great multitude of people, where by this time assembled. The two bundles occupied the place where they had been deposited the preceding evening; the two drums were in the front of the morai, and the priests were stationed beyond them. The king placed himself between the drums, and desired Captain Cook to stand by him.

The ceremony of this day began with bringing a young plantain-tree, and laying it at his majesty's feet. A prayer was then repeated by the priests, holding in their hands several tufts of red feathers, and also a plume of ostrich feathers, which the Commodore had presented to Otoo on his first arrival. When the priests had ended the prayer, they changed their station, and placed themselves between our gentlemen and the morai. One of them, the same who had performed the principal part the preceding day, began another prayer, which continued near half an hour. During this prayer, the tufts of red feathers were put, one by one, upon the ark of the Eatooa. Not long after, four pigs were produced, one of which was immediately killed, and the three others were taken to a neighbouring sty.

One of the bundles was now untied; and it was found to contain the maro, with which the Otaheiteans invest their kings. When taken out of the cloth, it was spread on the ground, at full length, before the priests. It is a girdle about [Page 346] fifteen feet in length, and one foot and a quarter in breadth, and is probably put on in the same manner as the common maro, or piece of cloth, used by these islanders to wrap round the waist. It was ornamented with yellow and red feathers; but principally with the former. One end of it was bordered with eight pieces, about the size and figure of a horse-shoe, whose edges were fringed with black feathers. The other end was forked, having the points of various lengths. The feathers were ranged in two rows, in square compartments, and produced a pleasing effect. They had been first fixed upon some of the cloth of the island, and then sewed to the upper end of the pendant which Captain Wallis had left flying on shore, the first time of his arrival at Matavai. The priests pronounced a long prayer, relative to this part of the ceremony; and after it was ended, the badge of royalty was folded up with great care, and put into the cloth.

The other bundle, which we have already mentioned under the name of the ark, was next opened, at one end; but our party were not permitted to approach near enough to examine its mysterious contents. The intelligence they obtained respecting it was, that the Eatooa, (or rather what is supposed to represent him) was concealed in it. This sacred repository is composed of the twisted fibres of the husk of the cocoa-nut; and [Page]

[figure]

[Page 347] its figure is roundish, with one end considerably thicker than the other.

The pig that had been killed was by this time cleaned, and its entrails taken out. These happened to have many of those convulsive motions, which frequently appear, in different parts, when an animal is killed; and this was considered as a very favourable omen to the intended expedition. After being exposed for some time, the entrails were carried and laid down before the priests. While one of them prayed, another closely inspected the entrials, and continued turning them gently with a stick. Having been sufficiently examined, they were thrown into the fire. The sacrificed pig, and its liver, heart, &c. were now put upon the scaffold were the dog had been deposited; and then all the feathers, except the ostrich plume, being enclosed in the ark, an end was put to the whole solemnity.

Four double canoes remained upon the beach, all the morning, before the place of sacrifice. A small platform, covered with palm-leaves, fastened in mysterious knots, was fixed on the fore part of each of these canoes; and this also is called a morai. Some plantains, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, fish, and other articles, lay upon each of these naval morais. The natives said, that they belonged to the Eatooa, and that they were to attend the fleet that was to be sent out against Eimeo.

[Page 348]The unfortunate victim, offered on this occation, was to appearance, a middle-aged man, and was one of the lowest class of the people. But it did not appear that they had fixed upon him on account of his having committed any particular crime, that deserved death. It is certain, however, that they usually select such guilty persons for their sacrifices, or else, vagabonds, who have no visible way of procuring an honest livelihood. Our gentlemen having examined the appearance of the body of the unhappy sufferer, now offered up to the object of these people's worship, observed, that it was bloody about the head and face, and much bruised upon the right temple, which denoted the manner in which he had been killed. And they were informed, that he had been knocked on the head with a stone.

The wretches, who are destined to suffer on these occasions, are never previously apprized of their fate. Whenever any one of the principal chiefs deems a human sacrifice necessary, on any great emergency, he fixes upon the victim, and then dispatches some of his trusty servants, who fall upon him suddenly, and either stone him to death, or beat out his brains with a club. The sovereign is next acquainted with it, whose presence is said to be absolutely requisite at the solemn rites that follow; and, indeed, on the late occasion, Otoo bore a capital part. The solemnity itself is termed Poore Eree, or the prayer of [Page 349] the chief; and the victim is called Taata-tahoo, or consecrated man.

The morai, were the late sacrifice was offered, is always appropriated for the burial of the king of the whole island, and likewise of his family, and some other persons of distinguished rank. It differs little, except in extent, from the common morais. Its principal part is a large oblong pile of stones, about thirteen feet in heigth, and contracted towards the top, with a quadrangular area on each side, loosely paved with pebbles, under which the bones of the chiefs are deposited. Not far from the end nearest the sea, is the place of sacrifice, where is a very large whatta, or scaffold, on which the offerings of fruits, and other vegetables, are placed; but the animals are laid on a smaller one, and the human sacrifices are interred under the pavement. There are several reliques scattered about the place; such as small stones raised in various parts of the pavement, some with bits of cloth fastened round them, others entirely covered with it; and, upon the side of the large pile, fronting the area, are a great number of pieces of carved wood, in which their gods are supposed to reside occasionally. There is a heap of stones, at one end of the large scaffold, with a sort of platform on one side. On this they deposit all the skulls of the human sacrifices, which they take up after they have remained under ground for some months. [Page 350] Just above them, many of the carved pieces of wood are placed; and here the maro, and the other bundle, which was supposed to contain the God Ooro, were laid, during the celebration of the late solemn rites.

It is probable, that this barbarous custom of offering human victims, prevails in all or most of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, however distant from each other some of them may be. And though we should suppose, that not more than one person is sacrificed at one time, either at Otaheite, or other islands; yet these occasions, in all probability, occur so frequently, as to make a terrible havock of the human species; for Captain Cook reckoned no less than forty-nine skulls, of former victims, lying before the morai, at Attahooroo; and as none of those skulls appeared to have suffered any considerable change, or decay, from the weather, it may be inferred, that but a short time had elapsed since these victims had been offered. This horrid practice, though no consideration whatever can make it cease to be detestable, might, perhaps, be thought less detrimental, in some respects, if it contributed to impress any awe for the Deity, or veneration for religion, upon the minds of the spectators. But this was so far from being the case on the late occasion, that though a vast multitude of people had assembled at the morai, they shewed very little reverence for what was transacting. [Page 351] And Omai happening to arrive, after the ceremonies had begun, many of the islanders thronged round him, and were engaged, for the remaining part of the time, in making him recount some of his adventures; to which they listened with great eagerness of attention, regardless of the solemn offices which their priests were then performing. Indeed, the priests themselves, except the one who sustained the principal part, either from their being familiarized to such objects, or from their reposing no great degree of confidence in the efficacy of their religous institutions, maintained very little of that solemnity which is necessary to give to acts of devotion their proper effect. Their habit was but an ordinary one; they conversed together with great familiarity; and the only attempt they made to preserve decorum, was by exerting their authority to prevent the populace from encroaching on the very spot where the rites were performed, and to suffer our gentlemen, as strangers, to come forward. They were, however, very candid in the answers which they gave to any interrogatories that were put to them, with regard to this inhuman institution. And, particularly, on being asked, what was the design of it, they replied that it was an ancient custom and was highly agreeable to their god, who came and fed upon the sacrifices; in consequence of which, he granted their petitions. It was then objected, that he [Page 352] certainly did not feed on these, as he was neither observed to do it, nor were the bodies of the sacrificed animals soon consumed; and that as to the corpse of a human victim, they prevented his feeding on that, by interring it. In answer to these objections, they gave it as their opinion, that he came in the night, invisibly, and fed only on the soul or immaterial part, which (these people say) remain about the place of sacrifice, till the carcase of the victim is totally wasted by putrefaction.

Human sacrifices are not the only barbarous custom that still prevails amongst the inhabitants of Otaheite, though, in many other respects, they have emerged from the brutal manners of savage life. Besides cutting out the jaw bones of their enemies slain in battle, which they carry about with them as trophies, they, in some measure, offer up their bodies to the Eatooa. Soon after an engagement, in which they have come off victorious, they collect all the dead, and bring them to the morai, where, with great form and ceremony, they dig a large hole, and bury them all in it, as so many offerings to their divinities.

They treat, in a different manner, their own cheifs that fall in battle. Their late king Tootaha, Tubourai-tamaide, and another chief, who were all slain in an engagement with those of Tiaraboo, were brought to the morai at Attahooroo. There the priests cut out the bowels before [Page 353] the great alter; and their dead bodies were afterwards interred in three different places, near the great pile of stones above-mentioned; and the common men, who lost their lives in the battle, were all buried in one hole, at the foot of the same pile. This was performed the day after the battle, with much pomp and formality, amidst a numerous concourse of people, as a thanksgiving offering to the Deity, for the victory they had obtained the preceding day. The vanquished, in the mean time, had taken refuge in the mountains, where they remained upwards of a week, till the fury of the victors began to abate. A treaty was then set on foot, by which it was agreed, that Otoo should be proclaimed king of the whole island; and the solemnity of investing him with the maro, or badge of royalty, was performed at the same morai, with great magnificence.

[Page 354]

CHAP. III.

Re-embark for Matavai—Conference with Towha respecting the human Sacrifice—Description of the Heevas—Dinner given by Omai—Exhibition of Fire-works—Remarkable Method of making a Present of Cloth—Manner of preserving, for many Months, the dead Body of a Chief—Another human Sacrifice offered—Riding on horseback, matter of great Astonishment to the Natives— Otoo's great Attention to prevent Thiefs, &c.— Animals given to him by Captain Cook—Audience given to Etary, &c.—Manner of fighting two War Canoes—Naval Power, &c.

AT the close of the very extraordinary scene, exhibited at the morai, and particularly described in the last chapter, our party embarked about twelve o'clock, in order to return to Matavai; and in their way, paid a visit to Towha, who had continued in the little island, where they met him the preceding day. Some conversation on public affairs passed between Otoo and him; and the latter entreated Captain Cook, once more, to join them as an ally, in their war against Eimeo. By his positive refusal he entirely lost the good opinion of this chief.

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[Page 355]Before they separated, he interrogated our gentlemen concerning the solemnity, at which they had been present; and asked, particularly, if it answered their expectations; what opinion they entertained of its efficacy; and whether such acts of worship were frequent in their own country? They had been silent during the celebration of the horrid ceremony; but, as soon as it was completed, freely expressed their sentiments upon the subject, to Otoo, and his attendants; consequently Captain Cook did not conceal his detestation of it, in this conversation with Towha. Exclusive of the barbarity of the bloody custom, he urged the unreasonableness of it, alledging that such a sacrifice, instead of making the Eatooa propitious to their nation, would excite his vengeance; and that, from this very circumstance, he concluded, that their intended expedition against Maheine, would be unsuccessful. This was proceeding to great lengths upon conjecture; but there was little danger of being mistaken; for respecting this war, there were three parties in this island, one violent for it, another perfectly indifferent about it; and the third avowed supporters of Maheine, and his cause. Under these circumstances, it was not probable that such a plan of military operations would be settled, as could insure success. Omai acted as interpreter, in conveying the Captain's sentiments to Towha, on the subject of the late horrid sacrifice; and he supported his arguments [Page 356] with such spirit, that the chief appeared to be extremely angry; especially, on being informed, that if he had taken away the life of a man in England, as he had done here, his rank would not have protected him from an ignominious death. Upon this, he exclaimed, maeno! maeno! (vile! vile!) and would not hear a syllable more about it. Many of the natives were present at this debate; particularly the attendants and servants of Towha; and when Omai mentioned the punishment that would in England be inflicted upon the greatest man, if he dared to kill the meanest servant, they listened very attentively; and perhaps, on this subject, they thought differently from their master.

Leaving Towha, our gentlemen proceeded to Oparre, where Otoo solicited them to pass the night. They landed in the evening; and, on their way to his habitation, had an opportunity of observing how these people amuse themselves, in their private heevas. They saw about a hundred of them sitting in a house: in the midst of whom were two women, and an old man behind each of them, beating gently upon a drum; and the women, at intervals, singing with great softness and delicacy. The assembly were very attentive, and seemed, as it were, absorbed in the pleasure the music gave them; few of them taking any notice of the strangers, and the performers never once ceasing. When the party arrived [Page 357] at Otoo's house, it was almost dark. Here they were entertained with one of their public heevas, or plays, in which his three sisters represented the principal characters. This they call a heeva raä, and no person is suffered to enter the house or area, where it is exhibited. This is always the case, when the royal sisters are the performers. Their dress on this occasion, was truly elegant and picturesque, and they acquitted themselves in a very distinguished manner; though some comic interludes, wherein four men were the performers, seemed to afford greater entertainment to the audience, which was numerous. The Captain and his companions proceeded, the next morning, to Matavai, leaving Otoo at Oparre; but his mother, sisters, and many other women, attended the Captain on board, and Otoo followed a short time after.

While Otoo and Captain Cook had been [...] sent from the ships, they had been sparingly supplied with fruit, and had not many visitors. After their return we had abundance of company and provision. On the 4th, a party of us, among whom was Otoo, dined ashore with Omai, who provided excellent fare, consisting of fish, fowls, pork, and puddings. Dinner being over, Captain Cook accompanied Otoo back to his dewling, where he found all his servants busy in getting a quantity of provision ready for him. Amongst other articles, there was a large hog, [Page 358] which they killed in his presence. There was also a large pudding; the whole process in making which the Captain saw. It was composed of bread-fruit, plantains, taro, and plam or pandanus-nuts, each rasped, scraped, or beat up fine, and baked by itself. A quantity of the juice of cocoa-nut-kernels, was put into a kind of wooden tray. The other articles, hot from the oven, were put into this vessel; together with some hot stones, in order to make the contents simmer. Three or four persons were employed in stirring up the several ingredients till they were perfectly incorporated, and the juice of the cocoa-nut was, turned to oil; and the whole mass, at last, was nearly of the consistency of a hasty-pudding. The hog being baked, and the pudding being made, they, together with two living hogs, some bread fruit and cocoa-nuts, were sent on board the Captain's ship in a canoe, followed by him and all the royal family.

A young ram, of the Cape-bread, that had been lambed, and carefully brought up on board Captain Cook's ship, was killed by a dog the following day. This was the more to be regretted at it was the only one of that breed that we had; and only one of the English breed was now remaining.

On the 7th, in the evening, we exhibited some fire-works before a vast concourse of people, some of whom were highly entertained, but the [Page 359] greater number were much terrified with the exhibition; insomuch, that they could hardly be prevailed on to keep together to see the whole of the entertainment. What concluded the business, was a table-rocket. It flew off the table and dispersed the whole crowd in an instant; even the most resolute amongst them now fled with precipitation.

A party of us dined, the next day, with Oedidee, on fish and pork. The hog, which weighed about thirty pounds, was alive, dressed and upon the table within the hour. Soon af [...]e [...] we had dined, Otoo appeared, and enquired [...]f Captain Cook, if his belly was full? who answered in the affirmative. "Then come along with me," said Otoo. The Captain accordingly attended him to his father's where he saw several people employed in dressing two girls, with fine cloth, after a very singular fashion. There were several pieces of cloth, and the one end of each piece was held over the heads of the girls, while the remainder was wrapped round their bodies, under the arm-pits. The upper ends were then suffered to fall down, and hang in folds to the ground, over the other. Round the outside of all, were then wrapped several pieces of cloth of various colours, which considerably increased the size; it being five or six yards in circuit; and the weight of this singular attire, was as much as the poor girls could well support. To each were [Page 360] hung two taames, or breast-plates, in order to embelish the whole, and give it a picturesque appearance. Thus equipped, they were taken on board the ship, together with several hogs, and a quantity of fruit, which, together with this cloth, was a present to Captain Cook from Otoo's father. Those who are dressed in this manner, are called atee; but, this ceremony is never performed, except where large presents of cloth are to be made. We never saw it practised upon any other occasion; but both Captain Cook and Captain Clerke had cloth presented to them afterwards, wrapped round the bearers in the same manner. The next day, Captain Cook received a present of five hogs, and some fruit, from Otoo; and one hog, and some fruit from each of his sisters. Other provisions were also in great plenty. Great quantities of mackarel had been caught here by the natives, for two or three successive days; some of which were sold on board the ships.

Otoo was equally attentive to supply our wants, and contribute to our amusement. On the 10th, he treated a party of us at Oparre, with a play. His three sisters were the performers, and their dresses were new and elegant, much more so than we had met with in any of these islands.

The principal object, however, that the Captain had now in view, in going to Oparre, was to see an embalmed corpse, near the residence of Otoo. On enquiry, he found it to be the remains [Page]

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[Page 361] of Tee, a chief whom he well knew, when he last visited this island. It was lying in an elegant toopapaoo, in all respects similar to that at Oheitepeha, in which the remains of Waheiadooa are deposited. We found the body was under cover, within the toopapaoo, and wrapped up in cloth. At the Captain's desire, the person who had the care of it, brought it out, and placed it on a kind of bier, so as to give a perfect view of it; but we were not admitted within the pales that enclosed the toopapaoo. The corpse having been thus exhibited, he ornamented the place with mats and cloths, disposed in such a manner as to produce a pleasing effect. The body was entire in every part; and putrefaction seemed hardly to be begun, not the least disagreeable smell proceeding from it; though this is one of the hottest climates, and Tee had been above four months dead. There was, indeed, a shrinking of the muscular parts and eyes, but the hair and nails were in their original state, and the several joints were pliable. On enquiry into their method of preserving their dead bodies, we were informed, that, soon after they are dead, they are disembowelled, by drawing the intestines, and other viscera, out at the anus, and the whole cavity is stuffed with cloth; and when any moisture appeared, it was immediately dried up, and the bodies rubbed all over with perfumed cocoa-nut-oil; which, frequently repeated, preserved [Page 362] them several months; after which they moulder away gradually. Omai informed us, that the bodies of all their great men, who die a natural death, are thus preserved; and are exposed to public view for a very considerable time after. At first, they are exhibited every fine day; afterwards, the intervals become greater and greater; and, at last, they are very seldom to be seen.

We quitted Oparre in the evening, leaving Otoo, and all the royal family. The Captain saw none of them till the 12th; when all, except the chief himself, honoured him with a visit. He was gone, they said, at Attahooroo, to assist at another human sacrifice, sent by the chief of Tiaraboo to be offered up at the morai. This second instance, within so short a period, was a melancholy proof, that the victims of his bloody superstition are very numerous amongst this humane people. The Captain would have been present at this sacrifice also, had he been earlier informed of it, but now it was too late. For the same reason, he omitted being present at a public transaction, at Oparre, the preceeding day, when Otoo, with great solemnity, restored to the adherents of the late king Tootaha, the lands and possessions, of which, after his death they had been deprived.

Otoo returned the next evening, from exercising the most disagreeable of his royal duties; [Page]

A YOUNG WOMAN of OTAHEITE, bringing a PRESENT

[Page 363] and, the next day, being honoured with his company, the Captains Cook and Clerke, mounted on horseback, and rode round the plain of Matavai, to the astonishment of a vast train of spectators. Once or twice, before this, Omai had, indeed, attempted to get on a horse; but he had as often fallen off, before he could contrive to seat himself properly; this was, therefore, the first time they had seen any body on horseback. What the Captains had begun, was repeated daily, by one or another of our people; and yet the curiosity of the natives continued unabated. After they had seen the use that was made of these animals, they were exceedingly delighted with them; and we were of opinion, that they conveyed to them a better idea of the greatness of other nations, than all the novelties that their European visitors had carried amongst them.

The next day, Etary, or Olla, the God of Bolabola, removed from the neighbourhood of Matavai, to Oparre, attended by several sailing canoes. Otoo, we were told, did not approve of his being so near our station, where his people could more conveniently invade our property. Otoo, it must be acknowledged, took every prudent method to prevent thefts and robberies; and it was principally owing to his regulations, that so few were committed. He had erected a small house or two, behind our post; and two others near our tents, between the river and the [Page 364] sea. Some of his own people continually kept watch in all these places; and, as his father usually resided at Matavai Point, we were, in a manner, surrounded by them. They not only defended us in the night from thieves, but they had an opportunity of observing every thing that passed in the day; and were ready to receive contributions from such girls, as were privately connected with our people, which was usually done every morning; so that the measures he had taken to secure our safety, answered the more essential purpose of enlarging his own profits.

Otoo acquainted Captain Cook, that his presence was required at Oparre, where an audience was to be given to the great personage from Bolabola, and begged he would accompany him thither. The Captain readily consented, expecting to meet with something deserving his notice. Accordingly, they set out on the 16th, attended by Mr. Anderson. Nothing, however, occurred, that was interesting or curious. Etary and his followers presented some coarse cloth and hogs to Otoo, with some ceremony, and a set speech. After this a consultation was held between them and some other chiefs, about their expedition to Eimeo. Etary, at first, disapproved of it; but his objections were at length overruled. It appeared, indeed, the next day, that it was too late to deliberate upon this business; for, in the evening, a messenger arrived with intelligence, [Page 365] that there had been some skirmishes, but that the loss or advantage, on either side, was inconsiderable.

Captain Cook, Mr. Anderson, and Omai, in the morning of the 18th, went again to Oparre, accompanied by Otoo; taking with them the sheep which the Captain intended to leave upon the island. They consisted of an English ram and ewe, and three Cape ewes; all which he made a present of to Otoo. All the three cows had taken the bull; he therefore thought it adviseable to devide them, and carry some to Ulietea. With this view, he ordered them to be brought before him, and proposed to Etary, that if he would leave his bull with Otoo, he should have this and one of the cows. To this proposal, Etary, at first, started some objections; but, at last, agreed to it; however, as the cattle were putting into the boat, one of Etary's followers opposed the making an exchange whatever.

The Captain, upon this, suspecting that Etary had agreed to the arrangement, for the present, only to please him, dropped the idea of an exchange; and finally determined to leave them all with Otoo; whom he strictly enjoined not to suffer them to be removed from Oparre, till he should have got a stock of young ones; which he might then dispose of to his friends, or send to the neighbouring islands.

[Page 366]This matter being settled, our gentlemen left Etary and his party, and attended Otoo to another place, not far distant, where they found the servants of a chief, waiting with a hog, a pig, and a dog, as a present from their master to the king. These were delivered with the usual ceremonies, and an harangue, in which the speaker enquired after the health of Otoo, and of his principle people. This compliment was re-echoed in the name of Otoo, by one of his ministers; and then the dispute with Eimeo was formally discussed. The deputies of this chief were advocates for prosecuting the war with vigour, advising Otoo to offer a human sacrifice on the occasion. A chief, who constantly attended the person of Otoo opposed it, seemingly with great strength of argument. The Captain was now confirmed in his opinion, that Otoo never entered heartily into the spirit of this war. He received repeated messages from Towha, urging him to hasten to his assistance.

Having dined with Otoo, our party returned to Matavai, leaving him at Oparre. This day, and the 19th, we were very sparingly supplied with fruit. Otoo being informed of this, he and his brother, who had particularly attached himself to Captain Clerke, came from Oparre, with a large supply for both ships. All the royal family came the next day with presents, so that we now had more provisions than we could consume.

[Page 367]Our water being all on board, and every thing put in order, the Captain began to think of quitting the island, that he might have a sufficient time for visiting others in this neighbourhood. We therefore removed our observatories and instruments from the shore, and bent the sails.

Early the next morning, Otoo came on board to inform Captain Cook, that the war canoes of Matavai, and of three other districts, were going to join those belonging to Oparre, and that part of the island; and that there would be a general review there. The squadron of Matavai was soon after in motion; and after parading for some time about the bay, assembled ashore, near the middle of it. Captain Cook now went in his boat to take a survey of them.

What they call their war canoes, which are those with stages, on which they sight, amount to about sixty in number; there are nearly as many more of a smaller size. The Captain was ready to have attended them to Oparre; but the chiefs soon after formed a resolution, that they would not move till the next day. This appeared to be a fortunate delay, as it afforded him some opportunity of getting some insight into their manner of fighting. He therefore desired Otoo to give orders, that some of them should go through the necessary manoeuvres. Accordingly, two of them were ordered out into the bay; in one of which Otoo Capt. Cook, and Mr. King, embarked, [Page 368] and Omai went on board the other. As soon as they had got sufficient sea-room, they faced, advanced, and retreated by turns, as quick as their rowers could paddle. In the mean time, the warriors on the stages flourished their weapons, and played a variety of anticks, which could answer no other purpose than that of rousing their passions, to prepare them for the onset. Otoo stood by the side of one stage, giving the necessary orders, when to advance, and when to retreat. Great judgment, and a very quick eye, seemed requisite in this department, to seize every advantage, and to avoid every disadvantage. At length, after several times advancing to, and retreating from each other, the two canoes, clossed stage to stage; and after a severe, though short conflict, all the troops on Otoo's stage were supposed to be killed, and Omai and his associates boarded them, when instantly Otoo, and all the paddlers in his canoe, leaped into the sea, as if reduced to the necessity of preserving their lives by swimming.

According to Omai's information; their naval engagements are not always conducted in this manner. They sometimes lash the two vessels together, head to head, and fight till the warriors on one side or the other are killed. But this close combat it never practised, except when the contending parties are determined to conquer or die. Indeed, one or the other must infallibly [Page 369] happen; for they never give quarter, unless it be to reserve their prisoners for a more cruel death the day following.

All the power and strength of these islands lie solely in their navies. A general engagement on land we never heard of here; and all there decisive battles are fought on the water. When the time and place of battle are fixed upon by both parties, the preceding day and night are spent in feasting and diversions. When the morning approaches, they launch the canoes, make every necessary preparation, and, with the day, begin the battle; the fate of which, in general, decides the dispute. The vanquished endeavour to save themselves by a precipitate flight; and those who reach the shore fly, with their friends, to the mountains; for the victors, before their fury abates, spare neither the aged, nor women, or children. They assemble the next day, at the morai, to return thanks to the Eatooa for the victory, and offer up the slain and the prisoners, as sacrifices. A treaty is then set on foot; and the conquerors usually obtain their own terms; by which large districts of land, and even whole islands, sometimes change their owners. Omai said he was once taken a prisoner by the men of Bolabola, and conducted to that island, where he and many others would have suffered death the next day, had they not been fortunate enough to escape in the night.

[Page 370]This mock-fight being over, Omai put on his suit of armour, mounted a stage in one of the canoes, and, thus equipped, was paddled all along the shore of the bay, that every one might have a perfect view of him. His coat of mail, however, did not engage the attention of the multitude so much as was expected. The novelty was in a great degree lost upon some of them, who had seen a part of it before; and there were others, who had conceived such a dislike to Omai, from his folly and imprudence at this place, that they would hardly look at any thing that was exhibited by him, however singular and new.

THE END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

VOYAGE TO THE PACIFI …

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VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN; FOR MAKING DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTHERN HEMISPHERE PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF Captains COOK, CLERKE, and GORE, In the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, 1780.

BY Captain JAMES COOK, F.R.S. AND Captain JAMES KING, LL. D. and F.R.S. ILLUSTRATED WITH ELEGANT PLATES, AND A LARGE CHART.

In FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

NEW YORK: Printed by TIEBOUT and O'BRIEN: FOR BENJAMIN & JACOB JOHNSON, No. 147, HIGH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.—1796.

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CONTENTS.

BOOK III. OCCURRENCES AT OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLES; AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH-AMERICA.

CHAP. IV. Considerations about sailing—A Peace or Truce with Eimeo on disadvantageous Terms—Otoo's Delay in sending Reinforcements censured—A Solemnity at the Morai on the peace—Observations thereon —Otoo's Address and Art—Omai receives a Present of a War Canoe—Embellishes it with Variety of Streamers—Otoo's Present to his Majesty— Account of the Modes of Traffic, and the Friendly Treatment we received at Otaheite—The Expedition of some Spaniards—Their Endeavours to inculcate a mean Opinion of the English—Omai jealous of another Traveller. Page 1
CHAP. V. Anchor at Taloo in Eimeo—The Harbours of Taloo and Parowroah described—Visit from Maheine, the Chief of Eimeo, who approaches with Caution—Description of the Person of Maheine—Preparations made for sailing—Detained by having a Goat stolen—That recovered, and another stolen— Menaces used to occasion it to be returned—Expedition across the island, with a party, in search [Page vi] of the Goat—Houses and Canoes burnt, and other Hostilities threatened—The Goat returned—The Island described, &c. Page. 21
CHAP. VI. The Ships arrive at Huaheine—Assembly of the Chiefs—Omai's Harangue—His Establishment in this Island unanimously agreed to—A House built for him—Steps taken to ensure his Safety—The Ships infested with Cock-roaches—Detection and Punishment of a Thief—He escapes from his Confinement—Animals left with Omai—His European Weapons—His Entertainments—Inscription on his House—His Behaviour at parting—Remarks on his general Conduct—His Character— Account of the two New-Zealanders who remained with him. Page 34
CHAP. VII. Arrival at Ulietea—One of the Marines deserts, but is brought back by Captain Cook—Intelligence from Omai—Instructions to Captain Clerke— Two others desert—The two Captains seek them in vain—The Chief's Son, Daughter, and her Husband, confined on board the Discovery—Unsuccessful Conspiracy of the Natives against the Captains—The two Deserters are recovered—The Chief's family set at Liberty—The Ships sail— Remarks on the Ulieteans—Present and former State of their Island. Page 55
CHAP. VIII. Proceed to Bolabola, accompanied by Oreo and others —Application to Opoony for Monsieur de Bougainvillo's [Page vii] Anchor—Reasons for purchasing it—Delicacy of Opoony, in not accepting the Present —Quit the Society Islands—Description of Bolabola, and its Harbour—Curious History of the Reduction of the two Islands, Otaha and Ulietea —Bravery of the Men of Bolabola—Account of the Animals left at Bolabola and Ulietea—Process of salting Pork—Cursory Observations respecting Otaheite, and the Society Islands. Page 71
CHAP. IX. Strictures on former Accounts of Otaheite—The prevailing Winds—Beauty and Fertility of the Country—Land but little cultivated—Produce—Natural Curiosities—Description of the Natives— Delicacy of the women—Their general Character—Disposed to amorous Gratifications—Their Language—Ignorance of Surgery and Physic— Animal Food chiefly eaten by the superior Class— Pernicious Effects of Ava—Account of their different Meals—Connections between the two Sexes —Circumcision—Religion—Notions concerning Immortality—Superstitions—Strange Traditions about the Creation—The King almost deified—Classes of the People—Punishments—Peculiarities of the adjacent Islands—Limits of their Navigation. Page 83
CHAP. X. Prosecution of our Voyage, after our Departure from the Society Isles—Christmas Island Discovered— Supplies of Fish and Turtle—Solar Eclipse— Distress of two Seamen who had lost their Way— Singular Mode of refreshing himself practised by [Page viii] one of those Stragglers—Inscription left in a Bottle—Soil of the Island described—Trees and Plants —Birds, and other Animals —Further Particulars respecting Christmas Island. Page 127
CHAP. XI. Three Islands discovered—The Inhabitants of Atooi approach us in their Canoes—Their Persons described—Some of them venture on board—Their Amazement on that Occasion—Precautions against importing the Venereal Disease into the Island— One of the natives killed—The Ships cast Anchor—The Commodore's Reception on landing— His Excursion into the Country, with Messrs. Webber and Anderson—Description of a Morai and its Obelisk—The Custom of offering human Victims prevalent among these People— Curious feathered Cloaks and Caps—The Resolution driven from Atooi Road—The Isle of Onecheow visited—Some of our People are detained on Shore—Animals and Seeds left at Oneheow— Customs of the Natives—The Ships proceed to the northward. Page 128
CHAP. XII. Situation of the Islands now discovered by us—The Name of Sandwich Islands given to the whole Group—Atooi particularly described—Its Soil— Climate—Vegetable Produce—Birds—Fish—Domestic Animals—The Persons and Disposition of the Natives—Estimate of their Number—Their Dress and Ornaments—Houses—Food—Mode of Cookery—Diversions—Musical Instruments— Manufactures—Tools—Their Acquaintance with Iron accounted for—Their Canoes described— Agriculture—Account of one of their Chiefs, who [Page ix] visited Captain Clerke—Their Weapons—Affinity between their Manners and those of the Society and Friendly Islanders—Their Language—Advantageous Situation of the Sandwich Isles. Page 160
CHAP. XIII. Observations on the Longitude, Tides, &c.—Proceed on the Voyage—Weather remarkably mild as far as the Latitude 44° North—Scarcity of Oceanic Birds in the Nothern Hemisphere—Beautiful Sea-Animals described, supposed by Mr, Anderson to be a new species of Oniscus—See the Coast of North-America—Description of the Country— Difficulty at Cape Foulweather—Stormy and tempestuous Weather—Strictures on Martin d' Aguilar's River—Fallacy of Juan de Fuca's pretended Strait—An Inlet discovered—The Ships anchor there, and are visited by Numbers of the Natives—Their Behaviour. Page 194

BOOK IV. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES OF NORTH-AMERICA: DISCOVERIES ON THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. I. Arrival at the Sound—Moor in an excellent Harbour—Visited by great Numbers of the Natives, [Page x] who are an inoffensive Race of People—Variety of Articles brought to Barter, particularly human Skulls—Mischievous Thefts committed—The Observatories erected on a Rock—Also a Forge erected— Alarmed at seeing the Natives arm themselves—Distant Tribes not permitted by the Natives to traffic with us—Tempestuous Weather—A Survey of the Sound—Friendly Behaviour of the Natives of one of the Villages—Treatment received from an inhospitable Chief—Greeted with a Song by young Women- A second Visit to one of the Villages—Grass purchased—Departure of the Ships. Page 209
CHAP. II. Directions for sailing into the Sound—The adjacent Country described—Remarks on the Weather and Climate—Trees and other vegetable Productions —Racoons, Martins, Squirrels, and other Quadrupeds—Variety of Skins brought for Sale— Whales, and other Sea Animals—The Sea Otter described—Birds—Oceanic Birds—Fish—Shell Fish—Snakes and Lizards—Insects—Stones— Description of the Natives—Their Colour—Formation—Dress and Ornaments—Particular Dresses, and horrible wooden Masks—Leathern Mantle for War—Their Disposition—Songs—Musical Instruments—Their Fondness for Metals, which they take every Opportunity of stealing. Page 229
CHAP. III. Number of inhabitants at Nootka Sound—Manner of building their Houses—Description of their Inside, Furniture, and Utensils—Their Filthiness [Page xi] —Wooden Images, called Klumma—Employments of the Men—Indolence of the young Men— Of the Women, and their Employments—Different Sorts of Food, and Manner of preparing it—Bows— Arrows—Spears—Slings, and other Weapons— Manufactures of Woollen, &c.—Mechanic Arts —Design and Execution in Carving and Painting —Canoes—Implements used in Hunting and Fishing—Iron Tools common among them—Manner of procuring that, and other Metals—Language &c. Page 252
CHAP. IV A Storm—The Resolution springs a Leak—Progress of the Ships along the North-American Coast— An Inlet named Cross Sound—Beering's Bay— Cape Suckling—Account of Kay's Island—Our Ships anchor near Cape Hinchingbroke—the Natives visit us—Their Fondness for Beads and Iron—Their daring Attempt to carry off one of our Boats—They also attempt to plunder the Discovery—Progress up the Sound—Mr. Gore and the Master sent to examine its Extent—Montague Island—The Ships leave the Sound. Page 275
CHAP. V. Extent of Prince William's Sound—The Persons of its Inhabitants described—Their Dress—Remarkable Custom of making an incision in the Underlip—Their various Ornaments—Canoes—Weapons —Armour—Domestic Utensils—Their skill in all manual Works—Their Food—A specimen of their Language—Quadrupeds—Birds—Fish—Trees Conjectures whence they procure Beads and Iron. Page 300
[Page xii] CHAP. VI. Proceed along the Coast—Cape Elizabeth—Cape St. Hermogenes—Beering's Voyage and Chart very defective—Point Banks—Barren Isles—Cape Douglas—Cape Bede—Mount St. Augustin—Endeavour to find a passage up an Inlet— Both Ships make a Progress up it—Convincing Proofs of its being a River—A Branch of it called River Turnagain—The great River named Cook's River —The Ships return—Several Visits from the Natives—Leiutenant King lands, displays a Flag, and takes possession of the Country—His Reception by the Natives—The Resolution strikes upon a Bank—The high Tides accounted for. Page 317
CHAP. VII. Departure from Cook's River—Pass St. Hermogenes —Cape Whitsunday—Whitsuntide Bay—Cape Greville—Cape Barnabas—Two headed Point— Trinity Island—Beering's Foggy Island—Foggy Cape—Pinnacle Point—Description of a curious Bird—Account of the Schumagin Island—A Russian Letter brought on board the Discovery—Various Conjectures concerning it—Rock Point—Halibut Island—Halibut Head—A Volcano—Escape providentially—Arrival at Oonalashka—Traffic with the Natives there—Another Russian Letter brought on board—Description of the Harbour of Samganoodha. Page 339

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VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK III. OCCURRENCES AT OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLES; AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH-AMERICA.

CHAP. IV.

Considerations about sailing—A Peace or Truce with Eimeo on disadvantageous Terms—Otoo's Delay in sending Reinforcements censured—A Solemnity at the Morai on the p [...]ace—Observations thereon —Otoo's Address and Art—Omai re [...]eives a Present of a War Canoe—Embellishes it with Variety of Streamers—Otoo's Present to his Majesty— Account of the Modes of Traffic, and the Friendly Treatment we received at Otaheite—The Expedition of some Spaniards—Their Endeavours to inculcate a mean Opinion of the English—Omai jealous of another Traveller.

OTOO, and his father, came on board, in the morning of the 22d▪ to know when Captain Cook proposed sailing. For, hearing [Page 2] that there was a good harbour at Eimeo, he had informed them, that he should visit that island on his passage to Hu [...]heine; and they proposed to accompany him, and that their fleet should sail at the same time to reinforce Towha. Being ready to take his departure, he submitted to them the appointment of the day; and the Wednesday following was determined upon; when he was to receive on board Otoo, his father, mother, and the whole family. These points being agreed on, the Captain proposed immediately setting out for Oparre, where all the fleet was to assemble this day, and to be reviewed.

As Captain Cook was getting into his boat, news arrived that a treaty had been concluded between Towha and Maheine, and Towha's fleet had returned to Attahooroo. From this unexpected event, the war canoes, instead of rendezvousing at Oparre, were ordered to their respective districts. Captain Cook, however, followed Otoo to Oparre, accompanied by Mr. King and Omai. Soon after their arrival, a messenger arrived from Eimeo, and related the conditions of the peace, or rather truce, it being only for a limitted time. The terms being disadvantageous to Otaheite, Otoo was severely censured, whose delay, in sending reinforcements, had obliged Towha to submit to a disgraceful accommodation. It was even currently reported, that Towha, resenting the treatment he had received, had declared, that [Page 3] immediately after Captain Cook's departure, he would join his forces to those of Tiaraboo, and attack Otoo. This called upon the Captain to declare, that he was determined to espouse the interest of his friend: and that whoever presumed to attack him, should experience the weight of his displeasure, when he returned to their island.

This declaration, probably, had the desired effect, and, if Towha did entertain any such hostile intention at first, we heard no more of the report. Whappai, the father of Otoo, highly disapproved of the peace, and censured Towha for concluding it. This old man wisely considered that Captain Cook's going with them to Eimeo, might have been of singular service to their cause, though he should not interfere in the quarrel. He therefore concluded, that Otoo had acted prudently in waiting for the Captain; though it prevented his giving that early assistance to Towha which he expected.

While we were debating on this subject at Oparre, a messenger arrived from Towha, desiring the attendance of Otoo the next day, at the moria in Attahooroo, to return thanks, to the Gods for the peace he had concluded. Captain Cook was asked to attend; but being much out of order, chose rather to decline it. Desirous, however, of knowing what ceremony might be exhibited on so memorable an occasion, he sent Mr. King and Omai to observe the particulars, and returned to [Page 4] his ship, attended by Otoo's mother, his three sisters, and several other woman. At first, the Captain imagined that this numerous train came into his boat, in order to get a passage to Matavai. But they assured him, they intended passing the night on board, for the purpose of curing the disorder he complained of; which was a rheumatic pain, extending from the hip to the foot. He accepted the friendly offer, had a bed prepared for them upon the cabin floor, and submitted himself to their directions. He was first desired to lie down amongst them, when all those who could get near him, began to squeeze him with both hands all over the body, but more particularly on the parts complained of, till they made his bones crack, and his flesh became almost a mummy. In short, after suffering this severe discipline about a quarter of an hour, he was happy to get away from them. The operation, however, gave him immediate relief, and encouraged him to a repetition of the same discipline, before he retired to bed; and it was so effectual, that he found himself pretty easy the whole night after. His female physicians very obligingly repeated their prescription the next morning, before they left him, and again in the evening, when they returned; after which, the cure being perfected, they took their leave of the Captain the following morning. This is called romee, among the natives, an operation far exceeding that of the flesh-brush, [Page 5] or any external friction. It is universally practised amongst these islanders, and generally by women. If, at any time, a person appears languid and tired, and sits down by any of them, they practise the romee upon his legs; and it always has an excellent effect.

On Thursday the 25th of September, Otoo, Mr. King, and Omai, returned from Attahooroo; and Mr. King gave a narrative of what he had seen to the following effect: "At sun-set, we embarked in a canoe, and left Oparre. About nine o'clock we landed at that extremity of Tettaha, which joins to Attahooroo. The meeting of Otoo and Towha, I expected, would be interesting. Otoo and his attendants seated themselves on the beach, near the canoe in which Towha sat. He was then asleep; but being awakened, and Otoo's name being metioned to him, a plantain-tree and dog were immediately laid at Otoo's feet; and several of Towha's people came and conversed with him. After I had been, for some time, seated close to Otoo, Towha neither stirring from his canoe, nor saying any thing to us, I repaired to him. He asked me if Toote was displeased with him; I answered, No; and that he was his taio; and that I was ordered to go to Attahooroo, to let him know it. Omai then entered into a long conversation with this chief; but I could not gather any information from him. On my returning to Otoo, he desired that I should [Page 6] go to eat, and then to sleep; in consequence of which Omai and I left him. On questioning Omai on that head, he said, Towha was lame, and therefore could not stir; but that Otoo and he would soon converse together in private. This was probably true; for those we left with Otoo came to us in a little time; and about ten minutes after, Otoo himself arrived, when we all went to sleep in his canoe.

The kava was the next morning in great plenty. One man drank to such excess that he lost his senses, and appeared to be convulsed. He was held by two men, who busied themselves in plucking off his hair by the roots. I left this spectacle to see a more affecting one. It was the meeting of Towha and his wife, and a young girl, who was said to be his daughter. After the ceremony of cutting their heads, and discharging plenty of blood and tears, they washed, embraced the chief, and seemed perfectly unconcerned. But the young girl's sufferings were not yet concluded. Terridiri (Oberea's son) arrived; and she, with great composure, repeated those ceremonies to him which she had just performed on meeting her father. Towha having brought a war-canoe from Eimeo, I enquired if he had killed the people belonging to her; and was informed, that there was not a person in her when she was captured.

About ten or eleven o'clock we left Tettaha, and landed close to the morai of Attahooroo early [Page 7] in the afternoon. Three canoes lay hauled upon the beach, opposite the morai, having three hogs in each. We expected the solemnity would have been performed the same afternoon; but nothing was done, as neither Towha nor Potatou had joined us. A chief came from Eimeo with a small pig, and a plantain-tree, which he placed at Otoo's feet. They conversed some time together, and the Eimeo chief often repeating the words Warry, Warry, "false." Otoo was probably relating to him what he had heard, and the other contradicted it.

The next day, Towha and Potatou, with seven or eight large canoes, arrived, and landed near the morai. Several plantain-trees were brought to Otoo, on behalf of different chiefs. Towha remained in his canoe. The ceremony was commenced by the principal priest, who brought out the maro, wrapped up in a bundle of a conic shape. These were placed at the head of what I supposed to be a grave. Then three priests sat down, at the other end of the grave; having with them a plantain-tree, a branch of some other kind of tree, and the sheath of the flower of the cocoa-nut-tree.

The priests separately repeated sentences; and at intervals, two, and sometimes all three, chanted a melancholy ditty, very little attended to by the natives. This kind of recitative continued near an hour. Then, after a short prayer, the chief [Page 8] priest uncovered the maro, and Otoo rose up, and warpped it about him, holding in his hand a bonnet, composed of the red feathrs of the tropic bird, mixed with other blackish feathers. He stooped opposite the three priests, who continued their prayers for about ten minutes; when a man rising suddenly from the crowd, said something ending with heiva! and the crowd echoed back to him three times Earee! The company then repaired to the opposite side of a large pile of stones, where is the kings morai; which is not much unlike a large grave. Here the same ceremony was again performed, and with three cheers. The maro was now warpped up, and ornamented by the addition of a small piece of red feathers.

The people now proceeded to a large hut, near the morai, where they seated themselves in solemn order. An oration was then made by a man of Tiaraboo, which ended in about three minutes. He was followed by a man of Attahooroo; Potatou spoke next, and with much more fluency and grace than any of them. Tooteo, Otoo's orator, exhibited after him, and then a man from Eimeo. Some other Speeches were made, but not attended to. Omai said, that the substance of their speeches recommended friendship, and not fighting; but as many of the speakers expressed themselves with great warmth, there were, perhaps, some recriminations and protestations of their future good intentions. In the midst of [Page 9] their harangues a man of Attahooroo rose up, having a sling fastened to his waist, and a large stone upon his shoulder. After parading for about fifteen minutes in the open space, and chanting a few short sentences, he threw the stone down. This stone, together with a plantain-tree that lay at Otoo's feet, were, at the conclusion of the speeches, carried to the morai; one of the priests, and Otoo with him, saying something upon the occasion.

Returning to Oparre, the sea-breeze having set in, we were obliged to land, and had a pleasant walk from Tettaha to Oparre. A tree, with two large bundles of dried leaves suspended upon it, pointed out the boundary of the two districts. We were accompanied by the man who had performed the ceremony of the stone and sling. With him Otoo's father held a long conversation, and appeared extremely angry. He was enraged, as I understood, at the part which Towha had taken in the Eimeo business.

From what can be judged of this solemnity, as related by Mr. King, it had not been only a thanksgiving, as Omai told us, but rather a confirmation of the treaty. The grave, mentioned by Mr. King, appears to be the very spot where the celebration of the rites began, when the human sacrifice was offered, at which Captain Cook was present, and before which the victim was laid. It is here also, that they first invest [Page 10] their kings with the maro. Omai, who had seen the ceremony when Otoo was made king, described the whole solemnity, when we were here; which is nearly the same as that now described by Mr. King; though, perhaps, upon a very different occasion. The plantain-tree is always the first thing introduced in all their religious ceremonies, as well as in all their public and private debates; and, probably, on many other occasions. While Towha was at Eimeo, he sent one or more messengers to Otoo every day. Every messenger, at all times, carried a young plantain-tree in his hand, which he laid at the feet of Otoo, before he mentioned his errand; then seated himself before him, and related the particulars of his message. When two men are in such high dispute that blows are expected to ensue, if one should lay a plantain-tree before the other, they both become cool, and proceed in the argument without further animosity. It is, indeed, the olive branch of these people on all occasions.

As our friends knew that we were upon the point of sailing, they all paid us a visit on the 26th, and brought more hogs with them than we wanted; for, having no salt left to preserve any, we had fully sufficient for our present use.

Captain Cook accompanied Otoo, the next day, to Oparre; and before he left it, took a survey of the cattle and poultry, which he had consigned to his friend's care. Every thing was in a promising [Page 11] way; and seemed properly attended to. Two of the geese, as well as two of the ducks, were sitting; but the pea-hen and turkey-hen had neither of them begun to lay. He took four goats from Otoo, two of which he intended to leave at Ulietea; and reserve the other two for the use of any other islands he might touch at in his passage to the north.

The following circumstance concerning Otoo will shew, that the people of this island are capable of much address and art, to accomplish their purposes. Amongst other things, which Captain Cook had, at different times, given to this chief, was a spying-glass. Having been two or three days possessed of it, he, perhaps grew tired of its novelty, or discovered that it could not be of any use to him, he therefore carried it, privately, to Captain Clerke; telling him, that, as he had shewn great friendship for him, he had got a present for him, which, he supposed, would be agreeable. "But, says Otoo, Toote must not be informed of this, because he wanted it, and I refused to let him have it;" accordingly, he put the glass into Captain Clerke's hands, assuring him, at the same time that he came honestly by Captain Clerke, at first wished to be excused from accepting it; but Otoo insisted upon it, that he should; and left it with him. A few days after, he reminded Captain Clerke of the glass; who, though he did not wish to have it, was yet [Page 12] desirous o [...] obliging Otoo; and thinking, that a few axes would be more acceptable, produced four to give him in exchange. Otoo immediately exclaimed, "Toote offered me five for it." "Well (says Captain Clerke) if that be the case, you shall not be the loser by your friendship for me; and you shall have six axes." He readily accepted them; but again desired, that Captain Cook might not be made acquainted with the transaction. For the many valuable things which Omai had given away, he received one good thing in return. This was a very fine double sailing canoe, completely equipped. Some time before, the Captain had made up a suit of English colours for him; but he considered them as too valuable to be used at this time; and, therefore patched up a parcel of flags and pendants, to the number of ten or a dozen, which he spread on different parts of his canoe. This, as might be expected, drew together a great number of people to look at her. Omai's streamers were a mixture of English, French, Spanish, and Dutch, being all the European colours he had seen. He had completely stocked himself with cloth and cocoa-nut oil, which are better and more plentiful at Otaheite, than at any of the Society Islands; insomuch, that they are considered as articles of trade. Omai would not have behaved so inconsistently, as he did in many instances, had it not been for his sister and brother-in-law, who, together with [Page 13] a few select acquaintances, engrossed him to themselves, in order to strip him of every article he possessed. And they would certainly have succeeded, if Captain Cook had not taken the most useful articles of his property in his possession. This, however, would not have saved Om [...]i from ruin, if he had permitted these relations of his to have accompanied him to his intended place of settlement at Huaheine. This, indeed was their intention; but the Captain disappointed their farther views of plunder, by forbidding them to appear in that island, while he continued in that part of the world; and they knew him two well not to comply.

Otoo came on board the 28th of September, and informed Captain Cook that he had got a canoe, which he desired he would take with him as a present from him to the Eree rahie no Pretane. The Captain was highly pleased with Otoo, for this mark of his gratitude. At first, the Captain supposed it to have been a model of one of their vessels of war; but it proved to be a small ivahab, about sixteen feet long. It was double, and probably had been built for the purpose; and was decorated with carved work, like their canoes in general. It being too large for him to take on board, he could only thank him for his good intention; but he would have been much better pleased, if his present could have been accepted.

[Page 14]By calms, and gentle breezes from the west, we were detained here some days longer than we expected. All this time, the ships were crowded with our friends and surrounded by canoes; for none of them would quit the place, till we departed. At length, on the 29th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the wind came at east, and we weighed anchor. The ships being under sail, to oblige Otoo, and to gratify the curiosity of his people, we fired seven guns; after which, all our friends, except him, and two or three more, took leave of us with such lively marks of sorrow and affection, as sufficiently testified how much they regretted our departure. Otoo expressing a desire of seeing the ships sail, we made a stretch out to sea, and then in again immediately; when he also took his last farewel, and went ashore in his canoe.

It was strictly enjoined to Captain Cook by Otoo, to request, in his name, the Earee rahie no Pretane, to send him, by the next ship, some red feathers, and the birds which produce them; also axes; half a doxen muskets; powder and shot; and, by no means, to forget horses.

When these people make us a present, it is customary for them to let us know what they expect in return; and we find it convenient to gratify them; by which means our presents come dearer to us than what we get by barter. But, being sometimes pressed by occasional scarcity, we could have recourse to our friends for a supply [Page 15] as a present, when we could not get it by any other method. Upon the whole, therefore, this way of traffic was full as advantageous to us as to the natives. Captain Cook, in general, paid for each separate article as he received it, except in his intercourse with Otoo. His presents where so numerous, that no account was kept between him and the Captain. Whatever he asked for, if it could be spared, the Captain never denied him, and he always found him moderate in his demands.

Captain Cook would not have quited Otaheite so soon as he did, if he could have prevailed upon Omai to fix himself there. There was not even a probability of our being better supplied with provisions elsewhere, than we continued to be here, even at the time of our leaving it. Besides, such a friendship and confidence subsisted between us and the inhabitants, as could hardly be expected at any other place; and it was rather extraordinary, had never been once interrupted or suspended by any accident, or misunderstanding; nor had there been a theft committed, worthy of notice. It is probable, however, that their regularity of conduct resulted from their fear of interrupting a traffic, which might procure them a greater share of our commodities, than they could obtain by plunder or pilfering. This point, indeed, was, in some degree, settled at the first interview with their chiefs, after our arrival. For [Page 16] Captain Cook declared then to the natives, in the most decisive terms, that he would not suffer them to rob us, as they had formerly done. Omai was singularly useful in this business, being instructed by the Captain to point out to them the happy consequences of their honest conduct, and the fatal mischiefs that must attend a deviation from it. But the chiefs have it not always in their power to prevent thefts; they are often robbed themselves; and complain of it as the worst of evils. The most valuable things that Otoo received from Captain Cook, were left in the Captain's possession till the day hefore we sailed; Otoo declaring, at the same time, that they were no where so safe. From the acquisition of new riches, the inducements to pilfering must certainly have increased; and the chiefs are sensible of this, from their being so extremely desirous of having chests. The few that the Spaniards left amongst them are highly prized; and they were continually asking us for some. Captain Cook had one made for Otoo, the dimensions of which were eight feet in length, five in breadth, and about three in depth. Locks and bolts are not considered as a sufficient security; but must be large enough for two people to sleep upon, and consequently guard it in the night.

It may appear extraordinary, that we could never get any distinct account of the time when the Spaniards arrived, the time they stayed, and [Page 17] when they departed. The more we made enquiry into this matter, the more we were convinced of the incapability of most of these people to remember, calculate, or note the time, when past events happened; especially if for a longer period than eighteen or twenty months. It however appeared, by the inscription upon the cross, and by the information of the most intelligent of the natives, that two ships came to Oheitepeha in 1774, not long after Captain Cook left Matavai, which was in May the same year. The live stock they left here, consisted of one bull, some goats, hogs, and dogs, and the male of another animal; which we were afterwards informed was a ram, and was, at this time at Bolabola.

The hogs are large; have already much improved the breed originally found by us upon the island; and, on our late arrival, were very numerous. Goats are also in plenty, there being hardly a chief without some. The dogs that the Spaniards put ashore are of two or three sorts: if they had all been hanged, instead of being left upon the island, it would have been better for the natives. Captain Cook's young ram fell a victim to one of these animals. Four Spaniards remained on shore when these ships left the island; two of whom were priests, one a servant, and the other was much caressed among the natives, who distinguish him by the name of Mateema. He seems to have so far studied their language, as to [Page 18] have been able to speak it tolerably; and to have been indefatigable in impressing the minds of the islanders with exalted ideas of the greatness of the Spanish nation, and inducing them to think meanly of that of the English. He even assured them, that we no longer existed as an independent nation; that Prelane was but a small island, which they had entirely destroyed; and as to Captain Cook, that they had met with him at sea, and with the greatest ease that could be imagined, had sent his ship, and every creature in her, to the bottom; so that his visiting Otaheite was, at this time, very unexpected. Many other improbable falsehoods were propagated by this Spaniard, and believed by the inhabitants; but Captain Cook's returning to Otaheite was considered as a complete confutation of all that Mateema had advanced. With what design the priests remained, cannot easily be conceived. If it was their intention to convert the natives to the Cathalic faith, they certainly have not succeeded. It does not appear, indeed, that they ever attempted it; for the natives say, they never conversed with them, either on this, or any other subject. The priests resided the whole time in the house at Oheitepeha; but Mateema roved about continually, visiting many parts of the island. After he and his companions had staid ten months, two ships arriving at Oheitepeha, took them aboard, and sailed again in five days. Whatever design the Spaniards might have [Page 19] had upon this island, this hasty departure shews they have now laid it aside. They endeavoured to make the natives believe, that they still intended to return; and that they would bring with them houses, all kinds of animals, and men and women who were to settle on the island. Otoo, when he mentioned this to Captain Cook, added, that if the Spaniards should return, they should not come to Mataiva Fort, which he said, was ours. The idea pleased him; but he did not consider that the completion of it would deprive him of his kingdom, and his people of their liberties. Though this shews how easily a settlement might be made at Otaheite, it is, hoped that such a circumstance will never happen. Our occasional visits may have been of service to its inhabitants, but (considering how most European establishments are conducted among Indian nations) a permanent establishment amongst them would, probably, give them just cause to lament that our ships had ever discovered it. Indeed, a measure of this kind can hardly ever be seriously thought of; as it can neither answer the purposes of public ambition, nor of private avarice.

It has been already observed, that Captain Cook received a visit from one of the two natives of this island, who had been taken to [...]ma by the Spaniards. It is somewhat remarkable that he never saw him afterwards, especially as the Captain received him with uncommon civility. The [Page 20] Captain, however, supposed that Omai had kept him at a distance from him, from motives of jealousy, he being a traveller, that in some degree, might vie with himself. Our touching at Teneriffe was a lucky circumstance for Omai; who prided himself in having visited a place belonging to Spain, as well as this man. Captain Clerke, who had seen the other man, spoke of him as a low fellow, a little out of his senses; and his own countrymen entertained the same opinion of him. In short, these two adventurers seemed to be held in little or no esteem. They had not been so fortunate, indeed, as to return home with such valuable property as had been bestowed upon Omai; whose advantages from going to England were so great, that if he should sink into the same state of insignificance, he has only himself to blame for it.

[Page 21]

CHAP. V.

Anchor at Taloo in Eimeo—The Harbours of Taloo and Parowroah described—Visit from Maheine, the Chief of Eimeo, who approaches with Caution—Description of the Person of Maheine—Preparations made for sailing—Detained by having a Goat stolen—That recovered, and another stolen—Menaces used to occasion it to be returned—Expedition cross the island, with a party, in search of the Coat—Houses and Canoes burnt, and other Hostilities threatened—The Goat returned—The Island described, &c.

ON the 30th of September, at day-break, after leaving Otaheite, we stood for the north end of the island of Eimeo. Omai, in his canoe, arrived there before us, and endeavoured, by taking some necessary measures, to shew us the situation. We were not, however, without pilots, having several natives of Otaheite on board, and, among them, not a few women. Unwilling to rely entirely upon these guides, Captain Cook dispatehed two boats to examine the harbour; when, on a signal being made for safe anchorage, we stood in with both the ships, and anchored in ten fathoms water.

Taloo is the name of this harbour: it is on the north side of the island, and in the district [Page 22] of Oboonohoo, or Poonohoo. It runs above two miles between the hills, south, or south by east. It is not inferior to any harbour that we have met with in this ocean, both for security and goodness of bottom. It has also this singular advantage, that a ship can sail in and out with the reigning trade wind. Several rivers fall into it; one of which is so considerable, as to admit boats a quarter of a mile up, were the water is perfectly fresh. The banks, on the sides of this stream, are covered with what the natives call the pooroo tree, on which they set no value, as it only serves for firing. So that wood and water may be procured here with great facility.

The harbour of Parowroah, on the same side of the island, is about two miles to the eastward, and is much larger within than that of Taloo; but the opening in the reef lies to leeward of the harbour, and is considerably narrower. These striking defects must give the harbour of Taloo a decided preference. There are one or two more harbours on the south side of the island, but they are not so considerable as those we have already mentioned.

As soon as we had anchored, great numbers of the inhabitants came aboard our ships, from mere motives or curiosity, for they brought nothing with them for the purposes of barter: but several canoes arrived, the next morning, from more distant parts, bringing with them an abundant [Page 23] supply o [...] bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and a few hogs, which were exchanged for beads, nails, and hatchets; red feathers not being so much demanded here as at Otaheite.

On Thursday the 2d of October, in the morning, Captain Cook received a visit ftom Maheine, the chief of the island. He approached the ship with as great caution and deliberation, as if he apprehended mischief from us, as friends of the Otaheiteans; these people having no idea that we can be in friendship with any one, without adopting his cause against his enemies. This chief was accompanied by his wife, who, we were told, is sister to Oamo, of Otaheite, whose death we heard of while we remained at this island. Captain Cook made them presents of such articles as seemed most to strike their fancy; and, after staying about half an hour they went on shore. They returned, soon after, with a large hog, meaning it as a return for the Captain's favour; but he made them an additional present to the full value of it; after which they went on board the Discovery, to visit Captain Clearke.

Maheine, supported with a few adherents, has made himself, in some degree, independent of Otaheite. He is between forty and fifty years of age, and is bald-hended; which, at that age, is rather uncommon in these islends. He seemed ashamed of shewing his head, and wore a kind [Page 24] of turban to conceal it. Whether they considered this deficiency of hair as disgraceful, or whether they supposed that we considered it in that light, it is not easy to determine. The latter, however, appears the most probable, from the circumstance of their having seen us shave the head of one of the natives, whom we detecteed stealing. They naturally concluded, therefore, that this was the kind of punishment inflicted by us upon all thieves; and some of our gentlemen, whose heads were but thinly covered with hair, were violently suspected, by them, of being tetos.

Towards the evening, Captain Cook and Omai mounted on horseback, and rode along the shore. Omai having forbid the natives to follow us, our train was not very numerous; the fear of giving offence, having got the better of their curiosity. The fleet of Towha had been stationed in this harbour, and though the war was but of short duration, the marks of its devastation were every where conspicuous. The trees had lost all their fruit, and the houses in the neighbourhood had been burnt, or otherwise destroyed.

Having made every preparation for sailing, we hauled the ship off into the stream, in the morning of the 6th, intending to put to sea the next day, but a disagreeable accident prevented it.

We had, in the day time, sent our goats ashore to graze; and, notwithstanding two men had been appointed to look after them, one of them had [Page 25] been stolen this evening. This was a considerable loss, as it interfered with the Captain's views of stocking other islands with these animals: he therefore was determined, if possible, to recover it. We received intelligence, the next morning, that it had been conveyed to Maheine, who was, at that time, at Parowroah harbour. Two elderly men offered their services to conduct any of our people to him, in order to bring back the goat. Accordingly the Captain dispatched some of his people in a boat, charged with a message to that chief, and insisted on both the goat and the thief being immediately given up.

Maheine had, only the day before, requested the Commodore to give him two goats; but, as he could not spare them, without depriving other islands, which had none of these animals, and was informed that there were two already upon this, he refused to gratify him. Willing, however, to assist his views, in this respect, he desired an Otaheite chief, then present, to beg Otoo, in his name, to convey two of these animals to Maheine; and, to induce him to comply with this request, sent to Otoo, by the same chief, a quantity of red feathers, equal in value to the two goats that were required. The Commodore expected that Maheine, and all the other chiefs of the island, would have been perfectly satisfied with this arrangement; but he was mistaken, as the event clearly proves.

[Page 26]Little suspecting that any one would presume to steal a second, while the necessary measure were taking to recover the first, the goats were again put ashore this morning; and a boat as usual, was sent for them in the evening. While our people were getting them into the boat, one was conveyed away undiscovered. As it was immediately missed, we expected to recover it without much trouble, as it could not have been carried to any considerable distance. Several of the natives set out, different ways, to seek after it; for they all endeavoured to persuade us, that it must have strayed into the woods; not one of them admitting that it was stolen. We were, however, convinced to the contrary, when we perceived that not any of the pursuers returned: their intention was only to amuse us, till their prize was safely deposited; and night coming on, prevented all future search. At this instant, the boat returned with the other goat, and one of the persons who had stolen it.

Most of the inhabitants, the next morning, were moved off, taking with them a corpse, which lay opposite the ship, on a toopapaoo; and Maheine, we were informed, had retired to the remotest part of the island. It now plainly appeared, that a regular plan had been projected to steal what the Commodore had refused to give; and that, having restored one, they were determined not to part with the other, which was a [Page 27] female, and with kid: and the Commodore was equally determined to have it back again; he therefore applied to the two elderly men, who had been instrumental in recovering the first, who informed him that this had been taken to a place on the south side of the island, called Watea, by Hamoa, who was the chief of that place; but that it would be delivered up if he would send for it. They expressed a willingness to conduct some of his people to the spot; but finding that a boat might go and return in one day, he sent one with two of his officers, Mr. Roberts, and Mr. Shuttleworth; one to remain with the boat, if she could not get to the place, while the other went with the guides, accompanied by some of our people. The boat returned late in the evening, when we were informed by the officers, that, after proceeded in the boat as far as rocks and shoals would permit, Mr. Shuttleworth landed; a [...] attended with two marines, and one of the guides, proceeding to the house of Hamoa, at Watea; where they where, for some time, amused by the people, who pretended they had sent for the goat, and that it would soon be produced. It, however, never arrived; and, night approching, Mr. Shuttleworth was obliged to return to his boat without it.

The Commodore lamented that he had proceeded so far in this business as he could not retreat with credit, and without giving encouragement [Page 28] to other islanders to rob us with impunity. Consulting with Omai, and the two old men, what methods to take, they advised him, without hesitation, to go into the country with a party of men, and shoot every person he should meet with. The Commodore did not approve of this bloody counsel; but, early the next morning, set out with thirty-five of his people, accompanied by Omai, one of the old men, and three or four attendants. He also ordered Lieutenant Williamson round the western part of the island, with three armed boats, to [...] us.

This party had no sooner landed, than the few remaining natives fled before us. The first person we met with upon our march, was in a kind of perilous situation; for Omai, the instant he beheld him, asked Captain Cook if he should shoot him; so fully was he persuaded, that the advice he had given, was immediately to be carried into execution. The Commodore then gave orders, both to him and our guide, to let it be made known, that it was not our intention to injure, much less to destroy, a single native. These joyful tidings soon circulated, and prevented the flight of the inhabitants.

Ascending the ridge of hills, on our road to Watea, we were informed that the goat had been carried the same way, and could hardly have passed the hills: we therefore marched up in great silence, expecting to surprize the party who [Page 29] were bearing off the prize; but, when we arrived at the uppermost plantation, we were told, that the animal we were in search of, had, indeed, been kept there the first night, but had been carried to Watea the next morning. We made no further enquiry, till we came within sight of Watea, where we were directed to Hamoa's house, by some people who also informed us, that the goat was there. We therefore fully expected to obtain it on our arrival; but, when we reached the house, the people we saw there, denied that they had ever seen it, or knew any thing concerning it. Hamoa, himself appeared, and expressed himself to the same effect.

On our first coming to Watea, several men were seen, running to and fro in the woods, with clubs and darts in their hands; and Omai, who ran towards them, had stones thrown at him. Hence it appeared, that they intended to oppose any attempt that we might be induced to make, but on seeing the strength of our party, had given up the design. We were confirmed in this opinion, by observing, that all their houses were empty.

After collecting, a few of the natives together, Omai was directed to expostulate with them on the absurdity of their conduct, and tell them that we had received sufficient evidence that the goat was in their possession; and that, if it was not immediately delivered up, we should burn [Page 30] all their houses and canoes; but, notwithstanding this expostulation, they persisted in their denial of having any knowledge of it, In consequence of which, the Commodore set fire to six or eight of their houses, and two or three war canoes, which were presently consumed. After this we marched off to join the boats, which were, at that time, about seven or eight miles from us; and, in our road, burnt six other war canoes, without any opposition. On the contrary, many of the natives assisted us; more, perhaps, from fear, than any other motive. At length Omai, who was at some distance before us, came back with information, that a multitude of men were assembling to attack us. We prepared ourselves to receive them, but, instead of enemies, they were petitioners, with plantain-trees in their hands, which they laid down before us, entreating the Commodore to spare a canoe that lay upon the spot, which he readily complied with.

About four o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived at Wharrarade, where our boats were waiting for us. The district of Wharrarade belongs to Tiaratoboonoue; but this chief together with the other principal people of the place, had fled to the hills; though we made no attack upon their property, they being in amity with Otoo. Here we remained about an hour, in order to rest ourselves, and afterwards set out for the ships, where we arrived at eight o'clock in the evening; but [Page 31] no tidings of the goat had, at that time, been received; and, of course, the operations of the day had been ineffectual.

Early on Friday morning, the 10th of October, the Captain dispatched one of Omai's men to Maheine, charged with this peremptory message, that if he persisted in his refusal to deliver up the goat, a single canoe should not be left upon the island; and that hostilities should never cease, while the stolen animal continued in his possession. That the messenger might perceive that the Commodore was in earnest, he ordered the carpenter, in his presence, to break up three or four canoes, that lay at the head of the harbour. The planks where, by his direction, taken on board, to serve as materials for building a house for Omai, at the place where he intended to reside. The Commodore, properly attended, went afterwards to the next harbour, where he destroyed seven or eight more canoes, and returned on board about seven in the evening. On his arrival, he was informed, that the goat had been returned about half an hour before; and it appeared, from good intelligence, that it came from the very place, where the inhabitants, the day before, declared they knew nothing about it. But from the message delivered to the chief in the morning, he perceived that the Commodore was not to be trifled with.

[Page 32]Thus ended this troublesome and unfortunate business; equally to be regretted by the natives, and by Captain Cook. He was grieved to reflect, that, after refusing to assist his friends at Otaheite, in the invasion of this island, he should so soon be obliged to engage in hostilities against its inhabitants; which, perhaps, were more injurious to them, than Towha's expedition.

Our intercourse with the natives was renewed the next morning; several canoes bringing bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts to the ships to barter; whence it was natural to conclude, that they were conscious they had merited the treatment they had received; and that, the cause of Captain Cook's displeasure being now removed, they apprehended no further mischief. We weighed, with a breeze, down the harbour, about nine; but it was so faint and variable, that we did not get out to sea till noon, when we steered for Huaheine, Omai attending in his canoe.

At Eimeo, the ships were abundantly supplied with fire-wood. We did not supply ourselves with this article at Otaheite, as there is not a tree at Matavai but what is useful to the inhabitants. We also received here a large supply of refreshments in hogs, bread-fruit, and coco-nuts.

There is very little difference between the produce of this island, and that of Otaheite; but the difference in their woman is remarkable. [Page]

[figure]

[Page 33] Those of Eimeo have a dark hue, are low in stature, and hav [...] forbidding features.

The appearance of Eimeo bears not the least resemblance to that of Otaheite. The latter being a hilly country, has little low land, except some deep vallies, and the flat border that almost surrounds it near the sea. Eimeo has steep rugged hills, running in different directions, leaving large vallies, and gently rising grounds about their sides. The hills, though rocky, are generally covered with trees, almost to the tops. At the bottom of the harbour of Taloo, the ground gradually rises to the foot of the hills; but the flat border, on the sides becomes quite steep at a small distance from the sea. This renders it a prospect superior to any thing we saw at Otaheite. In the low grounds, the soil is a yellowish stiff mould; on the lower hills it is blacker and looser, and the stone which composes the hills, is of a bluish colour, interspersed with some particles of glimmer. Near the place where our ships were stationed, are two large stones, concerning which some superstitious notions are entertained by the natives. They consider them as brother and sister; that they are Eatooas, or divinities, and that they came from Ulietea, by some supernatural means.

[Page 34]

CHAP. VI.

The Ships arrive at Huaheine—Assembly of the Chiefs—Omai's Harangue—His Establishment in this Island unanimously agreed to—A House built for him—Steps taken to ensure his Safety—The Ships infested with Coch-roaches—Detection and Punishment of a Thief—He escapes from his Confinement—Animals left with Omai—His European Weapons—His Entertainments—Inscription on his House—His Behaviour at parting—Remarks on his general Conduct—His Character— Account of the two New-Zealanders who remained with him.

ON the morning that succeeded our departure from Eimeo, we saw Huaheine extending from south-west by west, to west by north. At twelve o'clock we anchored at the northern entrance of Owharre harbour, situated on the west side of the island. Omai, in his canoe, entered the harbour just before us, but did not land. Though many of his countrymen crowded to see him, he did not take much notice of them. Great numbers also came off to the ships, insomuch that we were greatly incommoded by them. Our passengers immediately informed them of our transactions at Eimeo, multiplying, by ten at least, the number of houses and canoes [Page 35] that we had destroyed. Captain Cook was not much displeased at their giving this exaggerated account, as he found that it made a considerable impression upon all who heard it; so that he had hopes it would induce the natives of this island to treat him in a better manner than they had done in his prior visits.

The next morning, which was the 13th of October, all the principal people of the island came to our ships. This was just what the Commodore wished, as it was now high time to settle Omai; and he supposed, that the presence of these chiefs would enable him to effect it in a satisfactory manner. Omai now seemed inclined to establish himself at Ulietea; and if he and Captain Cook could have agreed with respect to the mode of accomplishing that design, the latter would have consented to adopt it. H [...] father had been deprived by the inhabitants of Bolabola, when they subdued Ulietea, of some land in that island; and the Captain hoped he should be able to get it restored to the son without difficulty. For this purpose, it was necessary that Omai should be upon amicable terms with those who had become masters of the island; but he would not listen to any such proposal, and was vain enough to imagine, that the Captain would make use of force to re-instate him in his forfeited lands. This preventing his being fixed at Ulietea, the Captain began to consider Huaheine as the more [Page 36] proper place; and therefore determined to avail himself of the presence of the chief men of that island, and, propose the affair to them.

The Captain now prepared to make a formal visit to Taireetareea, the Earee rahie, or king of the island, with a view of introducing this business. Omai, who was to accompany him, dressed himself very properly on the occasion, and provided a handsome present for the chief himself, and another for his Eatooa. Their landing drew most of the visitors from our ships, who, with many others, assembled in a large house. The concourse of people became very great, the major part of whom seemed stouter and fairer than those of Otaheite, and the number of men who appeared to be of consequence was also much greater, in proportion to the extent of the island. The Captain waited some time for Taireetareea: but when the chief appeared, he found that his presence might easily have been dispensed with, as he did not exceed ten years of age. Omai began with making his offering to the gods, which consisted of cloth, red feathers &c. Another offering succeeded, which was to be given to the gods by the young chief; and, after that, several other tufts of red feathers were presented. The different articles were laid before a priest, being each of them delivered with a kind of prayer, which was spoken by one of Omai's friends, though in a great measure dictated by himself, [Page 37] In these prayers he did not forget his friends in England, nor those who had conducted him safe back to his native country. The Earee rahie no Pretane (king of Great-Britain), the Earl of Sandwich, Toote, Tatee, (Cook and Clerke) were mentioned in every one of them. These offerings and prayers being ended, the priest took each of the articles in order, and after repeating a prayer, sent every one to the morai.

These religious rites having been performed, Omai seated himself by the Captain, who bestowed a present on the young chief, and received another in return. Some arrangements were next agreed upon, relative to the mode of carrying on the intercourse between us and the islanders; and the Captain painted out the mischievous consequences that would attend their plundering us, as they had done on former occasions. The establishment of Omai was then proposed to the chiefs who were assembled. He informed then, that we had conveyed him into our country, where he was well received by the great King and his Earees, (chiefs or nobles) and treated during his whole stay with all the marks of regard and affection; that he had been brought back again, after having been enriched, by our generosity, with a variety of articles, which would be highly beneficial to his countrymen; and that, besides the two horses which were to continue with him, many other new and useful animals had been left at [Page 38] Otaheite, which would speedily multiply, and furnish a sufficient number for the use of all the neighbouring islands. He then gave them to understand, that it was Captain Cook's earnest request, that they would give his friend a piece of land, upon which he might build a house, and [...]aise provisions for himself and servants: adding, that, if he could not obtain this at Huaheine either by donation or purchase, the Captain was resolved to carry him to Ulietea, and establish him there. These topics were dictated to Omai by Captain Cook, who observed, that what he concluded with, about going to Ulietea, seemed to gain the approbation of all the chiefs; and he immediately perceived the reason. Omai had vainly flattered himself, that the Captain would use force in restoring him to his father's lands in Ulietea, and he had talked at random, on this subject, to some of the assembly; who now expected that the Captain would assist them in invading Ulietea, and driving the Bolabolans out of that island. It being proper, therefore, that he should undeceive them, he signified in the most decisive manner, that he would neither give them any assistance in such an enterprize, nor would even suffer it to be put in execution, while he remained in their seas; and that, if Omai established himself in Ulietea, he ought to be introduced as a friend, and not forced upon the people of Bolabola as their conqueror.

[Page 39]This preremptory declaraion immediately gave a new turn to the sentiments of the council; one of whom expressed himself to this effect: that, the whole island of Huaheine, and whatever it, contained, were Captain Cook's; and that, consequently, he might dispose of what portion he, pleased to his friend. Omai was pleased a [...] hearing this; thinking that he would be very liberal, and give him what was perfectly sufficient. But to make an offer of what it would have been improper to accept, the Captain considered as offering nothing; and therefore desired, that they would mark out the particular spot, and likewise the exact quantity of land, which they intended to allot for the settlement. Upon this, some chiefs, who had already retired from the assembly, [...]re sent for; and, after a short consultation, the Commodore's request was unanimously granted, and the ground immediately fixed upon, adjoining to the house where the present meeting was held. It extended along the shore of the harbour, about two hundred yards; its depth to the bottom of the hill was somewhat more; and a proportional part of the hill was comprehended in the grant. This affair being settled, a tent was pitched on shore, a post established, and the observatories erected. The carpenters of each ship were also now enployed in building a small house for Omai, in which he might secure the various European commodities that he had in his [Page 40] possession; at the same time, some of our people were occupied in making a garden for his use, planting vines, shaddocks, melons, pine apples, and the seeds of other vegetable articles; all which were in a flourishing state before our departure from the island.

Omai began now to pay a serious attention to his own affairs, and heartily repented of his illjudged prodigality at Otaheite. He found at Huaheine, a brother, a sister, and a brother-in-law, the sister having been married. But these did not plunder him, as his other relations had lately done. It appeared, however, that though they had too much honesty and good-nature to do him any injury, they were of too little consequen [...]e in the island to do him any real servi [...]es, having neither authority nor influence to protect his property o [...] his person. Thus circumstanced, he ran a great risque of being stripped of every thing he had received from us, as soon as he should cease to be within the reach of our powerful protection.

He was now upon the point of being placed in the very singular situation, of being the only rich man in the community of which he was to be a member. And as he had, by his connection with us, made himself master of an accumulated quantity of a species of treasure which his countrymen could not create by any art or industry of their own, it was natural to imagine, that while all [Page 41] were desirous of sharing in this envied wealth, all would be ready to join in attempts to strip its sole proprietor. As the most likely means of preventing this, Captain Cook advised him to distribute some of his moveables among two or three of the principal chiefs; who, on being thus gratified themselves, might be induced to favour him with their patronage, and shield him from the injuries of others. He promised to follow this advice; and we heard, before we sailed, that this prudent step had been taken. The Captain, however, not confiding entirely in the operations of gratitude, had recourse to the more forcible and effectual motive of intimidation, taking every opportunity of notifying to the inhabitants, that it was his intention to make another visit to their island, after being absent the usual time; and that, if he did not find his friend in the same state of security in which he should leave him at present, all those who should then appear to have been his enemies, might expect to become the objects of his resentment. This menacing declaration will, probably, have some effect; for our successive visits of late years have induced these islanders to believe, that our ships are [...]o return at certain periods, and while they continue to entertain such a notion, which the Captain thought it a fair stratagem to confirm, Omai has some prospect of being suffered to thrive upon his new plantation.

[Page 42]While we remained in this harbour, we carried the bread on shore to clear it of vermin. The number of cock-roaches that infested the ship at this time, is almost incredible. The damage we sustained from them was very considerable; and every attempt to destroy them proved fruitless. If any kind of food was exposed for a few minutes, it was covered with these noxious insects, who soon pierced it full of holes, so that it resembled an honey-comb. They proved particularly destructive to birds, which had been stuffed for curiosities, and were so fond of ink, that they eat out the writing on the labels, fastened to different articles, and the only thing that preserved books from their ravages, was the closeness of the binding, which prevented these devourers from insinuating themselves between the leaves. According to Mr. Anderson, they were of two sorts, the blatta orientalis, and germanica.

The intercourse of trade and friendly offices, between us and the inhabitants of Huaheine, was undisturbed, by any accident, till the evening of the 22d, when one of the natives found means to get into Mr. Bayly's observatory, and carry off a sextent, unobserved. Captain Cook was no sooner informed of this theft than he went ashore, and desired Omai to apply to the chiefs, to procure restitution. He accordingly made application to them, but they took no steps towards recovering the instrument, being more attentive to [Page 43] a heeva, that was then exhibiting, till the Captain ordered the performers to desit. Being now convinced that he was in earnest, they began to make some enquiry after the delinquent, who was sitting in the midst of them, with such marks of unconcern, that the Captain was in great doubt of his being guilty, particularly as he denied it. Omai, however, assuring him that this was the person, he was sent on board the ship and there confined. This raised an▪ universal ferment among the assembled islanders, and the whole body fled with precipitation. The prisoner being examined by Omai, was with some difficulty brought to confess where he had concealed the sextent, and it was brought back, unhurt, the next morning. After this, the natives recovered from their consternation, and began to gather about us as usual. As the thief appeared to be a shameless villain, Captain Cook punished him with greater severity than he had ever done any former culprit. Besides having his head and beard shaved, he commanded that both his ears should be cut off, and then dismissed.

This punishment, however, did not deter him from committing other offences; for early in the morning of the 25th, a general alarm was spread occasioned, as was reported, by one of our goats being stolen by this very man; and though, upon examination, we found every thing safe in that quarter, yet it appeared, that he had destroyed [Page 44] and carried off from Omai's ground, several vines and cabbage-plants; and he publicly threatened to put him to death, and set fire to his house as soon as we should quit this place. To prevent his doing any further mischief, the Captain ordered him to be seized, and confined again on board the ship, with a view of carrying him off the island; and this intention seemed to give general satisfaction to all the chiefs. He was a native of Bolabola: but there were two many of the people here ready to co-operate with him in all his designs. We had, indeed, always met with more troublesome persons in Huaheine than in any other of the adjacent islands; and it was only fear and the want of proper opportunities, that induced them to behave better now. Anarchy and confusion seemed to prevail among them. Their Earce rahie, as we have already observed, was but a child; and we did not find, that there was any individual, or any set of men, who held the reins of government for him; so that, whenever any misunderstanding occured between us, we never knew, with sufficient precision, to whom it was necessary to apply, in order to effect an accommodation, or procure redress.

Omai's house being now almost finished, many of his moveables were carried ashore on the 26th; amongst other articles was a box of toys, which greatly pleased the gazing multitude. But, as to his plates, dishes, drinking mugs, glasses, [Page 45] pots, kettles, and the whole train of domestic apparatus, scarce one of his countrymen would even look at them. Omai, himself began to think that they would be of no service to him; that a baked hog was more savory eating than a boiled one; that a plantain leaf made as good a plate or dish as pewter; and that a cocoa-nut shell was as convenient a goblet as one of our mugs. He therefore disposed of most of these articles of English furniture among the crew of our ships; and received from them, in return, hatchets, and other iron implements, which had a more intrinsic value in this part of the world. Among the numerous presents bestowed upon him in England, fireworks had not been omitted; some of which we exhibited in the evening of the 28th, before a great multitude of people, who beheld them with a mixture of pleasure and apprehension. Those which remained were put in order, and left with Omai, pursuant to their original destination.

On Thursday the 30th, early in the morning, the Bolabola-man whom we had in confinement, found means to escape out of the ship, carrying with him the shackle of the bilboo-bolt that had been put about his leg, which was taken from him as soon as he arrived on shore, by one of the chiefs, and given to Omai; who quickly came on board, to inform the Captain that his mortal enemy was again let loose upon him.

[Page 46]We found, upon enquiry, that the sentry placed over the prisoner, and even the whole watch in that part of the ship where he was confined, having fallen asleep, he seized the favourable opportunity, took the key of the irons out of the drawer into which he had seen it put, and set himself at liberty. This escape convinced the Commodore, that his people had been very remiss in their neight-duty; which rendered it necessary to chastize those who were now in fault, and to establish some new regulations that might prevent similar negligence in future. He was pleased at hearing, afterwards, that the fellow who had escaped, had gone over to Ulietea.

Omai was no sooner settled in his new habitation, than Captain Cook began to think of departing from Huaheine, and got every thing off from the shore this evening, except a goat big with kid, and a horse and mare; which were lest in the possession of our friend, who was now to be finally separated from us. We also gave him a boar and two sows of the English breed; and he had got two or three sows of his own. The horse had covered the mare during our continuance at Otaheite; so that the introduction of a breed of horses into these islands▪ has probably succeeded, by this valuable present.

With regard to Omai's domestic establishment, he had procured at Otaheite, four or five toulous, or people of the lower class; the two young New-Zealanders [Page 47] remained with him; and his Brother, and several others, joined him at Hauheine; so that his family now consisted of ten or eleven persons; if that can justly be denominated a family, to which not one female belonged. The house which our people erected for him was twenty-four feet by eighteen; and about ten feet in height. It was composed of boards which were the spoils of our military observations at Eimeo; and, in the construction of it, as few nails as possible were used, lest there might be an inducement, from the desire of iron, to pull it down. It was agreed upon, that, immediately after our departure, he should erect a spacious house after the mode of his own country; one end of which was to be brought over that which we had built, so as entirely to enclose it for greater security. In this work, some of the chiefs of the island promised to contribute their assistance; and if the intended building should cover the ground which was marked out for it, few of the houses in Huaheine will exceed it in magnitude.

Omai's European weapons consisted of a sowling-piece, two pair of pistols, several swords or cutlasses, a musquet, bayonet, and a cartouch-box. After he had got on shore whatever appertained to him, he had the two Captains, and most of the officers of both our ships, two or three times, to dinner; on which occasions, his [Page 48] table was plentifully supplied with the best provisions that the island could afford. Before we set sail, the Commodore caused the following inscription to be cut upon the outside of his house:

Georgigus Tertius, Rex, 2 Novembris, 1777.

Naves Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr.
Naves Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr.

On Sunday, the 2d of November, at four o'clock, we took the advantage of an easterly breeze, and sailed out of Owharre harbour. Most of our friends continued on board till our vessels were under sail; when Captain Cook, to gratify their curiosity, ordered five guns to be fired. Then they all left us, except Omai, who remained till we were out at sea. We had come to sail by a hawser fastened to the shore, which, in casting the ship, parted, being cut by the rocks, and its outer end was left behind: it therefore became necessary to dispatch a boat to bring it on board. In this boat, our friend Omai went ashore, after having taken a very affectionate farewel of all the officers. He sustained this parting with a manly fortitude, till he came to Captain Cook, when, notwithstanding all his efforts, he was unable to suppress his tears; and he wept all the time in going ashore, as Mr. King, who accompanied him in the boat, afterwards informed the Captain.

[Page 49]Though we had now, to our great satisfaction, brought him safe back to the very spot from which he was taken, it is probable, that we left him in a situation less desirable than that which he was in before his connection with us: not that, having tasted the comforts of civilized life, he must become, more wretched from being obliged to relinquish all thoughts of continuing them, but merely because the advantages he received from us, have placed him in a more hazardous situation, with respect to his personal safety. From being greatly caressed in England, he had lost sight of his primary condition, and did not consider in what manner his acquisitions, either of knowledge or of wealth, would be estimated by his countrymen, at his return; which were the only things whereby he could recommend himself to them now, more than before, and on which he could lay the foundation either of his future happiness or greatness. He appeared to have, in some measure, forgotten their customs in this respect, and even to have mistaken their genius; otherwise he must have been convinced of the extreme difficulty there would be in getting himself admitted as a man of rank, where there is scarce a single instance of a person's being raised from an inferior station even by the greatest merit. Rank seems to be the foundation of all power and distinction here, and is so pertinaciously adhered to, that, unless a person [Page 50] has some degree of it, he will be contemned and hated, if he pretends to exercise any authority. This was really the case, in a great measure, with Omai; though his countrymen were rather cautious of expressing their sentiments while we continued among them.

If he had made a proper use of the presents he brought with him from Great-Britain, this, with the knowledge he had gained by travelling, might have enabled him to form the most advantageous connections. But he exhibited too many proofs of a weak inattention to this obvious means of promoting his interest. He had formed schemes of a higher nature; it may indeed be said, meaner; for revenge, rather than a desire of greatness, appeared to influence him from the beginning. His father was, certainly, a man of considerable property in Ulietea, when that island was subdued by the inhabitants of Bolabola; and, with many others, fled for refuge to Huaheine, where he died, and left Omai, with several other children, who thus became entirely dependent, In this situation, Captain Furneaux took him up, and brought him to England. Whether he expected, from the treatment he there met with, that any assistance would be afforded him against the enemies of his father and his country, or whether he had the vanity to suppose, that his own superiority of knowledge, and personal courage, would be sufficient [Page 51] to dispossess the conquerors of Ulietea, is uncertain; but, from the very commencement of the voyage, this was his constant topic. He would not pay any attention to our remonstrances on such an inconsiderate determinaton, but was displeased, whenever more reasonable counsels were proposed for his benefit. Nay, he was so ridiculously attached to his favourite scheme, that he affected to believe the Bolabolans would cetainly quit the conquered island, as soon as they should have intelligence of his arrival in Otaheite. As we proceeded, however, on our voyage, he began to perceive his error; and, by the time of our arrival at the Friendly Islands, had such apprehensions of his reception in his own country, that he was inclined to have remained at Tongataboo, under the protection of his friend Feenou. At these islands, he squandered away a considerable part of his European treasure; and he was equally imprudent at Otaheite, till Captain Cook put a stop to his profusion. He also formed such improper connections there, that Otoo, though at first disposed to countenance him, afterwards openly expressed his disapprobation of his conduct. He might, however, have recovered the favour of that chief, and have settled, to great advantage, in Otaheite, as he had formely lived some years there, and was now honoured with the notice of Towha, whose valuable present of a large double canoe has been [Page 52] already mentioned. But he continued undetermined to the last, and probably would not have adopted the plan of settlement in Huaheine, if Captain Cook had not so positively refused to employ force in restoring him to the possession of his father's property.

Omai's greatest danger, in his present situation, will arise from the very imprudent declarations of his antipathy to the Bolabolans. For these people, from the motives of jealousy, will undoubtedly endeavour to render him obnoxious to the inhabitants of Huaheine; as they are now at peace with that island, and may easily accomplish their designs. This circumstance, he might, with great ease, have avoided. For they were not only free from any aversion to him, but the chief, whom we mentionned before, as a priest or god, even offered to reinstate him in his father's lands. But he peremptorily refused this; and, to the very last, continued fixed in this resolution to embrace the first opportunity of satisfying his revenge in battle. To this he is perhaps not a little stimulated by the coat of mail he brought from England; clothed in which, and furnished with fire-arms, he idly imagines that he shall be invincible.

The defects of Omai's character were considerably over-balanced by his great good-nature, and docile, tractable dispositon. Captain Cook, during the whole time he was with him, seldom [Page 53] had reason to be seriously displeased with his general conduct. His grateful heart ever retained the highest sense of the favours conferred on him in England; nor will he ever be unmindful of those who honoured him, while in that kingdom, with their friendship and protection. Though he had a tolerable share of understanding, he shewed little application and perseverance in exerting it, so that he had but a general and imperfect knowledge of things. He was not a man of any great degree of observation. There were many elegant amusements, as well as useful arts, among the Friendly Islanders, which he might have conveyed to his native country, where they, in all probability, would have been readily adopted. But we never found that he endeavoured to make himself master of any one of them. Such indifference is, indeed, the characteristic foible of his countrymen. Though they have been visited by Europeans, at times, for these ten years past, we could not discern the slightest vestige of any attempt to profit by this intercourse; nor have they hitherto imitated us in any respect. It must not, therefore, be expected, that Omai will be able to introduce among them many of our arts and customs, or much improve those to which they have been familiarized by long habit. We trust, however, that he will exert his endeavours to bring to perfection the various fruits and vegetables that were planted by [Page 54] us; which will be no small acquisition. But the principal advantage these islands are likely to receive from the travels of Omai, will probably arise from the animals that have been left upon them; which, perhaps, they never would have obtained, if he had not come over to England. When these multiply, Otaheite, and the Society Isles, will equal any place in the known world, with respect to provisions.

Omai's return, and the substantial proofs he carried back with him of British liberality, encouraged many to offer themselves as volunteers to accompany us to Pretane. Captain Cook took every opportunity of expressing his fixed determination to reject all applications of that kind. Omai, who was ambitious of remaining the only great traveller among them, being afraid lest the Captain might be prevailed upon to place others in a situation of rivalling him, frequently reminded him of the declaration of the Earl of Sandwich, that no others of his countrymen were to come to England.

Had there been the smallest probability of any ship being again sent to New-Zealand, the Commodore would have brought the two youths of that country home with him, both of them being very desirous of continuing with us. Taweiharooa, the eldest, was endowed with strong natural sense, was extremely well disposed, and capable of receiving any instruction. He appeared [Page 55] to be sensible of the inferiority of his own country to these islands, and resigned himself, though perhaps not without reluctance, to end his days at Huaheine in ease and plenty. But the other, named Kokoa, was so strongly attached to us, that it became necessary to make use of force in carrying him ashore. He was a smart witty boy; and, on that account, great notice had been taken of him on board.

CHAP. VII.

Arrival at Ulietea—One of the Marines deserts but is brought back by Captain Cook—Intelligence from Omai—Instructions to Captain Clerke— Two others desert—The two Captains seek them in vain—The Chief's Son, Daughter, and her Husband, confined on board the Discovery—Unsuccessful Conspiracy of the Natives against the Captains—The two Deserters are recovered—The Chief's Family set at Liberty—The Ships sail— Remarks on the Ulieteans—Present and former State of their Island.

AS soon as the boat, in which Omai was conveyed ashore, had returned, with the remainder of the hawser, to the ship, we hoisted [Page 56] her in, and stood over for Ulietea without delay. The next morning, which was the 3d of November, we made sail round the southern end of that island, for the harbour of Ohamaneno. We met with variable light airs and calms alternately, so that, at twelve o'clock, we were still at the distance of a league from the mouth of the harbour; and while we were thus detained, Oreo, the chief of the island, with his son and son-in-law, came off to pay us a visit. All the boats were now hoisted out, and sent a-head to tow, being assisted by a slight southerly breeze. This soon failing, and being succeeded by an easterly one, which blew right out of the harbour, we were obliged to anchor at its entrance, about two o'clock, and to warp in, which employed us till night. We were no sooner within the harbour than our ships were surrounded with canoes, filled with the natives, who brought a supply of fruit and hogs, which they exchanged for our commodites.

The following day, the Resolution was moored close to the northern shore, at the head of the harbour; and the Discovery along-side the southern shore. Captain Cook, in the mean time, returned Oreo's visit, and presented that chief with a red-feathered cap from Tongataboo, a shirt, a linen gown, and a few other things of less value. Oreo, and some of his friends, then accompanied him on board to dinner. On Thursday [Page 57] the 6th, the observatories were set up, and the necessary instruments carried on shore. The two succeeding days, Captain Cook, Mr. King, and Mr. Bayly, observed the sun's azimuths, both on shore and on board, with all the compasses, in order to discover the variation. Nothing remarkable happened, till very early in the morning of the 13th, when a marine, named John Harrison, who was sentinel at the observatory, deserted, taking with him his musquet and acco [...]trements. As soon as we gained intelligence which way he had gone, a party was detached in search of him; but they returned towards the evening, without success. The next day, Captain Cook applied to the chief concerning this affair, who promised to send a party of the islanders after the fugitive, and give us hops that he should be brought back in the course of that day. This however, did not happen; and we had reason to imagine, that the chief had taken no steps towards finding him.

We had, at this time, a considerable number of the natives about our ships, and several thefts were committed; the consequences of which being apprehended by them, very few of them came to visit us the next morning. Oreo himself caught the alarm, and fled with his whole family. Captain Cook considered this as a good opportunity to insist upon their delivering up the deserter; and having heard that he was then at [Page 58] a place called Hamoa, situated on the other side of the island he repaired theither with two armed boats, attended by a native. In their way, they met with the chief, who also embarked with them. The Captain, with a few of his men, landing about a mile and a half from the spot, marched up to it, with great expedition, lest the sight of the boats should give the alarm, and allow the offender sufficient time to make his escape to the mountains. This precaution proved unnecessary; for the natives of that part of the island having obtained information of the Captain's approach, were prepared to deliver up the fugitive. He was found, with his musquet lying before him seated betwixt two women, who, the instant that the Captain entered the house, rose up to plead in his vindication. As such proceedings deserved to be discouraged, the Captain, with a stern look, bid them be gone; upon which they burst into tears, and retired. Paha, the chief of that district, now came with a sucking-pig, and a plantain-tree, which he was on the point of presenting to Captain Cook, as a peace-offering; who rejected it, and having ordered the chief to quit his presence, embarked with Harrison in one of the boats, and returned to the ships. After this harmony was speedily restored. The delinquent made no other excuse for his conduct, than that the natives had enticed him away: which perhaps was in a great measure true, as Paha, and [Page 59] the two women above-mentioned, had been at the ship the day before his desertion. As he had remained at his station till within a few minutes of the time in which he was to have been relieved by another, the punishment he received was not very severe.

About a fortnight after we had arrived in Ulietea, Omai dispatched two of his people in a canoe, with intelligence, that he continued undisturbed by the inhabitants of Huaheine, and that every thing succeeded with him, except that his goat had died in kidding. This information was accompanied with a request that Captain Cook would send him another goat, and also two axes▪ Pleased with this additional opportunity of serving his friend, the Captain sent back the messengers to Huaheine, on the 18th, with the axes, and a male and female kid.

On Wednesday the 19th, the Commodore delivered to Captain Clerke his instructions how to proceed, in case of separation, after quitting these islands. The purport of these instructions was as follows: that, whereas the passage from the Society Isles to the nothern coast of America was of considerable length, and as a part of it must be performed in the depth of winter, when boisterous weather must be expected, which might perhaps occasion a separation, Captain Clerke should take all possible care to prevent this; but that if the two ships should chance to be separated, [Page 60] he, after searching for Captain Cook, and not finding him in five days, was to proceed towards the coast of New Albion, and endeavour to fall in with it in the latititude of 45°, where he was to cruize for him ten days; and not seeing him in that time, was to put into the first convenient harbour, in or to the north of that latitude, to obtain refreshments, and take in wood and water that, during his continuance in port he was constantly to look out for Captain Cook; and if the latter did not join him before the 1st of April following, he was to proceed northward to the latitude of 56°, where, at such a distance from the coast as did not exceed fifteen leagues, he was to cruize for him till the 10th of May; and not finding him, was to proceed on a northerly course, and attempt to discover a passage into the Atlantice Ocean, either through Hudson's or Baffin's Bays, as directed by the instructions of the Board of Admiralty: that, if he should fail in those endeavours he was to repair to the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamtschatka, and pass the winter there: but that if he could not procure refreshments at that port, he was at liberty to go where he should think proper, leaving with the Governor, before his departure, an account of his destination, to be delivered to Captain Cook on his arrival; and that, in the spring of the year following (1779) he was to return to the port above-mentioned: [Page 61] that if he then received no further orders from Captain Cook, so as to justify his pursuing any other measures than those which were pointed out in the instructions of the Lords of the Admiralty, his future proceedings were to be directed by them; and that, in case of being prevented, by illness or any other cause, from carrying these, and the instructions of their Lordships, into execution, he was to leave them with the officer who was next in command.

While we lay moored to the shore, we scrubbed both sides of the bottoms of our vessels, and also fixed some plates of tin under the binds. These plates Captain Cook received from the ingenious Mr. Pelham, Secretary to the Commissioners for victualling the royal navy, for the purpose of trying whether tin would succeed as well as copper, in sheathing the bottoms of ships.

On Monday the 24th, in the morning, the Commodore was informed that two of the Discovery's people, one of whom was a midshipman, were missing. Not long after, we learned from the natives, that they had embarked in a canoe the preceding night, and were now at the other end of the island. As the Midshipman had expressed a desire of continuing at one of these islands, it was extremely probable that he and his companion had gone off with that intent. Captain Clerke therefore, with two armed boats, and a detachment of marines, set out in quest of [Page 62] the fugitives, but returned in the evening without success. From the conduct of the islanders▪ he was of opinion, that they intended to conceal the deserters; and, with this view, had deceived him with false information, directing h [...] to seek for them where they could not be found. He was not mistaken; for the next morning, intelligence was brought, that the two runaways were in the Isle of Otaha. These not being the only persons in the ships who were desirous of remaining at these favourite islands, it was necessary, in order to give an effectual discouragement to any further desertion, to recover them at all events. Captain Cook therefore determined to go in pursuit of them himself, having observed that the natives seldom attempted to amuse him with false information. He accordingly set out with two armed boats, accompanied by Oreo himself. They proceeded, without stopping at any place, till they came to the eastern side of Otaha, where they put ashore; and the chief dispatched a man before them, with orders to seize the fugitives, and keep them till the Captain and his attendants should arrive with the boats. But when they had got to the place where they expected to find them, they were informed, that they had quitted this island, and gone to Bolabola the preceding day. The Captain, not chusing to follow them thither, returned to the ships, with a full determination to have recourse [Page 63] to a measure, which, he had reason to believe, would compel the natives to restore them.

On the 26th, soon after break of day, Oreo, with his son, daughter, and son-in-law, having come on board the Resolution, Captain Cook resolved to detain the three last, till our deserters should be delivered up. With this wiew, Captain Clerke invited them on board his ship; and, as soon as they arrived in his cabin, a sentinel was placed at the door, and the window secured. This proceeding greatly surprized them; and Captain Clerke having explained the reason of it they burst into tears, and begged he would not kill them. He assured them he would not, and that the moment his people were brought back, they should be released. This however, did not remove their uneasiness, and they bewailed their fate in silent sorrow. The chief being with Captain Cook when he received intelligence of this affair, immediately mentioned it to him, imagining that this step had been taking without his knowledge and approbation. The Captain instantly undeceived him; and then he began to entertain apprehensions with respect to his own situation, and his countenance indicated the greatest perturbation of mind. But the Captain soon quieted his fears, by telling him, that he was at liberty to quit the ship whenever he chose, and to take such steps towards the recovery of our two men, as he should judge best calculated for [Page 64] that purpose; and that, if he should meet with success, his friends on board the Discovery should be released from their confinement: if not, that they should certainly be carried away with us. The Captain added, that the chief's conduct, as well as that of many of his countrymen, in not only assisting these two men to make their escape, but in endeavouring, at this very time, to prevail upon others to follow them, would justify any measure that would serve to put a stop to such proceedings. This explanation of the motives upon which the Commodore acted, seemed to remove, in a great degree, that general consternation into which Oreo, and his people who were present, were at first thrown. But, though relieved from all apprehensions with regard to their own safety, they were still under the deepest concern for the prisoners in the Discovery. Numbers of them went under the stern of that ship in canoes, and lamented their captivity with long and loud exclamations. The name of Poedooa (for that was the appellation of Oreo's daughter) resounded from every quarter; and the women not only made a most dismal howling, but struck their bosoms, and cut their heads with shark's teeth, which occasioned a considerable effusion of blood.

The chief now dispatched a canoe to Bolabola, with a message to Opoony, king of that island, informing him of what had happened [Page 65] and requesting him to seize the two deserters, and send them back. The messenger, who was the father of Oreo's son-in-law Pootoe, came to receive Captain Cook's commands before his departure; who strictly enjoined him not to return without the fugitives, and to tell Opoony, from him, that if they had left the isle of Bolabola, he must send canoes in pursuit of them.

The impatient natives, not thinking proper to trust to the return of our people for the release of the prisoners, were induced to meditate an attempt, which if it had not been prevented might have involved them in stell greater distress. Between five and six o'clock, Captain Cook, who was then on shore, abreast of the ship, observed that all their conoes, in and about the harbour, began to move off. He enquired, in vain, for the cause of this; till our people, calling to us from the Discovery, informed us, that some of the islanders had seized Captain Clerke and Mr. Gore, as they were walking at a small distance from the ships. The Commodore, struck with the boldness of this scheme of retaliation, which seemed to counteract him in his own way, instantly commanded his people to arm; and, in a few minutes, a strong party, under the conduct of Mr. King, was sent to the rescue of our two gentlemen. Two armed boats, and a party under Mr. Williamson, were dispatched at the same time to intercept the flying canoes in their retreat [Page 66] to the shore. These detachments had scarcely gone out of sight, when intelligence arrived that we had been misinformed; upon which they were immediately called in.

It manifestly appeared, however, from several corroborating particulars, that the natives had actually formed the design of seizing Captain Clerke; and they even made no secret in speaking of it the following day. But the principal part of their plan of operations was to have laid hold of the person of Captain Cook. He was accustomed to bathe every evening in the fresh water; on which occasions he frequently went alone, and always unarmed. Expecting him to go this evening, as usual, they had resolved upon seizing him, and Captain Clerke likewise, if he had accompanied him. But Captain Cook, after confining the chief's family, had taken care to avoid putting himself in their power; and had cautioned Captain Clerke and the officers, not to go to any considerable distance from the ships. Oreo, in the course of the afternoon, asked our Commodore, three or four times, if he would not go to the batihing place; till at length finding that he could not be prevailed upon, he retired, with his people, notwithstanding all our entreaties to the contrary. Having no suspicion, at this time, of their design, Captain Cook imagined, that a sudden panic had seized them, which would probably be soon over. Being disappointed with [Page 67] respect to him, they fixed upon those who were more in their power. It was a fortunate circumstance that they did not succeed in their design, and that no mischief was done on the occasion; no musquets being fired, except two or three, to stop the canoes; to which firing, perhaps, Captain Clerke and Mr. Gore owed their safety^*; for, at that moment, a party of the islanders, armed with clubs, were marching towards them, but dispersed on hearing the report of the musquets.

This conspiracy was first discovered by a girl who had been brought from Huaheine by one of our officers. Happening to overhear some of the Ulieteans say, that they would seize Messrs. Clerke and Gore, she immediately ran to acquaint the first of our people that she met with. Those who had been intrusted with the execution of the design, threatened to put her to death, as soon as we should quit Ulietea, for disappointing them. Being aware of this, we contrived that the girl's friends should come, a day or two afterwards, and take her out of the ship, to convey her to a place where she might remain concealed, till she should find an opportunity of returning to Huaheine.

[Page 68]On Thursday the 27th, we took down our observatories, and carried on board whatever we had ashore; we then unmoored the ships, and moved a little way down the harbour, where we anchored again. Towards the afternoon the natives, shaking off their apprehensions, gathered round, and on board, our ships, as usual; and the unpleasing transactions of the preceding day seemed to be almost forgotten by both parties. In the succeeding night the wind blew in hard squalls, which were accompanied with heavy showers of rain. In one of these squalls, the cable by which the Resolution was riding at anchor, parted; but, as we had another anchor ready to let go, the ship was quickly brought up again.

No account of our two fugitives having been received from Bolabola, Oreo now set out for that island, desiring Captain Cook to follow him, the next day, with the ships. This was the Captain's intentions; but the wind prevented our getting out to sea. The same wind, however, which detained us in the harbour, brought back Oreo, with the two deserters, from Bolabola. They had reached Otaha on the night of their desertion; but being, unable for the want of wind, to get to any of the islands lying to the eastward, as they at first intended, they had proceeded to Bolalola, and thence to a little island called Toobace, where they were apprehended by [Page 69] Pootoe's father. As soon as they were brought on board, the three prisoners in the Discovery were restored to their liberty. Such was the termination of an affair, which had given the Commodore much trouble and vexation.

The wind continuing constantly between the north and west, kept us in the harbour till Sunday the 7th of December; when, at eight o'clock in the morning, we weighed and made sail, with a light breeze at the north-east point. During the preceding week, we had been visited by persons from all quarters of the island, who afforded us a plentiful supply of hogs and green plantains, so that the time we remained wind-bound in the harbour was not totally lost; for green plantains are an excellent succedaneum for bread, and will keep good for two or three weeks. Besides being furnished with these provisions, we also took in plenty of wood and water

The Ulieteans appeared to be, in general smaller and more black than the natives of the adjacent islands, and seemed also less orderly, which may, perhaps, be owing to their having become subject to the inhabitants of Bolabola. Oreo, their chief, is only a kind of deputy of the Bolabolan monarch; and the conquest seems to have diminished the number of subordinate chiefs resident among them: they are, therefore, less immediately under the eye of those whose interest it is to enforce a proper obedience. Though [Page 70] Ulietea is now reduced to this state of humiliating dependence, it was formerly, as we were informed, the most eminent of this group of islands, and was probably the first seat of goverment; for we were told, that the present royal family of Otaheite derives its descent from that which ruled here before the late revolution. The dethroned king of Ulietea, whose name is Ooroo, resides at Huaheine, furnishing, in his own person, an instance not only of the instability of power, but also of the respect paid by these islanders to particulur familes of princely rank; for they allow Ooroo to retain all the ensigns which are appropriated by them to royalty, notwithstanding his having been deprived of his dominions. We observed a similar instance of this during our stay at Ulietea, where one of our occasional visitants was Captain Cook's old friend Oree, late chief of Huaheine. He still maintained his consequence, and was constantly attended by a numerous retinue.

[Page 71]

CHAP. VIII.

Proceed to Bolabola, accompanied by Oreo and others —Application to Opoony for Monsieur de Bougainville's [...] Reasons for purc [...]sing it—Delicacy of Opoony, in not accepting the Present —Quit the Society Islands—Description of Bolabola, and its Harbour—Curious History of the Reduction of the two Islands, Otaha and Ulietea —Bravery of the Men of Bolabola—Account of the Animals left at Bolabola and Ulietea—Process of salting Pork—Cursory Observations respecting Otaheite, and the Society Islands.

HAVING taking our leave of Ulietea, we steered for Bolabola. Our principal reason for visiting this island was, to procure one of the anchors which had been lost at Otaheite by Monsieur de Bougainville. This, we were informed, had been afterwards found by the natives there, and sent by them to Opoony, the chief of Bolabola. It was not on account of being in want of anchors that we were anxious to get possession of it; but, having parted with all our hatchets, and other iron tools and implements in purchasing refreshments, we were now obliged to create a fresh assortment of trading articles, by fabricating them from the spare iron we could find on board, and even the greatest part of that had been already [Page 72] expended. Captain Cook, therefore, supposed Mons. de Bougainville's anchor would, in a great measure, supply our want of this useful material, and he did not entertain a doubt that Opoony might be induced to part with it.

Oreo, accompanied by six or eight others from Ulietea, attended us to Bolabola; and, indeed, most of the natives, except the chief, would gladly have taken a passage with us to England. At sun-set, being off the south point of Bolabola, we shortened sail, and passed the night making short boards. On the 8th, at day break, we made sail for the harbour, on the west side of the island. The wind being scant, it was nine o'clock before we were near enough to send away a boat to found the entrance.

The master, when he returned with the boat, reported, that the entrance of the harbour was rocky at the bottom, but that there was good ground within; and the debth of water twenty-five and twenty-seven fathoms; and that there was room to turn the ships in. Upon this information, we attempted to work the ships in; but, the wind and tide being against us, we made two or three trips, and found it could not be accomplished till the tide should turn in our favour. Whereupon Captain Cook gave up the design of carrying the ships into the harbour, and embarking in one of the boats, attended by Oreo and his companions, was rowed in for the island.

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[Page 73]As soon as they were got ashore, the Commodore was introduced to Opoony, surrounded by a vast concourse of people. The necessary formality of compliments being over, he requested the chief to give him the anchor; and, to induce him to comply with the request, produced the presen he intended for him. It consisted of a linen nightgown, some gauze handkerchiefs, a shirt, a looking-glass, some beads and toys, and six axes. Opoony, however, refused to accept the present till the Commodore had received the anchor; and ordered three persons to go and deliver it to him; with directions to receive from him what he thought proper in return. With these messengers we set out in our boats for a neighbouring island, where the anchor had been deposited; but it was neither so large, nor so perfect, as we expected. By the mark that was upon it, we found that it had originally weighed seven hundred pounds; but it now wanted the two palms, the ring, and part of the shank. The reason of Opoony's refusing Captain Cook's present was now apparent; he, doubtless, supposed that the anchor, in its present state, was so much inferior to it in value, that, when he saw it, he would be displeased. The Commodore, notwithstanding, took the anchor as he found it, and sent the whole of the present, which he, at first, intended. This negociation being completed, the Commodore returned on board, hoisted in the boats, and made sail to [Page 74] the north. But, while we [...] hoisting in the boats, we were visited by some of the natives, who came off, in three or four canoes, to see the ships. They brought with them one pig, and a few cocoa-nuts.

Had we remained there till the next day, we should probably have been supplied with plenty of provisions; and the natives would, doubtless be disappointed when they found we were gone: but, having already a good stock of hogs and fruit on board, and not many articles left to purchase more, we had no inducement to defer the prosecution of our voyage.

Oteavanooa, the harbour of Bolabola, situated on the west side of the island, i [...] [...]ery capacious; and, though we did not enter it, Captain Cook had the satisfaction of being informed, by persons employed by him for that purpose, that it was a very proper place for the reception of ships.

Towards the middle of this island is a lofty double-peaked mountain, which appeared to be barren on the east side, but, on the west side, has some trees or bushes. The lower grounds, towards the sea, like the other islands of this ocean, are covered with cocoa-palms, and bread-fruit trees. There are many little islots that surround it, which add to the number of its inhabitants and to the amount of its vegetable productions.

[Page 75]Considering the small extent of Bolabola, being only eight leagues in circumference, it is remarkable that its people should have been able to conquer Ulietea and Otaha; the former of which islands is, alone, more than double its size. In each of Captain Cook's three voyages, the war which produced this great revolution, was frequently mentioned; and, as it may amuse the reader, we shall give the history, of it as related by themselves.

Ulietea and Otaha had long been friends; or as the natives emphatically express it, they were considered as two brothers, whose views and interests where the same. The island of Huaheine was also admitted as their friend, but not in so eminent a degree. Like a traitor, Otaha leagued with Bolabola, jointly to attack Ulietea; whose people required the assistance of their friends of Huaheine, against these united powers. The inhabitants of Bolabola were encouraged by a prophetess, who predicted their success; and, that they might rely upon her prediction, she desired a man might be sent to a particular part of the sea, where, from a great depth, would arise a stone. He was accordingly sent in a canoe to the place specified, and was going instantly to dive after the stone, when, behold, it spontaneously started up to the surface, and came immediately into his hand! All the people were astonished at the sight; the stone was deemed sacred, and deposited [Page 76] in the house of the Eatooa; and is still preserved, as a proof that this prophetess had great influence with the divinity. Elevated with the hopes of victory, the canoes of Bolabola attacked those of Ulietea and Huaheine; the encounter was of long duration, and, notwithstanding the miracle, the Bolabola fleet would have been vanquished, had not that of Otaha arrived at the critical moment. The fortune of the day was now turned, and their enemies were totally defeated. Two days after, the men of Bolabola invaded Huaheine, of which they made themselves masters; it being weakly defended, as most of its warriors were then absent. Many of its fugitives, however, having got to Otaheite, there related their lamentable tale. This so affected their own countrymen, and those of Ulietea whom they found in that island, that they obtained their assistance. They were furnished with only ten fighting canoes, and with that inconsiderable force, effected a landing at Huaheine, when dark at night; and, taking the Bolabola men by surprize, killed many of them, and dispersed the rest. Thus they again possessed themselves of their own island, which now remains independent, and is governed by its own chiefs. When the united fleets of Ulietea and Huaheine were defeated, the men of Bolabola were applied to by their allies of Otaha to be allowed an equal share of the conquests. This being refused, the [Page 77] alliance broke; and, during the war, Otaha was conquered, as well as Ulietea, both of which remain subject to Bolabola; the chiefs by whom they are governed, being only deputies to Opoony, the king of that island.

Such was their history of the war. It has already been observed, that these people are extremely deficient in recollecting the exact dates of past events. And, respecting this war, though it happened but a few years ago, we could only guess at the time of its commencement and duration, the natives not being able to satisfy our [...] quiries with any precision. The final [...] of Ulietea; which terminated the war, had [...] atchieved before Captain Cook was there in 1769; but it was very apparent that peace had not been long restored, as marks of recent hostilities having been committed were then to be seen. By attending to the age of Teereetareea, the present chief of Huaheine, some additional collateral proof may be gathered. He did not appear to be above ten or twelve years of age, and his father, we were informed, had been killed in one of the engagements.

The Bolabola men, since the conquest of Ulietea and Otaha, are considered as invincible; and their fame is so far extended, that, even at Otaheite, if not dreaded, they are respected for their valour. It is asserted, that they never fly from an enemy, and that they always are victorious [Page 78] against an equal number of the other islanders. Their neighbours, too, ascribe much to the superiority of their god, who, they believed, detained us by contrary winds at Ulietea.

The estimation in which the Bolabola men are held at Otaheite, may be gathered from Monsieur de Bougainville's anchor having been sent to their sovereign. The intention of transporting the Spanish bull to their island, must be ascribed to the same cause. And they already possessed a third European curiosity, a male animal brought to Otaheite by the Spainards. This animal had been so imperfectly described by the natives, that we had been much puzzled to conjecture what it could be. Some good, however, generally arises out of evil. When Captain Clerke's deserters were brought back from Bolabola, they told us the animal had been shewn to them, and that it was a ram. If our men had not deserted, it is probable we should never have known this.

In consequence of this intelligence, Captain Cook, when he landed to meet Opoony, carried an ewe on shore, of the Cape of Good Hope breed; by which he has probably laid the foundation for a breed of sheep at Bolabola. He also left with Oreo, at Ulietea, two goats, and an English boar and sow: so that the race of hogs will be considerably improved, in a few years, at Otaheite, and all the neighbouring islands; and they will, [Page 79] perhaps, be stocked with many valuable European animals.

When this is really the case, these islands will be unrivalled in abundance, and variety of refreshments for the supply of navigators. Even in their present state, they are hardly to be excelled. When the inhabitants are not disturbed by intestine broils, which has been the case for several years past, their productions are numerous and plentiful.

If we had possessed a greater assortment of goods, and a proper quantity of salt, we might have salted as much pork, as would have been sufficient to last both ships almost a year. But we quite exhausted our trading commodities at the Friendly Islands, Otaheite, and its neighbourhood. Our axes, in particular, were nearly gone, with which, alone, hogs were, in general, to be purchased. The salt that remained on board, was not more than was requisite for curing fifteen puncheons of meat.

The following process of curing pork has been adopted by Captain Cook in his several voyages. The hogs were killed in the evening; when cleaned, they were cut up, and the bone taken out. The meat was salted while it was hot, and laid so as to permit the juices to drain from it, till the next morning: it was then salted again, put into a cask, and covered with pickle. It remained, in this situation, four or five days; when [Page 80] it was taken out, and carefully examined; and, if any of it appeared to be in the least tainted. which was sometimes the case, it was separated from the rest, which was repacked, headed up, and filled with good pickle. It was again examined in about eigth or ten days time, but there appeared to be no necessity for it, as it was generally found to be all perfectly cured. Bay and white salt, mixed together, answers the best, though either of them will do alone. Great care was taken that none of the large blood-vessels remained in the meat; and not too much should be packed together at the first salting, least those pieces which are in the middle should heat, and hinder the salt from penetrating them. In tropical climates, meat ought not to be salted in rainy sultry weather.

Europeans having, of late, so frequently visited these islanders, they may, on that account, have been induced to breed a larger stock of hogs; knowing that, whenever we come, they may be certain of receiving what they esteem a valuable consideration for them. They daily expect the Spainards at Otaheite, and, in two or three years time, they will doubtless expect the English there, as well as the other islands. It is useless to assure them that you will not return, for they suppose you cannot avoid it; though none of them either know, or enquire, the reason of your coming. It would, perhaps, have been [Page 81] better of these people, to have been ignorant of our superiority, than, after once knowing it, to be abandoned to their original incapacity. They cannot, indeed, be restored to their former happy mediocrity, if the intercourse between us should be discontinued

It is, in a manner, incumbent on the Europeans to pay them occasional visits (once in three or four years) to supply them with those articles, which we, by introducing, have given them a predilection for. The want of such supplies may be severely felt, when it is too late to return to their old imperfect contrivances, which they now despise and discard. When the iron tools, with which we have furnished them, are worn out, their own will be almost forgotten. A stone hatchet is now as great a curiosity among them, as an iron one was seven or eight years ago; and a chissel made of bone, or stone, is no where to be seen. Spike nails have been substituted in the room of the latter articles; and they are weak enough to imagine, that their store of them is inexhaustible, for they were no longer sought after.

Knives happened at this time, to be in high estimation at Ulietea; and axes and hatchets bore unrivalled sway at all the islands. Respecting articles merely ornamented, these islanders are as changeable as the most polished European nations; for, an article which may be prized by them to-day, may, perhaps, be rejected to morrow, [Page 82] as a fashion or wim may alter. But our iron implements are so evidently useful, that they must continue to be high in their estimation. They would indeed, be miserable, if they should cease to receive supplies of what appears necessary to their comfortable existence; as they are destitute of the materials, and ignorant of the art of fabricating them.

In our former relations, too much has already been published, respecting some of the modes of life, which rendered Otaheite so pleasing an abode to many of our people; and, if we could add any finishing strokes to that picture, we should be unwilling to exhibit a view of such licentious manners as cannot fail to be disgusting.

Having now concluded our account respecting these islands, which stand so conspicuous in the list of our discoveries, we refer the reader to the following chapter, for which we are indebted to Mr. Anderson.

[Page 83]

CHAP. IX.

Strictures on former Accounts of Otaheite—The prevailing Winds—Beauty and Fertility of the Country—Land but little cultivated—Produce—Natural Curiosities—Description of the Natives—Delicacy of the women—Their general Character—Disposed to amorous Gratifications—Their Language—Ignorance of Surgery and Physic—Animal Food chiefly eaten by the superior Class—Pernicious Effects of Ava—Account of their different Meals—Connections between the two Sexes—Circumcision—Religion—Notions concerning Immortality—Superstitions—Strange Traditions about the Creation—The King almost deified—Classes of the People—Punishments—Peculiarities of the adjacent Islands—Limits of their Navigation.

AFTER some prefatory remarks, on the accounts of the successive voyages of Captain Wallis, Monsieur de Bougainville, and Captain Cook, Mr. Anderson begins to relate such particulars concerning Otaheite, and its neighbouring islands, as he was able to procure from Omai, or by conversing with the other natives.

For the greatest part of the year, the wind blows from between east-south-east, and east-north-east. It sometimes blows with considerable [Page 84] force, and is called by the natives Maaraee. When the wind blows strong, the weather is usually cloudy, with some rain; but, when it is more moderate, it is clear, settled and serene: if the wind should veer to south-east, or south-south-east, it blows more gently and is called Maoai. In December and January, when the sun is nearly vertical, both the winds and weather are very variable; but it often blows from west-north-west, or north-west. This wind is called Toerou; and is usually attended by cloudy weather, and sometimes rain. It seldom continues more than five or six days without interruption; and is the only wind that will permit the inhabitants of the islands to leeward to visit this in their canoes. If the wind is still more northerly, it has the different appellation of Era-potaia. The wind from south-west, and west-south-west, is more frequent than the former, and is usually gentle, with occasional calms and breezes, yet it sometimes blows in very brisk squalls. The weather is then generally cloudy and rainy, with the close hot air; often accompanied with much thunder and lightning. Is called by the natives Etoa.

Though the natives have no very accurate knowledge of those changes they pretend to have drawn some conclusions from their effects. When the sea has a hollow sound, and dashes mildly on the shore, they say it portends good weather: but, if it sounds harshly, and the waves [Page 85] rapidly succeed each other, the reverse is to be expected.

The south-east part of Otaheite, affords one of the most luxuriant prospects in the universe. The hills are high, steep, and craggy; but they are covered to the very summits with trees and shrubs; the rocks seeming to possess the property of producing their verdant clothing. The lower land and vallies teem with various productions, that grow with exuberant vigour, and convey to the mind of the beholders, an idea, that no country upon earth can vie with this in the strength and beauty of vegetation; nature has been equally liberal in distributing rivulets, which glide through every valley, dividing, as they approach the sea, into several branches, fertilizing the land, through which they run.

The habitations of the natives are irregularly scattered upon the flat land; and many of them, along the shore, afforded us a delightful scene from our ships; especially as the sea, within the reef, is perfectly still, and affords, at all times, a safe navigation for the inhabitants, who are often seen passing and repassing in their canoes. On beholding these delightful scenes, I have often regretted my inability to transmit such a description of them, as would convey an impression somewhat similar to what I felt, who have been fortunate enough to have been on the spot. The natural fertility of the country, combined with [Page 86] the mildness and serenity of the elimate, has rendered the natives so careless in their cultivation, that the smallest traces of it cannot, in many places, be discovered, though overflowing with the richest productions. The cloth plant, and the ava, or intoxicating pepper, are almost the only things to which they shew any attention.

The bread-fruit tree is never planted, but springs from the roots of the old ones, which spread themselves near the surface of the ground. Hence we may observe, that the inhabitants of Otaheite, instead of being under a necessity of planting their bread, will rather be obliged to prevent its progress; which is, perhaps, sometimes done, to afford room for a different sort of trees, which may enable them to make some variety in their food.

The principal of these trees are the cocoa-nut and plantain; the first of which requires no attention, after it appears a foot or two above the ground; but the plaintain requires some care in the cultivation; for about three months after it shoots up, it begins to bear fruit; during which time it puts forth young shoots, which supply a succession of fruit; the old stocks being cut down as the fruit is taken off.

The products of the island are more remarkable for their great abundance than for their variety; and curiosities here are not very numerous. Among these may be reckoned a large [Page 87] lake of fresh water, on the top of one of the highest mountains, at the distance of almost two days journey. It is remarkable for its depth, and abounds with eels of an enormous size. This being esteemed the greatest natural curiosity of the country, travellers, who come from other islands, are usually asked, among the first things, at their return, whether they have seen it. There is also a small pond of water on this island, which has a yellow sediment at the bottom. It has the appearence of being very good, but has an offensive taste, and often proves fatal to those who drink a quantity of it; and those who bathe in it, break out in blotches.

On our arrival here, we were struck with the remarkable contrast between the inhabitants of Tongataboo, and those of Otaheite; the former being of a robust make, and dark colour, and the latter having a distinguished delicacy and whiteness. That difference, however, did not immediately preponderate in favour, of the Otaheiteans; and, when it did it was, perhaps, occasioned more by our becoming accustomed to them; the marks, which had recommended the others, beginning now to be forgotten.

The women however, of Otaheite, possess all those delicate charecteristics, which in many countries distinguish them from the other sex. The men wear their beards long here, and their hair considerably longer than at Tongataboo, which [Page 88] gave them a very different appearance. The Otaheiteans are timid and fickle. They are not so muscular and robust as the Friendly Islanders, arising, perhaps, from their being accustomed to less action; the superior fertility of their country enabling them to lead a more indolent life. They have a plumpness and smoothness of the skin; which, though more consenant with our ideas of beauty, is far from being an advantage; and is attended with a kind of langour in all their motions. This is visible in their boxing and wrestling, which display only the feeble efforts of children, if compared to the vigour and activity with which such exercises are performed at the Friendly Islands.

As personal endowments are in high estimation among them, they have various methods of improving them, according to their ideas of beauty. Among the Erreoes, or unmarried men, especially those of some consequence, it is customary to undergo a kind of physical operation, to render them fair; which is done by continuing a month or two in the house, wearing a great quantity of cloaths the whole time, and eating nothing but bread-fruit, which they say is remarkably efficacious in whitening the skin. They also intimate, that their corpulence and colour, at other times, depend upon their food; being obliged, as the seasons vary, to use different food at different times.

[Page 89]Nine-tenths, at least, of their common diet, consist of vegetable food; and the mahee, or fermented bread-fruit, which is an article in almost every meal, prevents costiveness, and has a singular effect in producing coolness about them, which was not perceivable in us who fed on animal food. To this temperate course of life, may, perhaps, be attributed their having so few diseases among them. Indeed, they mention only five or six chronic or national disorders; among which are the dropsy, and the fefai, mentioned as frequent at Tongataboo. This was, however, before the arrival of the Europeans; for we have added a disease to their catalogue, which abundantly supplies the place of all the others, and is become almost universal; and for which they seem to have no effectual remedy. The priests, indeed, administer a medly of simples, but they acknowledge it never cures them. They admit, however, that in some few cases, nature alone has exterminated the poison of this loathsome disease, and produced a perfect recovery. They say also, that those infected with it, communicate it to others, by handling them, or feeding on the same utensils.

They shew an openness, and generosity of disposition, upon all occasions. Omai, indeed, has frequently said, that they exercise cruelty in punishing their enemies, and torment them with great deliberation; sometimes tearing out small [Page 90] pieces of flesh from different parts of the body; at other times, plucking out the eyes, then cutting off the nose; and lastly, completing the business, by opening the belly. But this is only on very extraordinary occasions. If cheerfulness results from conscious innocence, one would imagine their whole lives had been unsullied with a crime. This, however, may be rather imputed to their feelings, which, though lively, are never permanent. Under any misfortune, after the critical moment is past, they never labour under the appearance of anxiety. Care never produces a wrinkle on their brow; even the approach of death does not deprive them of their vivacity. I have seen them, when on the brink of the grave by disease, and when preparing to attack the enemy; but, in neither of these cases, have I ever observed their countenances overclouded with melancholy or dread.

Disposed, as they naturally are, to direct their aims to what will afford them ease or pleasure, all their amusements tend to excite their amorous passions; and their songs, with which they are greatly delighted, are directed to the same purpose. A constant succession of sensual enjoyments must, however, cloy; and they occasionally varied them to more refined subjects; they chanted their triumphs in war, and their amusements in peace; their travels and adventures; and the peculiar advantages of their own island.

[Page 91]This shews that they are immoderately fond of music, and though they did not relish our complicated compositions, they were much delighted with the more melodious sounds, when produced singly, as they, in some degree, resembled the simplicity of their own. They equally experience the soothing effects produced, by particular kinds of motion; which, in many cases, will allay any perturbation of mind, as successfully as music. Of this, the following may serve as a remarkable instance. Walking, one day, about Matavi Point, I saw a man in a small canoe, paddling with such expedition, and looking so eagerly about him, as to command my whole attention. At first, I supposed he had been pilfering from one of the ships, and was pursued; but he presently repeated his amusement. He proceeded from the shore to the place where the swell begins; and, attentively watching its first motion, paddled swiftly before it, till he perceived it overtook him, and had acquired sufficient strength to force his canoe before it, without passing underneath. He then ceased paddling, and was carried along as rapidly as the wave, till he was landed upon the beach; when he started from his canoe, emptied it, and went in pursuit of another swell. He seemed to experience the most supreme delight, while he was thus swiftly and smoothly driven by the sea. His mind was so wholly occupied in this business, that, though [Page 92] crouds of his countrymen were collected to observe our tents and ships, as being objects that were both rare and curious to them, he did not notice them in the least. Two or three of the natives drew near, while I was observing him, and seemed to partake of his felicity; calling out to inform him when there was an appearance of a favourable swell. This exercise, which I understand is very frequent among them, is called chorooe.

Though the language of Otaheite seems radically the same as that of New-Zealand and the Friendly Islands, it has not that guttural pronunciation, and is pruned of some of the consonants, with which those dialects abound; which has rendered it, like the manners of the inhabitants, soft and soothing. It abounds with beautiful and figurative expressions, and is so copious, that they have above twenty different names for the bread-fruit; as many for the taro root, and half that number for the cocoa-nut.

They have one expression corresponding exactly with the phraseology of the Scriptures, viz. "Yearning of the bowels." They use it upon every occasion, when affected by the passions; constantly referring pain from grief, desire, and other affections, to the bowels, as the seat of it; where they imagine, all opperations of the mind are also performed.

[Page 93]In the arts, they are extremely deficient; yet they pretend to perform cures in surgery, which our knowledge in that branch has not enabled us to imitate. Simple fractures are bound up with splints, but if a part of the bone be lost, they insert, between the fractured ends, a piece of wood made hollow, to supply its place. The rapaoo, or surgeon, inspects the wound in about five or six days, when he finds the wood is partly covered by the growing flesh; and, in as many more days, visits the patient a second time, when it is generally completely covered; and, when he has acquired some strength, he bathes in the water and is restored.

Wounds, it is well known, will heal over leaden bullets, and there are some instances of their healing over other extraneous bodies. But what makes me entertain some doubt of the truth of this relation, is, that in those cases which fell under my observation, they were far from being so dexterous. I was shewn the stump of an arm, which had been taken off, that had not the appearance of a skilful operation, after making a due allowance for their defective instruments. And I saw a man going about with a dislocated shoulder, some months after he had received the accident, from their being unacquainted with a method of reducing it: though it is one of the simplest operations of our surgery.

[Page 94]Fractures of the spine, they know, are mortal; and they also know, from experience, in what particular parts of the body wounds prove fatal. Their physical knowledge seems yet more limited, because, perhaps, their diseases are fewer than their accidents. In some cases, however, the priests administer the juices of herbs; and women, afflicted with after-pains, or other complaints after child-bearing, use a remedy which seems unnecessary in a hot country. Having heated some stones, they lay a thick cloth over them, covered with a quantity of a small plant of the mustard kind; and over them is spread another cloth. On this they seat themselves, and sweat profusely to obtain a cure. This method has been practised by the men, though ineffectually, for the cure of the venereal lues. It is remarkable, that they have no emetic medicines here.

A famine frequently happens in this island, notwithstanding its extreme fertility, in which many people are said to perish. Whether this calamity be owing to the scanty produce of some seasons, to over-population, or to wars, I have not been sufficiently informed; but it has taught them to exercise the strictest oeconomy, even in the times of plenty.

In a scarcity of provision, when their yams and bread-fruit are consumed, they have recourse to various roots which grow uncultivated upon the mountains. The patarra, which is found in great [Page 95] plenty, is first used: it somewhat resembles a large potatoe, or yam; and, when in its growing state, is good, but becomes hard and stringy when old. They next eat two other roots, one of which appears like taro; and then the ehoee. Of this there are two sorts; one of which possesses deleterious qualities, which requires it to be sliced; and macerated in water, a night before it is baked for eating. It resembles, in this respect, the cassava root of the West-Indies; but in the manner they dress it, has a very insipid taste. This and the patarra are creeping plants, the latter having ternate leaves.

A very small portion of animal food is enjoyed by the lower class of people; and if, at any time, they obtain any, it is either fish, sea-eggs, or other marine productions; for pork hardly ever falls to their share. Only the Eree de hoi, is able to afford pork every day; and the inferior chiefs, according to their riches, perhaps once a week, a fortnight, or a month. Sometimes, indeed, they are not allowed that; for, when the island is impoverished by war, or any other means, a prohibition is granted against the killing of hogs, which sometimes continues in force for several months, and even for a year or two. In such an interval, the hogs have multiplied so fast, that there have been instances of their changing there domestic state, and becoming wild.

[Page 96]When this prohibition is taken off, the chiefs assemble at the king's habitation, each bringing with him a present of hogs. After this, the king orders some of them to be killed, of which they all partake, and each returns to his own home, with full permission to kill as many as he pleases for his own use. On our arrival here, such a prohibition was actually in force, at least in those districts under the immediate direction of Otoo. And, when we quitted Oheitepeha, fearing we should not have gone to Matavai, he sent a messenger to assure us, that, as soon as the ships arrived there, it should be taken off. We found it so, but our consumption of them was so great, that there is very little doubt but it would be laid on again, immediately after we had sailed. A prohibition is sometimes extended to fowls.

The ava is chiefly used among the better sort of people, but this beverage is differently prepared, from that which we saw in the Friendly Islands. Here they pour a small quantity of water upon the root, and often bake, roast, or bruise the stalks, without chewing it before it is infused. They also bruise the leaves of the plant here, and pour water upon them, as upon the root. It is not drank in large companies, in that sociable way which is practised among the people at Tongataboo; but it has more pernicious effects here, owing, perhaps, to the manner [Page 97] of its preparation; as we saw frequent instances of its intoxicating powers.

Many of us, who had visited these islands before, were suprized to find several of the natives, who were remarkable for their size and corpulency when we saw them last, now almost reduced to skeletons; and the cause of this alteration was universally attributed to the use of the ava. Their skins were dry, rough, and covered with scales; which, they say, occasionally fall off, and their skin becomes, in some degree, renewed. As an excuse for so destructive a practice, they alledge, it is to prevent their growing too corpulent; but it e [...]ervates them exceedingly, and probably shortens the duration of their lives.

Their meals at Otaheite are every frequent. The first is about two o'clock in the morning, after which they go to sleep; the next is at eight; they dine at eleven, and again, as Omai expressed it, at two, and at five; and they go to supper at eight. They have adopted some very whimsical customs in this article in domestic life: the women are not only obliged to eat by themselves, but are even excluded from partaking of most of the better sorts of food. Turtle, or fish of the tunny kind, they dare not touch, though it is high in esteem; some particular sorts of the best plantains are also forbidden them; and even those of the first rank are seldom permitted to eat pork. The children of both sexes also eat [Page 98] apart; and the women usually serve up their own provisions.

In this, and many other customs, relative to their eating, there is something exceedingly mysterious. On our inquiring into the reasons of it, we were told, it was necessary that it should be so; and that was the only answer we could receive when we interrogated them upon that subject.

They are not so obscure and mysterious in their other customs respecting the females, especially with regard to their connections with the men. When a young man and women, from mutual choice, agree to cohabit, the man makes a present to the father of the girl of the common necessaries of life, as hogs, cloth, or canoes; and if he supposes he has not received a valuable consideration for his daughter, he compels her to leave her former friend, and to cohabit with a person who may be more liberal. The man, indeed, is always at full liberty to make a new choice; or, should his consort become a mother, he may destroy the child; and afterwards either leave the women, or continue his connection with her. But if he adopts the child, and permits it to live, the man and women are then considered as in the married state; and after that they seldom separate. A man may however, without being censured, join a more youthful [Page 99] partner to his first wife, and live with both of them.

The custom of changing their conjugal connections is very general, and is so common an occurrence, that they mention it with indifference. The erreoes, or those of the better sort who possess the means of purchasing a succession of fresh connections, are generally roaming about; and, having no particular attachment, seldom adopt the plan of a settled cohabitation. And this licentious plan of life is so agreeable to their disposition, that the most beautiful of both sexes exhaust their youthful days in practices which would disgrace the most savage tribes. These enormities are peculiarly shocking in a country whose general character has, in other respects, evident traces of the prevalence of humane feelings. When an erreoe women brings forth a child, it is suffocated by applying a cloth to its mouth and nose, which has been previously dipped in water.

As the women, in such a life, must contribute greatly to its happiness, it is surprising that they should not only suffer the most humiliating restraints with regard to food, but should be often treated with a degree of brutality, which one would suppose a man must be incapable of towards an object for whom he had the least affection or esteem. It is, however, extremely common to see the men beat them most unmercifully; [Page 100] and unless this behaviour proceeds from jealousy, which both sexes sometimes pretend to be infected with, it will be difficult to assign a reason for it. This may the more readily be admitted as a motive, as I have known many instances where interest has been rejected for personal beauty; though even in these cases, they are not susceptible of those delicate sentiments that result from mutual affection. Platonic love is hardly known in Otaheite.

From a notion of cleanliness, the cutting of the foreskin is a practice adopted among them; and they bestow a reproachful epithet upon those who neglect that operation. When five or six lads in a neighbourhood are pretty well grown up, it is made known to a tahoua by the father of one of them. The t [...]houa, attended by a servant, conducts the lads to the top of the hills; and after seating one of them in a proper manner, places a piece of wood beneath the foreskin, at the same time amusing him by desiring him to look aside at something which he pretends to see; the young man's attention being thus engaged, he immediately cuts through the skin with a shark's tooth, and separates the divided parts; then, after putting on a bandage, he performs the same operation on the other lads who attend him.

Five days after they have been thus disciplined, they bathe, the bandages are removed, and [Page 101] the matter is cleansed away. When five days more are expired, they bathe again, and are recovered; but, as a thickness of the prepuce remains, occasioned by the cutting, they again ascend the mountains with the tahoua and servant, where a fire is prepared, and some stones heated; between two of which the prepuce is placed by the tahoua, and is gently squeezed, in order to remove the thickness. This done, they return home, adorned with odoriferous flowers; and the tahoua is rewarded by the fathers of the lads, according to their several abilities, with a present of hogs and cloth; and if their poverty will not permit them to make a proper acknowledgment, there relations on this, occasion are expected to be liberal.

Their religious system abounds in singularities, and few of the common people have a competent knowledge of it, that being principally confined to their priests, which indeed are numerous. They pay no particular respect to one god, as possessing pre-eminence; but believe in a plurality of divinities, who have each a plenitude of power.

As different parts of the island, and the other neighbouring islands, have different gods, the respective inhabitants imagine they have chosen the most eminent, or one who is at least sufficiently powerful to protect them, and to supply their necessities. If he should not give them [Page 102] satisfaction, they think it no impiety to change. An instance of this kind has lately happened in Tiaraboo, where two divinities have been discarded, and Oraa, god of Bolabola, has been adopted in their room. They have probably been induced to make this new choice, because his people have been victorious in war; and having, since their new election, been successful against the inhabitants of Otaheite-nooe, it is solely imputed to Oraa, who literally fights their battles.

In serving their gods, their assiduity is remarkably conspicuous. The whattas or offering-places of the morais are, in general, loaded with fruits and animals; and almost every house has a portion of it set apart for a similar purpose. Many of them are so rigidly scrupulous in their religious matters, that they will not even begin a meal, till they have laid a side a morsel for the eatooa; and we have seen their superstitious zeal carried to a most pernicious height in their human sacrifices, which are, I fear, too frequent. They probably have recourse to them to avert misfortunes. Their prayers, which they always chant like the songs in their festive entertainments, are also very frequent.

As in other cases, so in religion, the women are obliged to shew their inferiority. When they pass the morais they must partly uncover themselves, or take an extensive circuit to avoid them. [Page 103] Though they do not entertain an opinion, that their god must be continually conferring benefits, without sometimes forsaking them, they are less concerned at this, than at the attempts of some inauspicious being to injure them. Etee, they say, is an evil spirit, who delights in mischief; to whom they make offerings, as well as to their divinity. But all the mischiefs they apprehend from invisible beings, are merely temporal.

As to the soul, they believe it to be both immortal and immaterial; that during the pangs of death, it keeps fluttering about the lips; and that it ascends, and is eaten by the deity; that it continues in this state for some time; after which it takes its passage to a certain place, destined to receive the souls of men, and has existence in eternal night; or rather in a kind of dawn, or twilight.

They expect no permanent punishment hereafter for crimes committed upon earth; the souls of good and bad men being indiscriminately eaten by the deity. But they consider this coalition as a kind of necessary purification before they enter the regions of bliss; for their doctrine inculcates, that those who refrain from all sensual connection with women some months before they depart this life, pass into their eternal mansion without such a previous union, as if by such an [Page 104] abstinence they were sufficiently pure to be exempted from the general lot.

They have not indeed those sublime conceptions of happiness which our religion, and indeed our reason, teach us to expect hereafter. Immortality is the only great privilege they think they shall acquire by death; for they suppose that spirits are not entirely divested of those passions by which they were actuated when combined with material vehicles. Thus, at a meeting of souls which were formerly enemies, many conflicts may ensue, which must certainly be ineffectual as those who are in this invisible state must be invulnerable.

Their reasoning is similar with regard to the meeting of a man and his consort. If the husband departs this life first, the soul of his wife is no stranger to him on its arrival in the land of spirits. They renew their former intimacy in a capacious building, called Tourooa, where departed souls assemble to recreate themselves with the gods. The husband then conducts her to his separate habitation, where they eternally reside, and have an offspring, which, however, is purely spiritual, as their embraces are supposed to be far different from those of corporeal beings.

Many of their notions respecting the Deity are extravagantly absurd. They suppose him to be under the influence of those spirits who derive their existence from him▪ and that they frequently [Page 105] eat him, though he has power to recreate himself. They cannot converse about immaterial things, without referring to material objects to convey their meaning, and therefore perhaps they use this mode of expression.

They furthe [...] add, that, in the tourooa, the deity inquires whether they mean to destroy him, or not; and their determination is unalterable. This is not only known to the spirits, but also to the inhabitants of the earth; for, when the moon is on its wane, they are supposed to be devouring their eatooa; and, in the proportion that it increases, he is renewing himself. And the superior, as well as the inferior gods are liable to this accident.

Other places, they also believe, are prepared for the reception of departed souls. Thus they are of opinion, that those who are drowned in the sea continue there, and enjoy a delightfull country, sumptuous habitations, and every thing that can contribute to their happiness. They even maintain that all other animals have souls; and even trees, fruit, and stones; which, at their decease, or upon their being consumed or broken, ascend to the deity, from whom they pass into their destined mansion.

They imagine, that every temporal blessing is derived from their punctual performance of religious offices. They believe that the powerful influence of the divine spirit is universally diffused, [Page 106] and therefore it cannot be matter of surprize that they adopt many superstitious opinions concerning its opperations. Sudden deaths and all other accidents, they suppose to be effected under the immediate impulse of some divinity. If a man receives a wound in his toe, by stumbling against a stone, it is imputed to an Eatooa.

In the night, on approaching a toopapaoo, where dead bodies are exposed, they are st [...]tled and terrified; as many of our ignorent and superstitious people are at the sight of a church-yard, or with the apprehensions of ghosts. They have implicit confidence in dreams, supposing them to be communications from their deity, or from the spirit of their friends who have departed this life; and that those who are favoured with them can foretell future events: but this kind of knowledge is limited to particular persons. Omai pretended to have these communications. He assured us, that on the 26th of July 1776, his father's soul had intimated to him in a dream, that he should land somewhere in three days; but he was unfortunate in his first prophetic attempt, for we did not get into Tenerisse till the first of August.

Their dreamers, however, are thought little inferior to their inspired priests and pristesses, whose predictions are universally credited; and all undertakings of consequence are determined [Page 107] by them. Opoony has a particular esteem for the priestess who persuaded him to invade Ulietea, and always consults her previous to his going to war. Our old doctrine of planetary influence, they, in some degree, adopt; and are sometimes regulated in their public councils by the appearances of th [...] moon. If, on its first appearance after the change, it lies horizontally, they are encouraged to engage in war, and seem confident of success.

They have strange obscure traditions concerning the creation. Some goddess, they say, had a lump of earth suspended in a cord, and, by giving it a swing round, scattered about several pieces of land, which constituted Otaheite and the adjacent islands; and that they were all peopled by one of each sex, who originally fixed at Otaheite; but this only respects their own immediate creation; for they admit of an universal one before this. Their remotest account extends to Tatooma and Tapuppa, who are male and female rocks, and support our globe. These begat Totorro, who was killed and divided into parts or parcels of land; then Otaia and Oroo were produced, who were afterwards married, and first begat land, and then a race of gods, Otaia being king, Oroo marries her son, a god, named Teorroha, whom she orders to create animals, more land, and every kind of food found upon the earth. She also ordered him to create a [Page 108] sky, which is supported by men, called Teeserel. The spots observable in the moon, they say, are groves of a certain tree, which once grew in Otaheite and being accidentally destroyed, some doves carried its seeds thither, where they flourish at this day.

They have many religious and historical legends; one of which, relative to eating human flesh, is in substance as follows: A very long time ago there lived, at Otaheite, two men who were called Taheeai; a name which is now given to cannibals. They inhabited the mountains, whence they issued forth and murdered the natives, whom they afterwards devoured, and thus prevented the progress of population. Two brothers, anxious to rid the country of such enemies, successfully put in practice a stratagem for their destruction. They lived farther upward than the Taheeai, and were so situated, that they could converse with them without hazarding their own safety. They invited them to partake of an entertainment, to which they readily consented. The brothers then heated some stones in a fire, and thrusting them into pieces of mahee, requested one of the Taheeai to open his mouth; when one of those pieces was immediately dropped in, and some water poured after it, which, in quenching the stone, made a hissing nose and killed him. The other was intreated to do the same; but at first declined it, mentioning the consequences [Page 109] of his companion's eating: but upon being assured that the food was excellent, that these effects were only temporal, and that his companion would soon recover, he was so credulous as to swallow the bait, and was also killed.

Their bodies were then cut to pieces, and buried by the natives, who rewarded the brothers with the government of the island, for delivering them from such monsters. They resided at Whapaeenoo, a district in the island, where there now remains a bread-fruit tree, which was once the property of the Taheeais. They had a woman who lived with them, that had two enormous teeth. After they were killed, she lived at Otaha; and, when she died, she was ranked among their deities. She did not, like the men, feed upon human flesh; but, from the prodigious size of her teeth, the natives still call any animal that has large tusks Taheeai.

This story, it must be acknowledged, is as natural as that of Hercules destroying the hydra, or of Jack the Giant-killer. But it does not appear that there is any moral couched under it, any more than under most of the old fables, which have been received as truths in ignorant ages. It, however, was not injudiciously introduced, as serving to express the detestation entertained here against cannibals. And yet it appears probable from some circumstances, that the natives of these isles formerly fed upon human flesh. [Page 110] Upon asking Omai a few questions upon this subject, he resolutely denied it; though, at the same time, he related a fact within his own knowledge, which almost establishes such a conjecture.

When the Bolabola men defeated those of Huaheine, many of his kinsmen were slain; but a relation of his had an opportunity of being revenged, when the people of Bolabola were worsted in their turn; and, cutting a piece of flesh from the thigh of one of his enemies, he broiled and devoured it. The offering made to the chief, of the eye of the person sacrificed, appears to be a vestige of a custom that once existed to a greater extent.

The principal characteristics of the sovereign are, the being invested with the maro, the presiding at human sacrifices, and the blowing of the conch-shell. On hearing the latter, every subject is obliged to bring food, in proportion to his circumstances, to his royal residence. Their veneration for his name, on some occasions, they carry to a most extravagant height. When he accedes to the maro, if any words in the language are found to have a resemblance to it in sound, they are immediately changed for others; and, if any man should be presumptuous enough to continue the use of those words, not only he, but his whole family are put to death.

A similar sate attends all those who shall dare to apply the sacred name of the sovereign to any [Page 111] animal. Whence Omai, when in England, expressed his indignation, that the names of prince or princess should be given to our dogs or horses. But though death is the punishment for taking this liberty with the name of the sovereign, abuse against his government is only punished with the forfeiture of land and houses.

The sovereign never deigns to enter the habitation of any of his subjects; in every district, where he visits he has houses belonging to himself. And if, by accident, he should ever be obliged to deviate from this rule, the habitation thus honoured with his presence, together with its furniture, is entirely burnt. When present his subjects uncover to him as low as the waist; and when he is at any particular place, a pole with a piece of cloth affixed to it, is set up in some conspicuous part near, on which the same honours are bestowed. To the first part of this ceremony his brothers are entitled; but the women only uncover to the royal females.

They are even superstitious in respect to their sovereign, and esteem his person as almost sacred.

To these circumstances, perhaps, he is indebted for the quiet possession of his dominions. Even the people of Tiaraboo admit his claim to the same honours, though they esteem their own chief as more powerful, and assert that, should the reigning family become extinct, he would succeed to the government of the whole island.

[Page 112]This indeed is probable, as Waheiadooa, exclusive of Tiaraboo, possesses many districts of Opooreanoo. The extent of his territories is, therefore, almost equal to those of Otoo; and his part of the island is more populous and fertile. His subjects, too, have shewn their superiority, by frequently defeating those of Otaheite-nooe, whom they hold in a contemptible light as warriors; and over whom they might be easily victorious, if their chief should be inclined to put it to the test.

The people, exclusive of the Eree de hoi, and his family, are classed in the following order. The Erees, or powerful chiefs; the Manahoone, or vassals; and the Teou, or Toutou, servants or slaves. The men, agreeably to the regular institution, connect themselves with women of their respective ranks; but if with one of an inferior class and she brings forth a child, it is not only preserved, but is entitled to the rank of the father; unless he should happen to be an Eree, in which case the child is killed.

If a woman of condition permits a man of inferior rank to officiate as a husband, the children they produce are also killed. And if a Teou be detected in an intrigue with a female of the royal family he is punished with death. The son of the Eree de hoi, at his birth, succeeds his father in titles and honours; but, if he has no children the government devolves to his brother at his [Page 113] death. Possessions, in other families, descend to the eldest son, who is, nevertheless, obliged to support his brothers and sisters, and allow them houses on his estates.

Otaheite is divided into several districts, the boundaries of whch are generally rivulets or low hills; but the subdivisions, by which particular property is ascertained▪ are pointed out by large stones which have continued from generation to generation. Quarrels are sometimes produced, by the removal of these stones, which are decided by battle; each party claiming the assistance of his friends. But, upon a complaint being properly made to the Eree de hoi, he determines the difference in an amicable manner.

These offences, however, are not common; and property seems to be as secure here, from long custom, as from the severest laws in other countries. It is an established practice among them, that crimes which are not of a general nature, are left to be punished by the party who is injured, supposing that he will decide as equitably as a person totally unconcerned: and, long custom having alloted certain punishments for certain crimes, he may inflict them, without being amenable to any one. If, for instance, any person be detected stealing, which is usually done in the night, the owner of the goods stolen may kill the thief immediately. But they seldom inflict so severe a punishment, unless the property taken is [Page 114] very valuable; such as plaited hair and breast-plates. When only cloth, or hogs, are stolen, and the robber escapes, if, upon his being afterwards discovered, he engages to return the same number of hogs, and pieces of cloth, he is acquitted of the offence; or, at most, receives a slight beating

If, in a quarrel, one person should kill another, the friend of the deceased attack the survivor and his adherents. If they are victorious, they take possession of the house and property of the other party; but, if they are vanquished, the reverse takes place. Should a Manahoone kill the slave of a chief, the latter seizes the property of the former, who flies the country. A few months after, he returns, and, finding his stock of hogs increased, makes a large present of these, and other valuable articles, to the Toutou's master, who generally considers it as a compensation, and suffers him to repossess his premises. But, it is not surprising that the killing of a man should be considered as so trifling an offence, among a people who do not think it a crime to murder their own children. On conversing with them concerning such instances of unnatural cruelty, and asking them if their chiefs were not offended, and did not punish them; they said the chief had no right to interfere in such cases, every one being at liberty to do what he pleased with his own child.

[Page 115]Though the people, their customs and manners, and the productions of the islands in the neighbourhood, may, in general, be considered the same as at Otaheite, yet there are a few differences. In the little island Mataia, or Osnaburgh Island, which lies twenty leagues east of Otaheite, is spoken a different dialect from that of Otaheite. The men of Mataia also wear long hair, and, previous to their fighting, cover their arm with something beset with sharks teeth, and their bodies with a skin of fishes, not unlike shagreen. They are likewise ornamented with polished pearl shells, which make a refulgent glittering in the sun; and they have a very large one before, which covers them like a shield.

In the language of Otaheite, there are many words and phrases very different from those of the islands to the westward of it. It is remarkable for producing, in great abundance, that delicious fruit which we call apples, which are not to be found in any of the others, except Eimeo. It also produces an odoriferous wood, called eahoi, which is much esteemed at the other isles. Huaheine and Eimeo produce more yams than the other islands; and, upon the hills at Mourooa, a particular bird is found, which is highly valued for its white feathers.

Besides the number or cluster of islands, extending from Mataia to Mourooa, we were informed by the people at Otaheite, that there was [Page 116] a low uninhabited island, called Mopeeha; and also several low islands, to the north eastward, at the distance of about two days sail with a fair wind.

At Mataeeva, it is said to be customary, for men to present their daughters to strangers who visit that island. The pairs, however, must lie near each other for the space of five nights, without presuming to take any liberties. On the sixth evening, the father entertains his guest with food, and orders the daughter to receive him, that night, as her husband. Though the bed-fellow be ever so disagreeable to the stranger, he must not dare to express the least dislike; for that is an unpardonable affront, and punishable with death. Forty men of Bolalola, whom curiosity had incited to go to Mataeeva, were treated in this manner; one of them having declared his aversion to the female who fell to his lot, in the hearing of a boy, who mentioned it to the father. Fired with this information, the Mataeevans fell upon them; but the Bolabolans killed thrice their own number, though with the loss of the whole party except five. These, at first, concealed themselves in the woods, and afterwards effected their escape in a canoe.

The low isles are, perhaps, the farthest navigation performed by the inhabitants of Otaheite, and the Society Islands. Monsieur de Bougainville is certainly in an error, when he says, "These [Page 117] people sometimes navigate at the distance of more than three hundred leagues^*." For it is deemed a sort of prodigy, that a canoe, which was once driven from Otaheite in a storm, should have arrived at Mopeeha, though directly to leeward, at no great distance. Their knowledge of distant islands, is merely traditional; communicated to them by the natives of those islands, who have been accidentally driven upon their coasts.

CHAP. X.

Prosecution of our Voyage, after our Departure from the Society Isles—Christmas Island Discovered—Supplies of Fish and Turtle—Solar Eclipse—Distress of two Seamen who had lost their Way—Singular Mode of refreshing himself practised by one of these Stragglers—Inscription left in a Bottle—Soil of the Island described—Trees and Plants—Birds, and other Animals—Further Particulars respecting Christmas Island.

UPON our quitting Bolabola, and taking leave of the Society Islands, On Monday the 8th of December, we steered to the northward, with the wind between north-east and east; [Page 118] scarce ever having it in the south-east point, till after he had crossed the equator. Though a year and five months had now elapsed since our departure from England, during which period we had not been, upon the whole, unprofitably employed, Captain Cook was sensible, that, with respect to the principal object of his instructions, our voyage might be considered, at this time, as only at its commencement; and therefore, his attention to whatever might contribute towards our safety and final success, was now to be exerted as it were anew. He had with this view examined into the state of our provisions at the islands we had last visited; and having now, on leaving them, proceeded beyond the extent of the former discoveries, he ordered an accurate survey to be taken of all the stores that were in each ship, that, by being fully informed of the quantity and condition of every article, he might know how to use them to the greatest advantage.

Before we quitted the Society Isles, we had taken every opportunity of enquiring of the natives, whether there were any islands situated in a northerly or north-westerly direction from them; but it did not appear that they knew of any; nor did we meet with any thing by which the vicinity of land was indicated, till we began, about the latitude of 8° south, to see boobies, men-of-war bidrs, terns, tropic-birds, and a few other sorts. Our longitude, at this time, was 205° east. in [Page 119] the night between the 22d and 23d, we crossed the equinoctial line; and on the 24th, soon after day-break, we discovered land bearing north-east by east. It was found, upon our making a nearer approach to it, to be one of those low islands which are so frequently met with in this ocean between the tropics; that is, a narrow bank of land that encloses the sea within. We observed some cocoa-nut trees in two or three places; but the land in general had a very sterial aspect. At twelve o'clock it was about four miles distant. On the western side we found the depth of water to be from forty to fourteen fathoms, over a sandy bottom.

Captain Cook being of opinion that this island would prove a convenient place for procuring turtle, resolved to anchor here. We accordingly dropped our anchors in thirty fathoms water; and a boat was immediately dispatched to search for a commodious landing-place. When she returned, the officer who had been employed in this search, reported, that he found no place where a boat could land; but that fish greatly abounded in the shoal-water, without the breakers. Early the next morning, which was Christmas-day, two boats were sent, one from each ship, to examine more accurately whether it was practicable to land; and at the same time, two others were ordered out, to fish at a grappling near the shore. These last returned about eight, with as many fish [Page 120] as weighed upwards of two hundred pounds. Encouraged by this success, the Commodore dispatched them again after breakfast; and he then went himself in another boat, to view the coast, and attempt landing, which, however, he found to be impracticable. The two boats which had been sent out on the same search, returned about twelve o'clock; and the master, who was in that belonging to the Resolution, reported to Captain Cook, that, about four or five miles to the northward, there being a break in the land, and a channel into the lagoon, there was consequently a proper place for landing; and that he had found off this entrance the same foundings as we had where we now were stationed. In consequence of this report we weighed, and, after two or three trips, anchored again over a bottom of fine dark sand, before a little island lying at the entrance of the lagoon.

On Friday the 26th in the morning, the Commodore ordered Captain Clerke to send out a boat, with an officer in it, to the south-east part of the lagoon, in quest of turtle; and went himself with Mr. King, each in a boat, to the north-east part. It was his intention to have gone to the eastern extremity; but the wind not permitting it, he and Mr. King landed more to leeward, on a sandy flat, where they caught one turtle, which was the only one they saw in the lagoon. They waded through the water to an island, where [Page 121] they found nothing but a few birds. Captain Cook, leaving Mr. King here to observe the sun's meridian altitude, proceeded to the land that bounds the sea towards the north-west, which he found even more barren than the last-mentioned isle; but walking over to the sea-coast, he observed five turtles close to the shore, one of which he caught: he then returned on board, as did Mr. King soon afterwards. Though so few turtles were observed by these two gentlemen, we did not despair of a supply; for some of the officers of the Discovery, who had been ashore to the southward of the channel leading into the lagoon, had more success, and caught several.

The next morning, the cutter and pinnace were dispatched, under the command of Mr. King to the south-east part of the island, within the lagoon, to catch turtle; and the small cutter was sent towards the north to the same purpose. Some of Captain Clerke's people having been on shore all night, had been so fortunate as to turn upwards of forty turtles on the sand, which were this day brought on board; and, in the course of the afternoon, the party detached to the northward returned with half a dozen; and being sent back again, continued there till we departed from the island, having, upon the whole, pretty good success. The day following (the 28th) Captain Cook, accompanied by Mr. Bayly, landed on the island situated between the two channels into [Page 122] the lagoon, to prepare the telescopes for observing the solar eclipse that was to happen on the 30th. Towards noon, Mr. King returned with one boat, and eight turtles; seven being left behind to be brought by the other boat, whose people were occupied in catching more; and, in the evening, the same boat conveyed them provisions and wa [...]er. Mr. Williamson now went to superintend this business in the room of Mr. King, who remained on board, in order to attend the observation of the eclipse. The next day, the two boates, laden with turtle, were sent back to the ship by Mr. Williamson, who, at the same time, in a message to Captain Cook, requested, the the boats might be ordered round by sea, as he had discovered a landing-place on the south-east side of the island, where the greatest numbers of turtle were caught; so that, by dispatching the boats thither, the trouble of carrying them over the land (as had hitherto been done) to the inside of the lagoon, would be saved. This advice was followed.

On Tuesday the 30th, Captain Cook, and Messrs. King and Bayly repaired in the morning to the small island above mentioned, to observe the eclipse of the sun. The sky was overcast at times; but it was clear wen the eclipse ended. In the afternoon, the party who had been employed in catching turtle at the south-eastern part of the island, returned on board, except a [Page 123] sailor belonging to Captain Clerke's ship, who had been missing for two days. At first, there were two men who had lost their way; but happening to disagree with respect to the track that was most likely to bring them to their companions, they had separated; and one of them found means to rejoin the party, after an absence of twenty-four hours, during which he had experienced great distress. There being no fresh water in the whole island, and not one cocoa-nut tree in that part of it, he, in order to allay his thirst, had recourse to the extraordinary expedient of drinking the blood of turtle, which he killed for that purpose. His method of refreshing himself, when fatigued, was equally singular, though he said he felt the good effects of it: he undressed himself, and lay down in the shallow water on the beach for some time.

How these two men had contrived to lose their way, was a matter of astonishment. The land over which their journey lay, from the sea-coast to the lagoon, where the boats were stationed, did not exceed three miles across; nor was there any thing that could impede their view; for the country was level, with a few shrubs dispersed about it; and, from many parts, the masts of our vessels could be easily discerned. This, however, was a rule of direction which they did not think of; nor did they recollect in what part of the island the ships lay at anchor; and they were totally at a [Page 124] loss how to get back to them, or to the party they had so carelessly straggled from. Considering what strange people the generality of sailors are, while on shore, we might, instead of being much surprized that these two should thus lose themselves, rather wonder that no more of the party were missing.

Captain Clerke was no sooner informed that one of the stragglers was still in this disagreeable situation, than he detached a party in search of him; but neither the man nor the party having returned, the next morning the Commodore ordered two boats into the lagoon, to prosecute the search by different tracks. In a short time after, Captain Clerke's detachment returned, with there lost companion; in consequence of which the boats dispatched into the lagoon were called back by signal. This man's distress must have been far greater than that of the other straggler; not only as he had been lost a longer time, but as he was too delicate to drink turtle's blood.

Having some yams and cocoa-nuts on board, in a state of vegetation, we planted them, by Captain Cook's order, on the small island where he had observed the late eclipse; and some seeds of melons were sown in another place. The Captain also left on that little isle a bottle, containing the followng inscription:

Georgius Tertius, Rex, 31 Decembris, 1777.

Naves Resolution, Jac. Cock, Pr.
Naves Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr.

[Page 125]On Thursday the 1st of January, 1778, the Commodore sent out several boats to bring on board our different parties employed ashore with the turtle which they had caught. It being late before this business was completed, he thought proper to defer sailing till the next morning. We procured at this island, for both ships, about three hundred turtles, which weighed, one with another, about ninety pounds; they were all of the green sort, and, perhaps, not inferior in goodness to any in the world. We also caught, with hook and line, a great quantity of fish, principally consisting of cavallies, snappers, and a few rock-fish of two species, one with whitish streaks scattered about, and the other with numerous blue spots.

The soil of this island (to which Captain Cook gave the name of Christmas Island, as we kept that festival here) is, in some places, light and blackish, conposed of sand, the dung of birds, and rotten vegetables. In other parts, it is formed of broken coral-stones, decayed shells, and other marine productions. These are deposited in long, narrow ridges, lying parallel with the sea-coast; and must have been thrown up by the waves, though they do not reach, at present, within a mile of some of these places. This seems to prove incontestably, that the island has been produced by different accessions from the sea, and is in a state of augmentation; the broken pieces of coral, and likewise many of the shells [Page 126] being too large and heavy to have been brought from the beach by any birds to the places where they are now lying. We could not find any where a drop of fresh water, though we frequently dug for it. We met with several ponds of salt water, which, as they had no visible communication with the sea, were probably filled by water filtrating through the sand during the time of high tides. One of the men who lost their way found some salt on the south-eastern part of the island. We could not discover the smallest traces of any human creature having ever been here before us; and, indeed, should any one be accidentally driven on the island, or left there, he would hardly be able to prolong his existence. For, though there are birds and fish in abundance, there are no visible means of allaying thirst, nor any vegetable that would serve as a substitute for bread, or correct the bad effects of an animal diet. On the few cocoa-nut trees upon the island, we found very little fruit, and that little not good.

A few low trees were observed in some parts, besides several small shrubs and plants, which grew in a very languid manner. We found a sort of purslain, a species of sida or Indian mallow, and another plant that seemed, from its leaves, to be a [...]esembryanthemum; with two sorts of grass. Under the low trees sat vast numbers of a new species of tern, or egg-bird, black above, and white below, having a white arch on the forehead. [Page 127] These birds are somewhat larger than the common noddy: their eggs are bluish, and speckled with black. There were likewise many common boobies; a sort greatly resembling a gannet; and a chocolate-coloured species, with a white belly. Men-of-war-birds, curlews, plovers, tropic-birds, petrels, &c. are also to be seen here. We saw several rats, smaller than our's. There were numbers of land-crabs, and small lizards.

Christmas Island is supposed by Captain Cook to be between fifteen and twenty leagues in circuit. Its form is semi-circular; or like the moon in her last quarter, the two horns being the north and south points. The west side, or the small island situate at the entrance into the lagoon, lies in the longitude of 202° 30′ east, and in the latitude of 1° 59′ north.

Like most of the other isles in this ocean, Christmas Island is surrounded by a reef of coral rock extending but a little way from the western side, is a bank of sand, which extends a mile into the sea. There is good anchorage on this bank, in any depth between eighteen and thirty fathoms. During our continuance here, the wind generally blew a fresh gale at east by south, or east; and we had constantly a great swell from the northward, which broke on the reef in a very violent surf.

[Page 128]

CHAP. XI.

Three Islands discovered—The Inhabitaints of Atooi approach us in their Canoes—Their Persons described—Some of them venture on board—Their Amazement on that Occasion—Precautions against importing the Venereal Disease into the Island— One of the natives killed—The Ships cast Anchor—The Commodore's Reception on landing— His Excursion into the Country, with Messrs. Webber and Anderson—Description of a Morai and its Obelisk—The Custom of offering human Victims prevalent among these People— Curious feathered Cloaks and Caps—The Resolution driven from Atooi Road—The Isle of Oneeheow visited—Some of our People are detained on Shore—Animals and Seeds left at Oneheow— Customs of the Natives—The Ships proceed to the northward.

WEIGHING anchor at day-break, on Friday the 2d of January, 1778, we resumed our northerly course, with a gentle breeze at east, and east-south-east, which continued till we arrived in the latitude of 7° 45′ north, and the longitude of 205° east, where we had a day of perfect calm. A north-east-by-east wind then succeeded, which blew faintly at first, but freshened as we proceeded northward. We daily ob [...]ved Tropic birds, men-of-war-birds, boobies, [Page 129] &c. and between the latitude 10° and 11° north, we saw several turtles. Though all these are considered as signs of the proximity of land, we discovered none till early in the morning of Sunday the 18th, when an island appeared, bearing north-east-by-east. Not long after, more land was seen, which bore north, and was totally detached from the former. At noon, the first was supposed to be eight or nine leagues distant. Our longitude, at this time, was 200° 41′ east, and our latitude, 21° 12′ north. The next day, at sun-rise, the island first seen bore east, at the distance of several leagues. Not being able to reach this, we shaped our course for the other; and soon after, observed a third island, bearing west-north-west.

We had now a fine breze at east-by-north; and, at noon, the second island, named Atooi, for the east end of which we were steering, was about two leagues distant. As we made a nearer approach, many of the inhabitants put off from the shore in their canoes, and very readily came along-side the ships. We were agreeably surprized to find, that they spoke a dialect of the Otaheitean language. They could not be prevailed upon by any entreaties to come on board. Captain Cook tied some brass medals to a rope, which he gave to those who were on board the canoes; and they, in return, fastened some mackarel to the rope, by way of equivalent. This [Page 130] was repeated; and some small nails, or pieces of iron, were given them; for which they gave in exchange some more fish, and a sweet potatoe; a sure indication of their having some notion of bartering, or, at least, of returning one present for another. One of them even offered for sale the piece of stuff which he wore about his waist. These people did not exceed the ordinary size, and were stoutly made. Their complexion was brown; and though there appeared to be little difference in the casts of their colour, there was a considerable variation in their features. Most of them had their hair cropped rather short; a few had it tied in a bunch at the top of the head; and others suffered it to flow loose. It seemed to be naturally black; but the generality of them had stained it with some stuff which communicated to it a brownish colour. Most of them had pretty long beards. They had no ornaments about their persons, nor did we observe that they had their cars perforated. Some of them were tatooed on the hands, or near the groin; and the pieces of cloth, which were worn by them round their middle, were curiously coloured with white, black, and red. They seemed to be mild and good-natured; and were furnished with no arms of any kind, except some small stones, which they had manifestly brought for their own defence; and these they threw into the sea when they found that there was no occasion for them.

[Page 131]As we perceived no signs of an anchoring-place at this eastern extremity of the island, we bore away to leeward, and ranged along the south-east side, at the distance of about a mile and a half from the shore. The canoes left us when we made sail; but others came off, as we proceeded along the coast, and brought with them pigs and some excellent potatoes, which they exchanged for whatever we offered to them; and several small pigs were purchased by us for a six-penny nail. We passed divers villages; some of which were situated near the sea, and others further up the country. The inhabitants of all of them came in crowds to the shore, and assembled on the elevated places to take a view of the ships. On this side of the island the land rises in a gentle acclivity from the sea to the bottom of the mountains, which occupy the central part of the country, except at one place near the eastern end, there they rise immediately from the sea: they seemed to be composed of stone, or rocks lying in horizontal strata. We observed a few trees about the villages; near which we could also discern several plantations of sugar-canes and plantains. We continued to sound, but did not strike ground with a line of fifty fathoms, till we came abreast of a low point, near the north-west extremity of the island, where we found from twelve to fourteen fathoms, over a rocky bottom. Having passed this point, we [Page 132] met with twenty fathoms, then sixteen, twelve, and at last five, over a bottom of sand. We spent the night in standing off and on; and, the next morning, stood in for the land. We were met by several canoes filled with natives, some of whom ventured to come on board.

None of the inhabitants we ever met with before in any other island or country, were so astonished as these people were, upon entering a ship. Their eyes were incessantly roving from one object to another; and the wildness of their looks and gestures, fully indicated their perfect ignorance with respect to every thing they saw; and strongly marked to us, that they had never, till the present time, been visited by Europeans, nor been acquainted with any of our commodities, except iron. This metal, however, they had in all probability only heard of, or had perhaps known it in some inconsiderable quantity, brought to them at a remote period. They asked for it by the appellation of hamaite, referring probably to some instrument, in making which iron could be serviceably employed; for they applied that name to the blade of a knife, though they had no idea of that particular instrument, which they could not even handle properly. They also frequently called iron by the name of toe, which signifies a hatchet, or adze. On our shewing them some beads, they first asked what they were; and then, whether they were to be eaten. But, on [Page 133] their being informed, that they were to be hung in their ears, they rejected them as useless. They were equally indifferent with regard to a looking-glass that we offered them, and returned it for a similar reason. China cups, plates of earthen ware, and other things of that kind, were so new to them, that they asked whether they were made of wood. They were, in many respects, naturally polite; or, at least, cautious of giving offence. Some of them, just before their venturing on board, repeated a long prayer; and others, afterwards, sung and made various motions with their hands. On their first entering the ships, they attempted to steal every thing that they [...] lay hands on, or rather to take it openly, as if they supposed that we either should not resent such behaviour, or not hinder it. But we soon convinced them of their error; and when they observed that we kept a watchful eye over them, they became less active in appropriating to themselves what did not belong to them.

About nine o'clock Captain Cook dispatched Lieutenant Williamson, with three armed boats, to look out for a proper landing-place▪ and for fresh water; with orders, that, if he should find it necessary to land in search of the letter, he should not allow more than one man to accompany him out of the boats. The very moment they were putting off from the ship one of the islanders having stolen a cleaver, leaped over [Page 134] board, got into his canoe, and hastened towards the shore, while the boats pursued him in vain.

The reason of the Commodore's order that the crews of the boats should not go on shore, was that he might prevent, if possible, the importation of dangerous disease into this island, which he knew some of our people now laboured under, and which we, unfortunately, had already communicated to other islands in this ocean. From the same motive, he commanded that all female visitants should be excluded from both the ships. Many persons of this sex had come off in the canoes. Their features. complexion, and stature, were not very different from those of the men; and though their countenances were extremely open and agreeable, few traces of delicacy were visible either in their faces, or other proportions. The only difference in their dress, was their having a piece of cloth about their bodies, reaching from near the middle almost down to the knees, instead of the maro worn by the male-sex. They were as much inclined to favour us with their company on board, as some of the men were; but the Commodore was extremely desirous of preventing all connection, which might in all probability, convey an irreparable injury to themselves, and afterwards, through their means, to the whole nation. Another prudent precaution was taken, by strictly enjoining, that no person capable of communicating [Page 135] the infection should be sent upon duty out of the ships.

Captain Cook had paid equal attention to the same object, when he first visited the Friendly Isles; but he afterwards found, to his great regret, that his endeavours had not succeeded. And there is reason to apprehend, that this will constantly be the case, in such voyages as ours, whenever it is necessary that many people should be employed on shore. The opportunities and incitements to an amorous intercourse are then too numerous to be effectually guarded against; and however confident a commander may be of the health of his men, he is often undeceived too late, Among a number of men, there are in general to be found some, who, out of bashfulness, endeavour to conceal their having any venereal symptoms: and there are others so prosligate and abandoned, as not to care to whom they communicate this disease. We had an instance of the last remark at Tongataboo, in the gunner of the Discovery, who had been stationed on shore. After knowing that he had contracted this disorder, he continued to have connections with different women, who were supposed to have been, till that time, free from any infection. His companions remonstrated to him on this scandalous behaviour without effect, till Captain Clerke, being informed of such a dangerous irregularity of conduct, ordered him to repair on board.

[Page 136]Waiting for the return of our boats, which had been sent out to reconnoitre the coast, we stood off and on with the ships. Towards mid-day, Mr Williamson came back, and reported, that he had observed behind a beach, near one of the villages, a large pond, which was said by the natives to contain fresh water; and that there was tolerable anchoring-ground before it. He also mentioned, that he had made an attempt to land in another place, but was prevented by the islanders, who, coming down in great numbers to the boats, endeavoured to take away the oars, musquets, and every other article which they could lay hold of; and crowded so thick upon him and his people, that he was under the necessity of firing, by which one man was killed. This unfortunate circumstance, however, was not known to Captain Cook till after we had quitted the island; so that all his measures were directed as if no affair of that kind had happened, Mr. Williamson informed him, that, as soon as the man fell, he was taken up and carried off by his countrymen, who then retired from the boats, but still they made signals for our people to land, which they declined. It did not appear, that the natives had the least intention of killing, or even hurting, any of Mr. Willimson's party; but they seemed to have been excited by curiosity alone, to get from them what they had, being [Page 137] prepared to give, in return, any thing that appertained to themselves.

Captain Cook then dispatched one of the boats to lie in the best anchoring-ground; and when she had gained this nation, he bore down with the ships, and cast anchor in twenty-five fathoms water, over a sandy bottom. The eastern point of the road, which was the low point already mentioned, bore south 51° east; the west point, north 65° west; and the village near which the fresh water was said to be, was one mile distant. The ships being thus stationed, between three and four in the afternoon, the Captain went ashore with three armed boats, and twelve of the marines, with a view of examining the water, and trying the disposition of the inhabitants who had assembled in considerable numbers on a sandy beach before the village; behind it was a valley, in which was the piece of water. The moment he leaped on shore, all the islanders fell prostrate upon their faces, and continued in that posture of humiliation, till, by signs, he prevailed on them to rise. They then presented to him many small pigs, with plantain-trees, making use of nearly the same ceremonies which we had seen practised, on similar occasions, at the Society and other isles: and a long oration or prayer being pronounced by an individual, in which others of the assembly occasionally joined. Captain Cook signified his acceptance of their proffered friendship, by [Page 138] bestowing on them, in return such presents a [...] he had brought ashore▪ This introductory business being ended, he stationed a guard upon the beach, and was then conducted by some of the natives to the water, which he found extremely good, and so considerable, that it might be denominated a lake. After this, he returned on board, and issued orders that preparations should be made for filling our water-casks in the morning; at which time he went ashore with some of his people, having a party of marines for the guard.

They had no sooner landed, than a trade was entered into for potatoes and hogs, which the islanders gave in exchange for nails and pieces of iron. But from giving any obstruction to our men who were occupied in watering, they even assisted them in rolling the casks to and from the pool, and performed with alacrity whatever was required of them. Captain Cook leaving the command at this station to Mr. Williamson, who had landed with him, made an excusiron into the country, up in the valley, being accompanied by Messrs. Anderson and Webber, and followed by a numerous train of natives, one of whom, who had been very active in keeping the others in order, the Captain made choice of as a guide. This, man, from time to time, proclaiming the approach of our gentlemen, every person who met them, full prostrate on the ground, and remained in that humble position till they had [Page 139] passed. This, as we were afterwards informed, is their method of shewing respect to their own great chiefs.

We had observed at every village, as we ranged along the coast in the ships, one or more elevated white objects, resembling pyramids, or rather obelisks; one of which, supposed by Captain Cook to be at least fifty feet in height, was very conspicuous from our anchoring-station, and seemed to be at a small distance up this valley. To have a nearer view of it, was the principal motive of our gentlemen's walk. Their guide was accquainted with their desire of being conducted to it: but it happened to be in such a situation, that they could not get at it, the pool of water separating it from them. However, as there was another of the same kind about half a mile distant, upon their side of the valley, they set out to visit that. As soon as they reached it, they perceived that it was situate in a burying-ground, or morai, which bore a striking resemblance, in several respects, to those they had seen at Otaheite and other islands in this ocean. It was an oblong space, of considerable extent, environed by a stone-wall, four or five feet high. The inclosed space was loosely paved; and, at one end of it, was placed the obelisk or pyramid, called by the natives henananoo, which was an exact model of the larger one that we had discerned from our ships. It was about twenty feet [Page 140] in height, and four feet square at the base. Its four sides were formed of small poles interwoven with twigs and branches, thus composing an indifferent wicker-work, hollow within from the top to the bottom. It appeared to be in a ruinous state, and had been originally covered with a thin greyish cloth. On each side of it were long pieces of wicker-work, termed herecane, in a condition equally ruinous, with two poles inclining towards each other at one corner, where some plantains were placed on a board, fixed at the height of about half a dozen feet. This was called by the islanders herairemy; and they said▪ that the fruit was an offering to their deity. Before the henananoo were several pieces of wood, carved into some resemblance of human figures. There was also a stone near two feet in height covered with cloth. Adjoining to this, on the outside of the morai, was a small shed, which they denominated hareepahoo; and before it there was a grave, where the remains of a woman had been deposited.

There was a house or shed, called hemanaa, on the further side of the area of the morai: it was about forty feet in length, ten or eleven feet in height, and ten in breadth in the middle, but narrower at each end; though considerably longer, it was lower than their common habitations. Opposite the entrance into this house, stood two images near three feet high, cut out of [Page]

A MORAL in ATOOI.

[Page 141] one piece of wood, with pedestals: they were said to be Eatooa no Veheina, or representations of goddesses, and were not very indifferent either in point of execution or design. On the head of one of them was a cylindrical cap, not unlike the head-dress at Otaheite, called tomou; and on that of the other, a carved helmet, somewhat resembling those of the ancient warriors; and both of them had pieces of cloth fastened about the loins, and hanging down a considerable way. There was also, at the side of, each, a piece of carved wood, with cloth hung on it. Before the pedestals lay a quantity of fern, which had been placed there at different times. In the middle of the house, and before the images just described, was an oblong space, inclosed by an edging of stone, and covered with shreds of cloth; this was the grave of seven chiefs, and was called heneene.

Our gentlemen had already met with so many instances of resemblance, between the morai they were now visiting, and those of the islands they had lately quitted, that they entertained little doubt in their minds, that the similarity existed also, in the rites here solemnized, and particularly in the horrid oblation of human victims. Their suspicions were soon confirmed; for, on one side of the entrance into the hemannaa, they observed a small square place, and another still smaller and on asking what these were, they were informed by their conductor, that in one of them was [Page 142] interred a man who had been sacrificed; and in the other, a hog, which had also been offered up to the deity. At no great distance from these, were three other square inclosed places, with two pieces of carved wood at each of them, and a heap of fern upon them. These were the graves of three chiefs; and before them was an inclosed space of an oblong figure, called Tangata-taboo by our gentlemen's guide, who declared to them, that three human sacrifices, one at the funeral of each chief, had been there buried.

Every appearance induced the Commodore to believe, that this inhuman practice was very general here. The island seemed to abound with such places of sacrifice as this, at which he was now present, and which was probably one of the most inconsiderable of them; being much less conspicuous than some others which we had observed as we sailed along the coast, and particularly than that on the opposite side of the piece of water running through this valley; the white pyramid of which, in all probability, derived its colour solely from the consecrated cloth put over it. In many spots within this burying-ground, were planted trees of the morinda citrifolia, and cordia sebestina, besides several plants of the etee, with the leaves of which the hemanaa was thatched.

The journey of our gentlemen to and from this morai, lay through the plantations. Most of the ground was perfectly flat, with ditches intersecting [Page 143] different parts, and roads that seemed to have been raised to some height by art. The intervening spaces, in general, were planted with taro, which grew with great vigour. There were several spots where the cloth-mulberry was planted in regular rows; this also grew vigorously. The cocoa-trees were in a less thriving condition, and were all low; but the plantain-trees, though not large, made a pretty good appearance. Upon the whole, the trees that are most numerous around this village, are the cordia sebastina. The greatest part of it is situate near the beach, and consists of upwards of sixty houses there; but there may perhaps be near forty more scattered about, towards the morai.

After the Commodore, and Messrs. Anderson and Webber, had carefully examined whatever was worthy of notice about the morai, and the latter had taken drawings of it, and of the surrounding country, they returned by a different route. They found a multitude of people collected at the beach, and a brisk trade for fowls, pigs, and vegetables, going on there, with the greatest order and decorum. At noon, Captain Cook went on board to dinner, and then sent Mr. King to take the command of the party on shore. During the afternoon he landed again, accompanied by Captain Clerke, intending to make another excursion up the country: but, before he could execute this design, the day was [Page 144] too far advanced; he therefore relinquished his intention for the present, and no other opportunity afterwards occurred. Towards sun-s [...]t, he and his people returned on board, after having procured, in the course of this day, nine tons of water, and (principally by exchanging nails and pieces of iron) seventy or eighty pigs, some fowls, plantains, potatoes, and taro roots. In this commercial intercourse, the islanders deserved our best commendations, making no attempts to cheat us, either along-side our ships, or on shore. Some of them, indeed, as we have already related, betrayed at first; a pilfering disposition; or, perhaps, they imagined that they had a right to all they could lay their hands upon: but they quickly desisted from a conduct, which, we convinced them, could not be persevered in with impunity.

Among the various articles which they brought to barter this day, we were particularly struck with a sort of cloak and cap, which, even in more polished countries, might be esteemed elegant. These cloaks are nearly of the shape and size of the short ones worn by the men in Spain, and by the women in England, tied loosely before, and reaching to the middle of the back. The ground of them is a net-work, with the most beautiful red and yellow feathers so closely fixed upon it, that the surface, both in point of smoothness and glossiness, resembles the richest velvet. The method of varying the mixture is very different; [Page 145] some of them having triangular spaces of yellow and red alternately; others, a sort of crescent; while some, were entirely red, except that they had a broad yellow border. The brilliant colours of the feathers, in those cloaks that were new, had a very fine effect. The natives, at first, refused to part with one of these cloaks for any thing that we offered in exchange, demanding no less a price than one of our musquets. They afterwards, however, suffered us to purchase some of them for very large nails. Those of the best sort were scarce; and it is probable, that they are used only on particular occasions.

The caps are made in [...]h [...] form of a helmet, with the middle part, or crest, frequently of a hand's breadth. They sit very close upon the head, and have notches to admit the ears. They consist of twigs and osiers, covered with a network, into which feathers are wrought, as upon the cloaks, but somewhat closer, and less diversified; the major part being red, with some yellow, green, or black stripes, on the sides. These caps, in all probability, complete the dress, with the cloaks; for the islanders appeared, sometimes, in both together.

We could not conjecture from whence they obtained such a quantity of these beautiful feathers; but we soon procured intelligence respecting one sort; for they afterwards brought for sale great numbers of skins of a small read species of [Page 146] birds, frequently tied up in bunches of twenty or upwards, or having a wooden skewer run through them. At first, those that were purchased, consisted only of the skin from behind the wings forward; but we afterwards obtained many with the hind part, including the feet and tail. The former instantly suggested to us the origin of the fable of the birds of paradise being destitute of legs; and sufficiently explained that particular. The reason assigned by the inhabitants of Atooi for the custom of cutting off the feet of these birds, is, that by this practice they can preserve them the more easily, without losing any part which they consider as valuable.

The red-bird of this island was, according to Mr. Anderson, a species of merops, about as large as a sparrow, its colour was a beautiful scarlet, with the tale and wings black; and it had an arched bill, twice as long as the head, which with the feet, was of a reddish hue. The contents of the heads were taken out, as in the birds of paradise, but we did not find, that they practised any other mode of preserving them, than simple drying; for the skins, though they were moist, had neither a smell nor taste that could give any reason for suspecting the use of anti-putrescent substances.

On Thursday the 22d, we had almost continual rain for the whole morning. The wind was at south-east, south-south-east, and south; and [Page 147] the surf broke so high upon the shore, that our boats were prevented from landing. The Resolution was not in a very secure situation, there being breakers within the length of little more than two cables from her stern. The natives, notwithstanding the surf, ventured out in their canoes, bringing off to our ships, hogs and vegetables, which they exchanged, as before, for our commodities. One of their number, who offered some fish-hooks for sale, was observed to have a very small parcel, fastened to the string of one of them, which he carefully separated, and reserved for himself, when he disposed of the hook. When asked what it was, he pointed to his belly, and intimated something of its being dead; saying, at the same time, that it was bad. He was requested to open the parcel, which he did with great reluctance; and we found, that it contained a small thin piece of flesh, which had, to all appearance, been dried, but was at present wet with salt water. Imagining that it might be human flesh, we put the question to the producer of it, who answered, that the flesh was part of a man. Another of the islanders, who stood near him, was then asked, whether it was a custom among them to eat their enemies who had been slain in battle; and he immediately replied in the affirmative.

In the afternoon, we had some intervals of fair weather. The wind then changed to the east [Page 148] and north-east; but, towards the evening, it veered back again to south-south-east. The rain also returning continued the whole night, but was not accompanied with much wind. At seven the next morning, a north-easterly breeze springing up, Captain Cook ordered the anchors of his ship to be taken up, with a view of removing her further out. As soon as the last anchor was up, the wind, veering to the east, rendered it necessary to make all the sail he could, for the purpose of clearing the shore; so that, before he had good sea-room, he was driven considerably to leeward. He endeavoured to regain the road; but having a strong current against him, and very little wind, he could not accomplish that design. He therefore dispatched Messrs. King and Williamson ashore, with three boats, to procure water and refreshments, sending, at the same time, an order to Captain Clerke, to put to sea after him, if he should find that the Resolution was unable to recover the road.

The Commodore having hopes of finding a road, or perhaps a harbour, at the west end of the island, was the less anxious about regaining his former station. But as he had sent the boats thither, he kept as much as possible to windward; notwithstanding which, at noon, our ship was three leagues to leeward. As we approached the west end, we found that the coast rounded gradually to the north-east, without forming a [Page 149] cove, or creek, wherein a vessel might be sheltered from the violence of the swell, which, rolling in from the northward, broke against the shore in an amazing surf: all hopes, therefore, of meeting with a harbour here soon vanished. Many of the natives, in their canoes, followed us as we stood out to sea, bartering various articles. As we were extremely unwilling, notwithstanding the suspicious circumstance of the preceding day, to believe that these people were cannibals, we now made some further enquiries on this subject. A small instrument of wood, beset with sharks teeth, had been purchased; which as it resembled the saw or knife made use of by the savages of New-Zealand to dissect the bodies of their enemies, was suspected by us to be employed here for the same purpose. One of the islanders being questioned on this point, informed us that the instrument above-mentioned served the purpose of cutting out the fleshy part of the belly, when any person was slain. This explained and confirmed the circumstance before related, of the man's pointing to his belly. The native, however, from whom we now received this intelligence, being asked whether his countrymen eat the part thus cut out, strongly denied it; but, when the question was repeated, he shewed some degree of apprehension, and swam off to his canoe. An elderly man, who sat foremost in the canoe, was then asked whether they [Page 150] eat the flesh; and he answered in the affirmative. The question being put to him a second time, he again affirmed the fact; adding, that it was savoury food.

The boats returned about seven o'clock in the evening, with a few hogs, some plantains and roots, and two tuns of water. Mr. King reported to the Commodore, that the islanders were very numerous at the watering-place, and had brought great numbers of hogs to barter; but our people had not commodities with them adequate to the purchase of them all. He also mentioned, that the surf had run so very high, that it was with extreme difficulty our men landed, and afterwards got back into the boats.

On Saturday the 24th, at day-break, we found that our ship had been carried by the currents to the north-west and north; so that the western extremity of Atooi bore east, at the distance of one league. A northerly breeze sprung up soon after, and Captain Cook expecting that this would bring the Discovery to sea, steered for Oneeheow, a neighbouring island, which then bore south-west, with a view of anchoring there. He continued to steer for it till past eleven, at which time he was at the distance of about six miles from it. But not seeing the Discovery, he was apprehensive lest some ill consequence might arise from our separating so far; he therefore relinquished the design of visiting Oneeheow for the present, [Page 151] and stood back to Atooi, intending to cast anchor again in the road, in order to complete our supply of water. At two o'clock, the northerly wind was succeeded by calms and variable light airs, which continued till eleven at night. We stretched to the south-east, till early in the morning of the 25th, when we tacked and stood in for Atooi road; and, not long after, we were joined by the Discovery. We were utterly unable to regain the road; and, by the morning of the 29th, the currents had carried us to the westward, within nine or ten miles of Oneeheow. Weary with plying so unsuccessfully, Captain Cook laid aside all thoughts of returning to Atooi and resumed his intention of paying a visit to Oneeheow. With this view, he dispatched the master in a boat, to found along the coast, and search for a landing-place, and afterwards for fresh water. In the mean time, the ships followed under an easy sail. The master, at his return reported, that there was tolerable anchorage all along the coast; and that he had landed in one place, but could not find any fresh water.

Captain Cook being informed by some of the natives, who had come off to the ships, that fresh water might be obtained at a village which we saw at a little distance, run down, and cast anchor before it, about six furlongs from the shore, the depth of water being twenty-six fathoms. The Discovery anchored at a greater distance [Page 152] from the shore, in twenty-three fathoms. The south-eastern point of Oneeheow bore south, 65° east, about one league distant; and another island which we had discovered the preceding night, named Tahoora, bore south, 61° west, at the distance of seven leagues. Before we anchored, several canoes had come off to us, bringing potatoes, yams, and small pigs, besides mats. The people who were in them resembled in their persons the inhabitants of Atooi; and like them, were acquainted with the use of iron, which they asked for by the name of toe and hamaite, readily parting with all their commodities for pieces of this metal. Some more canoes soon reached our ships, after they had come to anchor; but the islanders who were in these had apparently no other object, than to make us a formal visit. Many of them came on board, and crouched down upon the deck; nor did they quit that humble posture, till they were requested to rise. Several women, whom they had brought with them, remained along-side in the canoes, behaving with much less modesty than the females of Atooi; and, at intervals, they all joined in a song, which, though not very melodious, was performed in the exactest concert, by beating time upon their breasts with their hands. The men who had come on board did not continue long with us; and before their departure, some of [Page 153] them desired permission to lay down locks of their hair on the deck.

The curious enquiry, whether these islanders were cannibals, was this day renewed, and the subject did not arise from any questions put by us, but from a circumstance that seemed to remove all doubt. One of the natives, who wished to get in at the gun-room port, was refused; and he then asked, whether we should kill and eat him, if he should come in? accompanying this question with signs so expressive, that we did not entertain a doubt with respect to his meaning. We had now an opportunity of retorting the question as to this practice; and a man behind the other, in the canoe, instantly replied, that, if we were killed on shore, they would not scruple to eat us not that he meant they would destroy us for that purpose, but that their devouring us would be the consequence of our being at enmity with them.

Mr. Gore was sent in the afternoon, with three armed boats, in search of the most commodious landing-place; being also directed to look for fresh water when he should get on shore. He returned in the evening, and reported to Captain Cook, that he had landed at the village above-mentioned, and had been conducted to a well about half a mile up the country; but that the water which it contained was in too small a quantity for our purpose, and the road that led to it [Page 154] was extremely bad. The next day Mr. Gore was sent ashore again, with a guard, and a party to trade with the inhabitants for refreshments. The Commodore's intention was to have followed soon afterwards; and he went from the ship with that design. But the surf had so greatly increased by this time, that he was apprehensive, if he got ashore, he should not be able to make his way back again. This circumstance really happened to our people who had landed with Mr. Gore; for the communication between them and the ships, by our own boats, was quickly stopped. They made a signal▪ in the evening, for the boats, which were accordingly sent; and, in a short time afterwards, returned with some good salt and a few yams. A considerable quantity of both these articles had been obtained in the course of the day; but the surf was so exceedingly high, that the greatest part of both had bee lost in bringing them off to the boats. The officer and twenty men, not venturing to run the risque of coming off, rem [...]ined all night on shore; by which unfortunate circumstance, the very thing happened which Captain Cook, as we have already related, so eagarly wished to prevent, and imagined he had effectually guarded against.

The violence of the surf did not deter the natives from coming off in canoes to our ships. They brought with them some refreshments, for which we gave them, in exchange, some nails, [Page 155] and pieces of iron hoops; and we distributed among the woman in the canoes, many pieces of ribbon, and some buttons, as bracelets. Some of the men had representations of human figures punctured upon their breasts, and one of them had a lizard represented. These visitants acquainted us, that there was no chief of this island, but that it was subject to one of the chiefs of Atooi, whose name was Teneooneoo. Among other articles which they now brought off to us, was a small drum, that had a great resemblance to those of Otaheite.

Between ten and eleven o'clock at night, the wind became southerly, and the sky seemed to indicate an approaching storm. In consequence of these threatening appearances, Captain Cook, thinking that we were rather too near the shore, caused the anchors to be taken up; and the ships being carried into forty-two fathoms water, came to again in that more secure station. This, however, proved an unnecessary precaution; for the wind, not long after, veering to north-north-east, blew a fresh gale, with squalls, and violent showers of rain. This weather continued for the whole succeeding day, during which the sea ran so high, that all communication with our party on shore was totally intercepted, and the islanders themselves would not venture out to the ships in their canoes. Towards the evening, the Commodore sent the master in a boat to the south-east point [Page 156] of the island, to try whether he could land in that quarter. He returned with a favourable report; but it was now too late to send for our party till the following morning; so that they were obliged to stay another night on shore. On the [...]ppearance of day-light, a boat was dispatched to the south-east point, with orders to Lieutenant Gore, that, if he could not embark his people from the spot where they at present were, he should march them up to the point. The boat being prevented from getting to the beach, one of the crew swam to shore, and communicated the instructions. After the boat had returned, Captain Cook went himself with the launch and pinnace up to the point, in order to bring off our party from the land. He took with him three goats, one of them a male, and the others female; a young boar and sow of the English breed; and also the seeds of onions, pumpkins and melons. He landed, with great ease, under the west side of the point, where he found his party, in company with some of the natives. To one of these, who assumed some degree of authority over the rest, he gave the goats, pigs, and seeds. He intended to have left these useful presents at Atooi. if we had not been so unexpectedly driven from that island.

While our people were employed in filling some water-casks, from a little stream which the late rains had occasioned, Captain Cook made a [Page 157] short excursion into the country, accompanied by the islander above-mentioned, and followed by two others who carried the two pigs. When they had arrived upon a rising ground, the Captain stopped to look around him, and immediately observed a woman, on the opposite side of the valley in which he had landed, calling out to her countrymen who attended him. Upon this the man who acted as chief began to mutter something as if he was praying; and the two bearers of the pigs continued walking round the Captain all the time, making about a dozen circuits before the other had made an end of his orison. This strange ceremony being performed, they proceeded on their walk, and met people coming from all quarters, who, upon being called to by the Captain's attendants, fell prostrate on their faces, till he was out of sight. The ground over which he passed, though it was uncultivated and very stony, was covered with plants and shrubs, some of which perfumed the air with the most delicious fragrance.

Our party who had been detained so long on shore, found, in those parts of the island which they had traversed, several salt ponds, some of which had a small quantity of water remaining, but others had none. They saw no appearance of a running stream; and though, in some small wells which they met with, the fresh water was pretty good, it seemed to be scarce. The houses [Page 158] of the natives were thinly scattered about; and it was supposed, that there were not more than five hundred persons in the whole island. The method of living among these people was decent and cleanly. No instance was observed of the men and women eating together; and the latter seemed in general to be associated in companies by themselves. The oily nuts of the dooe dooe are burned by these islanders for lights during the night; and they dress their hogs by baking them in ovens, splitting the carcases through the whole length. Our people met with a sufficient proof of the existence of the taboo among them; for one woman was employed in feeding another who was under that interdiction. Several other mysterious ceremonies were also observed; one of which was performed by a woman, who threw a pig into the surf, and drowned it, and then tied up a bundle of wood, which she disposed of in the like manner. The same female, at another time, beat a man's shoulders with a stick, after he had seated himself for that purpose. An extraordinary veneration seemed to be paid here to owls, which they keep very tame. It appeared to be a pretty general practice among them, to pull out one of their teeth; and when they were asked the reason of this remarkable custom, the only answer they gave was, that it was teeha; which was also the reason assigned by them for giving a lock of their hair.

[Page 159]After our water-casks had been filled, and some roots, salt, and salted fish, had been purchased from the natives, Captain Cook returned on board with all his people, intending to make another visit to the Island the next day. But, about seven in the evening, the anchor of the Resolution started, so that she drove off the bank. By this accident, we found ourselves, at day break the next morning, which was the 2d of February, nine miles to the leeward of our last station; and the Captain foreseeing that it would require more time to regain it than he chose to employ, made the signal for the Discovery, to weigh anchor and join us. This junction was effected about noon; and both ships immediately directed their course to the northward, in prosecution of their voyage. Thus, after we had spent more time in the neighbourhood of these islands than was necessary to have answered all our purposes, we were obliged to quit them before we had completed our stock of water, or procured from them such a plentiful supply of refreshments as the natives were both able and willing to have furnished us with. Our ship, however, obtained from them provisions that lasted at least three weeks; and Captain Clerke, more fortunate than we were, acquired such a quantity of vegetables, as sufficed the Discovery's people upwards of two months.

The observations which Captain Cook was enabled to make on these islands, combined with [Page 160] those of Mr. Anderson, whose abilities and assiduity rendered him a very useful assistant on such occasions, will supply materials for the following chapter.

CHAP. XII.

Situation of the islands now discovered by us—The Name of Sandwich Islands given to the whole Group—Atooi particularly described—Its Soil— Climate—Vegetable Produce—Birds—Fish—Domestic Animals—The Persons and Disposition of the Natives—Estimate of their Number—Their Dress and Ornaments—Houses—Food—Mode of Cookery—Diversions—Musical Instruments— Manufactures—Tools—Their Acquaintance with Iron accounted for—Their Canoes described— Agriculture—Account of one of their Chiefs, who visited Captain Clerke—Their Wheapons—Affinity between their Manners and those of the Society and Friendly Islanders—Their Language—Advantageous Situation of the Sandwich Isles.

THE islands in the Pacific Ocean, which have been discovered in the course of our ate voyages, have been generally found situate a groups; the single intermediate isles, hitherto [Page 161] met with, being few in proportion to the rest; though, in all probability, there are many more of them yet unknown, which serve as gradations or steps between the several clusters. Of what number this new-discovered Archipelago is composed, must be left to the decision of future navigators. We observed five of them, whose names are Woahoo, Atooi, Oneeheow, Oreehoua, and Tahoora. The last of these is a small elevated island, at the distance of four or five leages from the south-east point of Oneeheow. We were informed, that it abounds with birds, which are its sole inhabitants. We also gained some intelligence with regard to the existence of a low uninhabited island in the neighbourhood, named Tammata-pappa. Besides these six, we were told that there were some other islands both to the eastward and westward. Captain Cook distinguished the whole group by the name of the Sandwich Islands, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich. Those which we saw are situated between the latitude of 21° 30′, and 22° 15′ north, and between the longitude of 199° 20′, and 201° 30′, east.

With respect to Woahoo, the most easterly of these islands seen by us, we could get no other information, but that it is high land, and is inhabited.

Oneeheow, concerning which some particulars have been already mentioned, lies, seven leagues to the westward of our anchoring-place at Atooi, [Page 162] and does not exceed fifteen leagues in circumference. Yams are its principal vegetable production. We procured some salt here, called by the natives patai, which is produced in salt ponds. With it they cure both fish and pork; and some salt fish, which we purchased from them, were extremely good, and kept very well. This island is chiefly low land, except the part opposite Atooi, which rises immediately from the sea to a considerable height; as does also its south-east point, which terminates in a round hill.

Of Oreehoua we know no other particulars than that it is an elevated island, of small extent, lying close to the north side of Oneeheow.

Atooi, which is the largest of those we saw, being the principal scene of our operations, we shall now proceed to lay before our readers such information as we were able to collect concerning it. From what we observed of it, it is, at least, ten leagues in length from east to west; from whence its circumference may nearly be guessed, though it appears to be much broader at the east than at the west point. The road, or anchoring-place, which our vessels occupied, is on the south-west side of the island, about two leagues from the west end, before a village named Wymoa. As far as we sounded, we found the bank free from rocks; except to the eastward of the village, where there projects a shoal, on which are some rocks and breakers. This road is somewhat exposed [Page 163] to the trade wind; notwithstanding which defect, it is far from being a bad station, and greatly superior to those which necessity continually obliges ships to use, in countries where the winds are not only more variable, but more boisterous; as at Madeira, Teneriffe, the Azores, &c. The landing too is not so difficult as at most of those places; and, unless in very bad weather is always practicable. The water in the neighbourhood is excellent, and may be conveyed with ease to the boats. But no wood can be cut at any convenient distance, unless the islanders could be prevailed upon to part with the few etooa trees (for that is the name they give to the cordia sebastina) that grow about their villages, or a species called dooe dooe, which grows farther up the country.

The land does not in the least resemble, in its general appearance, any of the islands we have visited within the tropic of Capricorn; if we except its hills near the centre, which are high, but slope gradually towards the sea, or lower lands. Though it presents not to the view, the delightful borders of Otaheite, or the luxuriant plains of Tongataboo, covered with trees, which at once afford a shelter from the scorchin [...] rays of the sun, a beautiful prospect of the eye, and food for the natives; yet its possessing a greater portion of gently rising land, renders it, in some degree, superior to the above-mentioned favourite islands, [Page 164] as being more capable of improvement. The height of the land within, and the number of clouds which we saw, during the whole time of our continuance, hanging over it, and not unfrequently on the other parts, seem to indicate that there is a sufficient supply of water, and that there are some running streams which we had not an opportuniry of seeing, particularly in the deep valles, at the entrance of which the villages are, in general, situated. The ground, from the wooded part to the sea, is covered with an excellent kind of grass, about two, feet in height, which sometimes grows in tufts, and appeared capable of being converted into abundant crops of fine hay. But on this extensive space not even a shrub grows naturally.

In the narrow valley leading to the morai, the soil is of a dark-brown colour, rather loose; but, on the high ground, it is of a reddish brown more stiff and clayey. It is probably the same all over the cultivated parts; for what adhered to most of the potatoes that we purchased, which, doubtless, came from very different spots, was of this sort. Its quality, however, may be better estimated from its productions, than from its appearance. For the vale, or moist ground, produces taro, much larger than any we had ever seen; and the more elevated ground furnishes sweet potatoes, that seldom weigh less than two or [Page]

[...] VIEW in [...].

[Page 165] three pounds, and frequently weigh ten, and sometimes a dozen or fourteen pounds.

Were we to judge of the climate from our experience, it might be said to be very variable; for, according to the general opinion; it was, at this time, the season of the year when the weather is supposed to be most settled, the sun being at his greatest annual distance. The heat was now very moderate; and few of those inconveniences to which many countries lying within the tropics are subject, either from heat, moisture, seem to be experienced here. Nor did we find any dews of consequence; a circumstance which may partly be accounted for, by the lower part of the country being destitute of trees.

The rock that constitutes the sides of the valley, is a dark-grey ponderous stone; but honey-combed, with some spots of a rusty colour, and some very minute shining particles interspersed. It is of an immense depth, and seems to be divided into strata; though nothing is interposed; for the large pieces always broke off to a determinate thickness, and did not appear to have adhered to those that were below them. Other stones are, in all probability, much more various than in the southern islands. For, during the short time we remained here, besides the lapis lydius, we found a species of cream-coloured whetstone, sometimes variegated with whiter or blacker veins, like marble; and common writing slate, as well [Page 166] as some of a coarser sort; and the natives brought us some pieces of a coarser whitish pumice stone. We all procured a brown sort of haematites, which, from its being strongly attracted by the magnet, discovered the quantity of metal it contained. What we saw of this was cut artificially, as were also the slates and whetstones.

Besides the vegetables purchased by us as refreshments, among which were, at least, five or six varieties of plantains, the island produces bread fruit: this, however, seems to be scarce, as we only saw one tree of that species. There are also a few cocoa-palms; some yams; the kappe of the Friendly Islands, or Virginian arum; the atooa tree, and odoriferous gardenia, or cape jasmine. We met with several trees of the dooe dooe, that bear the oily nuts, which are stuck upon a kind of skewer, and made use of as candles. Our people saw them used in the same manner at Oneeheow. We were not on shore at Atooi except in the day time, and then we observed the islanders wearing these nuts, hung on strings, round their necks. There is a species of sida, or Indian mallow; also the morinda citrifolia, which is here called none; a species of convolvulus; the ava, or intoxicating pepper, besides great quantities of gourds. These last grow to a very large size, and are of a remarkable variety of shapes, which are, perhaps, the effect of art. Upon the dry sand, about the village, grew a plant, that had [Page 167] never been seen by us in this ocean, of the size of a common thistle, and prickly; but bearing a fine flower, greatly resembling a white poppy.

The scarlet birds, which were brought for sale, were never met with alive; but we saw one small one, about the size of a canary bird, of a deep crimson colour. We also saw a large owl, two brown hawks, or kites, and a wild duck. We heard from the natives the names of some other birds; among which were the otoo, or blueish heron, and the torata, a sort of whimbrel. It is probable that the species of birds are numerous, if we may judge by the quantity of fine yellow, green, and small, velvet-like, blackish feathers used upon the cloaks, and other ornaments, worn by these people.

Fish, and other productions of the sea, were, to appearance, not various; as besides the small mackarel, we only saw common mullets; a species of a chalky colour; a small brownish rock-fish, adorned with blue spots; a turtle, which was penned up in a pond; and three or four sorts of fish salted. The few shell-fish seen by us were chiefly converted into ornaments, though they were destitute of the recommendation either of beauty or novelty.

The only tame or domestic animals that we found here were hogs, dogs, and fowls, which were all of the same kind that we met with at the islands of the South Pacific. There were also [Page 168] small lizards; and some rats, resembling those of every island which we had hitherto visited.

The inhabitants of Atooi are of the middle size, and in general, stoutly made. They are neither remarkable for a beautiful shape, nor for striking features. Their visage, particularly that of the women, is sometimes round, but others have it long; nor can it justly be said, that they are distinguished, as a nation, by any general cast of countenance. Their complexion is nearly of a nut brown; but some individuals are of a darker hue. We have already mentioned the women as being little more delicate than the men in their formation; and we may add, that, with few exceptions they have little claim to those peculiarities that distinguish the sex in most other parts of the world. There is, indeed, a very remarkable equality in the size, colour and figure, of the natives of both sexes; upon the whole, however, they are far from being ugly, and have to all appearance, few natural deformities of any kind. Their skins is not very soft, nor shining; but their eyes and teeth are, for the most part, pretty good. Their hair, in general, is straight; and though its natural colour is usually black; they stain it, as at the Friendly and other islands. We perceived but few instances of corpulence, and these more frequently among the women than the men; but it was principally among the latter, that personal defects were observed; though, if any of them can [Page 169] lay claim to a share of beauty, it appeared to be most conspicuous amongst the young men.

They are active, vigorous, and most expert swimmers; leaving their canoes upon the most frivolous occasion, diving under them, and smimming to others, though at a considerable distance. We have frequently seen women, with infants at the breast, when the surf was so high as to prevent their landing in the canoes, leap overboard, and swim to the shore, without endangering their little ones.

They appear to be of a frank, chearful disposition; and are equally free from the fickle levity which characterizes the inhabitants of Otaheite, and the sedate cast which is observable among many of those of Tongataboo. They seem to cultivate a sociable intercourse with each other; and except the propensity to thieving, which is, as it were, innate in most of the people we have visited in these seas, they were extremely friendly to us. And it does no small credit to their sensibility, without flattering ourselves, that when they saw the different articles of our European manufacture, they could not refrain from expressing their astonishment, by a mixture of joy and concern, that seemed to apply the case as a lesson of humility to themselves; and, on every occasion, they appeared to have a proper consciousness of their own inferiority; a behaviour that equally exempts their national character from the ridiculous [Page 170] pride of the more polished Japanese, and of the ruder native of Greenland. It was pleasing to observe with what affection the women managed their infants, and with what alacrity the men contributed their assistance in such a tender office; thus distinguishing themselves from those savages, who consider a wife and child as things rather necessary, than desirable, or worthy of their regard and esteem.

From the numbers that we saw assembled at every village, as we coast [...] along, it may be conjectured, that the inhabitants of this island are pretty numerous. Including the straggling houses, there might perhaps be, in the whole island sixty such villages as that near which our ships anchored; and if we allow five persons to each house, there would be, in every village, five hundred; or thirty thousand upon the island. This number is by no means exaggerated, for there were sometimes three thousand people, at least, collected upon the beach; when it could not be supposed, that above a tenth part of the natives were present.

The ordinary dress of both sexes has been already described. The women have often much larger pieces of cloth wrapped about them, extending from just below the breasts to the hams, and sometimes lower; and several were observed with pieces thrown loosely over their shoulders, which covered the greatest part of the body; but [Page 171] the children, when very young, are entirely naked. They wear nothing upon the head; but the hair both of men and women, is cut in various forms; and the general fashion, particularly among the latter, is to have it short behind, and long before. The men frequently had it cut on each side in such a manner, that the remaining part somewhat resembled the crest of their caps or helmets, before mentioned. Both sexes, however, seemed to be very careless about the hair, and had no combs, nor any thing of the kind to dress it with. The men sometimes twist it into a number of separate parcels, like the tails of a wig, each about as thick as a finger; though most of these which are so long as to reach far down the back, are artificially fixed upon the head, over their own hair.

Contrary to the general practise of most of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the people of the Sandwich Isles have not their ears perforated, nor do they were any ornaments in them. Both men and women however, adorn themselves with necklaces composed of bunches of small black cord, like our hat-string, often above a hundredfold; entirely resembling those we saw worn at Woteeoo, except that, instead of the two little balls on the middle before, they fix a small piece of wood, stone, or shell, about two inches in length, with a broad hook, well polished. They have also necklaces of many strings of very small shells, or of the dried flowers of the Indian mallow; and [Page 172] they sometimes hang round their necks a small human figure of bone, about the length of three inches. The women likewise wear bracelets of a single shell, pieces of black wood, with bits of ivory interspersed, and neatly polished, fastened together by the string drawn closely through them; or others of hogs-teeth, placed parallel to each other, with the concave part outward, and the points cut off; some of which, formed only of large boar's tusks, are very elegant. The men sometimes fix on their heads plumes of feathers of the tropic bird; or those of cocks, fastened round neat polished sticks, two feet in length; and, for the same purpose, they sew the skin of a white dog's tail over a stick, with its tuft [...] the end. They also, not unfrequently, wear on the head a kind of ornament, of the thickness of a finger, or more, covered with yellow and red feathers, curiously varied, and tied behind; and, on that part of the arm which is above elbow, a sort of broad shell-work, grounded upon net-work.

The men sometimes puncture themselves upon their hands or arms, and near the groin; but frequently we saw no marks at all; though a few individuals had more of this species of ornament than we had usually seen at other places, and curiously executed in a great variety of lines and figures, on the arms and fore-part of the body. Contrary to the custom of the Friendly and Society Islands, they do not slit, or cut off, any part of the [Page]

[figure]

[Page]

A MAN and WOMAN of SANDWICH ISLANDS.

[Page 173] prepuce; but have it universally drawn over the glans, and tied with a string.

There is no appearance of defence, or fortification, near any of their villages, and the houses, are scattered about, without the least order. Some of these habitations are large and commodious, from forty to fifty feet in length, and twenty or thirty in breadth; while others of them are contemptible hovels. Their figure resembles that of hay-stacks; or, perhaps, a better idea may be conceived of them, by supposing the roof of a barn placed on the ground, in such a manner, as to form a high, acute ridge, with two low sides. The gable at each end corresponding to the sides, makes these dwelling-places close all round; and they are well thatched with long grass, which is laid on slender poles. The entrance is made either in the end or side, and is an oblong hole, extremely low; it is often shut up by a board or planks, fastened together, which serves as a door; but, as it has no hinges, must be removed occasionally. No light enters the house except by this opening; and though such close habitations may be comfortable places of retreat in bad weather, they seem but ill-adapted to the warm climate of this country. They are kept remarkably clean, and the floors are strewed with dried grass, over which mats are spread to sit and sleep on. At one end stands a bench, about three feet high, on which the domestic utensils are placed. These [Page 174] consist of gourd-shells, which the natives convert into vessels that serve a [...] bottles to hold water, and as baskets to contain their food, and other things; and also of a few wooden bowls and trenchers of various sizes.

From what we saw growing, and from what was brought to market, we have no doubt, that sweet potatoes, taro, and plantains, constitute the principal part of their vegetable diet; and that yams and bread-fruit are rather to be considered as rarities. Of animal food, they appear to be in no want; as they have great numbers of hogs, which run without restraint, about the houses; and, if they eat dogs, which is not altogether improbable, their stock of these seemed very considerable. The quantities of fishing-hooks found among them, indicated that they procure a tolerable supply of animal food from the sea. They have a custom of salting-fish, and likewise pork, which they preserve in gourd-shells. The salt, which they use for this purpose, is of a reddish colour, but not very coarse, and seems to be nearly the same with what our stragglers found at Christmas Island. Its colour, is doubtless, derived from a mixture of mud, at the bottom of the part where it is formed; for some of it, which had adhered in lumps, was of a tolerable whiteness.

They bake their vegetable articles of food with heated stones; and, from the great quantity which we saw dressed at one time, we imagined, that [Page 175] all the inhabitants of a village, or at least, a considerable number of people, joined in the use of a common oven. We did not perceive them dress any animal food at this island; but Mr. Gore's party, as has been already mentioned, observed that it was dressed at Oneeheow in the same kind of ovens, which makes it highly probable that this is also the practice in Atooi; particularly as we met with no utensil there, that could serve the purpose of boiling or stewing. The only artificial dish we saw was a taro pudding; which, though very sour, was devoured with avidity by the natives. They eat off a sort of wooden trenchers; and as far as we were enabled to judge from one instance, the women, if restrained from feeding at the same dish with the men, as is the custom at Otaheite, are, at least, allowed to eat in the same place near them.

The amusements of these people are various. We did not see the dances at which they use the feathered cloaks and caps; but, from the motions which they made with their hands, on other occasions, when they sung, we judged that they were somewhat similar to those we had met with at the southern islands, though not so skilfully performed. They had not among them, either flutes or reeds; and the only two musical instruments, seen by us, were of an extremely rude kind. One of them does not produce a melody superior to that of a child's rattle. It consists of what may be denominated a conic cap inverted, [Page 176] but very little hollowed at the base, made of a sedge-like plant; the upper part of which, and likewise the edges, are embellished with beautiful red feathers; and to the point, or lower part, is a fixed gourd-shell. Into this they put something to rattle, which is done by holding the instrument by the small part, and shaking it briskly before the face, at the same time striking the breast with the other hand. The other instrument was a hollow vessel of wood, not unlike a platter, combined with the use of two sticks, on which one of our gentlemen observed a man performing. He held one of the sticks, about two feet in length, with one hand, in the same manner as we hold a violin, and struck it with the other, which was smaller, and resembled a drum-stick, in a quicker or flower measure; beating with his foot at the same time upon the hollow vessel, that lay upon the ground inverted, and thus producing a tune, that was not disagreeable. This music was accompanied by the vocal performance of some women, whose song had a pleasing effect.

They have great numbers of small polished rods, of the length of between four and five feet, rather thicker than the rammer of a musquet, with a tuft of long white dog's hair fixed on the small end. These they probably make use of their diversions. We saw a native take one of them in his hand, and, holding it up, give [Page]

[figure]

[Page 177] a smart stroke, till it was brought into an horizontal position, striking the ground with his foot, on the same side, and beating his breast with his other hand. They play it bowls with pieces of the whet-stone above-mentioned, shaped somewhat like a small cheese, but rounded at the edges and sides, which are very neatly polished. They have other bowls made of a reddish-brown clay, glazed over with a compositon of the same colour, or of a course dark-grey slate. They also use, as quoits, small flat roundish pieces of the writing slate, scarcely a quarter of an inch thick.

In the different manufactures of these people, there appears to be an extraordinary degree of ingenuity and neatness. Their cloth is made from the morus papyrifera, and, doubtless, in the same manner, as at Tongataboo and Otaheite; for we bought some of the grooved sticks with which, they beat it. Its texture, however, though thicker, is inferior to that of the cloth of either of the places just mentioned; but in colouring or staining it, the inhabitants of Atooi display a superiority of taste, by the infinite variety of figures which they execute. Their colours, indeed, are not very bright, except the red; but the regularity of the figures and stripes is amazing; for, as far as we know, they have nothing like stamps or prints, to make the impressions. We had no opportunity of learning in what manner they produce their colours; but, besides the [Page 178] variegated sorts, they have some pieces of plain white cloth, and others of a single colour, particularly light blue, and dark-brown. In general, the pieces brought to us were about the breadth of two feet, and four or five yards in length, being the form and quantity made use of by them for their common dress, or maro; and even some of these were composed of pieces sewed together. They have also a particular sort that is thin and greatly resembles oil-cloth; and which is either oiled or soaked in some kind of varnish. They fabricate numbers of white mats, which were strong, with many red stripes, rhombuses, and other figures interwoven on one side. These in all probability, occasionally make a part of their dress; for, when they offered them to sale, they put them on their backs. They manufacture others of a coarser sort, plain and strong, which they spread over their floors, to sleep upon.

They stain their gourd-shells neatly with undulated lines, triangles, and other figures of a black colour. They also seem to be acquainted with the art of varnishing; for some of these stained gourd-shells are covered with a sort of lacker; and, on other occasions, they make use of a strong size, or glutinous substance, to fasten things together. Their wooden dishes and bowls, out of which they drink their ava, are of the etooa tree, or cordia, extremely neat and well polished. [Page 179] They likewise make small square fans of mat or wicker-work, with handles of the same, or of wood tapering from them, which are curiously wrought with small cords of hair, and cocoa-nut fibres, intermixed. Their fishing-hooks are ingeniously made; some of bone, many of pearlshell, and others of wood, pointed with bone. The bones are for the most part small, and consist of two pieces; and the various sorts have a barb, either on the inside, like ours, or on the outside; but others have both, the exterior one being farthest from the point. Of the latter sort one was procured, nine inches in length, made of a single piece of bone; the elegant form and polish of which, could not be exceeded by any European artist. They polish their stones, by constant friction, with pumice-stone in water; and such of their tools as we saw, resembled those of the southern islanders. Their hatchets. or rather adzes, were exactly of the same pattern, and were either formed of a blackish stone, or of a clay-coloured one. They have also small instruments composed of a single shark's tooth, some of which are fixed to the fore-part of the jaw-bone of a dog, and others to a thin wooden handle of a similar shape; and at the other end there is a bit of string fastened through a little hole. They serve occasionally as knives, and are, probably, used in carving.

[Page 180]The only iron-tools seen among them, and which they possessed before our arrival, were a piece of iron-hoop, about the length of two inches, fitted into a wooden handle; and another edgetool, which we supposed to have been made of the point of a broad sword. Their having the actual possession of these, and their being well acquainted with the use of this metal, inclined some of our people to imagine that we were not the first European visitors of these islands. But the very great surprize which they testified on seeing our ships, and their perfect ignorance of the use of fire-arms, cannot be reconciled with such an opinion. There are several means by which such people may obtain pieces of iron, or acquire the knowledge of the existence of that metal, without having had an immediate connection with those nations that use it. It can scarcely be doubted, that it was unknown to all the inhabitants of the Pacific Ocean, till Magellan led the way into it; for no navigator, immediately after his voyage, found any of this metal in their possession; though, in the course of our late voyages, it has been remarked, that the use of it was known at several islands, which no former European vessel had ever, to our knowledge, visited. At all the places where Mendana touched, during his two voyages, some of it must have been left; and this would, doubtless, extend the knowledge of it to all the various islands with [Page 181] which the people, whom he visited, had any immediate intercourse. It might even have been carried farther; and where specimens of this valuable article could not be met with, descriptions might, in some degree, serve to make it known, when afterwards seen. The next voyage to the southward of the equator, in which any intercourse was had with the people who inhabit the islands of this ocean, was that of Quiros, who landed at Sagittaria, the island of Handsome People, and at Tierra del Espiritu Santo; at all which places, as well as at those with which they had any communication, it must undoubtedly have been made known. To him succeeded, in this navigation, Le Maire, and Schouten, whose connections with the natives began much farther to the eastward, and terminated at Cocos and Horn islands. It is certain, that the inhabitants of Otaheite, and the Society Isles, had a knowledge of iron, and purchased it with the greatest avidity, when Captain Wallis discovered Otaheite; and they could only have acquired this knowledge through the mediation of those neighbouring islands at which it had been originally left. They acknowledge, indeed, that this was really the case; and they have since informed us, that they held it in such estimation, before the arrival of Captain Wallis, that an Otaheitean chief, who had gained possession of two nails, received no small emo [...]ment, by letting out the use of them [Page 182] to his neighbours, for the purpose of boring holes. The natives of the Society Islands, whom we found at Wateeoo, had been driven to that place long after the knowledge and use of iron had been thus introduced among their countrymen; and though, perhaps, they had no specimen of it with them, they would naturally communicate at that island, by discription, their knowledge of this useful metal. From the people of Wateeoo, again, those of Hervey's Island might derive that inclination for it, of which we had sufficient proofs during our short intercourse with them.

The consideration of the facts will shew, how the knowledge of iron has been conveyed throughout the Pacific Ocean, to islands which have never had an immediate connection with Europeans; and it may easily be imagined, that, wherever the history of it only has been reported, or a very inconsiderable quantity of it has been left, the greater eagerness will be shewn by the inhabitants to procure plentiful supplies of it. The application of these particulars, to the object of our present consideration, is manifest. The natives of Atooi and Oneeheow, without having ever been visited by Europeans before us, might have received this metal from intermediate islands, situated between them and the Ladrones which the Spaniards have frequented almost ever since the period of Magellan's voyage. [Page 183] Or, if the distant western position of the Ladrones, should detract from the probability of this solution, is there not the American continent to windward, where the Spaniards have been settled for upwards of two centuries and a half: during which long space of time, shipwrecks must frequently have happened on its coasts? It cannot be deemed surprizing that part of such wrecks, containing iron, should, by the easterly trade-winds, be occasionally cast upon some of those islands which are dispersed about this immense ocean.— The distance of Atooi from America, is no argument against this supposition; and even if it were, it would not destroy it. This ocean is annually traversed by Spanish vessels; and it is highly probable, that, besides the accident of losing a mast and its appendages, casks with iron-hoops, and many other things that contain iron, may fall, or be thrown overboard during so long a passage, and thus find their way to land. These are not mere conjectures; for one of Captain Cook's people actually saw some wood in a house at Wymoa, which he supposed to be fir: it was worm-eaten, and the natives informed him, that it had been driven ashore by the waves; and we had their own express testimony, that they had obtained, from some place to the eastward, the specimens of iron found among them.

[Page 184]From this digression (if it can justly be called so) let us return to the observations made during our continuance at Atooi. The canoes of these people are commonly about four and twenty feet in length, and have the bottom, in general, formed of a single picee of wood, hollwed out to the thickness of an inch, or more, and brought to a point at each end. The sides are composed of three boards, each about an inch thick; neatly fitted and lashed to the bottom. The extremities, both at head and stern, are a little elevated, and both are made sharp, somewhat resembling a wedge, but they flatter more abruptly, so that the two side-boards join each other, side by side, for upwards of a foot. As they seldom exceed a foot and a half in breadth, those that go single (for they sometimes join them) have outriggers, which are shaped and fitted with more judgment than any we had before seen. They are rowed by paddles, such as we had generally observed at other islands; and some of them have a light triangular sail, extended to a mast and boom. The ropes which they use for their boats, and the smaller cords for their fishing-tackles, are strong, and neatly made.

They are by no means novices in the art of agriculture. The vale-ground is one continued plantation of taro, and some other articles, which have all the appearance of being carefully attended to. The potatoe-fields, and spots of [Page]

[...]

[Page 185] sugar-cane, or plantains, on the higher grounds, are planted with great regularity; but neither these, nor the others, are enclosed with any fence, unless we consider the ditches in the low grounds as such; which, it is more probable, are designed to convey water to the taro. The great quantity and excellence of these articles, may perhaps be as much owing to skilful culture, as natural fertility of soil, which seems better adapted to them than to bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees; the few we saw of these latter not being in a thriving state. Notwithstanding this skill in agriculture, the island, from its general appearance, seemed to be capable of more extensive improvement, and of mantaining thrice as many inhabitants as are now upon it; for the greater part of it, that now lies waste, was apparently as good a soil as those parts that are cultivated. It must therefore be inferred, that these people do not increase in that proportion, which, would render it necessary for them to take advantage of the extent of their islands, towards raising a greater quantity of its vegetable productions for their maintenance.

Though Captain Cook did not see a chief of any note, there were, however, several, as the islanders informed us, who reside at Atooi, and to whom they prostrate themselves as a mark of homage and respect. This prostration seems equivalent to the moe moea, paid to the chiefs of the Friendly Islands, and is here denominated [Page 186] hamoea, or moe. Whether they were, at first, afraid to shew themselves, or happened to be absent, we cannot determine; but after the Resolution had left the island, one of these great men made his appearance, and visited Captain Clerke on board the discovery; he came off in a double canoe; and, like the sovereign of the Friendly Isles, paid no regard to the small canoes that chanced to be in his way, but ran against, or over them, without making the least attempt to avoid them. And it was impossible for these poor people to avoid him, for they could not then manage their canoes; it being a necessary mark of their submission, that they should lie down till he had passed. His attendants assisted him in getting on board the ship, and placed him in the gang-way▪ where they stood round him, holding each other by the hands; nor would they suffer any one to approach him but Captain Clerke himself. He was a young man, apparelled from head to foot, and was accompanied by a young woman, who was perhaps his wife. His name was said to be Tamahano. Captain Clerke having made him some presents, received from him, in return, a large bowl, supported by two figures of men, the carving of which displayed some degree of skill, both with respect to the design and the execution. This bowl used to be filled with the kava, or ava, (as it is termed at Otaheite), which liquor is prepared and drank here as at [Page 187] the other islands of the Pacific Ocean. Captain Clerke could not prevail upon this chief to go below, nor to move from the spot where his attendants had first placed him. After remaining some time in the ship, he was carried back into his canoe, and returned to the island. The following day, several messages were sent to Captain Clerke, inviting him to return the visit on shore, and giving him to understand, that the chief had prepared a considerable present for the occasion; but the Captain being anxious to get out to sea, and join the Resolution, did not think proper to accept of the invitation.

The short and imperfect intercourse we had with the natives, did not enable us to form any accurate judgement of the form of government established amongst them; but, from the general similarity of customs, and particularly from what we observed of the honours paid to their chiefs, it seems reasonable to imagine, that it is of the same nature with that which prevails in all the islands we had hitherto visited; and, in all probability, their wars among themselves are equally frequent. This, indeed, might be inferred, from the number of weapons which we found in their possession, and from the excellent order in which they kept them. But we had proofs of the fact from their own confession; and, as we were informed, these wars are carried on between the different districts of their own island, as well as [Page 188] between it and the neighbouring inhabitants of the isles of Oneeheow and Oreehoua. We scarcely need assign any other cause besides this, to account for the appearance, before-mentioned, of their population not being proportioned to the extent of their ground that is capable of cultivation.

Besides their spears, formed of a fine brownish wood, beautifully polished some of which are barbed at one end, and flattened to a point at the other, they had a kind of weapon which we had never met with before. It somewhat resembles a dagger, and is, in general, about eighteen inches in length; sharpened at one or both ends, and secured to the hand by a string. Its use is to stab in close combat, and it seems well adapted to that purpose. Some of these may be denominated double daggers, having a handle in the middle, with which they are the better enabled to strike different ways. They have likewise bows and arrows; but both from their slender construction, and their apparent scarcity, it is probable that they never make use of them in battle. The knife or saw, already mentioned, with which they dissect the dead bodies of their enemies, may also be ranked among their weapons as they both strike and cut with it when engaged in close fight. It is a small flat wooden instrument, about a foot in length, of an oblong shape, rounded at the corners; its edges are surrounded [Page 189] with shark's teeth strongly fixed to it, and pointing outwards; and it has generally a hole in the handle, through which passes a long string, which they wrap several times round the wrist. We also conjectured, that they use slings on some occasions; for we procured some pieces of the haematites or blood-stone, artificially made of an oval form, longitudinally divided with a narrow groove in the middle of the convex part. To this the person who had one of them applied a thin cord, but would not dispose of it, though he was not unwilling to part with the stone, which, as it weighed a pound, must prove fatal when thrown with some degree of force. We likewise saw some pieces of whetstone neatly polished, of an oval figure, but somewhat pointed towards each end; nearly resembling in shape some stones seen by Captain Cook at New Caledonia in 1774, and made use of there in slings.

As some of their religious institutions, and their method of disposing of their dead, strongly indicate an affinity between the manners of these people and of the natives of the Friendly and Society Islands, we will mention a few particulars that will serve to place this in a striking point of view. The inhabitants of Tongataboo bury their dead with great decency, and they also inter their human sacrifices; but they do not, to our knowledge, offer any other animal, or even vegetable, to their deities. The Otaheiteans do [Page 190] not inter their dead, but expose them to waste by time and putrefaction, though they afterwards bury the bones; and, this being the case, it is remarkable, that they should inter the intire bodies of their human sacrifices. They also offer up, to their gods, other animals and vegetables; but are far from being attentive to the condition of the places, where they celebrate those solemn rites; most of their morais, being in a ruinous state, and shewing manifest tokens of neglect. The people of Atooi, again, bury, both their common dead, and their human sacrifices, as at Tongataboo; but they resemble those of Otaheite, in offering vegetables and animals to their gods, and in the neglected state of their religious places.

The taboo also prevails in Atooi, in its full extent, and apparently with greater strictness than even at Tongataboo. For the natives here always asked, with great eagerness, and with indications of a fear of offending, whether any particular thing, which they desired to see, or we were unwilling to shew, was taboo, or (as they pronounced the word) tafoo? The mai raa, or prohibited articles at the Society Islands, though undoubtedly the same thing, did not appear to be so rigorously observed by them, except with regard to the dead: respecting whom we thought them more superstitious than any of the others were. These, however, are circumstances concerning which we cannot pretend to speak decisively; [Page 191] and we shall only observe, to shew the similitude in other points connected with religion, that the tahounas, or priests, seem to be as numerous here as at the other islands.

But whatever resemblance. we might discover between the general manners of the inhabitants of Atooi, and those of Otaheite, these were less striking than the similarity of language. Indeed, the languages of both places may be said to be almost entirely the same. The people of Atooi, in general, have neither the strong guttural pronunciation of the New-Zealanders, nor that smaller degree of it, which also distinguishes the Friendly Islanders; and they have not only adopted the soft mode of the Otaheitans, in avoiding harsh sounds, but the whole idiom of their language; making use of the same affixes and suffixes to their words, and the same measure and cadence in their songs; at first hearing, indeed, a stranger may perceive some disagreement; but it should be considered, that the natives of Otaheite, from their frequent connections with the English, had learned, in some measure, to adapt themselves to our imperfect knowledge of their language, by using the most common and even corrupted expressions in conversation with us; whereas, when they talked with each other, and used the several parts necessary to propriety of speech, they were hardly at all understood by those among us, who had made the greatest progress [Page 192] in the knowledge of their vocabulary. A list of words was collected at Atooi, by the indefatigable Mr. Anderson, who embraced every opportunity of rendering our voyage useful to those who amuse themselves in tracing the emigrations of the various tribes that have peopled the globe, by the most convincing of all arguments, that drawn from the coincidence of language.

How widely has this nation diffused itself, in so many detached islands, so far distant from each other, in every quarter of the Pacific Ocean! We find it, from New-Zealand, in the south, as far as the Sandwich Islands to the northward; and, in another direction, from Eastern Island, to the New Hebrides: that is, over an extent of sixty degrees of latitude, or three thousand six hundred miles, north and south; and eighty three degrees of longitude, or four thousand nine hundred and eighty miles, east and west! How much farther, in either of those directions, its colonies reach, is not known; but, from what we are already acquainted with, we are authorized in pronouncing it to be the most extensive nation upon earth, though, perhaps, not the most numerous.

If the Sandwich Islands had been discovered at an early period, by the Spaniards, they would doubtless have availed themselves of so excellent a situation, and have made use of Atooi, or some other of the islands, as a place of refreshment for the ships, that sail annually between Manilla and [Page 193] Acapulco. They lie almost midway between the last mentioned place and Guam, one of the Ladrones, which is at present their only port in traversing this vast ocean; and it would not have been a week's sail out of their ordinary route, to have touched at them. An acquaintance with the Sandwich Isles would also have been equally favourable to our Buccaneers; who have sometimes passed from the coast of America to the Ladrones, with a stock of provisions and water scarcely adequate to the support of life. Here they might always have met with a plentiful supply, and have been within a month's sail of the very part of California, which the Manilla ship is obliged to make. How happy would Lord Anson have been, and what difficulties would he have avoided, had he known that there was a cluster of islands, half way between America and Tinian, where all his wants might have been effectually relieved!

[Page 194]

CHAP. XIII.

Observations on the Longitude, Tides, &c.—Proceed on the Voyage—Weather remarkably mild as far as the Latitude 44° North—Scarcity of Oceanic Birds in the Nothern Hemisphere—Beautiful Sea-Animals described, supposed by Mr. Anderson to be a new species of Oniscus—See the Coast of North-America—Description of the Country— Difficulty at Cape Foulweather—Stormy and tempestuous Weather—Strictures on Martin d' Aguilar's River—Fallacy of Juan de Fuca's pretended Strail—An Inlet discovered—The Ships anchor there, and are visited by Numbers of the Natives—Their Behaviour.

THE Discovery having joined us, we stood away to the northward, with a gentle gale from the east. The tides are so inconsiderable at the Sandwich Islands, that with the great surf breaking against the shore, it was difficult, at all times to know whether we had high or low water, or wether it ebbed or flowed. On the south side of Atooi, a current generally set to the westward, or north-westward. But, when we were at anchor off Oneeheow, we found a current setting nearly north-west and south-east, six hours each way. This was doubtless a regular tide, and the flood appeared to come from the north-west.

[Page 195]But, to avoid digression, on Saturday the 7th of February, we were in the latitude of 29° north and in the longitude of 200° east, the wind veering to south-east. We steered north-east and east till the 12th, when the wind had veered round to north-east and east-north-east. We then tacked and stood to the northward, being in the latitude of 30° north, and in the longitude of 206° 15′ east. In this advanced latitude, and even in the winter season, we had only begun to feel a sensation of cold in the mornings and evenings; a proof of the equal and durable influence of the heat of the sun, at all times to 30° on each side the line. After that, the disproportion is known to become very great. This must be principally attributed to the direction of the sun's rays, independent of the bare distance, which is not equal to the effect. On Thursday the 19th of February, the wind veered to south-east, and we were again enabled to steer to the east, inclining a little to the north. On the 25th, we reached the latitude of 42° 30′, and the longitude of 219°; when we began to meet with the rock-weed, mentioned in Lord Anson's voyage, by the name of sea-leek, which is generally seen by the Manilla ships. Sometimes a piece of wood appeared; but, if we had not known that we were near the continent of North America, we might have supposed, from the few signs of vicinity of land that we had seen, that we were not within some [Page 196] thousand leagues of any. Since we left Sandwich Islands we had hardly beheld a bird, or any other oceanic animal.

On the 1st of March, we had a calm day, which was succeeded by a wind from the north, with which we stood to the east, intending to make land. We ought to have been near it, according to the charts. Such moderate and mild weather appeared to us very extraordinary, when we were so far north, and so near an extensive continent, at this time of the year. The season must have been remarkably mild, for Sir Francis Drake met with very severe cold, about this latitude, even in the month of June^*. Viscaino, indeed, who was in the same part of the world, in the depth of winter, hardly takes notice of the cold, and mentions a ridge of snowy mountains, on this coast, as something extraordinary ^†.

It is a singurlar circumstance, that we should meet with so few birds, compared to those we saw in the same latitudes, to the south of the line. This must either proceed from a scarcity of them, or from a deficiency of resting-places. Hence it may be concluded, that, in the southern hemisphere, beyond 40°, the species are much more numerous, and the islands more plentifully scattered, [Page 197] than any where near that latitude, between the coast of California and Japan.

On the morning of the 2d, during a calm part of the sea appeared to be covered with a kind of slime, and some small sea animals were seen swimming about. Those which were most conspicuous, were of the gelatinous kind, almost globular; a smaller sort had a white or shining appearance, and were in great abundance. Some of the latter were put into a glass cup, with some salt water; and, when in a prone situation, they appeared like small scales or pieces of silver.

When they swam about, which they did with equal ease in various directions, they emitted the brightest colours of the most valuable gems, according to their position respecting the light. At one time they appeared pellucid, at another displaying the various tints of blue, from a sapphirine to a voilet, mixed with a kind of ruby, and glowing with sufficient strengh to illuminate the glass and water. When the vessel was held to the strongest light, the tints appeared most vivid; but almost vanished when the animals subsided to the bottom, and they had then a brownish appearance. By candle-light, the colour, was principally, a beautiful pale green, with a kind of burnished gloss; and, in the dark, it faintly exhibited a glowing fire.

They are a new species of oniscus and were called, by Mr. Anderson, oniscus fulgens; being [Page 198] supposed to be an animal that contributes to that lucid appearance, often observed at sea, in the night. Two large birds settled, this day on the water, near the ship. One was the procellaria maxima; and the other, of little more than half the magnitude of the former, appeared to be of the albatross kind. It was larger than a sea-gull, but resembled it in other respects. About noon, on the 6th, we beheld two seals, and several whales; and early the next morning, the long-expected coast of New Albion ^* was seen, at the distance of ten or twelve leagues, extending from north-east to south east. At noon, we were in the latitude of 44° 33′ north, and in the longitude of 235° 20′ east and the land about eight leagues distant.

We had now seventy-three fathoms water, over a muddy bottom, and found ninety fathoms about a league farther off. The land, which was of a moderate height, appeared to be diversified with hills and vallies, and principally covered with wood. No very striking object, however, presented itself, except an high hill, with a flat summit, which bore east from us at noon. The land formed a point at the northern extreme, which Captain Cook named Cape Foulweather, from the exceeding bad weather we afterwards met with.

[Page 199]After variable light airs and calms, at eight o'clock in the evening of 7th, a breeze sprung up at south-west. We stood to the north-west, under an easy sail, entending to range along the coast at day light. But, the next morning, at four, the wind having shifted to north-west, it blew in squalls, with rain. Till near ten o'clock our course was north-east: but, not being able to make any progress on this tack, and seeing nothing that had the appearance of an harbour, we tacked, and stood off south-west. Cape Foulweather, at this time, bore north-east by north, distant about eight leagues.

In the evening of the 8th, the wind veered to the north-west, with squalls, hail, and sleet; and, the weather being hazy and thick, we stood out to sea till about noon the next day, when we stood in again for the land, which we saw at two in the afternoon, bearing east-north-east. In the evening, the wind veered more to the west, and the weather grew worse, which obliged us to tack and stand off till about four the next morning, when we stood in again. In the afternoon, at four, we discovered the land, which, at six, was about eight leagues distant. Here we tacked, and sounded, but could not reach the ground with a line of one hundred and sixty fathoms. We stood off till near midnight, and then stood in again. At half past six, the next morning, we were about three leagues from the land. Seeing [Page 200] nothing like a harbour, and the weather continuing unsettled, we tacked and stretched off south-west, having then fifty-five fathoms water.

The land which we approached, when we tacked, is moderately high, but, in many places, it rises still higher within. It is diversified with hills and rising grounds, many of which are covered with tall straight trees; and others, which were not so high, grew in spots, like clumps or coppices; but the spaces between, and the sides of the rising grounds, were clear.

Though, perhaps, as a summer prospect, this might be very agreeable, yet at this season, it had an uncomfortable appearance, the bare grounds along the coast being covered with snow, which seemed to lie in abundance between hills and rising grounds; and in many places, towards the sea, had, at a distance, the appearance of white cliffs. On the rising grounds, the snow was thinner spread; and farther inland, there seemed to be none at all. Hence it might, perhaps, be concluded, that the snow which we had seen towards the sea, had fallen the proceeding night; which was, indeed the coldest we had experienced since our arrival on that coast; and a kind of sleet sometimes fell.

The coast appeared almost straight in every part, not having any opening or inlet, and terminating in a kind of white sanday beach; though it was imagined by some on board, that such appearance [Page 201] was owing to the snow. Each extreme of the land shot out into a point; the northern one was that which we had seen on the 7th, and therefore Captain Cook called it Cape Perpetua. Its latitude is 44° 6′ north, and its longitude 235° 52′ east. The southern extreme the Commodore named Cape Gregory. It lies in the latitude of 43° 30′, and in the longitude 235° 57′ east. This point is rendered remarkable, by the land of it rising immediately from the sea, to a tolerable height, and that on each side of it is very low. We stood off till almost one in the afternoon, and then tacked and stood in, hoping in the night, to have the wind off from the land. We were, however, mistaken, for, at five o'clock it veered to the west and south-west, which induced us once more to stand out to sea.

Cape Perpetua now bore north-east by north; and the farthest land to the south of Cape Gregory, bore south by east, distant about ten or twelve leagues. Its latitude will therefore be 43° 10′, and its longitude 235° 55′ east. This is nearly the situation of Cape Blanco, discovered the 19th of January, 1603, by Martin d'Aguilar. It is remarkable that, in this very latitude, Geographers have placed a large entrance or strait, ascribing the discovery of it to the same navigator; whereas nothing more is mentioned in his voyage, than his having discovered a large river [Page 202] in this situation, which he would have entered, but was hindered by the currents.

The wind was now very unsettled, and blew in squalls, with snow showers. At midnight, it shifted to west-north-west, and presently increased to a very hard gale with heavy squalls, and sleet, or snow. We had not a choice now, but were obliged to stretch to the southward, to get clear of the coast. This was done under more sail than the ships could bear with safety, but it was absolutely necessary to avoid the more imminent danger of being forced on shore. This gale abated at eight o'clock in the morning of the 13th, and then we stood in again for the land. The wind remained at west and north-west. Storms, breezes, and calms, alternately succeeded each other, till the morning of the 21st, when a breeze sprung up at south-west. This being accompanied with fair weather, we steered north-easterly, hoping to fall in with the land, beyond where we had been tossed about for the preceding fortnight. In the evening the wind shifted to the westward, and the next morning, about eight o'clock, we beheld the land at the distance of about nine leagues. Our latitude was now 47° 5′ north, and our longitude 235° 10′ east. We stood to the north, with a fine breeze, till near seven in the evening, when we tacked, in order to wait for day-light. We were now in forty-eight fathoms water, and four leagues from the [Page 103] land, extending from north to south-east; and a small round hill, which we supposed to be an island, bore north three quarters east, at the distan [...] of about six or seven leagues. It seemed to be or a tolerable height, and could but just be seen from the deck.

There appeared to be a small opening between this supposed island, and the northern extreme of the land; we therefore entertained some hopes of finding an harbour; but these hopes gradually vanished as we drew nearer; and, at length, we were almost convinced that the opening was closed by low land. The Commodore for this reason, named the point of land to the north of it, Cape Flattery. Its latitude is 48° 15′ north, and its longitude 235° 3′ east.

All the land upon this part of the coast, is of a pretty equal height, is principally covered with wood, and has a very fertile appearance. In this very latitude, Geographers have placed the pretended strait of Juan de Fuca. But nothing of that kind presented itself to our view, nor is it probable that any such thing ever existed. We stood to the southward till [...]idnight, and then taked, and, with a gentle breeze at south-west, steered to the north-west, intending, at day-light, to stand in for the land. But, before that time, we had a very hard gale, with rain, right on shore; instead therefore of running in for the land, we endeavoured to get an offing, or, at [Page 204] least, to preserve that which we had already got. The south-west wind, however, did not continue long, for it veered again to the west before night.

Thus were we perpetually encountering with strong west and north-west winds. In an evening, the wind would sometimes become moderate, and veer southward; but this was a certain prelude to a storm, which blew the hardest at south-south-east, and was generally accompanied with rain and sleet. In the course of six hours, it was usually succeeded by a gale from the north-west, which introduced fair weather. About nine o'clock in the morning, of Sunday the 29th, we again saw the land, the nearest part about six leagues distant. We were now in the latitude of 49° 29′ north, and in the longitude of 232° 29′ east.

The face of the country was very different from that of the parts which we had before seen; numbers of losty mountains presented themselves to our view, whose summits were covered with snow. The vallies between them, and the land towards the coast, were covered with high straight trees, that appeared like a vast forest. A low point was formed at the south-east extreme of the land, off which are several breakers, occasioned by some sunken rocks. It was therefore called Point Breakers. Its latitude is 49° 15′ north, and its longitude 233° 20′ east. The latitude of the other extreme is about 50°, and the [Page 205] longitude 232°. This last was named Woody Point. It is high land, and projects to the south-west.

Between these two points, a large bay is formed, which the Commodore called Hope Bay; hoping, as he said, to find in it a good harbour; and the event proved that he was not mistaken. As we approached the coast we saw the appearance of two inlets; one of which was in the north-west, and the other in the north-east corner of the bay. We bore up for the latter, and passed some breakers about a league from the shore. Half a league without them, we had nineteen and twenty fathoms water; but, after we had passed them, the depth increased to fifty fathoms; and farther in, the ground was unfathomable with the greatest length of line.

Though appearances were in our favour, we were not yet certain that there were any inlets; but being in a deep bay, Captain Cook resolved to anchor, in order to endeavour to get some water, which we began to be much in need of. As we advanced, however, the existence of the inlet no longer remained doubtful. About five o'clock, when we reached the west point of it, we were becalmed for some time. In this situation, the Commodore ordered all the boats to be hoisted out, in order to tow the ships in. Presently a fresh breeze sprung up at north-west, with which we stretched up into an arm of the inlet, [Page 206] which ran in to the north-east. Here we were again becalmed, and found it necessary to anchor in eighty-five fathoms water, and so near the land as to be able to reach it with a hawser. The Discovery was becalmed before she got within the arm, where she anchored in seventy fathoms water.

As soon as we approached the inlet, we perceived the coast to be inhabited; and three canoes came off to the ship, at the place where we were first becalmed; in one of which were two men, in another six, and in the other ten. Advancing pretty near us, a person stood in one of the two last, and spoke for a considerable time, inviting us, as we supposed by his gestures, to go ashore; and, at the same time, continued strewing handfuls of feathers towards us. Some of his companions also threw a red powder in the same manner.

The person who was the orator upon this occasion, was clothed with the skin of some animal, and held something in each hand which rattled as he shook it. At length, grown weary with his repeated exortations, of which we could not comprehend a word, he became quiet; and the others in their turn, had something to say to us; but their speeches were neither so long, nor so vehement as that of the other. The hair of two or three of these people was strewed over [Page 207] with small white feathers; and that of others, with large ones, stuck into different parts.

The tumultuous noise having ceased, they lay at a small distance from the ship, conversing together with much ease and composure, without shewing the least distrust or surprize. Some of them rose, occasionally, and said something aloud, after the manner of their first harangues; and one, in particular, sung a most agreeable air, accompanied with a great degree of melody and softness; the word haela b [...]ing frequently repeated as the burden of the song.

A breeze springing up soon after, brought us closer to the shore, when the canoes began to visit us in great numbers; having had, at one time, no less than thirty-two of them about the ship, containing from three to seven or eight persons each, and of both sexes. Several of these also stood up and spake aloud, using the same gestures as our first visitors. One canoe particularly attracted our observation, by a peculiar head, which had a birds eye, and an enormous large beak, painted on it. The person who was in it, and who appeared to be a chief, was equally remarkable for his singular appearance; having a large quantity of feathers hanging from his head and being painted or smeared in a very extraordinary manner. In this hand he had a carved bird of wood, of the size of a pigeon, with which he often rattled, like the person before-mentioned, and was [Page 208] equally vociferous in his harangue, which was accompanied with many expressive gestures. Though our visitors were so peaceable, that they could not be suspected of any hostile intention, not any of them could be prevailed upon to come on board. They were very ready, however, to part with any thing they had, and received whatever we offered them in exchange; but were more solicitous after iron, than any of our other articles of commerce; appearing to be no strangers to the use of that valuable metal.

We were followed, by many of the canoes, to our anchoring-place; and a group, consisting of about ten or a dozen of them, continued along-side the Resolution the greatest part of the night.— Hence we flattered ourselves, that we were so comfortably situated, as to be able to get all our wants supplied, and forget the delays and hardships we had experienced, in almost a constant succession of adverse winds and tempestuous weather, ever since we arrived upon this coast.

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A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK IV. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES OF NORTH-AMERICA: DISCOVERIES ON THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. I.

Arrival at the Sound—Moor in an excellent Harbour—Visited by great Numbers of the Natives, who are an inoffensive Race of People—Variety of Articles brought to Barter, particularly human Skulls—Mischievous Thefts committed—The Observatories erected on a Rock—Also a Forge erected— Alarmed at seeing the Natives arm themselves—Distant Tribes not permitted by the Natives to traffic with us—Tempestuous Weather—A Survey of the Sound—Friendly Behaviour of the Natives of one of the Villages—Treatment received from an inhospitable Chief—Greeted with a Song by young Women A second Visit to one of the Villages—Grass purchased—Departure of the Ships.

HAVING happily found such excellent shelter for our ships, in an inlet whose coasts appeared to be inhabited by an inoffensive race of [Page 210] people, we lost no time, after coming to anchor, in searching for a commodious harbour, where we might be stationed during our continuance in the Sound. Upon this service, Captain Cook sent three armed boats, under the command of Mr. King; and went himself, in a small boat, on the same business. He had no difficulty in finding what he wanted; for, on the north-west of the arm, and at a small distance from the ships, he found a convenient snug cove, perfectly adapted to our purpose. Mr. King was also successful and found a still better harbour, lying on the north-west side of the land. It would, however, have required more time to take the ships thither, than to the cove where the Captain had been; therefore his choice was determined in favour of the latter situation. But, apprehending that we could not transport our ships to it, and moor them properly, before night had overtaken us, he thought it prudent to continue where we were till the next morning.

Plenty of canoes, filled with the inhabitants, were about the ships the whole day; and a reciprocal trade was commenced between us, which was conducted with the strictest harmony and integrity on both sides. Their articles of commerce where the skins of various animals; such as bears, sea-otters, wolves, foxes, deer, racoons, martins, and pole-cats. They also produced garments made of skins; and another kind of [Page 211] cloathing, fabricated from the bark of a tree, or a plant resembling hemp. Besides these articles, they had bows, arrows, and spears; fish-hooks, and various kinds of instruments; wooden vizors representing horrid figures; a sort of woollen-stuff; carved work; beads; and red ochre; also several little ornaments of thin brass and iron, resembling an horse-shoe, which they were pendant at their noses. They had likewise several pieces of iron fixed to handles, somewhat resembling chissels. From their being in possession of these metals, it was natural for us to infer, that they must either have been visited before by persons of some civilized nation, or had connections with those on their own continent, who had some communication with them.

Among all the articles, however, which they exposed to sale, the most extraordinary were human skulls, and hands, with some of the flesh remaining on them, which they acknowleged they had been feeding on; and some of them, indeed, bore evident marks of their having been upon the fire. From this circumstance, it was but too apparent, that the horrid practice, of devouring their enemies, is practised here, as much as at New-Zealand, and other South-sea islands. For the various articles they brought, they received in exchange, knives, chissels, nails, looking-glasses, buttons, pieces of iron and tin, or any kind of metal. They had not much inclination [Page 212] for glass-beads, and rejected every kind of cloth.

The next day was employed in hauling our ships into the cove, where they were moored. We found, on heaving up the anchor, notwithstanding the great depth of water, that rocks were at the bottom. These had greatly injured the cable, as well as the hausers that were carried out to warp the ship into the cove, consequently the whole bottom was [...]ewed with rocks. The ship was now become very leaky in her upper works: the carpenters were therefore ordered to caulk her, and to repair any other defects they might discover.

In the course of this day (the 31st of March) the news of our arrival brought vast numbers of the natives about our ships. At one time we counted above a hundred canoes, each of which on an average, had five people on board; few containing less than three; many having seven, eight, or nine; and one was manned with seventeen. Many of these were new visitors, which we discovered by their orations and ceremonies when they approached the ships.

If they, at first, had apprehended that we meant to be hostile, their fears were now removed; for they ventured on board the ships, and mixed with our people with the utmost freedom and familiarity. We discovered, however, by this intercourse, that they were as fond of pilfering as any [Page 213] we had met with during our voyage: and they were much more mischievous than any of the other thieves we had found; for, having sharp instruments in their possession, they could, the instant that our backs were turned, cut a hook from a tackle, or a piece of iron from a rope.

Besides other articles, we lost several hooks in this manner, one of which weighed between twenty and thirty pounds. They stripped our boats of every morsel of iron that was worth taking away, though some of our men were always left in them as a guard. They were, indeed, so dextrous in effecting their purposes, that one fellow would contrive to amuse our people at one end of the boat, while another was forcing off the iron-work at the other. If an article that had been stolen, was immediately missed, the thief was easily detected, as they were fond of impeaching each other. But the prize was always reluctantly given up by the guilty person; and sometimes compulsive means were obliged to be exercised for that purpose.

Our ships being safely moored, we proceeded, the next day, to other necessary business. The observatories were taken ashore, and placed upon a rock on one side of the cove, not far from the Resolution. A party of men was ordered to cut wood, and clear a place for watering. Having plenty of pine-trees here, others were employed in brewing spruce-beer. The forge was also [Page 214] erected to make the necessary iron-work for repairing the fore-mast, which had one of the bib [...] defective, and was otherwise incomplete.

We were daily visited by a considerable number of the natives; and, among them, we frequently saw new faces. They had a singular mode of introducing themselves on their first appearance. They paddled, with their utmost strength and activity, round both the ships; a chief, all this time, standing up with a spear in his hand, and speaking, or rather bawling, most vociferously.

Sometimes the face of this orator was covered with a mask, representing either a human countenance, or that of some other animal; and, instead of a spear, he had a kind of rattle in his hand. Having made this ceremonious circuit round the ship, they would come along-side, and then begin to traffic with us. Frequently, indeed, they would first entertain us with a song, in which their whole company joined, and produced a very agreeable harmony. During these visits, our principal care was to guard against their thievery.

We had, however, in the morning of the 4th of April, a very serious alarm. Our party, who were employed on shore in cutting wood and filling water, observed, that the natives, in all quarters, were arming themselves in the best manner they were able; and that those who had not proper weapons, were collecting sticks and [Page 215] stones. Hearing this, we thought it necessary to arm also: but, being resolved to act upon the defensive, the Commodore ordered all our workmen to repair to the rock, on which our observatories had been placed, leaving the supposed enemy in possession of the ground where they had assembled, which was within about a hundred yards of the Resolution's stern.

Our danger, however, was only imaginary; for these hostile preparations were directed against a body of their own countrymen, who were advancing to attack them. Our friends of the Sound, perceiving our apprehensions, exerted their best endeavours to convince us that this was really the case. We saw they had people looking out, on both sides of the cove, and canoes were frequently dispatched between them and the main body. The adverse party, on board of about a dozen large canoes, at length drew up in line of battle, off the south point of the cove, a negociation for the restoration of peace having been commenced. In conducting the treaty, several people in canoes passed between the two parties, and some debates ensued. At length the matter in dispute appeared to be adjusted: but the strangers were not permitted to approach the ships, nor to have any intercourse or dealings with us.

We were probably the occasion of the quarrel; the strangers, perhaps, insisting on having a [Page 216] right of sharing in the advantages of a trade with us; and our first friends resolving to engross as entirely to themselves. We were convinced of this on many other occasions; nay, even among those who lived in the Sound, the weaker were often obliged to submit to the stronger party, and were plundered of every thing, without even attempting to make any resistance.

In the afternoon we resumed out work, and, the next day, rigged the fore-mast; the head of which not being large enough for the cap, the carpenter was ordered to fill up the vacant space. In examining the state of the mast-head for this purpose, both cheeks were discovered to be rotten; insomuch that there was not a possibility of repairing them. We were therefore obliged to get the mast out, and to supply it with new ones.

Thus, when almost ready for sea, all our work was to be done over again, and an additional repair was necessary to be undertaken, which would require much time to be completed. It was, however, fortunate, that these defects should be discovered, when we were so commodiously situated, as to be able to procure the materials that were requisite. For, in the cove where our ships lay, there were some small seasoned trees, perfectly adapted for our purpose; and two new cheeks were immediately made from one of these. In the morning of the 7th of April, having got the fore-mast out, we hauled it ashore, and the carpenters [Page 217] were set to work upon it. Some of our lower standing rigging being much decayed, the Commodore embraced the opportunity, while the fore-mast was repairing, of ordering a new set of main-rigging, to be fitted, and the fore-rigging to be improved.

From our putting into the Sound, till the 7th of April, the weather had been remarkably fine; but, in the morning of the 8th, the wind blew fresh at south-east, accompanied with hazy weather and rain; it increased in the afternoon, and in the evening it blew extremely hard. It came in heavy squalls, right into the cove, from over the high land on the opposite shore; and, though the ships were well moored, they were in a dangerous situation.

Though these tempestuous blasts succeeded each other quickly they were of short duration, and, in the intervals, we had a perfect calm. Another misfortune now befel us. On board the Resolution, the mizen was the only mast that now remained rigged, with its top-mast up. The former was too defective to support the latter during these squalls, and gave way at the head, under the rigging. The gale abated about eight o'clock; but the rain continued, almost without intermssion, for sevral days, during which time, a tent was erected over the fore-mast, that the carpenters might be enabled to proceed in their labours with some degree of convenience.

[Page 218]The natives were not discouraged, by this bad weather, from making us daily visits; and, in our situation, such visits were very acceptable to us. They frequently brought us a supply of fish, when we were unable to catch any with a hook and line, and we had not a convenient place to draw a net. The fish they brought us were small cod, and a small kind of bream, or sardine. On the 11th the main-rigging was fixed and got ever head, notwithstanding the rainy weather; and, the next day, we took down the mizen-mast the head of which was so rotten, that it dropped off in the slings.

We received a visit, in the evening from a tribe of natives whom we had not seen before; and who, in general, made a better appearance than our old friends. The Commodore conducted them into the cabin, but there was not an object that demanded their attention; all our novelties were looked on with indifference, except by a very few, who shewed a certain degree of curiosity. The next day, a party of our men went into the woods, and cut down a tree, of which a mizen-mast was to be made. The day after it was conveyed to the place where the carpenters were at work upon the fore-mast. The wind, in the evening, veered to the south-east, and blew a very hard gale, attended with rain, till eight o'clock the next morning; at which time it abated, and veered again to the west.

[Page 119]The fore-mast being now finished we hauled it along side; but, on account of the bad weather, could not get it in till the afternoon. We were expeditious in rigging it, while the carpenters were employed on the mizen-mast on shore. On the 16th, when they had made considerable progress in it, they discovered that the tree on which they were at work, was wounded, owing, it was imagined, to some accident in cutting it down. It therefore became necessary to procure anothor tree out of the woods, on which occasion, all hands were employed above half a day.

During these operations, many of the natives were about the ships, gazing on with an expressive surprize, which, from their general inattention, we did not expect. A party of strangers, in seven or eight canoes, came into the cove on the 18th, and after looking at us for some time, retired. We apprehended that our old friends, who, at this time, were more numerous about us than our new visitors, would not suffer them to have any dealings with us. It was evident, indeed, that the neighbouring inhabitants engrossed us entirely to themselves, and that they carried on a traffic with more distant tribes, in those articles they had received from us; for they frequently disappeared for four or five days together and returned with fresh cargoes of curiosities and skins.

[Page 220]Such of the natives as visited us daily, were the most benificial to us; for, after disposing of their trifles, they employed themselvs in fishing, and we always partook of what they caught. We also procured from them a considerable quantity of good animal oil, which they brought to us in bladders. Some, indeed, attempted to cheat us, by mixing water with the oil; and once or twice, they so far imposed upon us, as to fill their bladders with water only. But, it was better for us to wink at these impositions, than suffer them to produce a quarel; for our articles of traffic chiefly consisted of trifles, and we found it difficult to produce a constant supply even of these. Beads, and such like toys, of which we had some remaining, were not highly estimated. Metal was principally demanded by our visitors: and brass had now supplanted iron, being sought after, with such eagerness, that, before we left the Sound, hardly a bit of it was to be found in the ships, except what constituted a part of our necessary instruments. Suits of cloaths were stripped of their buttons; bureaus of their furniture; kettles, canisters, and candlesticks, all went to rack; so that our American friends procured from us a greater variety of things, than any other nation we had visited.

Having had a fortnight's bad weather, Sunday the 19th being a fair day, we embraced the opportunity of getting up the top-masts and yards, [Page 221] and of fixing up the rigging. Most of our heavy work being now finished, the Commodore set out the next morning to survey the Sound; and, going first to the west point, he discovered a large village, and, before it, a very snug harbour, with from nine to four fathoms water.

The inhabitants of this village, who were numerous, many of whom the Commodore was no stranger to, received him with great courtesy, every one pressing him to enter his apartment; for several families have habitations under the same roof. He politely accepted the invitations, and the hospitable friends whom he visited testified every mark of civility and respect.

Women were employed, in many of these habitations, in making dresses of the bark or plant already mentioned, and executed their business much like the inhabitants of New-Zealand. Others were busy in opening sardines; large shoals of which we have seen brought on shore, and measured out to several people, who carried them home, where they performed the operation of curing them, which is done by smoke-drying. They are hung upon small rods; at first, about a foot over the fire; they are then removed higher and higher to make room for others. When dried they are closely packed in bales, and the bales covered with mats. Thus they are preserved till they are wanted, and they are not unpleasant food. They also cure cod and other [Page 222] large fish in the same manner; but these are sometimes dried in the open air.

Leaving this village, the Commodore proceeded up the west side of the Sound. For near three miles he saw several small islands, so situated [...]s to form some convenient harbours, the depths being from thirty to seven fathoms. About two leagues within the Sound, on the same side, an arm runs in the direction of north-north-west, and another in the same direction about two miles further.

About a mile above the second arm, he found the ruins of a village. The framings of the houses remained standing, but the boards or roofs were taken away. Behind this deserted village is a small plain, covered with the largest pine trees that the Commodore had ever seen. This was indeed singular, as most of the elevated ground on this side of the Sound appeared rather naked.

Passing from this place to the east side of the Sound, Captain Cook found, what he had before imagined, that it was an island under which the ships lay; and that many smaller ones lay scattered on the west side of it. Upon the main land, opposite the north end of our island, the Commodore observed a village, and landed there; but he was not so politely received by the inhabitants, as by those of the other village he had visited. This cold reception was occasioned by one surly chief, who would not suffer the Commodore [Page 223] to enter their houses, but followed him wherever he went; making expressive signs that he was impatient for him to be gone. Captain Cook attempted, but in vain, to sooth him with presents; for, though he did not refuse them, he continued the same kind of behaviour. But, notwithstanding this treatment from the inhospitable chief, some of the young women expeditiously apparelled themselves in their best, assembled in a body, and gave us a hearty welcome to the village, by joining in an agreeable song. Evening now drawing on, Captain Cook proceeded for the ships round the north-end of the island.

When he returned on board, he was informed that, in his absence, some strangers, in two or three large canoes, had made a visit to the ships; from whom our people understood, by signs, that they had come from the south-east. They brought with them several garments, skins, and other articles, which they bartered for some of ours. But the most remarkable circumstance was, that two silver table-spoons were purchased of them by our people, which appered to be of Spanish manufacture. They were worn round the neck of one of these visitors, by way of ornament.

On the 21st, the mizen-mast was got in and rigged, and the carpenters ordered to make a new fore-top mast, to replace that which had been carried away. A number of strangers visited us about eight o'clock the next morning in twelve [Page 224] or thirteen canoes. They came from the south-ward; and when they had turned the point of the cove, they drew up in a body, where they remained about half an hour, at the distance of two hundred yards from the ships. We imagined, at first, they were afraid to approach; but in this we were mistaken, for they were only making preparations for an introductory ceremony.

At length they advanced towards the ships, all standing up in their canoes, and began to sing. Some of their songs were slow and solemn, in which they were joined by the whole body; others were in quicker time, and their notes were regularly accompanied by the motions of their hands, their paddles beating in concert on the sides of the canoes; and they, at the same time, exhibited the most expressive gestures. They remained silent, for a few seconds, after the conclusion of each song, and then began again, frequently pronouncing the word hooee as a kind of chorus.

Having thus favoured us with a specimen of their music, with which we were highly entertained for half an hour, they came nearer the ships and bartered with us. We now perceived that some of our old friends from the Sound were among them, who managed for the strangers in the traffic between us and them.

These visitors being gone, the Captains Cook and Clerke went with two boats to the village at [Page 225] the west point, where Captain Cook had been two days before, and had observed that plenty of grass was to be had near it; and it was necessary to get a supply of this, for the few remaining goats and sheep which were still on board. They experienced the same welcome reception that Captain Cook had met with before; and, soon after they were ashore, the Commodore ordered some of his people to begin cutting; not imagining that the natives would object to our furnishing ourselves with what could not be of any use to them, though essentially necessary for us. In this, however, he was mistaken, for as soon as our men began cutting the grass, some of the inhabitants would not permit them to proceed, saying, "makook," which signified that we must buy it first.

The Commodore, at this time, was in one of he houses; but, hearing of this, he repaired immediately to the field, where he found about a dozen claimants of different parts of the grass that grew on the premises. The Commodore treated with them for it, and having complied with the terms of his purchase, thought we had now full liberty to cut wherever we pleased. Here he was again mistaken; for he had so liberally paid the first pretended proprietors, that fresh demands were made from others; so that it almost appeared that every single blade of grass had a separate owner; and so many of them were to be satisfied, that his pockets, presently became [Page 226] empty. When they were, however, convinced that he had nothing more to give, they ceased to be importunate, and we were permitted to cut where we pleased, and as much as we pleased.

It is worthy of observation, that we never met with any uncivillized nation, or tribe, who possessed such strict notions of their having an exclusive property in the produce of their country, as the inhabitants of this Sound. They even wanted our people to pay for the wood and water that were carried on board. Had Captain Cook been present when these demands were made, he would doubtless have complied with them; but our workmen thought differently, and paid little or no attention to such claims. The natives thinking we were determined to pay nothing, at length ceased to apply. But they frequently took occasion to remind us, that their esteem for us had induced them to make us a present of wood and water.

While they remained at this village, Mr. Webber, who attended the two Captains, thither, made a drawing of every thing that was thought curious, both within doors and without. This he was well enabled to do, as he had an excellent opportunity of inspecting narrowly, the construction of their buildings, their furniture; and implements or utensils as well a the most striking peculiarities of the modes of living of the inhabitants. Having, at length, completed all their [Page 227] operation at this village, the natives and the two Captains took a friendly leave of each other, and we returned to the ships in the afternoon. The 23d, 24th, and 25th, of April were employed in preparing to put to sea; the sails were bent; the observatories and other articles removed from the shore; and both ships put into a proper condition for sailing.

Thus prepared, we intended to have put to sea on the morning of the 26th, but having both wind and tide against us, we were under a necessity of waiting till noon; when a calm succeeded the south-west wind, and the tide, at the same time, turning in our favour, we towed the ships out of the cove. We had variable airs and calms till about four in the afternoon, when a breeze sprung up, attended with thick hazy weather.

The mercury in the barometer sunk uncommonly low, and we had every appearance of an approaching storm from the southward. In this situation Captain Cook hesitated, for a short time, (as night was then approaching) whether he should sail immediately, or stay till the next morning. But his anxiety to proceed upon the voyage, and the fear of loosing so good an opportunity of getting out of the Sound, opperated more strongly upon his mind than the apprehensions of danger, and he resolved to put to sea.

We were attended by the natives till we were almost out of the Sound; some in their canoes, [Page 228] and others on board the ships. One of the thiefs, who had particularly attached himself to the Commodore, was among the last who parted from us. The Commodore, a little time before he went, made him a small present for which he received, in return, a beaver skin of a much superier value. This occasioned him to make some addition to his present, which pleased the chief so highly, that he presented to the Commodore the beaver-skin cloak which he then wore, and of which he was particularly fond.

Struck with this instance of generosity, and wishing him not to be a sufferer by his gratitude, Captain Cook insisted upon his acceptance of a new broad-sword, with a brass hilt, with which he appeared greatly delighted. We were earnestly importuned by the chief, and many of his countrymen, to pay them another visit; who, by way of inducement, promised to procure a large stock of skins. Further particulars relative to the country and its inhabitants, will furnish materials for the two subsequent chapters.

[Page 229]

CHAP. II.

Directions for sailing into the Sound—The adjacent Country described—Remarks on the Weather and Climate—Trees and other vegetable Productions —Racoons, Martins, Squirrels, and other Quadrupeds—Variety of Skins brought for Sale— Whales, and other Sea Animals—The Sea Otter described—Birds—Oceanic Birds—Fish—Shell Fish—Snakes and Lizards—Insects—Stones— Description of the Natives—Their Colour—Formation—Dress and Ornaments—Particular Dresses, and horrible wooden Masks—Leathern Mantle for War—Their Disposition—Songs—Musical Instruments—Their Fondness for Metals, which they take every Opportunity of stealing.

KING George's Sound was the appellation given by the Commodore to this inlet, on our first arrival; but he was afterwards informed that the natives called it Nootka. The entrance is in the east corner of Hope Bay; its latitude is 49° 33′ north, and its longitude 233° 12′ east. The east coast of that bay is covered by a chain of sunken rocks; and, near the Sound, are some islands and rocks above water. We enter the Sound between two rocky points, lying east south-east, and west north-west from each other, distant about four miles. The Sound widens within these [Page 230] points, and extends in to the northward at least four leagues.

A number of islands, of various size, appear in the middle of the Sound. The depth of water, not only in the middle of the Sound, but also close to some parts of its shore, is from forty-seven to ninety fathoms, or more. Within its circuit, the harbours and anchoring-places are numerous. The cove, where our ships anchored, is on the east side of the Sound, and also on the east of the largest island. It is, indeed, covered from the sea, which is its principal recommendation, for it is exposed to the south-east winds, which sometimes blow with great violence, and make great devastation, as was but too apparent in many places.

Upon the sea-coast the land is tolerably high and level; but, within the Sound, it rises into steep hills, which have an uniform appearance, ending in roundish tops with sharp ridges on their sides. Many of these hills are high, and others are of a more moderate height; but all of them are covered to their tops with the thickest woods. Some bare spots are to be seen on the sides of some of the hills, but they are not numerous, though they sufficiently shew the general rocky disposition of these hills. They have, indeed, no soil upon them, except what has been produced from rotten mosses and trees, of the depth of about two feet. Their foundation are, [Page 231] indeed, nothing more than stupendous rocks; which are of a grey or whitish cast when, exposed to the werther; but, when broken, are of a bluish grey colour. The rocky shore consists entirely of this; and the beaches of the little coves in the Sound are composed of fragments of it.

During our stay the weather nearly corresponded with that which we had experienced when we were off the coast. We had fine clear weather, if the wind was between north and west; but if more to the southward, hazy, accompanied with rain. The climate appears to be infinitely milder than that on the east coast of America, under the same parallel of latitude. We perceived no frost in any of the low ground; but, on the contrary, vegetation proceeded very briskly, for we saw grass, at this time, upwards of a foot long.

The trees, of which the woods are principally composed, are the Canadian pine, white cypress, and two or three other sorts of pine. The two first are in the greatest abundance, and, at a distance, resemble each other; though they are easily distinguished on a nearer view, the cypress being of a paler green than the other. In general, the trees grow here with great vigour, and are of a large size. At this early season of the year, we saw but little variety of other vegetable productions.

About the rocks, and borders of the woods▪ we saw some strawberry plants, and rasberry, currant, [Page 232] and gooseberry bushes, all in a flourishing state. There were also a few black alder-trees; a species of sow-thistle; some crow's-foot with a fine crimson flower, and two sorts of anthericum. We also met with some wild rose-bushes, just budding; some young leeks, a small sort of grass, and some water-cresses, besides a great abundance of andromeda. Within the woods are two sorts of underwood shrubs, unknown to us, and some mosses and serns.

The season of the year did not permit us to acquire much knowledge of the vegetable of this country; and it was impossible, from our situation, to learn much about its animals. The want of water induced us to enter the Sound at first; and the accidents that happened there, though they obliged us to stay longer than we intended, were unfavourable to our acquiring any knowledge of this kind. It was absolutely necessary that every person should be employed in forwarding the necessary business of the ships; which was the principal object, as the season was advancing, and the success of the voyage depended upon their diligence in performing their several tasks. Excursions of any kind were, therefore, never attempted.

Lying in a cove, on an island, all the animals that we saw alive were two or three racoons, martins, and squirrels; some of our people, indeed, who landed on the continent, on the south-east [Page 233] side of the Sound, raw the prints of a bear's feet, not far from the shore. The only account, therefore, that we can furnish of the quadrupeds, is taken from the skins which were purchased of the inhabitants; and these were sometimes so mutilated in the heads, tails, and paws, that we could not even guess to what animals they belonged; though others were either so perfect, or so well known, they did not admit of a doubt about them. The most common among them were bears, deer, foxes, and wolves. Bear-skins were very plentiful, generally of a shining black colour, but not very large. The deer skins were not so plentiful, and appeared to belong to what the historians of Carolina call the fallow-deer; though Mr. Pennant distinguishes it by the name of Virginian deer, and thinks it quite a different species from ours. Their foxes are numerous, and of several varietes; the skins of some being yellow, with a black tip at the tail; others, of a reddish yellow, intermixed with black; and others of an ash colour, also intermixed with black.

When the skins were so mutilated as to admit of a doubt, our people applied the name of fox of wolf indiscriminately. At length, we met with an entire wolf's skin, and it was grey. Here is the common martin, the pine martin, and another of a lighter brown colour. The ermine is also found in this country, but is small, and not very common: its hair is not remarkably fine [Page 234] though the animal is entirely white, except about an inch on the tip of the tail. The racoons and squirrels are such as are common, but the latter is not so large as ours, and has a rusty colour extending the length of the back.

We were sufficiently clear respecting the animals already mentioned, but there were two others that we could not, with any certainty, distinguish. One of them, we concluded to be the elk or mouse deer; and the other was conjectured to be the wild cat or lynx. Hogs, dogs, and goats, have not yet made their appearance in this place. Nor have the natives any knowledge of our brown rats, to which they applied the name they gave to squirrels, when they saw them on board the ships.

The sea animals near the coast, are whales, porpoises, and seals; the latter, from the skins we saw, seeming to be of the common sort. The porpoises is the Phocena. Though the sea otter is amphibious, we shall consider him as belonging to this class, as living principally in the water. We doubted, for some time, whether the skins, which the natives sold us for otter skins, really belonged to that animal; but, a short time before our departure, a whole one, just killed, was purchased from some strangers, of which Mr. Webber made a drawing. It was young, weighing only twenty-five pounds; was of a glossy black colour, but many of the hairs being [Page 235] tipt with white, gave it, at first sight, a greyish cast. The face, throat, and breast, were of a light brown, or yellowish white; and, in many of the skins, that colour extended the whole length of the belly. In each jaw it had six cutting teeth; two in the lower jaw being exceeding small, and placed without, at the base of the two in the middle. In these respects, it differs from those found by the Russians, and also in the outer toes of the hind feet not being skirted with a membrane. There also appeared a greater variety in colour, than is mentioned by those who describe the Russian sea otters. It is most probable, that these changes of colour naturally take place at the different gradations of life. The very young ones had brown coarse hair, with a [...]ittle fur underneath; but those of the size of the animal just described, had a greater quantity of that substance. After they have attained their full growth, they lose the black colour, which is succeeded by a deep brown. At that period, they have a greater quantity of fine fur, and very few long hairs. Some, which we supposed to be older, were a chesnut brown; and we saw some few skins that were of a perfect yellow. The fur of these creatures is certainly finer than that of any other animal we know of; consequently the discovery of this part of North America, where so valuable an article of commerce is to be procured, [Page 236] ought certainly to be considered as a matter of some consequence.

Birds are far from being numerous here, and those that are to be seen are remarkably shy, owing, perhaps, to their being continually harrassed by the natives, either to eat them, or become possessed of their feathers to be worn as ornaments. There are crows and ravens, not differing, in the least, from those in England; also a jay or magpie; the common wren, which is the only singing bird we heard; the Canadian thrush; the brown eagle, with a white head and tail; a small species of hawk; a heron, and the large-crested American king-fisher. There are also some that have not yet been mentioned by those who have treated on natural history. The two first are species of wood peckers. One is somewhat smaller than a thrush, of a black colour on the back, having white spots on the wings; the head, neck, and breast; of a crimson colour, and the belly of a yellowish olive colour; whence it might with propriety, be called the yellow-bellied wood-pecker. The other is larger and more elegant; the back is of a dusky brown colour, richly waved with black; the belly has a reddish cast, with black spots; it has also a black spot on the breast, and the lower part of the wings and tail are of a scarlet colour; the upper part blackish. A crimson streak runs on each side, from the angle of the mouth, a little down [Page]

A SEA OTTER.

[Page 237] the neck. The third and fourth are, one of th finch kind, not larger than a linnet, of a dusky colour, black head and neck, and white bill; and a sandpiper, of a dusky brown colour, with a broad white band across the wings, of the size of a small pigeon. There are also humming birds, which differ, in some degree, from, the numerous sorts already known of this delicate little animal.

The quebrantahuessos, shags, and gulls, were seen off the coast; and the two last were also frequent in the Sound. There are two sorts of wild ducks; one of which was black, with a white head; the other was white, and had a red bill, but of a larger size. Here are also the greater lumme, or diver, which are found in our northern countries. Some swans too, where once or twice seen flying to the northward, but we are unacquainted with their haunts. On the shores we found another sand-piper, about the size of a lark, and not unlike the burre: also a plover very much resembling our common sea-lark.

Though the variety of fish is not very great here, they are more plentiful in quantity than birds. The principal sorts are the common herring, which are very numerous, though not exceeding seven inches in length; a smaller sort, which, though larger than the anchovy, or sardine, is of the same kind; a silver-coloured bream, and another of a gold brown colour, with narrow blue stripes. It is most probable that the herrings, and sardines, [Page 240] had also pieces of rock crystal. The two first articles were probable to be obtained near the spot, as they had considerable quantities of them; but the latter, it may be supposed, came from a greater distance, or is extremely scarce; for our visitors would not part with it without a very valuable consideration.

The stature of the natives is, in general, below the common standard; but their persons are not proportionably slender, being usually pretty plump, thou not muscular. Their soft fleshiness, however, seems never to swell into corpulence; and many of the older people are rather lean. Most of the natives have round full visages, which are sometimes broad, with high prominent cheeks. Above these, the face frequently appears fallen in quite across between the temples; the nose flattens at its base, has wide nostrils, and a rounded point. The forehead is low, the eyes small, black, and languishing; the mouth round, the lips thick, and the teeth regular and well set, but not remarkable for their whiteness.

Some have no beards at all, and others only a small thin one upon the point of the chin. This does not arise from an original deficiency of hair on that part, but from their plucking it out by the roots; for those who do not destroy it, have not only considerable beards on every part of the chin, but also wiskers, or mustachias running from the upper lip to the lower jaw obliquely [Page]

[figure]

[Page 241] downward^*. Their eye-brows are also scanty and narrow; but they have abundance of hair on the head, which is strong, black, straight, and lank. Their necks are short, and their arms are rather clumsy, having nothing of beauty or elegance in their formation. The limbs, in all of them, are small in proportion to the other parts; besides, they are crooked and ill-formed, having projecting ancles, and large feet aukwardly shaped. The latter defect seems to be occasioned, in a great measure, by their sitting so continually on their hams or knees.

Their colour cannot be properly ascertained, their bodies being incrusted with paint and nastiness; though, when these have been carefully rubbed off, the skin was little inferior in whiteness to that of the Europeans; though of that palish cast which distinguishes the inhabitants of our southern nations. Some of them, when young, appear rather agreeable, when compared to the generality of the people; that period of life being attended with a peculiar degree of animation; but, after a certain age, the distinction is hardly observable; a remarkable sameness characterizes every countenance, dulness and want of expression being visibly pourtrayed in every [Page 242] visage. The women, in general, are of the same size, colour, and form, with the men; nor is it easy to distinguish them, as they possess no natural feminine delicacies. Nor was there a single one to be found, even among those who were in their prime, who had the least pretensions to [...]eauty or comeliness.

Their dress, in common, is a flaxen kind of mantle, ornamented with a narrow stripe of fur on the upper edge, and fringes at the lower edge. Passing under the left arm, it is tied over the right shoulder, leaving both arms perfectly free. Sometimes the mantle is fastened round the waist by a girdle of coarse matting. Over this is worn a small cloak of the same substance, reaching to the waist, also fringed at the bottom. They wear a cap like a truncated cone, or a flower-pot, made of very fine matting, ornamented with a round knob, or a bunch of leathern tassels, having a string passing under the chin, to prevent its blowing off.

The above dress is common to both sexes, and the men often wear, over their other garments, the skin of some animal, as a bear, wolf, or seaotter, with the hair outwards; sometimes tying it before, and sometimes behind, like a cloak. They throw a coarse mat about their shoulders in rainy weather, and they have woollen garments which are but little used. They generally wear their hair hanging loosely down; but, those [Page 243] who have not a cap, tie it into a kind of bunch on the crown of the head.

Their dress is certainly convenient, and, were it kept clean, would not be inelegant; but, as they are continually rubbing their bodies ov [...] with a red paint, mixed with oil, their garments become greasy, and contract a rancid offensive smell. The appearance, indeed, of these people, is both wretched and filthy, and their heads and garments swarm with lice. So lost are they to every idea of cleanliness, that we frequently saw them pick off these vermin, and eat them with the greatest composure.

Their bodies, it has been observed, are always covered with red paint, but their faces are ornamented with a variety of colours; a black, a brighter red, or a white colour; the last of these gives them a ghastly horrible appearance. They likewise strew the brown martial mica over the paint, which causes it to glitter. Many of their ears are perforated in the lobe, where they make a large hole, and two smaller ones higher up on the outer edge. In these holes are hung bits of bone, quills fastened upon a leather thong, shells, bunches of tassels, or thin pieces of copper. In some, the septum of the nose is also perforated, and a piece of cord drawn through it. Others wear, at the same place, pieces of copper, brass, or iron, shaped somewhat like a horse-shoe, the narrow opening receiving the septum, so that it may [Page 244] be pinched gently by the two points, and thus the ornament hangs over the upper lip. The rings of our buttons were eagerly purchased, and appropriated to this use. Their bracelets, which they wear about their wrists, are bunches of white bugle beads, or thongs with tassels, or a broad black horny shining substance. Round their ancles they frequently wear leathern thongs or the sinews of animals curiously twisted.

Such are the common dresses and ornaments, but they have some that are used only on extraordinary occasions, such as going to war, and exhibiting themselves to strangers in ceremonial visits. Amongst these are the skins of wolves, or bears, tied on like their other garments, but edged with broad borders of fur, ingeniously ornamented with various figures. These are occasionally worn separately, or over their common clothing. The most usual head-dress, on these occasions, is a quantity of withe, wrapped about the head, with large feathers, particularly those of eagles, stuck in it; or it is entirely covered with small white feathers. At the same time the face is variously painted, the upper and lower parts being of opposite colours, and the strokes having the appearance of fresh gashes; or it is besmeared with a kind of fat or tallow, mixed with paint, formed into a great variety of figures, somewhat like carved work.

[Page 245]The hair, sometimes is separated into small parcels, and tied, at intervals, with thread; and others tie it together behind, after the English manner, and stick in it some branches of the cupressus thyoides. Thus equipped, they have a truly savage and ridiculous appearance, which is much heightened when they assume their monsterous decorations. These consist of a great variety of wooden masks, applied to the face, fore head, or upper part of the head. Some of these visors resemble human faces, having hair, beards, and eye-brows; others represent the heads of birds, and many the heads of animals; such as deer, wolves, porpoises, and others.

These representations generally exceed the natural size, and they are frequently strewed with pieces, of the foliaceous m [...]a, which makes them glitter, and augments their deformity. Sometimes they even exceed this, and fix large pieces of carved work upon the head, projecting to a considerable distance, and resembling the prow of a canoe. So much do they delight in these disguises, that, for want of another mask, we saw one of them thrust his head into a tin-kettle which he had bought from us.

Whether these extravagant masquerade ornaments are used on any religious occasion, or in any kind of diversion, or whether they are calculated to intimidate by their monstrous appearance, or as decoys when hunting animals, is uncertain. [Page 246] But, if travellers, in an ignorant and credulous age, when more than marvellous things were supposed to exist, had seen several people decorated in this manner, and had not approached so near them as to be undeceived, they would have believed, and have endeavoured to make others believe, that a race of beings existed, partaking of the nature of man and beast.

Among the people of Nootka, one of the dresses seems peculiarly adapted to war. It is a thick tanned leathern mantle doubled, and appears to be the skin of an elk, or buffalo. This is fastened on in the ordinary manner, and is so contrived as to cover the breast quite up to the throat; part of it, at the same time, falling down to their heels. This garment is, sometimes, very curiously painted, and is not only strong enough to resist arrows, but, as we understood from them, even spears cannot pierce it; so that it may be considered as their compleatest defensive armour. Sometimes they wear a sort of leathern cloak, over which are rows of the hoofs of dear, placed horizontally, and covered with quills; which, on their moving, make a loud rattling noise. Whether this part of their garb is intended to strike terror in war, or to be used on ceremonious occasions, is uncertain; but we saw one of their musical entertainments, which was conducted by a man habited in this manner, having a mask on, and shaking his rattle.

[Page 247]Though we cannot view these people without a kind of horror, when they are thus strangely apparelled, yet, when divested of these extravagant dresses, and beheld in their common habit, they have [...]o appearances of ferocity in their countenances; but, as has been already observed, they seem to be of a quiet phlegmatic disposition; deficient in animation and vivacity, to render themselves agreeable in society. They are rather reserved than loquacious; but their gravity seems constitutional, and not to arise from a conviction of its propriety, or to be the result of any particular mode of education; for, in their highest paroxysms of rage, they have not heat of language, or significancy or gestures, to express it sufficiently.

The orations which they make on all public occasions, are little more than short sentences, and sometimes only single words, forcibly repeated in one tone of voice, accompanied with a single gesture at every sentence; at the same time jerking their whole body a little forward, with their knees bending, and their arms hanging down by their sides.

From their exhibiting human skulls and bones to sale, there is little reason to doubt of their treating their enemies with a degree of brutal cruelty; but, as this circumstance rather marks a general agreement of character among almost every uncivilized tribe, in every age and country, [Page 248] they are not to be reproached with any charge of peculiar in humanity. Their disposition, in this respect, we had not any reason to judge unfavourably of. They appear to be docile, courteous, and good-natured; but they are quick in resenting injuries, notwithstanding the predominancy of their phlegm; and, like all other passionate people, as quickly forgetting them.

These fits of passion never extended farther than the parties immediately concerned; the spectators never entering into the merits of the quarrel, whether it was with any of us, or among their own people; shewing as much indifference, as if they were wholly unacquainted with the whole transaction. It was common to see one of them rave and scold while all his agitation did not in the least excite the attention of his countrymen, and when we could not discover the object of his displeasure. They never betray the least symptom of [...]imidity upon these occasions, but seem resolutely determined to punish the insulter. With respect to ourselves, they were under no apprehensions about our superiority; but if any difference arose, were as anxious to avenge the wrong, as if the cause of qurrel had been among themselves,

Their other passions appear to lie dormant, especially their curiosity. Few expressed any desire or inclination to see or examine things with which they were unacquainted; and which, to a curious [Page 249] observer, would have appeared astonishing. If they could procure the articles they knew and wanted, they were perfectly satisfied; regarding every thing else with great indifference. Nor did our persons, dress, and behaviour (though so very different from their own) or even the size and construction of our ships, seem to command their admiration or attention.

Their indolence may, indeed, be a principal cause of this. But it must be admitted, that they are not wholly unsusceptible of the tender passions, which is evident from their being fond of music, and that too of the truly pathetic kind. Their songs are generally slow and solemn; but their music is less confined than that which is usually found in other rude nations; the variations being very numerous and expressive, and the melody powerfully soothing. Besides their concerts, sonnets were frequently sung by single performers keeping time by striking the hand against the thigh. Though solemnity was predominant in their music, they sometimes entertained us in a gay and lively strain, and even with a degree of pleasantry and humour.

A rattle and a small whistle, are the only instruments of music which we have seen among them. The rattle is used when they sing; but upon what occasions the whistle is used, we never knew, unless it be when they assume the figures of particular animals, and endeavour to imitate [Page 250] their howl, or cry. We once saw one of these people dressed in the skin of a wolf with the head covering his own, striving to imitate that animal, by making a squeaking noise with a whistle he had in his mouth. The rattles are generally in the shape of a bird, with small pebbles in the belly, and the tail is the handle. They have another sort, which resembles a child's rattle.

Some of them displayed a disposition to knavery, and, in trafficking with us, took away our goods without making any return. But of this we had few instances, and we had abundant reason to approve the fairness of their conduct. Their eagerness, however, to possess iron, brass, or any kind of metal, was so great, that, when an opportunity presented itself, few of them could resist the temptation to steal it. The natives of the South-sea islands, as appears in many instances would steal any thing they could find, without considering whether it was useful to them or not. The novelty of the object, was a sufficient inducement for them to get possession of it by any means. They were rather actuated by a childish curiosity, than by a thievish disposition. The inhabitants of Nootka, who made free with our property, are entitled to no such apology. The appellation of thief is certainly due to them; for they knew that what they pilfered from us, might be converted to the purposes of private utility; [Page 251] and according to their estimation of things, was really valuable. Luckily for us, they set no value upon any of our articles, except the metals. Linens, and many other things were secure from their depredations, and we could safely leave them hanging out all night ashore, without being watched. The principle which prompted these people to pilfer from us, would probably operate in their intercourse with each other. We had, indeed, abundant reason to believe, that stealing is very common among the [...] and frequently produces quarrels, of which we saw more instances than one.

[Page 252]

CHAP. II.

Number of inhabitants at Nootka Sound—Manner of building their Houses—Description of their Inside, Furniture, and Utensils—Their Filthiness —Wooden Images, called Klumma—Employments of the Men—Indolence of the young Men— Of the Women, and their employments—Different Sorts of Food, and Manner of preparing it—Bows— Arrows—Spears—Slings, and other Weapons— Manufactures of Woollen, &c.—Mechanic Arts —Design and Execution in Carving and Painting —Canoes—Implements used in Hunting and Fishing—Iron Tools common among them—Manner of procuring that, and other Metals—Language &c.

THE only inhabited parts of the Sound, seem to be the two villages already mentioned. A pretty exact computation of the number of inhabitants in both, might be made from the canoes that visited our ships, the second day after our arrival. They consisted of about a hundred, which upon an average, contained at least five persons each. But, as there were very few women, old men, children, or youths, then among them, we may reasonably suppose, that the number of the inhabitants of the two villages could not be [Page]

A VIEW of the [...] in NOOTKA SOUND.

[Page 253] less than four times the number of our visitors; beeing two thousand in the whole.

The village which is situated at the entrance of the Sound, stands on the side of a pretty steep ascent, extending from the beach to the wood. The houses consist of three ranges or rows, placed at almost equal distances behind each other, the front row being the largest; and there are a few straggling houses at each end. These rows are intersected by narrow paths, or lanes, at irregular distances, passing upward; but those between the houses are considerably broader. Though this general disposition has some appearance of regularity, there is none in the respective houses; for every division made by the paths, may either be considered as one or more houses; there being no regular separation to distinguish them by, either within or without. These erections consist of very long broad planks, resting upon the edges of each other, tied, in different parts, with withes of pine-bark. They have only slender posts on the outside, at considerable distances from each other, to which they are also fastened; but there are some larger poles within, placed aslant. The sides and ends of these habitations are about seven or eight feet in height, but the back part is somewhat higher. The planks, therefore, which compose the roof, slant forward, and, being loose, may be moved at pleasure. They may either be put close [Page 254] to exclude the rain, or separated to admit the light in fine weather.

Upon the whole, however, they are most miserable dwellings, and display very little attention or ingenuity in their construction: for, though the side-planks are pretty close to each other in some places, they are quite open in others. Besides, these habitations have no regular doors, and can only be entered by a hole, which the unequal length of the planks has accidentally made. In the sides of the house they have also holes to look out at, serving for windows; but these are very irregularly disposed, without attending, in the least, to the shape and size of them.

Within the habitations, we have frequently a view from one end to the other of these ranges of building; for, though there are some appearances of separations on each side, for the accommodation of different persons or families, they do not intercept the sight; and generally consist of pieces of plank, extending from the side to the middle of the house. On the sides of each of these parts is a little bench, about five or six inches higher than the rest of the floor, covered with mats, whereon the family sit and sleep. The length of these benches is generally seven or eight feet, and the breadth four or five. The fire-place, which has neither hearth nor chimney, is in the middle of the floor. One house in particular, was nearly separated from the rest by a close partition; and [Page 255] this was the most regular building of any we had seen. In it there were four of these benches, each holding a single family at the corner; but it had not any separation by boards, and the middle of the house seemed to be common to all the inhabitants.

The furniture of their houses consists principally of chests and boxes of various sizes, piled upon each other, at the sides or ends of the house; in which are deposited their garments, skins, masks, and other articles that are deemed valuable. Many of them are double, or the upper one serves as a lid to the other: some have a lid fastened with thongs; others that are very large, have a square hole cut in the upper part, for the convenience of putting things in, or taking them out. They are frequently painted black, studded with the teeth of animals, or rudely carved with figures of birds, &c. as decorations. They have also square and oblong pails; round wooden cups and bowls; wooden troughs, of about two feet in length, out of which they eat their food; bags of matting, baskets of twigs, &c.

Their implements for fishing, and other things, are hung up, or scattered in different parts of the house, without any kind of order, making, in the whole, a perfect scene of confusion; except on the sleeping benches, which have nothing on them but the mats, which are of a superior quality to [Page 256] those that they usually have to sit on in their boats.

The irregularity and confusion of their houses is, however, far exceeded by their nastiness and stench. They not only dry their fish within doors, but they also gut them there; which, together with their bones und fragments thrown upon the ground at meals, occasions several heaps of filth, which are never removed, till it becomes troublesome, from their bulk, to pass over them. Every thing about the house stinks of train-oil, fish, and smoke; and every part of it is as filthy as can be imagined,

Notwithstanding all this filth and confusion, many of these houses are decorated with images; which are nothing more than the trunks of large trees, of the height of four or five feet, placed at the upper end of the apartment, with a human face carved on the front, and the hands and arms upon the sides. These figures too are variously painted, and make, upon the whole, a most ridiculous appearance. These images are generally called Klumma; but the names of two particular ones, standing abreast of each other, at the distance of about three or four feet, were Natchkoa and Matseeta. A sort of curtain, made of mat, usually hung before them, which the natives were sometimes unwilling to remove: and when they did consent to unveil them, they seemed to express themselves in a very mysterious manner. It [Page 257] seems probable that they sometimes make offerings to them; for, if we rightly interpreted their signs, they requested us to give something to these images, when they drew the mats from before them.

From these circumstances, it was natural for us to suppose that they were representatives of their gods, or some superstitious symbols; and yet they were held in no very extraordinary degree of estimation, for, with a small quantity of brass, or iron, any person might have purchased all the gods in the place.

Mr. Webber, in drawing a view of the inside of a Nootka house, wherein these figures are represented, was interrupted, and hindered from proceeding, by one of the inhabitants. Thinking a bribe would have a proper effect upon this occasion, Mr. Webber made him an offer of a button from his coat, which, being metal, immediately operated as it was intended, and he was at liberty to proceed as before. But soon after he had made a beginning, he was again interrupted by the same man, who held a mat before the figures. He therefore gave him another button, and was suffered again to proceed. He then renewed his former practice, till Mr. Webber had parted with every single button; and then permitted him to proceed without any farther obstruction.

The men seem to be chiefly employed in fishing, and killing animals for the sustenance of [Page 258] their families: few of them be [...] seen engaged in any business in their houses; but the women were occupied in manufacturing their garments, and in curing their sardines, which they also carry from the canoes to their houses. The women also go in the small canoes, to gather muscles and other shell-fish. They are as dexterous as the men in the management of these canoes; and when there are men in the canoes with them, they are paid very little attention to on account of their sex, none of the men offering to relieve them from the labour of the paddle. Nor do they shew them any particular respect or tenderness on other occasions.

The young men are remarkably indolent; being generally sitting about, in scattered companies, basking themselves in the sun, or wallowing in the sand upon the beach, like so many hogs, without any kind of covering. This disregard of decency was, however, confined solely to the men. The women were always decently cloathed, and behaved with great propriety; justly meriting all commendation for a modest bashfulness, so becoming their sex. In them it is the more meritorious, as the men have not even a sense of shame.

Besides seeing something of their domestic life and employments, we were enabled to form some judgment of their disposition, and method of living, from the frequent visits received from [Page 259] them at our ships, in the canoes; in which we understood they pass much of their time, especially in the summer: for they not only eat and sleep frequently in them, but lie and bask themselves in the sun, as we had seen them at their villiage. Their large canoes are, indeed, sufficiently spacious for that purpose; and are, except in rainy weather, more comfortable habitations than their filthy houses.

Their greatest reliance for food seems to be upon the sea, as affording fish, and sea-animals. The principal of the first are herrings and sardines, two species of bream, and some small cod. The herrings and sardines not only serve to be eaten fresh in their season, but to be dried and smoked as stores. The herrings also afford them another grand resource for food; which is a vast quantity of roe, prepared in a very extraordinary manner. It is strewed upon small branches of the Canadian pine. It is also prepared upon a long sea-grass, which is found, in great plenty, upon the rocks under water. This caviare is preserved in baskets of mat, and used occasionally, after being dipped in water. It has no disagreeable taste, and serves these people as a kind of winter bread. They also eat the roe of some other large fish, that has a very rancid smell and taste.

The large muscle is an essential article of their food, which is found in great abundance in the Sound. After roasting them in their shells, they [Page 260] are stuck upon long wooden skewers, and taken off as they are wanted to be eaten, as they require no further preparation, though they are sometimes dipped in oil, as a sauce. The smaller shell-fish contribute to increase the general stock, but cannot be considered as a material article of their food.

The porpoise is more common among them as food than any of the sea-animals; the flesh and rind of which they cut in large pieces, dry them as they do herrings, and eat them without farther preparation. They have also a very singular manner of preparing a sort of broth from this animal, when in its fresh state. They put some pieces of it in a wooden vessel or pail, in which there is al [...] [...]me water, and throw heated stones into it. This operation is repeatedly performed till the contents are supposed to be sufficiently stewed. The fresh stones are put in, and the others taken out, with a cleft stick, serving as a pair of tongs; the vessel being, for that purpose, always placed near the fire. This is a common dish among them, and seems to be a very strong nourishing food. From these, and other sea-animals they procure oil in great abundance, which they used upon many occasions, mixed with other food, as sauce, and frequently sip it alone with a kind of scoop made of horn.

They probably feed upon other sea-animals, such as whales, seals, and sea-otters; the skins of [Page 261] the two latter being common amongst them: and they are furnished with implements of all sorts for the destruction of these different animals, though perhaps they may not be able, at all seasons, to catch them in great plenty. No great number of fresh skins were to be seen while we lay in the Sound.

The land-animals, at this time, appeared also to be scarce, as we saw no flesh belonging to any of them; and, though their skins were to be had in plenty, they might, perhaps, have been procured by traffic from other tribes. It plainly appears, therefore, from a variety of circumstances, that these people are furnished with the principal part of their animal food by the sea; if we except a few gulls, and some other birds, which they shoot with their arrows.

Their only winter vegetables seem to be the Canadian pine-branches, and sea-grass; but, as the spring advances, they use others as they come in season. The most common of these were two sorts of liliaceous roots, of a mild sweetish taste, which are mucilaginous and eaten raw. The next is a root called aheitu, and has a taste resembling liquorice. Another small, sweetish root, about the thickness of sarsaparilla, is also eaten raw. As the season advances, they have doubtless many others which we did not see. For though there is not the least appearance of cultivation among them▪ there are plenty of alder, gooseberry, and [Page 262] currant bushes. One of the conditions, however, which they seem to require in all food, is, that it should be of the less acrid kind; for they would not touch the leek or garlic, though they sold us vast quantities of it, when they understood we liked it. They seemed, indeed, not to relish any of our food and rejected our spirituous liquors as something digusting and unnatural.

Small marine animals, in their fresh state, are sometimes eaten raw; though it is their ordinary practice to roast or broil their food; for they are absolute strangers to our method of boiling, as appears from their manner of preparing porpoise broth; besides, as they have only wooden vessels, it is impossible for them to perform such an operation. Their manner of eating corresponds with the nastiness of their houses and persons; for the platters and troughs, out of which they eat their food, seem never to have been washed since their original formation; the dirty remains of a formal meal, being only swept away by a succeeding one. Every thing solid and tough, they tear to pieces with their hands and teeth; for though their knives are employed in cutting off the larger portion, they have not yet endeavoured to reduce these to mouthfuls by the same means, though so much more cleanly and convenient. But they do not possess even an idea of cleanliness, and constantly eat the roots which are dug from the ground, without attempting [Page 263] to shake off the soil that adheres to them.

Whether they have any set time for meals, we never certainly knew; having seen them eat at all hours in their canoes. But having seen several messes of porpoise broth preparing about noon, when we went to the village, they probably make a principal meal about that time.

They have bows and arrows, spears, slings, short truncheons made of bone, and a small pick-axe, somewhat resembling the common American tomahawk. Some of the arrows are pointed with iron, and others with indented bone; the spear has usually a long point made of bone. The tomahawk is a stone of the length of seven or eight inches; one end terminating in a point, and the other fixed into a wooden handle. This handle is intended to resemble the head and neck of a human figure; the stone being fixed in the mouth so as to represent a tongue of great magnitude. To heighten the resemblance, human hair is also fixed to it. This weapon is called taaweesh; and they have another weapon made of stone, which they call seeaik, about ten or twelve inches long, having a square point.

It may be reasonably concluded that they frequently engage in close combat, from the number of their stone and other weapons; and we had very disagreeable proofs of their wars being both [Page 264] frequent and bloody, from the quantity of human skulls that were offered us to sale.

The design and execution of their manufactures and mechanic arts, are more extensive and ingenious than could possibly have been expected, from the natural disposition of the people, and what little progress they had made in civilization. The flaxen and woollen garments engage their first care, as being the most material of those that may be classed under the head of manufactures. The former are fabricated from the bark of the pine-tree, beat into a mass resembling hemp. After being prepared in a proper manner, it is spread upon a stick, which is fastened to two others in an erect position. The manufacturer, who sits on her hams at this simple machine, knots it across, at the distance of about half an inch from each other, with small plaited threads. Though it cannot, by this method, be rendered so close and firm as cloth that is woven, it is sufficiently impervious to the air, and is likewise softer and more pliable.

Though their woollen garments are probably manufactured in the same manner, they have much the appearance of a woven cloth; but, the supposition of their being wrought in a loom is destroyed, by the various figures that are ingeniously inserted in them; it being very improbable that these people should be able to produce such a complex work, except immediately by [Page 265] their hands. They are of different qualities; some resembling our coursest sort of blankets; and others not much inferior to our finest sort, and certainly both warmer and softer.

The wool, of which they are manufactured, seems to be produced by different animals, particularly the fox and brown lynx; that from the lynx is the finest, and nearly resembles our coarser wools in colour; but the hair, which also grows upon the animal, being intermixed with it, the appearance of it is somewhat different when wrought. The ornamental figures in these garments are disposed with great taste, and are generally of a different colour, being usually dyed either of a deep brown or a yellow; the latter of [...]hich, when new, equals in brightness the best in our carpets.

Their fondness for carving on all their wooden articles, corresponds with their taste in working fi [...]res upon their garments. Nothing is to be seen without a kind of freeze-work, or a representation of some animal upon it; but the most general figure is that of the human face, which is frequently cut out upon birds, and the other monstrous things already mentioned, and even upon their weapons of bone and stone.

The general design of these figures conveys a sufficient knowledge of the objects they are intended to represent; though, in the carving, very little dexterity is displayed. But, in the execu [...]ion of many of the masks and heads, they have [Page 266] shewn themselves ingenious sculptors. They preserve, with the greatest exactness, the general character of their own faces, and finish the more minute parts with great accuracy and neatness. That these people have a strong propensity to works of this sort, is observable in a variety of particulars. Representations of human figures; birds; beasts; fish; models of their canoes, and household utensils, we found among them in very great abundance.

Having mentioned their skill in some of the imitative arts, such as working figures in their garments, and engraving, or carving them in wood; we may also add their drawing them in colours. The whole process of their whale fishery has been represented, in this manner, on the caps they wear. This indeed, was rudely executed, but served, at least, to convince us, that, though they have not the knowledge of letters amongst them, they have a notion of representing actions, in a lasting way, exclusive of recording them in their songs and traditions. They have also other painted figures, which, perhaps, have no established significations, and are only the creation of fancy or caprice.

Though the structure of their canoes is simple, they appear well calculated for every useful purpose. The largest, which contains upwards of twenty people, are formed of a single tree. The length of many of them is forty feet, the breadth seven, and the depth three. They become gradually [Page 267] narrower from the middle towards each end, the stern ending perpendicularly, with a knob at the top. The fore-part stretches forwards and upwards, and ends in a point or prow, much higher than the sides of the canoe, which are nearly straight. The greatest part of them are without any ornament; some have a little carving, and are studded with seals' teeth on the surface. Some have also a kind of additional prow, usually painted with the figure of some animal. They have neither seats nor any other supporters, on the inside, except some small round sticks, about the size of a walking cane, placed across, about half the depth of the canoe. They are very light and, on account of their breadth and flatness, swim firmly, without an out-rigger, of which they are all destitute. Their paddles, which are small and light, resembles a large leaf in shape, being pointed at the bottom, broad in the middle, and gradually becoming narrower in the shaft; the whole length being about five feet. By constant use, they have acquired great dexterity in the management of these paddles; but they never make use of any sails.

For fishing and hunting, their instruments are ingeniously contrived, and completely made. They consist of nets, hooks, and lines, harpoons, gigs, and an instrument resembling an oar. The latter is about twenty feet in length, four or five inches in breadth, and of the thickness of half an [Page 268] inch. The edges, for about two-thirds of its length, are set with sharp bone-teeth, about two inches in length; the other third serving for a handle. With this instrument they attack herrings and sardines, and such other fish as come in shoals. it is struck into the shoal, and the fish are taken either upon, or between the teeth. Their hooks, which are made of bone and wood, display no great ingenuity; but the harpoon, which is used in striking whales, and other sea-animals, manifests a great extent of contrivance. It consists of a piece of bone, formed into two barbs, in which the oval blade of a large muscle-shell, and the point of the instrument, is fixed. Two or three fathoms of rope is fastened to this harpoon, and in throwing it, they use a shaft of about fifteen feet long, to which the rope is fastened; to one end of which the harpoon is fixed so as to leave the shaft floating, as a buoy upon the water, when the animal is struck with the harpoon.

We are strangers to the manner of their catching or killing land animals, but, it is probable, that they shoot the smaller sorts with their arrows; and encounter bears, wolves, and foxes, with their spears. They have several sorts of nets, which are perhaps applied to that purpose; it being customary for them to throw them over their heads, to signify their use, when they offered them for sail. Sometimes they decoy animals by disguising themselves with a skin, and [Page 269] running upon all fours, in which they are remarkably nimble; making, at the same time, a kind of noise, or neighing. The masks, or carved heads as well as the dried heads of different animals, are used upon these occasions.

Every thing of the rope kind which they use in making their various articles, is formed either from thongs of skins, and sinews of animals, or from the flaxen substance, of which they manufacture their mantles. The sinews were sometimes so remarkably long, that it was hardly possible they could have belonged to any other animal than the whale. The same conjecture may be hazarded with regard to the bones, of which they make their instruments and weapons.

The assistance they receive from iron-tools, contributes to their dexterity in wooden performances. Their implements are almost wholly made of iron; at least, we saw but one chessel that was not made of that metal, and that was only of bone. The knife and the chessel are the principal forms that iron assumes amongst them. The chissel consists of a flat long piece, fastened into a wooden handle. A stone is their mallet, and a bit of fish-skin their polisher. Some of these chissels were nine or ten inches in length, and three or four in breadth; but they were, in general, considerably smaller.

Some of their knives are very large, and their blades are crooked; the edge being on the back [Page 270] or convex part. What we have seen among them, were about the breadth and thickness of an iron-hop; and their singular form sufficiently proves that they are not of European make. These iron-tools are sharpened upon a coarse slate whetstone, and the whole instrument is kept continually bright.

Iron is called by the natives seekemaile, a name which they also give to tin, and other white metals. It being so common among these people, we were anxious to discover how it could be conveyed to them. As soon as we arrived in the Sound we perceived that they had a knowledge of traffic and an inclination to pursue it; and we were afterwards convinced that they had not acquired this knowledge from a cursory interview with any strangers, but it seemed habitual to them and was a practice in which they were well skilled.

With whom they carry on this traffic, we cannot ascertain; for, though we saw several articles of European manufacture, or such, at least, as had been derived from some civilized nation, such as brass and iron, it does not certainly follow that they were received immediately from these nations. For we never could obtain the least information of their having seen ships, like ours, before, nor of their having been engaged in commerce with such people. Many circumstances corroborate to prove this beyond a doubt. On [Page 271] our arrival, they were earnest in their enquiries, whether we meant to settle amongst them, and whether we were friendly visitors; informing us, at the same time, that they freely gave us wood and water from motives of friendship.

This sufficiently proves, that they considered themselves as proprietors of the place, and dreaded no superiority: for it would have been an unnatural enquiry, if any ships had been here before, and had supplied themselves with wood and water, and then departed; for they might then reasonably expect that we should do the same. It must be admitted, indeed, that they exhibited no marks of surprize at beholding our ships; but this may, with great propriety, be attributed to their natural indolence of temper, and their wanting a thirst of curiosity. They were never startled at the report of a musquet, till they, one day, shewed us that their hide-dresses were impenetrable to their spears and arrows; when one of our people shot a musquet ball through one of them that had been six times folded. Their astonishment at this, plainly indicated their ignorance of the effect of fire-arms. This was afterwards very frequently confirmed, when we used them to shoot birds, at which they appeared greatly confounded. And our explanation of the piece, together with the nature of its operation, with the aid of shot and ball, struck them so [Page 272] forcibly, as to convince us of their having no previous ideas on this matter.

Though some account of a voyage to this coast, by the Spaniards, in 1774, or 1775, had arrived in England before we sailed, the circumstances just mentioned sufficiently prove, that these ships had never been at Nootka^*. It was also evident, that iron would not have been in so many hands, nor would the use of it have been so well known, if they had so lately obtained the first knowledge of it.

From their general use of this metal, it probably comes from some constant source, in the way of traffic, and they have perhaps been long supplied with it; for they use their tools with as much dexterity as the longest practice can acquire. The most natural conjecture, therefore, is, that they trade for their iron with other Indian tribes, who may have some communication with European settlements upon that continent, or receive it through several intermediate nations. By the same means they probably obtain their brass and copper.

Not only the rude materials, but some manufactured articles seem to find their way hither. The brass ornaments for noses are made in so masterly a manner, that the Indians cannot be [Page 273] supposed capable of fabricating them. We are certain, that the materials are European, as all the American tribes are ignorant of the method of making brass; though copper has been frequently met with, and, from its ductility, might easily be fashioned into any shape, and polished. If such articles are not used by our traders to Hudson's Bay and Canada, in their traffic with the natives, they must have been introduced at Nootka from Mexico; whence, it is probable, the two silver table spoons were originally derived.

Little knowledge can we be supposed to have acquired of the political and religious institutions established among these people. We discovered, however, that there were such men as chiefs, distinguished by the title of Acweek, to whom the others are, in some degree, subordinate. But the authority of each of these great men, seems to extend no farther than to his own family, who acknowledge him as their head. As they were not all elderly men, it is possible this title may be hereditary.

Nothing that we saw could give us any insight into their notions of religion, except the figures already mentioned, called Klumma. These, perhaps, were ido [...]s; but, as the word acweek was frequently mentioned when they spoke of them, we may suppose them to be the images of some of their ancestors, whose memories they venerate. [Page 274] This, however is all conjecture, for we could receive no information concerning them; knowing little more of their language than to enable us to ask the names of things, and being incapable of holding any conversation with the natives, relative to their traditions, or their institutions.

Their language is neitheir harsh nor disagreeable, farther than proceeds from their pronouncing the k and h with less softness than we do. As to the composition of their language, we are enabled to say but little. It may, however, be inferred, from their slow and distinct method of speaking, that it has few prepositions or conjunctions, and is destitute of even a single interjection to express surprize or admiration. The affinity it may bear to other languages, we have not been able sufficiently to trace, not having proper specimens to compare it with; but, from the few Mexican words we have procured, there is an obvious agreement, thoughout the language, in the frequent terminations of the words in l, tl, or z.

The wood wakash was frequently in the mouths of the people of Nootka. It seemed to express approbation, applause, and friendship. Whenever they appeared to be pleased or satisfied at any sight or occurrence, they would call out wakash! wakash!—It is worthy of remark, that as these people so essentially differ from the natives [Page 275] of the islands in the Pacific Ocean, in their persons, customs, and language, we cannot suppose their respective progenitors to have belonged to the same tribe, when they emigrated into those places where we now find their descendants.

CHAP. IV.

A Storm—The Resolution springs a Leak—Progress of the Ships along the North-American Coast—An Inlet named Cross Sound—Beering's Bay—Cape Suckling—Account of Kay's Island—Our Ships anchor near Cape Hinchingbroke—the Natives visit us—Their Fondness for Beads and Iron—Their daring Attempt to carry off one of our Boats—They also attempt to plunder the Discovery—Progress up the Sound—Mr. Gore and the Master sent to examine its Extent—Montague Island—The Ships leave the Sound.

WE have already mentioned, that we put to sea, in the evening of the 26th of April, with manifest indications of an approaching storm; and these signs did not deceive us. We had scarce sailed out of the sound, when the [Page 276] wind shifted from north-east to south-east by east, and blew a strong gale, with squalls and rain, the sky being at the same time uncommonly dark. Being apprehensive of the winds veering more to the south, which would expose us to the danger of a lee-shore, we got the tacks on board, and made all the sale we could to the south-west. It fortunately happened, that the wind veered no further towards the south, than south-east; so that, early the next morning, we were entirely clear of the coast. Captain Clerke's ship being at some distance estern, the Commodore brought to, till she came up, and then both vessels steered a north-westerly course. The wind blew with great violence, and the weather was thick and hazy. Between one and two o'clock in the afternoon, there was a perfect hurricane; so that the Commodore deemed it exceedingly dangerous to run any longer before it: he therefore brought the ships to, with their heads to the south. In this situation, the Resolution sprung a leak, in her starboard quarter, which, at first alarmed us extremely; but, after the water was baled out, which kept us employed till midnight, it was kept under by means of one pump. The wind having, in the evening, veered to the southward, its fury in some measure abated; upon which we stretched to the west; but about eleven, the gale again increased, and continued [Page 278] till five the next morning, when the storm began to moderate.

The weather now clearing up, we were able to see several leagues around us, and steered more to the north. At noon, our longitude was 229° 26′ east: and our latitude, 50° 1′ north. We now steered north-west by north, with a fresh gale, and fair weather. But, towards the evening, the wind again blew hard, with squalls and rain. With this weather, we continued the same course till the 30th, when we steered north by west, intending to make the land. Captain Cook regretted that he could not do it sooner, as we were now passing the spot where the pretended strait of Admiral de Fonte has been placed by geographers. Though the Captain gave no credit to such vague and improbable stories, he was desirous of keeping the coast of America aboard, that this point might be cleared up beyond dispute. But he considered, that it would have been very imprudent to have engaged with the land while the weather was so tempestuous, or to have lost the advantage of a fair wind, by waiting for less stormy weather. This day, at twelve o'clock, our latitude was 53° 22′ north, and our longitude 225° 14′ east.

On Friday, the 1st of May, not seeing land, we steered to the north-east, having a fresh breeze at south-south-east and south, with squalls and showers of hail and rain. About seven o'clock [Page 277] in the evening, we descried the land, at the distance of twelve or fourteen leagues. At four the next morning, the coast was seen from south-east to north by west, the nearest part of it being five or six leagues distant. At this time, the northern point of an inlet, or, at least, what appeared to be one, bore east by south; and from it to the northward, there seemed to be many bays and harbours along the coast. At six o'clock, making a nearer approach to the land, we steered north-west by north, this being the direction of the coast; and between eleven and twelve, we passed a cluster of little islands situate near the continent, to the northward of the southern point of an extensive bay. An arm of this bay seemed to extend in towards the north, behind a round lofty mountain that stands between it and the sea. To this mountain Captain Cook gave the name of Mount Edgecumbe; and the point of land projecting from it, he called Cape Edgecumbe. The latitude of this cape is 57° 3′ north, and its longitude 224° 7′ east. The land, except in some parts close to the sea, is of a considerable height, abounding with hills. Mount Edegcumbe, which far out-tops all the rest, was entirely covered with snow, as were also the other elevated hills; but the lower ones, and the flatter spots near the sea, were destitute of it, and covered with wood.

[Page 279]In our progress to the northward, we found that the coast from Cape Edgecumbe trended to the north and north-east for six or seven leagues, and there formed a spacious bay. There being some islands in the entrance of this bay, the Commodore named it the Bay of Islands. It seemed to branch out into several arms, one of which turned towards the south, and may perhaps communicate with the bay on the eastern side of Cape Edgecumbe, and thus render the land of that cape an island. On the 3d, at half an hour after four in the morning, Mount-Edgecumbe bore south 54° east, a large inlet, north 50° east; and the most advanced point of land towards the north-west, lying under a very lofty peaked mountain, which obtained the appellation of Mount Fair-Weather, bore north 32° west. The inlent we named Cross Sound, having first observed it on the day so marked in our calendar. The south eastern point of this Sound is an elevated promontory, which we distinguished by the name of Cross Cape. To the point under the above-mentioned peaked mountain, we gave the name of Cape Fair-Weather. At noon, this cape was distant twelve or thirteeen leagues.

We had now light breezes from the north-west, which continued several days. We steered to the south west, and west-south-west, till the morning of the 4th, when we tacked and stood towards the shore. At twelve o'clock, Mount [Page 280] Fair-Weather bore north 63° east, and the shore under it was about a dozen leagues distant. This mount is the highest of a chain or ridge of mountains, that rise at the north-western entrance of Cross Sound, and extend towards the north-west, parrellel with the coast. These mountains were covered with snow, from the highest summit down to the sea-coast; except a few places, where we could discern trees that seemed to rise, as it were, from the sea. About five o'clock in the afternoon, the top of a high mountain appeared above the horizon, bearing north 26° west; and, as we afterwards found, near forty leagues distant. We supposed that it was the mount St. Elias, of Commodore Beering. We saw, in the course of this day, several porpoises, seals, and whales; also great numbers of gulls, and many flocks of birds which had a black circle about the head, and a black band on the tip of the tail and upper part of the wings, the rest being white below and blueish above. We likewise observed a brownish duck, with a blackish or dark blue head and neck.

As we had light winds, with occasional calms, we proceeded but slowly. On the 6th, at midday, the nearest land was at the distance of about eight leagues. In a north-easterly direction, there appered to be a bay, and an island near its southern point, covered with wood. This is probably the place where Beering anchored. Southward [Page 281] of the bay (which Captain Cook named Beering's Bay, in honour of its discoverer) the ridge of mountains, already mentioned, is interrupted by a plain of several leagues in extent, beyond which the sight was unbounded. In the afternoon, we sounded, and found a muddy bottom at the depth of about seventy fathoms. Soon afterwards, having a light northerly breeze, we steered to the westward; and at noon, the next day, we were at the distance of four or five leagues from the shore. From this station we could perceive a bay under a high land, with low woodland on each side of it. We now found that the coast trended considerably to the west; and as we had but little wind, and that chiefly from the westward, we made a slow progress. On the 9th, about noon, Mount St Elias bore north 30° east at the distance of nineteen leagues. This mountain stands twelve leagues inland, in the longitude of 219° east, and in the latitude of 69° 27′ north. It belongs to a ridge of very lofty mountains, which may be reckoned a kind of continuation of the former, being separated from them only by the plain before-mentioned.

On Sunday the 10th, at twelve o'clock, we were about three leagues distant from the coast of the continent, which extended from east half north, to north-west half west. To the westward of the latter direction was an island, at the distance of six leagues. A point which the commodore [Page 282] named Cape Suckling, projects towards the north-eastern end of this island. The extremity of the cape is low; but, within it, stands a hill of a considerable height, which is divided from the mountains by low land; so that the cape, at a distance, has an insular appearance. On the north side of Cape Suckling is a bay, which seemed to be extensive, and to be sheltered from most winds. Captain Cook had some thoughts of reparing to this bay, in order to stop the leak of his ship, all our endeavours to effect that purpose at sea having proved fruitless. We therefore steered for the cape; but, having only variable light breezes, we advanced towards it slowly. Before night, however we had approached near enough to see some low land projecting from the cape to the north-west; we also observed some little islands in the bay, and several elevated rocks between the cape and the north-eastern extremity of the island. As there appeared to be a passage on each side of these rocks, we continued steering thither the whole night. Early the next morning, the wind shifted from north-east to north. This being against us, the Commodore relinquished his design of going into the bay, and bore up for the west end of the island. There being a calm about ten o'clock, he embarked in a boat, and landing on the island, with a view of seeing what lay on the other side; but finding that the hills were at a greater distance [Page 283] than he expected, and that the way was woody and steep, he laid aside that intention. On a small eminence near the shore, he left, at the foot of a tree, a bottle containing a paper, on which the names of our ships, and the date of our discovery, were inscribed; he also inclosed two silver two-penny pieces of English coin, which, with many others, had been furnished him by Dr. Kay, now Dean of Lincoln; and, in testimony of his esteem for that gentleman, he distinguished the island by the name of Kay's Island.

This isle does not exceed twelve leagues in length, and its breadth is not above a league and a half in any part of it. The south-west point whose latitude is 59° 49′ north, and longitude 216° 58′ east, is a naked rock, considerably elevated above the land within it. There is also a high rock lying off it, which, when seen in some particular directions, has the appearance of a ruinous castle. The island terminates towards the sea, in bare sloping cliffs, with a beach consisting of large pebbles, intermixed in some places with a clayey sand. The cliffs are composed of a blueish stone or rock, and are, except in a few parts in a soft or mouldering state. Some parts of the shore are interrupted by small vallies and gullies, in each of which a rivulet or torrent rushes down with a considerable degree of impetuosity; though, perhaps, only furnished from the snow, and lasting no longer than till the whole [Page 284] is dissolved. These vallies are filled with pinetrees; and they also abound in other parts of the island, which, indeed, is covered, as it were, with a broad girdle of wood. The trees, however, are far from being of an extraordinary growth; few of them seeming to be larger than what a person might grasp round with his arms, and their general height being forty or fifty feet; so that they would be of no great service for shipping, except as material for making top gallant masts, and other small things. The pine-trees appeared to be all of one species; and neither the Canadian pine, nor cypress, was to be seen.

Upon the edges of the cliffs, the surface was covered with a kind of tuft, about six inches thick, apparently composed of the common morse and the upper part of the island had nearly the same appearance in point of colour; but that which covered it, whatever it was, seemed to be thicker. Among the trees were some currant and the leaves of other plants not yet in flower, particular one which was supposed by Mr. Anderson to be the heracleum of Linnaeus.

A crow was seen flying about the wood; two or three white headed eagles, like those of Nootka, were also observed; besides another species equally large, which had a white breast. The Commodore likewise saw, in his passage from the ship to the shore, a number of fowls sitting on [Page 285] the water; or flying about; the principal of which were gulls, burres, shags, ducks, or large petrels, divers, and quebrantahuesses. The divers were of two sorts; one very large, whose colour was black, with a white belly and breast; the other of a smaller size, with a longer and more pointed bill. The ducks were also of two species; one brownish, with a dark-blue or blackish head and neck: the other smaller, and of a dirty black colour. The shags were large and black, having a white spot behind the wings. The gulls were of the common sort, flying in flocks. There was also a single bird flying about, apparently of the gull kind, whose colour was a snowy white, with some black along part of the upper side of its wings. At the place where our party landed, a fox came from the verge of the wood, and eyeing them with little emotion, walked leisurely on without manifesting any signs of fear. He was not of a large size, and his colour was a reddish yellow. Two or three small seals were likewise seen near the shore; but no traces were discovered of inhabitants having ever been in the island.

Captain Cook, with those who accompanied him, returned on board in the afternoon, and with a light breeze from the east, we steered for the south west side of the island, which we got round by eight o'clock in the evening: we then stood for the westernmost land that was now in sight. [Page 286] At the north-east end of Kay's Island stands another island, extending north-west and south-east about nine miles, to within the same distance of the north-western boundary of the bay mentioned before, to which the appellation of Comptroller's bay was given. Early the next morning Kay's Island was still in sight, bearing east by south; and, at this time, we were at the distance of four or five leagues from the main. At noon, the eastern point of a spacious inlet bore west-north-west, about three leagues distant. From Comptroller's Bay to this point, which the Commodore named Cape Hinchingbroke, the direction of the coast is nearly east and west. Beyond this, it appeared to incline towards the south; a direction very different from that which is marked out in the modern charts, founded on the late discoveries of the Russians; insomuch that we had some reason to expect, that we should find, through the inlet before us, a passage to the north, and that the land to the west and south-west was a group of islands. The wind was now south-easterly, and we were menaced with a fog and a storm; and Captain Cook was desirous of getting into some place to stop the leak, before we had another gale to encounter. We therefore steered for the inlet, which we had no sooner reached, than the weather became exceedingly foggy, and it was deemed necessary that the ships should be secured in some place or other, till the sky should [Page 287] clear up. With this view we hauled close under Cape Hinchingbroke, and cast anchor before a small cove, over a clayey bottom, in eight fathoms water, at the distance of about two furlongs from the shore.

Soon after we had anchored, the boats were hoisted out, some to fish, and others to sound. The seine, at the same time, was drawn in the cove; but without success, as it was torn. At intervals the fog cleared away, and gave us a view of the neighbouring land. The cape was one league distant; the western point of the inlet, five leagues; and the land on that side extended to west by north. Between this point and north-west by west, we could discern no land. The most westerly point we had in view on the north shore, was at the distance of two leagues. Betwixt this point, and the shore under which our ships now lay at anchor, is a bay about three leagues deep, on the south-eastern side of which are several coves; and, in the middle, stand some rocky islands.

Mr. Gore was dispatched in a boat to these islands, in order to shoot some birds that might serve for food. He had scarcely reached them, when about twenty natives appeared, in two large canoes; upon which he retured to the ships, and they followed him. They were unwilling, however, to venture along-side, but kept at a little distance, shouting aloud, and clasping and [Page 288] extending their arms alternately. They then began a kind of song, much after the manner of the inhabitants of King George's or Nootka Sound. Their heads were strewed with feathers, and one of them held out a white garment, which we supposed was intended as a token of friendship; while another, for near a quarter of an hour, stood up in the canoe, entirely naked, with his arms extended like a cross, and motionless. Their canoes were constructed upon a different plan from those of Nootka. The frame consisted of slender laths, and the outside was formed of the skins of seals, or other animals of a similar kind. Though we returned their signs of amity, and endeavoured by the most expressive gestures, to encourage them to come along-side, we were unable to prevail upon them. Though some of our people repeated several of the most common words of the language of Nootka, such as mahook and seekemaile, they did not appear to understand them. After they had received some presents that were thrown to them, they retired towards the shore, intimating by signs, that they would pay us another visit the next morning. Two of them, however, came off to us in the night, each in a small canoe; hoping, perhaps, that they might find us all asleep, and might have an opportunity of pilfering; for they went away as soon as they perceived themselves discovered.

[Page 289]The wind, during the night, blew hard and in squalls, with rain, and thick hazy weather. The next morning, about ten, the wind becoming more moderate, and the weather in some measure clearing up, we got up our anchors and made sail, in order to search for some convenient place where we might stop the leak, as our present station was two much exposed for that purpose. Captain Cook at first proposed to have gone up the bay before which our ships had anchored; but he was afterwards induced by the clearness of the weather, to steer towards the north, further up the great inlet. After we had passed the north-west point of the above mentioned bay, we found that the coast, on that side, inclined to the eastward. We did not follow it, but proceeded on our course to the northward, for a point of land which we observed in that direction.

The Americans who had visited us the preceding day, came off again in the morning, in five or six canoes; but as they did not come till after we were under sail, they were unable to reach the ships, though they followed us for a considerable time. In the afternoon, before two o'clock, the unfavourable weather returned, with so thick a haze, that we could discern no other land but the point just mentioned, off which we arrived between four and five o'clock, and found it to be a little island, situated at the distance of [Page 290] about two miles from the neighbouring coast, being a point of land on the eastern side of which we discovered an excellent bay, or rather harbour. To this we plied up, while the wind blew in very hard squalls, accompanied with rain. Though, at some intervals, we could see land in every direction, yet, in general, there was so great a fog, that we could only perceive the shores of the bay for which we were now steering. In passing the island, we found a muddy bottom, at the depth of twenty-six fathoms. Not long after, we found sixty and seventy fathoms, over a rocky bottom; and, in the entrance of the bay, the depth of water was from thirty to six fathoms. At length, about eight o'clock, we were obliged, by the violence of the squalls, to cast anchor in thirteen fathoms water, before we had proceeded so far into the bay as the Commodore intended; but we thought ourselves fortunate in having the ships already secured; for the night was extremely tempestuous.

Though the weather was so turbulent, the natives were not deterred from paying us a visit. Three of them came off in two canoes; two men in one, and one in the other, being the number that each canoe could carry. For they were constructed nearly in the same manner with those of the Esquimaux, except that in one of them were two holes for two persons to sit in, and in the other but one. These men had each a stick, [Page 291] of the length of about three feet, with the large feathers, or wings of birds, fastened to it. These they frequently held up to us, probably as tokens of peace. The treatment these three received, induced many others to visit us, between one and two o'clock the following morning, in both great and small canoes. Some of them ventured on board the Resolution, though not before some of our people had stepped into their boats. Among those who [...]ame on board, was a middle aged man, who, as we afterwards found, was the chief. His dress was made of the skin of the sea-otter, and he had on his head such a cap as is worn by the inhabitants of Nootka, embellished with sky-blue glass beads. He appeared to value these much more than our white glass beads. Any kind of beads, however, seemed to be in high estimation among these people, who readily gave in exchange for them whatever they had, even their fine sea-otter skin.

They were very desirous of iron, but absolutely rejected small bits, and wanted pieces nine or ten inches long at least, and of the breadth of three or four fingers. They obtained but little of this commodity from us, as, by this time, it was become rather scarce. The points of some of their spears were of this metal; others were of copper; and a few were of bone; of which last the points of their arrows, darts, &c. were formed.

[Page 292]The chief could not be prevailed upon to venture below the uper deck, nor did he and his companions continue long on board. While they were with us, it was necessary to watch them narrowly, as they soon manifested an inclination for thieving. At length, when they had been three or four hours along-side the Resolution, they all quitted her, and reparied to the Discovery, which ship none of them had before been on board of, except one man, who came from her at this very time, and immediately returned to her, in company with the others. As soon as they had departed from our ship, Captain Cook dispatched a boat to found the head of the bay, foras, the wind was moderate at present, he had an intention of laying the ship ashore, if a proper place could be found for the process of stopping the leak. Soon afterwards all the Americans quitted the Discovery, and made their way towards our boat that was employed in sounding. The officer who was in her, observing their approach, returned to the ship, and all the canoes followed him. The crew of the boat had no sooner repaired on board, leaving in her, by way of guard, two of their number, then several of the natives stepped into her; some of whom presented their spears before the two men, while others loosed the rope by which she was fastened to the ship, and the rest were so daring as to attempt to tow her away. But the moment they [Page 293] saw that we were preparing to oppose them, they let her go, stepped out of her into their own boats, and made signs to us to persuade us to lay down our arms, being, to all appearance, perfectly unconcerned.

This attempt, though a very bold one, was scarce equal to what they had meditated on board Captain Clerke's ship. The man whom we mentioned before as having conducted his countrymen from the Resolution to the Discovery, had first been on board of the latter; where looking down all the hatchways, and observing no one except the officer of the watch, and one or two others, he doubtless imagined that she might be plundered with ease, particularly as she was stationed at some distance from the Resolution. It was unquestionably with this intent, that the natives went off to her. Several of them went on board without the least ceremony, and drawing their knives, made signs to the officer, and the other people upon deck, to keep off, and began to search for plunder. The first thing they laid hold of was the rudder of one of our boats, which they immediately threw overboard to those of their party who had continued in the canoes. But before they had time to find another object that struck their fancy, the ships crew were alarmed, and many of them, armed with cutlasses came upon deck. On observing this, the plunderers all sneaked off into their canoes, with evident [Page 294] marks of indifference. It was at this time, that our boat was occupied in sounding, as we have already mentioned; and the natives, without delay, proceeded towards her, after the disappointment they had met with at the Discovery. Their visiting us so early in the morning was undoubtedly with a view of plundering, on a supposition that they should find all our people asleep.

From the circumstances above related, it may reasonably be inferred, that these people are not acquainted with fire-arms. For, had they known any thing of their effect, they would by no means have ventured to attempt carrying off a boat from under, a ship's guns, in the face of upwards of a hundred men; for most of the Resolution's people were looking at them, at the very instant of their making the attempt. However, we left them as ignorant, in this particular, as we found them; for they neither saw nor heard a musquet fired, except at birds.

As we were on the point of weighing anchor, in order to proceed further up the bay, the wind began to blow as violently as before, and was attended with rain; insomuch that we were obliged to bear away the cable again, and lie fast. In the evening, perceiving that the gale did not abate, and thinking that it might be some time before an opportunity of getting higher up presented itself, the Commodore was determined to heel the ship in our present station: and, with [Page 295] that view, caused her to be moored with, a kedgeanchor and hawser. One of the sailors, in heaving the anchor out of the boat, was carried overboard by the buoy-rope, and accompanied the anchor to the bottom. In this very hazardous situation, he had sufficient presence of mind to disengage himself, and come up to the surface of the water, where he was immediately taken up, with a dangerous fracture in one of his legs, Early the following morning, we heeled the ship, in order to stop the leak, which, on ripping off the sheathing, was found to be in the seams. While the carpenters were employed in this business, others of our people filled the water-casks at a stream not far from our station. The wind had, by this time, considerably abated; but the weather was hazy, with rain. The Americans paid us another visit this morning: those who came off first, were in small canoes; others arrived afterwards in large ones. In one of these great canoes were twenty women and one man, besides several children.

On Saturday the 16th, towards the evening, the weather cleared up, and we then found ourselves encompassed with land. Our station was on the eastern side of the Sound, in a place distinguished by the appellation of Snug Corner Bay. Captain Cook, accompanied by some of his officers, went to take a survey of the head of it; and they found that it was sheltered from all winds, [Page 296] and had a muddy botto [...] at the depth of from seven to three fathoms. The land near the shore is low; partly wooded, and partly clear. The clear ground was covered with snow, but very little remained in the woods. The summits of the hills in the neighbourhood were covered with wood; but those that were at a greater distance inland, had the appearance of naked, rocks, involved in snow.

The leak of the Resolution being at length stopped, we weighed anchor on the 17th, at four in the morning, and steered a north-west course, with a gentle breeze at east-north-east. Soon after we had made sail, the Americans visited us again, seemingly with no other view than to gratify their curiosity, for they did not enter into any traffic with us. When we had reached the north-western point of the arm wherein we had achored, we observed that the flood-tide came into the inlet, by the same channel through which we had entered. This circumstance did not much contribute to the probability of a passage to the north through the inlet, though it did not make entirely against it. After we had passed the point just mentioned, we met with much foul ground, and many sunken rocks. The wind now failed us, and was succeeded by calms and variable light airs, so that we had some difficulty in extricating ourselves from the danger that threatened us. At last, however, about one o'clock, we cast anchor [Page 297] in about thirtheen fathoms water, under the eastern shore, about four leagues to the northward of our last station. Though the weather, in the morning, had been very hazy, it cleared up afterwards, so as to afford us a distinct view of all the surrounding land, particularly towards the north, where it appeared to close. This gave us but little hope of meeting with a passage that way. That he might be enabled to form a better judgment, Captain Cook sent Mr. Gore, with two armed boats, to examine the northern arm; and at the same time dispatched the Master, with two other boats, to survey another arm that seemed to incline towards the east. Both of them returned at night. The Master informed the Commodore, that the arm, to which he had been sent, communicated with that we had last quitted, and that one side of it was formed by a cluster of islands. Mr. Gore reported, that he had seen the entrance of an arm, which, he thought, extended a very considerable way to the north-eastward, and by which a passage might probably be found. On the other hand, Mr. Roberts, one of the Mates, who had accompanied Mr. Gore on this occasion, gave it as his opinion, that they saw the head of this arm. The variation of these two opinions, and the circumstance before-mentioned of the flood-tide entering the inlet from the southward, rendered the existence of a passage this way extremely uncertain. [Page 298] Captain Cook therefore determined to employ no more time in seeking a passage in a place that afforded so small a prospect of success, particularly as the wind was now become favourable for getting out to sea.

The next morning, about three o'clock, we weighed, and made sail to the southward down the inlet, with a light northerly breeze. We met with the same broken ground as on the preceding day, but soon extricated ourselves from it. We were enabled to shorten our way out to sea, by discovering another passage into this inlet, to the south-west of that by which we entered. It is separated from the other, by an island that extends eighteen leagues in the direction of south-west and north-east, to which Captain Cook gave the appellation of Montagu Island.

There are several islands in the south-western channel. Those which are situate in the entrance, next the open sea, are elevated and rockey. Those that are within, are low; and as they were totally free from snow, and covered with wood and verdure, they were, for this reason, denominated Green-Islands.

The wind, at two o'clock in the afternoon, veered to the south-west and south-west by south, which subjected us to the necessity of plying. We first stretched over to within the distance of two miles of the eastern shore, and tacked in about [Page 299] fifty-three fathoms. As we stood back to Montagu Island, we discovered a ledge of rocks, some under water, and others above the surface. We afterwards met with some others towards the middle of the channel. These rocks rendering it unsafe to ply during the night, we spent it in standing off and on, under Montagu Island; for the depth of water was so great, that we could not cast anchor. The next morning, at break of day, we steered for the channel between the Green Islands and Montagu Island, which is about two leagues and an half in breadth. The wind was inconsiderable the whole day; and, abou [...] eight in the evening, we had a perfect calm; when we let go our anchors at the depth of twen [...] one fathoms, over a muddy bottom, about the distance of two miles from Montagu Island. After the calm had continued till ten o'clock the succeeding morning, a slight breeze sprung up from the north with which we again weighed and made sail. Having got out into the open sea by six in the evening, we discovered that the coast trended west by south, as far as the eye could possibly reach.

[Page 300]

CHAP. V.

Extent of Prince William's Sound—The Persons of its Inhabitants described—Their Dress—Remarkable Custom of making an incision in the Underlip—Their various Ornaments—Canoes—Weapons—Armour—Domestic Utensils—Their skill in all manual Works—Their Food—A specimen of their Language—Quadrupeds—Birds—Fish—Trees Conjectures whence they procure Beads and Iron.

THE inlet which we had now quitted, was distinguished by Captain Cook with the name of Prince William's Sound. From what we saw of it, it seems to occupy, at least, one degree and an half of latitude, and two degrees of longitude, exclusive of the branches or arms, with whose exent we are unacquainted. The natives whom we saw, were in general of a middling stature, though many of them were under it. They were square, or strong-chested, with short thick necks, and large broad visages, which were, for the most part, rather flat. The most disproportioned part of their body appeared to be their heads, which were of great magnitude. Their teeth were of a tolerable whiteness, broad, well set, and equal in size. Their noses had full round points, turned up at the tip, and [Page]

A VIEW of SNUG CORNER [...] P [...]NCE WILLIAM [...] SOUND

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[figure]

[Page 301] their eyes, though not small, were scarcely proportioned to the largeness of their faces. They had black hair, which was strong, straight, and thick. Their beards were, in general, thin, or deficient; but the hairs growing about the lips of those who have them, were briftly or stiff, and often of a brownish colour; and some of the elderly men had large, thick, straight beards.

Though, for the most part, they agree in the formation of their persons, and the largeness of their heads, the variety in their features is considerable. Very few, however, can be said to be handsome, though their countenance usually indicates frankness, vivacity, and good-nature; and yet some of them shewed a reserve and fullenness in their aspect. The faces of some of the women are agreeable; and many of them, but principally the younger ones, may easily be distinguished from the other sex, by the superior delicacy of their features. The complexion of some of the females, and of the children, is white, without any mixture of red. Many of the men, whom we saw naked, had father a swarthy cast, which was scarcely the effect of any stain, as it is not their custom to paint their bodies.

The men, women, and children of this Sound, are all clothed in the same manner. Their ordinary dress is a sort of close frock, or rather robe, which sometimes reaches only to the knees, but generally down to the ancles. It has, at the upper [Page 302] part, a hole just sufficient to admit the head, with sleeves reaching to the wrist. These frocks are composed of the skins of various animals, such as the grey fox, racoon, pine-martin, sea-otter, seal, &c. And they are commonly worn with the hairy side outwards. Some of the natives have their frocks made of the skins of fowls, with only the down left on them, which they glue upon other substances: we also saw one or two woollen garments, resembling those of the inhabitants of King George's Sound. At the seams, where the different skins are sewed together, they are usually adorned with fringes or tassels of narrow thongs, cut out of the same skins. There is a sort of cape or collar to a few of them, and some have a hood; but the other is the most customary form, and appears to constitute their whole dress in fair weather. They put over this, when it is rainy, another frock, made with some degree of ingenuity from the intestines of whales, or of some other large animal, prepared with such skill, as to resemble, in a great measure, our gold-beater's leaf. It is formed so as to be drawn tight round the neck; and its sleeves extend down to the wrist, round which they are fastened with a string. When they are in their canoes, they draw the skirts of this frock over the rim of the hole in which they sit, so that the water is prevented from entering. At the same time it keeps the men dry upwards, [Page 303] for no water can penetrate through it. It is apt to crack or break, if it is not constantly kept moist. This frock, as well as the common one made of skins, is nearly similar to the dress of the natives of Greenland, as described by Crantz^*.

Though the inhabitants of this inlet in general, do not cover their legs or feet, yet some of them wear a kind of skin stockings, reaching half-way up their thighs. Few of them are without mittens for their hands, formed from the skins of a bear's paws. Those who wear any thing on their heads, resembled, in this particular, the people of Nootka, having high truncated conical caps, composed of straw, and sometimes of wood.

The hair of the men is commonly cropped round the forehead and neck, but the females suffer it to grow long; and the greatest part of them tie a lock of it on the crown, while a few club it behind, after our method. Both the men and women perforate their ears with several holes about the outer and lower part of the edge, wherein they suspend small bunches of beads. They also perforate the septum of the nose, through which they often thrust the quill-feathers of birds, or little bending ornaments, made of a tubulous shelly substance, strung on a stiff cord, [Page 304] of the length of three or four inches, which give them a ridiculous and grotesque appearence. But the most extraordinary ornamental fashion, adopted by some of the natives of both sexes, is their having the under-lip cut quite through lengthwise, rather below the swelling part. This incision frequently exceeds two inches in length, and either by its natural retraction while the wound is still fresh, or by the repetition of some artificial management, assumes the appearance and shape of lips, and becomes sufficiently large to admit the tongue through. This happened to be the case, when a person with his under-lip thus slit was first seen by one of our sailors, who immediately exclaimed, that the man had two mouths; which, indeed it greatly resembles. They fix in this artificial mouth a flat, narrow kind of ornament, made principally out of a solid shell or bone, cut into small narrow pieces, like teeth, almost down to the base, or thick part, which has, at each end, a projecting bit, that serves to support it when put into the divided lip; the cut part then appearing outwards. Some of them only perforate the lower lip into separate holes; on which occasion the ornament consists of the same number of distinct shelly studs, the points of which are thrust through these holes, and their heads appear within the lip, not unlike another row of teeth under their natural ones.

[Page 305]Such are the native ornaments of these people. But we observed among them many beads of European manufacture, chiefly of a pale blue colour, which are hung in their ears, or about their caps, or are joined to their lip-ornaments, which have a little hole drilled in each of the points to which they are fastened, and others to them, till they sometimes even hang as low as the point of the chin. In this last case, however, they cannot remove them with such facility; for, with respect to their own lip-ornaments, they can take them out with their tongue at pleasure. They likewise wear bracelets of beads, made of a shelly substance, or others of a cylindrical form, composed of a substance resembling amber. And they are, in general, so fond of ornaments of some kind or other, that they fix any thing in their perforated lip; for one of them appeared with two of our iron nails projecting like prongs from it; and another man attempted to put a large brass button into it.

The men often paint their faces of a black colour, and of a bright red, and sometimes of a blueish or leaden hue; but not in any regular figure. The woman puncture or stain the chin with black, that comes to a point in each of their cheeks; a custom similar to which is in vogue among the Greenland females, as we are informed by Crantz. The bodies of these people are not painted, which may probably be owing to the [Page 306] scarcity of materials for that purpose; all the colours which they brought for sale, being in very small quantities. Upon the whole, we have in no country seen savages who take more pains than these do, to ornament, or rather (as we should think) to disfigure their persons.

Their canoes are of two sorts; the one large and open, the other small and covered. We have mentioned before, that there were twenty women, and one man, besides children, in one of their large boats. Captain Cook having attentively examined this, and compared its construction with Crantz's description of the great, or woman's boat in Greenland, found that they were built in the same mode, with no other difference than in the form of the head and stern, particularly of the former, which somewhat resembles a whale's head. The framing consists of slender pieces of wood: and the outside is composed of the skins of seals, or other sea animals, stretched over the wood. The small canoes of these people, are constructed nearly of the same form and mateirals with those of the Esquimaux and Greenlanders. Some of these, as we have already mentioned, carry two persons. Their fore-part is curved like the head of a violin; and they are broader in proportion to their length than those of Esquimaux.

Their weapons, and implements for hunting and fishing, are the same with those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux. Many of their [Page 307] spears are headed with iron, and their arrows are generally pointed with bone. Their larger darts are thrown by means of a piece of wood about a foot long, with a small groove in the middle, which receives the dart: at the bottom is a hole for the reception of one finger, which enables them to grasp the piece of wood much firmer, and to throw with greater force. For defensive armour they have a sort of jacked, or coat of mail, formed of laths, fastened together with sinews, which render it very flexible, though it is so close as not to admit a dart or arrow. It serves only to cover the trunk of the body, and may, not improperly, be compared to the stays worn by women.

We had not an oportunity of seeing any of the habitations of the natives, as none of them dwelt in the bay where our ships anchored, or where any of us landed. With respect to their domestic utensils, they brought, in their canoes some round and oval wooden dishes, rather shallow; and others of a sylindrical form, considerably deeper. The sides consisted of one piece, bent round, after the manner of our chip boxes, but thick, and neatly fastened with thongs; the bottoms being fixed in with small pegs of wood. Others were somewhat smaller, and of a more elegant figure, not unlike a large oval butter-boat, without any handle, but shallower: these were composed of a piece of wood, or some horny [Page 308] substance, and were sometimes neatly carved. They had a number of little square bags, made of the same gut with their exterior frocks, curiously adorned with very small red feathers, interwoven with it, in which were contained several very fine sinews, and bundles of small cord, made out of them, plaited with extraordinary ingenuity. They likewise brought some wooden models of their canoes chequered baskets, wrought so closely as to hold water, and a considerable number of small images, of the length of four or five inches, either of wood, or stuffed, which were covered with a piece of fur, and embellished with quill-feathers, with hair fixed on their heads. We could not determine whether these were intended merely as children's toys, or were held in veneration, as representing their deceased friends and relations, and applied to some superstitious purpose. They have many instruments formed of two or three hoops, or concentrical pieces of wood, having a cross-bar fixed in he middle, by which they are held. To these they fix a number of dried barnacle-shells, with threads, which when shaken, produce a loud noise, and thus serve the purpose of a rattle. This contrivance is probably a substitute for the rattling-bird at King George's Sound.

It is uncertain with what tools their wooden utensils, frames, of canoes, &c, are made; the only one that we observed among them being a sort of [Page 309] stone adze, somewhat resembling those of Otaheite, and other islands of the Pacific Ocean. They have a great quantity of iron knives, some of which are rather curved, others strait, and some very small ones, fixed in longish handles, with the blades bent upwards. They have also knives of another sort, sometimes almost two feet in length, shaped, in a great measure, like a dagger, with a ridge towards the middle. They wear these in sheaths of skins, hung by a thong round their necks, under their robe or frock. It is probable, that they use them only as weapons, and that their other knives are applied to different purposes. Whatever they have, is as well made as if they were provided with a complete chest of tools; and their plating of sinews, sewing, and small work on their little bags above mentioned, may be said to vie with the neatest manufactures found in any part of the globe. Upon the whole, considering the uncivilized state of the natives of this Sound, their northerly situation, amidst a country almost continually covered with snow, and the comparatively wretched materials they have to work with, it appears, that, with respect to their skill and invention, in all manual operations, they are at least equal to any other people.

The food that we saw them eat, was the flesh of some animal, either roasted or broiled, and dried fish. Some of the former that was purchased, [Page 310] had the appearance of bear's flesh. They likewise eat a larger sort of fern-root, either baked or dressed in some other method. Some of us observed them eat freely of a substance, which we imagined was the interior part of the pine bark. Their drink, in all probability, is water; for, in their canoes, they brought snow in wooden vessels, which they swallowed by mouthfulls. Their manner of eating is decent and cleanly, for they constantly took care to remove any dirt that might adhere to their food; and though they would sometimes eat the raw fat of some sea animal, they did not fail to cut it carefully into mouthfuls. Their persons were, to appearance, always clean; and their utensils, in general, were kept in excellent order, as were also their boats.

The language of these people seems difficult to be understood; which is, perhaps, not owing to any confusion or indistinctness in their sounds, but to the various significations which their words bear. For they appeared frequently to make use of the same word on very different occasions; though, probably, if we had had a longer intercourse with them, this might have proved to be a mistake on our part. Among the very few words of their language that Mr. Anderson was enabled to procure, are the following, viz. aa, yes; keeta, give me something; tawuk, keep it; akashou, what's the name of that? namuk, an ear-ornament; natooneshuk, a sea-otter's skin; [Page 311] ableu, a spear; yaut, I'll go, or, shall I go? keelashnk, guts of which they make jackets; naema, give me something by way of exchange, or barter; whaehai, shall I keep it? ooonaka, of or belonging to me.

Our knowledge of the animals of this part of the American continent, is entirely derived from the skins that were brought by the natives for sale. These were principally of bears, common and pine martins, sea-otters, seals, racoons, small ermines, foxes, and the whitish cat or lynx. Among these various skins, the most common were those of racoons, martins, and sea-otters, which constituted the ordinary dress of these people; but the skins of the martins, which were in general of a far lighter brown than those of Nootka, were greatly superior to them in point of fineness; whereas those of the sea-otters, which, as well as the martins, were much more plentiful here than at Nootka, seemed to be considerably inferior in the thickness and fineness of their fur, though they far exceeded them with respect to size; and were, for the most part, of the glossy black sort. The skins of seals and bears were also pretty common; and the former were in general white, beautifully spotted with black, or sometimes simply white; and many of the bears here were of a dark brown hue.

Besides these animals, there is here the white bear, of whose skins the natives brought several [Page 312] pieces, and some compleat skins of cubs. There is also the wolverine, or quickhatch, whose skin has very bright colours; and a larger species of ermine than the common one, varied with brown, and having scarcely any black on its tail. The skin of the head of some very large animal was likewise brought to us, but we could not positively decide what it was: though, from the colour and shagginess of the hair, and its not resembling any land animal, we conjectured that it might be that of the male ursine seal, or sea-bear. But one of the most beautiful skins that fell under our observation, is that of a small animal near a foot in length, of a brown colour on the back with a number of obscure whitish specks, the sides being of a blueish ash colour, with a few of these specks. The tail is about a third part of the length of the body, and is covered with whitish hair. This animal is doubtless the same with that which is called by Mr. Staehlin, in his account of the New Northern Archipelago, the spotted field mouse. But whether it is really of the mouse kind, or a squirrel, we could not determine, for want of intire skins; though Mr. Anderson was inclined to imagine, that it is the same animal which Mr. Pennant has described under the appellation of the Casan marmot. The great number of skins that we observed here, demonstrates the abundance of the various animals we have mentioned; but it is somewhat remarkable, [Page 313] that we neither met with the skins of the mouse, nor of the common species of deer.

With respect to birds, we found here the halcyon, or great king-fisher, which had fine bright colours; the shag; the white-headed eagle; and the humming-bird, which often flew about our ships, while we lay at anchor; though it can scarcely be supposed to live here during the winter, which must be extremely severe. The water-fowl seen by us were Black sea-pyes, with red bills, such as we met with in New-Zealand and Van Diemen's Land; geese; a small sort of duck, nearly resembling that species we saw at Kerguelen's Land; and another sort with which none of us were acquainted. Some of our people who went ashore, killed a snipe, a grouse, and some plovers. But though the water-fowl were numerous, particularly the geese and ducks, they were so shy that it was scarce possible to get within shot; in consequence of which, we procured a very inconsiderable supply of them as refreshment. The duck before-mentioned is about the size of the common wild duck, of a deep black, with red feet, and a short pointed tail. Its bill is white, tinged towards the point with red, and has a large black spot, almost square, near its base, on each side, where it is also somewhat distended. On the forehead is a large triangular white spot; and on the hind [...]r part of the neck is one still larger. The colours of the female [Page 314] are considerably duller than those of the male; and it has none of the ornaments of the bill, excepting the two black spots, which are rather obscure.

A species of diver, which seems peculiar to this place, was observed here. It is equal to a partridge in size, and has a short, black, compressed bill. Its head, and the upper part of its neck, are of a brownish black; and the remainder of its body is of a deep brown, obscurely waved with black, except the under part, which is totally of a blackish cast, minutely varied with white. We also found a small land bird, of the finch kind, about the size of a yellow-hammer; but we imagined it to be one of those which change their colour with the season, and with their different migrations. It was, at this time, of a dusky brown, with a reddish tail; and the supposed male had, on the crown of the head, a large yellow spot, with some varied black on the upper part of its neck, but the latter was on the breast of the female.

The fish that were principally brought to us by the natives for sale, were torsk and halibut; and we caught some sculpins about the ship, with star-fish of a purplish hue, that had sixteen or eighteen rays. The rocks were almost destitute of shell-fish; and the only other animal of this tribe that was observed by us, was a reddish crab, covered with very large spines.

[Page 315]The metals seen by us were iron and copper; both which, but more particularly the former, were in such abundance, as to form the points of numbers of their lances and arrows. The ores which they made use of to paint themselves with, were a brittle, unctuous, red ochre, or iron ore; a pigment of a bright blue; and black lead. Each of these seemed to be very scarce among them.

We observed few vegetables of any kind; and the trees that chiefly grew about this sound, were the Canadian and spruce pine, some of which were of a considerable size.

These people must, doubtless, have received from some more civilized nation, the beads and iron found among them. We were almost certain, that we were the first Europeans with whom they had ever had a direct communication; and it remains only to be determined, from what quarter they had procured our manufactures, by intermediate conveyance. And it is more than probable, that they had obtained these articles, through the intervention of the more i [...]land tribes either from the settlements about Hudson's Bay, or those on the lakes of Canada; unless we can admit the supposition, that the Russians, from Camtsckatka, have already extended their traffic to this distance; or that the natives of their most easterly Fox Islands carry on an intercourse along the coast, with the inhabitants of Prince Wililam's Sound.

[Page 316]With respect to copper, these people, perhaps, procure it themselves, or, at most, it passes to them through few hands; for, wh [...] they offered any of it by way of barter, they used to express its being in sufficient plenty among them, by pointing to their weapons; as if they meant to intimate, that as they had so much copper of their own, there was no occasion for increasing their stock.

If, however, the natives of this inlet are furnished with European commodities by means of the intermediate traffic to the eastern coast, it is rather remarkable, that they should never, in return, have supplied the more inland Indians with some of their sea-otter skins, which would undoubtedly have appeared, at some time or other, in the invirons of Hudson's Bay. But that does not appear to be the case; and the only method by which we can account for this, must be by considering the very great distance; which, though it might not prevent European articles of commerce from coming so far, as being so uncommon, might hinder the skins, which are common, from passing through more than two or three tribes, who might make use of them for their own clothing, and send others, which they reckoned of inferior value, as being of their own animals, towards the east, till they reach the traders at the European settlements.

[Page 317]

CHAP. VI.

Proceed along the Coast—Cape Elizabeth—Cape St. Hermogenes—Beering's Voyage and Chart very defective—Point Banks—Barren Isles—Cape Douglas—Cape Bede—Mount St. Augustin—Endeavour to find a passage up an Inlet— Both Ships make a Progress up it—Convincing Proofs of its being a River—A Branch of it called River Turnagain—The great River named Cook's River—The Ships return—Several Visits from the Natives—Leiutenant King lands, displays a Flag, and takes possession of the Country—His Reception by the Natives—The Resolution strikes upon a Bank—The high Tides accounted for.

LEAVING Prince William's Sound, on Wednesdy the 20th of May, we steered to the south-west, with a gentle breeze; which was succeeded by a calm at four o'clock the next morning, and that calm was soon after followed by a breeze from south-west. We continued to stretch to the south-west, and passed a lofty promontory, in the latitude of 59° 10′, and the longitude of 207° 45′. It having been discovered on Princess Elizabeth's birth-day, Captain Cook gave it the name of Cape Elizbeth. As we could see no land beyond it, we flattered ourselves that it was the western extremity of the continent; [Page 318] but we were soon convinced that we were mistaken, fresh land appearing in sight, bearing west-south-west. The wind had now increased to a strong gale, and forced us to a considerable distance from the coast. On the 22d, in the afternoon, the gale abated, and we stood for Cape Elizabeth; which, about noon the next day, bore west, distant ten leagues. New land was then seen, bearing south-west, which, it was imagined connected Cape Elizabeth with the land we had seen towards the west.

We stood to the southward till the next day at noon, at which time we were about three leagues from the coast, which we had seen on the 22d. In this situation, it formed a point, that bore west-north-west. More land was discovered, extending to the southward; on which was seen a ridge of mountains, with summits covered with snow, behind the first land, which we supposed to be an island, there appearing on it but an inconsiderable quantity of snow. The latitude of this point of land is 58° 15′, and its longitude 207° 42′. And, by what the Commodore could gather from Beering's Voyage and Chart, supposed it to be what he called Cape St. Hermogenes. But the account of that Voyage, as well as the chart, is so extremely inaccurate, that it is almost impossible to discover any one place, which that navigator either saw or touched at. The Commodore, indeed, was by no means certain, [Page 319] that the bay which he had named after Beering, was the place where he had anchored.

In the chart above mentioned, a space is here pointed out, where Beering is supposed to have seen no land. This favoured Mr. Staehelin's ascount, who makes Cape St. Hermogenes, and the land discovered by Beering to the south west of it, to be a cluster of islands; and that St Hermogenes is one of those which are destitute of wood. This appeared to be confirmed by what we now saw; and we entertained the pleasing hopes of finding here a passage northward, with out being under the necessity of proceeding any farther to the south-west.

By variable light airs and calms, we were detained off the Cape till two o'clock in the morning of the 25th, when a breeze springing up, we steered along the coast, and perceived that the land of Cape St. Hermogenes was an island, about six leagues in circumference separated from the coast by a channel of about one league in breadth. Some rocks lie above water, a league and a half to the north of this island; and on the north-east side of the rocks, we had from thirty to twenty fathoms water.

About noon, St. Hermogenes bore south-east, distant eight leagues; the land to the north-west extending from south half west to near west. In the last direction it ended in a low point, named Point Banks. The ship was, at this time, in [Page 320] the latitude of 58° 41′, and in the longitude of 207° 44′. In this situation, the land was in sight bearing north-west, which, it was imagined, connected Cape Elizabeth with this south-west land. When we approached it, we saw it was a groupe of high islands and rocks, and consequently unconnected with any other land. From the nakedness of their appearance, they were denominated the Barren Isles: they are situated in the latitude of 59°, three leagues distant from Cape Elizabeth, and five from Point Banks.

We intended to have passed through one of the channels by which these islands are divided; but, a strong current setting against us, we went to the leeward of them all. The weather, which had been thick and hazy, cleared up towards the evening, and we perceived a very lofty promontory, whose elevated summit appeared above the clouds, forming two exceedingly high mountains. The Commodore named this promontory Cape Douglas, in honour of his friend Dr. Douglas canon of Windsor. Its latitude is 58° 56′, and its longitude 206° 10′; twelve leagues from Point Banks, and ten to the westward of the Barren Isles.

The coast seemed to form a large deep bay, between this point and Cape Douglas; which, from our observing some smoke upon Point Banks received the name of Smokey Bay. On the 26th, at day-break, being to the northward of the Barren [Page 321] Isles, we perceived more land, extending from Cape Douglass to the north. It consisted of a chain of very high mountains; one of which being much more conspicious than the rest, obtained the name of Mount St Augustin.

We were not discouraged at perceiving this land, supposing it to be wholly unconnected with the land of Cape Elizabath. We also expected to find a passage to the north-west, betwen Cape Douglass and Mount St. Augustin. It was, indeed, imagined, that the land to the north of Cape Douglass, consisted of a groupe of islands, seperated by so many channels, any of which we might have chosen, according to the direction of the wind.

Flattered with these ideas, and having a fresh gale at north-north-east, we stood to the north-west, till eight o'clock, when we were fully convinced, that what we had supposed to be the islands, were summits of mountains, connected by the lower land, which we could not perceive at a greater distance, on account of the haziness of the horizon. This land was covered wholly with snow, from the tops of the mountains down to the sea beach; and had, in every other respect, the appearance of a great continent. Captain Cook was now fully convinced that he should discover no passage by this inlet: and his persevering in the search of it, was more to satisfy others, than to confirm his own opinion.

[Page 322]Mount St. Augustin, at this time, bore north west, about three leagues distant. It is of vast height, and of a conical figure; but whether it be an island, or part of the continent, is not yet ascertained. Perceiving that nothing was to be done to the west, we stood over to Cape Elizabeth, under which we fetched at about five in the afternoon.

Between Cape Elizabeth and a lofty promontory, named Cape Bede ^*, is a bay, in which there appeared to be two snug harbours. We stood into this bay, and might have anchored there in twenty-three fathoms water: but, the Commodore having no such intention, we tacked, and stood to the westward, with a very strong gale, accompanied with rain and hazy weather. The gale abated the next morning, and about three o'clock in the afternoon, the weather cleared up; Cape Douglass bearing south-west by west, and the depth of water being forty fathoms, over a rocky bottom.

The coast from Cape Bede, trended north-east by east, with a chain of mountains inla [...]d, in the same direction. On the coast, the land was woody, and there appeared to be some commodious harbours. We had the mortification, however, to discover low land in the middle of the inlet, extending [Page 323] from north-north-east, to north-east by east; but, as it was supposed to be an island, we were not much discouraged. About this time we steered, with a light breeze, to the westward of this low land; as, in that direction, there was no appearance of obstruction. Our soundings were from thirty to twenty-five fathoms.

In the morning of the 28th, having but little wind, the ship drove to the southward; and, in order to stop her, we dropped a kedge-anchor, with an eight inch hauser. But, in bringing the ship up, we lost both that and the anchor. We brought the ship up, however, with one of the bowers, and spent a considerable part of the day in sweeping for them, but without effect. We were now in the latitude of 59° 51′; the low-land extended from north east to south-east, the nearest part distant about two leagues. The land on the western shore was distant about seven leagues. A strong tide set to the south-ward, out of the inlet; it was the ebb, and ran almost four knots in an hour. At ten o'clock it was low water. Great quantities of sea-weed, and some drift wood, were taken out with the tide. Though the water had become thick, and resembled that in rivers, we were encouraged to proceed, by finding it as salt as the ocean, even at low water. Three knots was the strength of the flood tide; and the stream continued to run up till four in the afternoon.

[Page 324]Having a calm the whole day, we moved with a light breeze at east, at eight o'clock in the evening, and stood to the north, up the inlet. The wind, soon after, veered to the north, increased to a fresh gale, and blew in squalls, with some rain. But this did not hinder us from plying up while the flood continued, which was till the next morning, at near five o'clock. We had from thirty-five to twenty-four fathoms water. We anchored about two leagues from the eastern shore, where our latitude was 6o° 8′; some low land, which we supposed to be an island, lying under the western shore, distant between three and four leagues.

The weather having now become fair and clear, we could see any land within our horizon; when nothing was visible to obstruct our progress in a north-east direction. But a ridge of mountains appeared on each side, rising behind each other, without any separation. Captain Cook supposed it to be low water about ten o'clock, but the ebb ran down till almost twelve. Two columns of smoke were now visible on the eastern shore; a certain sign that inhabitants were near. We weighed at one in the afternoon, and plied up under double reefed topsails, having a strong gale at north east.

We stretched over to the western shore, intending to have taken shelter till th gale should cease; but falling suddenly from forty fathoms water [Page 325] into twelve, and seeing the apperance of a shoal, we stretched back to the eastward, and anchored in nineteen fathoms water, under the eastern shore; the north-west part of which, ended in a bluff point.

On the 30th of May, about two o'clock in the morning, we weighed anchor again, the gale having much abated, but still continuing contrary. We plied up till near seven, and then anchored in nineteen fathoms water, under the shore to the eastward.

Two canoes, with a man in each, came off to the ship about noon, nearly from that part where we had seen the smoke the day before. It cost them some labour to paddle across the strong tide; and they hesitated a little, before they dared venture to approach us. One of them was very loquacious, but to no purpose, for we could not understand a syllable he said: while he was talking, he kept pointing continually to the shore, which we supposed to be an invitation for us to go thither. Captain Cook made them a present of a few trifles, which he conveyed to them from the quarter gallery.

These people strongly resembled those we had seen in Prince William's Sound, both in dress and person: their canoes were also constructed in the same manner. One of our visitors seemed to have no beard, and his face was painted of a jet black; the other, who was older, was not painted, [Page 326] but he had a large beard, and a countenance like the common sort of the people in the Sound. Smoke was this day seen upon the flat western shore; whence we inferred, that these lower spots only are inhabited.

As we weighed when the flood made, the canoes quitted us. We stood over to the western shore, with a fresh gale, and fetched under the point above mentioned. This, with the point on the opposite shore, contracted the breadth of the channel to about four leagues, through which ran a prodigious tide. It had a terrible appearance, as we were ignorant whether the water was thus agitated by the stream, or by the dashing of the waves against sands or rocks. Meeting with no shoal, we concluded it to be the former, but we afterwards found ourselves mistaken.

We kept the western shore aboard, that appearing to be the fairest. We had a depth of thirteen fathoms near the shore, and, two or three miles off, upwards of forty. In the evening, about eight o'clock, we anchored under a point of land bearing north-east, distant about three leagues, and lay there during the ebb.

Till we arrived here, the water retained an equal degree of saltness, both at high and low water, and was as salt as that which is in the ocean; but now the marks of a river evidently displayed themselves. The water, which was taken up at this ebb, was much fresher than any [Page 327] we had tasted; whence we concluded that we were in a large river, and not in a strait which had a communication with the northern seas. But having proceeded thus far, we were anxious to have stronger proofs; and, therefore, in the morning of the 31st we weighed with the flood, and drove up with the tide, having but little wind.

We were attended, about eight o'clock, by many of the the natives, in one large canoe, and several small ones. The latter had only one person on board each; and some of the paddles had a blade at each end, like those of the Esquimaux. Men, women, and children, were contained in the large canoes. At some distance from the ship, they exhibited on a long pole, a kind of leathern frock, which we interpreted to be a sign of their peaceable intentions. They conveyed this frock into the ship, as an acknowledgement for some trifles which the Commodore had given them.

No difference appeared either in the persons, dress, or canoes of these people, and the natives of Prince William's Sound, except that the small canoes were not so large as those of the Sound, and carried only one man.

We bartered with them for some of their fur dresses, made of the skins of animals; particularly those of sea-otters, martins, and hares: we also had a few of their dar [...]s, and a supply of salmon [Page 328] and halibut. We gave them in exchange for these, some old cloths, beads, and pieces of iron.

They were already possessed of large iron knives, and glass beads of a sky blue colour, such as we saw among the inhabitants of Prince William's Sound. The latter, as well as those which they received of us, they seemed to value highly. But they were particularly earnest in asking for large pieces of iron, to which they gave the name of goone; though with them, as well as with their neighbours in the Sound, one word seemed to have many significations. Their language is certainly the same, the words [...]naka, keeta, and naema, and a few others which were frequently used in Prince William's Sound, were also commonly used by this new tribe. After passing about two hours between the two ships, they retired to the western shore.

We anchored at nine o'clock, in sixteen fathoms water, and almost two leagues from the western shore, the ebb being already begun. It ran but three knots an hour at its greatest strength; and fell, after we had anchored, twenty-one feet upon a perpendicular. The weather was alternately clear and misty, with drizling rain. When it was clear, we perceived low land between the mountains on the eastern shore, bearing east from the station of the ships, which we concluded to be islands between us and the main land. We [Page 329] also beheld low land to the northward, which appeared to extend from the mountains on one side, to those on the other; and, at low water, large shoals were seen, stretching out from this low land, from some of which we were not far distant. We doubted, from these appearances, whether the inlet did not take an easterly direction through the above opening; or whether that opening was only a branch of it, the main channel continuing its northern direction. The chain of mountains, on each side of it, strongly countenanced the latter supposition.

To be satisfied of these particulars, Captain Cook dispatched two boats; and, when the floodtide made, followed with the two ships: but it being a dead calm, and having a strong tide, we anchored, after driving about ten miles. At the lowest of the ebb, the water at and near the surface was perfectly fresh; though retaining a considerable degree of saltness, if taken above a foot below it▪ We had this and many other convincing proofs of its being a river: such as thick muddy water, low shores, trees and rubbish of various kinds, floating backwards and forwards with the tide. In the afternoon we received another visit from the natives, in several canoes, who trafficked considerably with our people, without so much as attempting any dishonest action.

At two o'clock in the morning of the first of June, the master, who commanded the two boats [Page 330] returned, informing us that he found the inlet, or river, contracted to one league in breadth, and that it took a northerly course through low land on each side. He advanced about three leagues through this narrow part, which he found from twenty to seventeen fathoms deep. While the stream ran down, the water was perfectly fresh; but it became brackish when it ran up, and very much so towards high water.

He went ashore upon an island, between this branch and that to the east, and saw some currant bushes; and some other fruit trees and bushes that were unknown to him. About three leagues to the northward of this search, he saw another separation in the eastern chain of mountains, through which he supposed it probable the river took a north-east direction; but this, perhaps, was only another branch, and the main channel continued in a northern direction between the two chains of mountains.

The hopes of finding a passage were no longer entertained; but as the ebb was spent, and we were unable to return against the tide, we took the advantage of the latter, to get a closer view of the eastern branch; in order to determine whether the low land on the east, was an island or not. For this purpose we weighed with the first of the flood, and stood over for the eastern shore. At eight o'clock a breeze sprung up in an opposite direction to our course, so that we despaired [Page 331] of reaching the entrance of the river. The Commodore, therefore, dispached two boats. under the command of Lieutenant King, to make such observations as might enable us to form some tolerable idea of the nature of the river.

We anchored, about ten o'clock, in nine fathoms water. The Commodore observing the strength of the tide to be so great, that the boats could not make head against it, made a signal for them to return before they had proceeded half way to the entrance of the river. The chief knowledge obtained by this tide's work, was, that all the low land, which we imagined to be an island, was one continued tract from the great river to the foot of the mountains, terminating at the south entrance of this eastern branch, which the Commodore denominated the river Turnagain. The low land begins again on the north side of this river and extends from the foot of the mountains, to the banks of the great river; forming, before the river Turnagain, a large bay, having from twelve to five fathoms water.

After entering the bay, the flood set very strong into the river Turnagain, and the ebb came out still stronger, the water falling twenty feet upon a perpendicular. From these circumstances, it plainly appeared, that a passage was not to be expected by this side river, any more than by the main branch. But, as the water at ebb, though much fresher, retained a considerable degree of [Page 332] saltness, it is probable that both these branches are navigable by ships much farther; and that a very extensive inland communication lies open, by means of this river and its several branches. We had traced it to the latitude of 61° 30′, and the longitude of 219°, which is upwards of several leagues from its entrance end saw no appearance of its source.

The time we spent in the discovery of this great river ^* ought not to be regretted, if it should hereafter prove useful to the present, or any future age. But the delay, thus occasioned, was an essential loss to us, who had an object of greater magnitude in view. The season was far advanced; and it was now evident that the continent of North America extended much farther to the west, than we had reason to expect from the most approved charts. The Commodore, however, had the satisfaction to reflect, that, if he had not examined this very large river, speculative fabricators of geography would have ventured to assert that it had a communication with the sea to the north, or with Hudson's or Baffin's bay to the east; and it would probably have been marked, on future maps of the world with as much appearance of precision, as the imaginary straits of de Fuca, and de Fonte.

[Page 333]Mr. King was again sent, in the afternoon, with two armed boats, with orders from Captain Cook to land on the south east side of the river, where he was to display the flag; and, in his Majesty's name, to take possession of the country and the river. He was also ordered to bury a bottle in the earth, containing some English coin of 1772, and a paper, whereon were written the names of our ships, and the date of our discovery. The ships, in the mean time, were got under sail. The wind blew fresh easterly; but we had not been long under way before a calm ensued; and the flood tide meeting us, we found it necessary to anchor in six fathoms water; the point where Mr. King landed bearing south, at the distance of two miles. This point of land was named Point Possession.

On Mr. King's return, he informed the Commodore, that when he approached the shore, he saw eighteen or twenty of the natives with their arms extended; an attitude, he supposed, meant to signify their peaceable disposition, and to convince him that they were without weapons. Seeing Mr. King and his attendants land, and observing musquets in their hands, they were alarmed, and requested (by expressive signs) that they would lay them down. This was immediately complied with, and then Mr. King and his party were permitted to walk up to them, [Page 334] when they appeared to be very sociable and chearful.

They had with them several dogs, and a few pieces of fresh salmon. Mr. Law, Surgeon of the Discovery, happened to be of the party, purchased one of the dogs, and, taking it towards the boat, immediately shot it dead. At this they seemed exceedingly surprized; and, not thinking themselves safe in such company, they walked away; but it presently appeared, that they had concealed their spears and other weapons in the bushes close behind them. Mr. King informed us, that the ground was swampy, and the soil poor and light. It, however, produced some pines, alders, birch, and willows; some rose and current bushes, and a little grass; but there was not a plant in flower to be seen.

When it was high water we weighed anchor, and, with a faint breeze, stood over to the west shore, where we anchored early the next morning, on account of the return of the flood. Presently after we were visited by several of the natives, in canoes, who bartered their skins, and afterwards parted with their garments, many of them returning perfectly naked. Among others they brought a great quantity of the skins of white rabbits and red foxes, but only two or three of those of otters. We also purchased some pieces of halibut and salmon. They gave iron the preference to every thing we offered them in [Page 335] exchange. The lip-ornaments were less in fashion among them than at Prince William's Sound; but those which pass through the nose were more frequent, and in general, considerably longer. They had, likewise, more embroidered work on their garments, quivers, knife-cases, and many other articles.

We weighed at half past ten, and plied down the river with a gentle breeze at south; when, by the inattention of the man at the lead, the Resolution struck, and stuck upon a bank, nearly in the middle of the river. It is pretty certain that this bank occasioned that strong agitation of the stream, with which we were so much surprized when turning up the river. We had twelve feet depth of water about the ship, at the lowest of the ebb, but the bank was dry in other parts.

When the Resolution came aground, Captain Cook made a signal for the Discovery to anchor. We were afterwards informed, that she had been almost a shore on the west side of the bank. About five o'clock in the afternoon, as the flood tide came in, the ship floated off without sustaining any damage, or occasioning the least trouble. We then stood over to the west shore, where we anchored, in deep water, to wait for the ebb, the wind being still unfavourable to us.

At ten o'clock at night we weighed with the ebb; and about five the next morning, (the 3d [Page 336] of June) the tide being finished, we cast anchor on the west shore, about two miles below the bluff point. When we were in this station we were visited by many of the natives, who attended us all the morning; and, indeed, their company was highly acceptable to us, as they brought with them a quantity of fine salmon, which they exchanged for some of our trifles. Several hundred weight of it was procured for the two ships, and the greatest part of it split, and ready for drying.

The mountains now, for the first time after our entering the river, were free from clouds, and we perceived a volcano in one of those on the western side. Its latitude is 60° 23′; and it is the first high mountain north of Mount St. Augustin. The volcano is near the summit, and on that part of the mountain next the river. It emits a white smoke, but no fire. The wind continuing southerly, we still tided it down the river; and, on the morning of the 5th, arriving at the place where we had lost our kedge anchor, we attempted, though unsuccessfully, to recover it.

Before our departure from this place, we were again visited by some of the natives, in six canoes, from the eastern shore. For half an hour they remained at a small distance from the ships, gazing at them with a kind of silent surprize, without uttering a syllable to us, or to each other. At [Page 337] length they grew courageous, came along-side, and began to barter with u [...] ▪ nor did they leave us till they had parted with their skins and salmon, which were the only articles they had brought to traffic with.

It may not be unnecessary to remark, that all the people we had seen in this river, had a striking resemblance, in every particular, to those who inhabit Prince William's Sound, but differed most essentially from those of Nootka, as well in their persons as their language.

The points of their spears and knives are made of iron; some of the former, indeed, are made of copper. Their spears resemble our spontoons; and their knives, for which they have sheaths, are of a considerable length. Except those, and a few glass beads, every thing we saw amongst them was of their own manufacture. We have already hazarded conjectures from whence they derive their foreign articles. It cannot be supposed, however, that the Russians have been amongst them, for we should not then have seen them cloathed in such valuable skins as those of the sea-otter.

A very beneficial fur trade might certainly be carried on with the natives of this vast coast; but, without a northern passage, it is to remote for Great-Britain to be benefited by such commerce. It should, however, be observed, that almost the only valuable skins, on, this west [Page 338] side of North America, are those of the sea-otter. Their other skins were of a superior quality; and it should be farther observed, that the greater part of the skins, which we purchased of them, were made up into garments. Some of them indeed, were in pretty good condition, others, old and ragged, and all of them extremely lousy. But, as skins are used by these people only for cloathing themselves, they, perhaps, are not at the trouble of dressing more of them than they require for this purpose. This is probably the chief cause of their killing the animals, for they principally receive their supply of food from the sea and rivers. But if they were once habituated to a constant trade with foreigners, such an intercourse would increase their wants, by acquainting them with new luxuries; to be enabled to purchase which, they would become more assiduous in procuring skins; a plentiful supply of which might doubtless be obtained in this country.

The tide is very considerable in this river, and greatly assists to facilitate the navigation of it. In the stream, it is high water between two and three o'clock, on the days of the new and full moon; and the tide rises between three and four fathoms. The mouth of the river being in a corner of the coast, the ocean forces the flood into it by both shores, which swells the tide to a greater height than at other parts of this coast.

[Page 339]

CHAP. VII.

Departure from Cook's River—Pass St. Hermogenes—Cape Whitsunday—Whitsuntide Bay—Cape Greville—Cape Barnabas—Two headed Point—Trinity Island—Beering's Foggy Island—Foggy Cape—Pinnacle Point—Description of a curious Bird—Account of the Schumagin Island—A Russian Letter brought on board the Discovery—Various Conjectures concerning it—Rock Points—Halibut Island—Halibut Head—A Volcano—Escape providentially—Arrival at Oo [...]alashka—Traffic with the Natives there—Another Russian Letter brought on board—Description of the Harbour of Samganoodha.

THE ebb tide making in our favour, we weighed, and, with a gentle breeze at south-west, plied down the river. The flood, however, obliged us to anchor again; but, about one o'clock the next morning, we got under sail with a fresh breeze, passed the barren islands about eight, and at noon Cape St. Hermogenes bore south-south-east, about eight leagues distant. We intended to go through the passage between the island of that name and the main land; but the wind soon after failed us, and we had baffling airs from the eastward; we, therefore, abandoned [Page 340] the design of carrying our ship through that passage.

We now beheld several columns of smoke on the continent, northward of the passage; which were probably meant as signals to attract us thither. The land forms a bay here, a low rocky island lying off the north-west point of it. Some other islands, of a similar appearance, are scattered along the coast between here and Point Banks.

About eight in the evening, St. Hermogenes extended from south half east to south-south-east; and the rocks bore south-east, distant three miles. Here we had forty fathoms water, and catched several halibut with hooks and lines. We passed the rocks, and bore up to the southward about midnight; and, on the 7th at noon, St. Hermogenes bore north, at the distance of four leagues. The southernmost point of the main land lay north half west, five leagues distant. The latitude of this promontory is 58° 15′, and its longitude 207° 24′. It was named, after the day, Cape-Whitsunday; and a large bay to the west; of it, was called Whitsuntide Bay.

The wind, which had been at north-east, shifted to the southward about two in the afternoon. The weather was gloomy, and the air cold. At midnight we stood in for the land, and at seven o'clock in the morning of the 8th, we were within four miles of it, and less than two miles from some sunken rocks, bearing west-south-west. [Page 341] Here we anchored in thirty-five fathoms water. In standing in for the coast, we passed the mouth of Whitsuntide Bay, and perceived land all round the bottom of it; therefore the land must either be connected, or the points lock in behind each other; the former conjecture appears to be the most probable. There are some small islands to the west of the bay. To the southward the sea coast is low, with projecting rocky points, having small inlets between them. Upon the coast there was no wood, and but little snow; but the mountains, at some distance inland, were entirely covered with snow. We were now in the latitude of 57° 52 ½; the land here forming a point, it was named Cape Greville. Its latitude is 57° 33′, and its longitude 207° 15′. It is fifteen leagues distant from St. Hermogenes.

The 9th, 10th, and 11th, we had constant misty weather, with some rain, and seldom had a sight of the coast; we had a gentle breeze of wind, and the air was raw and cold. We continued plying up the coast.

In the evening of the 12th, the fog clearing up, we saw the land about twelve leagues distant, bearing west; and we stood in for it early the next morning. At noon we were within three miles of it; an elevated point, which was named Cape Barnabas, in the latitude of 57° 13′, bore north-north-east, at the distance of about ten miles. We could not see the north-east extreme [Page 342] for the haze, but the point to the south-west had an elevated summit, which terminated in two round hills▪ and was therefore called Two-headed Point. This part of the coast is principally composed of high hills, and deep vallies. We could sometimes perceive the tops of other hills beyond those which form the coast, which had a very barren appearance, though not much incumbered with snow. Not a tree or bush was to be found, and the land, in general, had a brownish hue.

We continued to ply, and, at about six in the evening, being about midway between Cape Barnabas and Two-headed Point, two leagues from the shore we had sixty-two fathoms water. Here a low point of land was observed, bearing south 69° west. On the 14th, at noon, we were in the latitude of 56° 49′. The land seen in the preceding evening now appeared like two islands. We were up with the southernmost part of this land the next morning, and perceived it to be an island, which obtained the name of Trinity Island. Its greatest extent, in the direction of east and west, if about six leagues. It has naked elevated land at each end, and is low towards the middle. Its latitude is 56° 36′, and its longitude 205′. It is distant about three leagues from the continent, between which rocks and islands are interspersed. There seems, nevertheless, to be good passage, and safe anchorage. We at first, imagined that [Page 343] this was Beering's Foggy Island; but its situation is not agreeable to his chart.

In the evening at eight, we were within a league of the small islands above mentioned. The westernmost point of the continent, now in view, we called Cape Trinity, it being a low point facing Trinity Island. in this situation, we stood over for the island, meaning to work up between that and the main. In standing over towards the island, we met two men in a canoe, paddling from thence to the main: instead of approaching us, they seemed carefully to avoid it.

The wind now inclining to the south, we expected it would presently be at south-east; knowing, from experience, that a south-easterly wind was here generally accompanied with a thick fog, we were afraid to venture between the island and the continent, lest we should not be able, to accomplish our passage before night, or before the foggy weather came on; when we should be under the necessity of anchoring, and lose the advantage of a fair wind. Induced by these reasons, we stretched out to sea, and passed two or three rocky islets, near the east end of Trinity Island. Having weathered the island, we tacked about four in the afternoon, and steered west southerly, with a gale at south-south-east, which veered to the south-east about midnight, and was attended with misty rainy weather.

[Page 344]We expected, from the course we steered during the night, to fall in with the continent in the morning; and we should, doubtless, have seen it if the weather had been clear. No land appearing at noon, and the gale and fog increasing, we steered west-north-west, under such sail as we could haul the wind with; sensible of the danger of running before a strong gale, in the vicinity of an unknown coast, and in a thick fog. It was, however, become necessary to run some risk, when the wind was favourable to us; as we were convinced, that clear weather was generally accompanied with westerly winds.

About three in the afternoon, land was perceived through the fog, bearing north-west, about three miles distant. We instantly hauled up south, close to the wind. The two courses were soon after split, and we had others to bring to the yards: several of our sails received considerable damage. The gale abated, and the weather cleared up about nine; when we again saw the coast, about the distance of five leagues. Our depth was a hundred fathoms water.

The fog returned soon after, and was dispersed about four o'clock the next morning; when we found ourselves, in some degree, surrounded by land; the continent, or that which we supposed to be the continent, some elevated land, bearing south-east, about nine leagues distant. The extreme of the main, at the north-east, was the [Page 345] point of land seen during the fog; it was named Foggy Cape, and lies in the latitude of 56° 31′.

Having had but little wind all night, a breeze now sprung up at north-west; we stood to the southward with this, in order to make the land plainer, that was seen in that direction. About nine o'clock, we discovered it to be an island, nine miles in circumference, in the latitude of 56° 10′, and the longitude of 202° 45′. In our chart, it is named Foggy Island, it being reasonable to suppose, from its situation, that it is the island on which Beering had bestowed the same appellation. Three or four islands bore north by west; a point, with pinnacle rocks upon it, bore north-west by west, called Pinnacle Point; and a cluster of islets south-south-east, about nine leagues from the coast. In the afternoon we had very little wind, and our progress was inconsiderable.

On Wednesday the 17th, we had gentle breeze▪ between west and north-west; the weather was perfectly clear, and the air dry and sharp. The continent, about noon, extended from south-west to north by east; the nearest part about seven or eight leagues distant; a group of islands lying to the south-west, about the same distance from the continent.

The weather was clear and pleasant on the 18th, and it was calm the greatest part of the day. There is, probably, a continuation of the continent [Page 346] between Foggy Cape and Trinity Island, which the thick weather hindered us from perceiving.

The Commodore having occasion to send a boat to the Discovery, one of the people a-board her, shot a most beautiful bird. It is smaller than a duck, and the colour is black, except that the fore-part of the head is white; behind each eye, an elegant yellowish-white crest arises; the bill and feet are of reddish colour. The first we saw of these birds was to the southward of Cape St. Hermogenes; after which we saw them daily, and frequently in large flocks. We often saw most of the other sea-birds, that are usually met with in the northern ocean; such as shags, gulls, puffins, sheer-waters, ducks, geese, and swans; and we seldom passed a day, without seeing whales, seals, and other fish of great magnitude.

We got a light breeze, southerly, in the afternoon, and steered west, for the channel between the islands and the continent. At day-break next morning, we were not far from it, and perceived several other islands, within those that we had already seen, of various dimensions. But, between these islands, and those we had seen before, there appeared to be a clear channel, for which we steered; and, at noon, our latitude was 55° 18′, in the narrowest part of the channel. Of this groupe of islands, the largest was now upon our left, and is called Kodiak, as we were [Page 347] afterwards informed. The Commodore did not bestow a name upon any of the others, though he supposed them to be the same that Beering has named Schumagin's Islands^*. Islands appeared to the southward, as far as an island could be seen. They begin in the longitude of 200° 15′ east, and extend about two degrees to the westward.

Most of these islands are tolerably high, but very barren and rugged; exhibiting very romantic appearances, and abounding with rocks and cliffs. They have several bays and coves about them, and some fresh-water streams descend from their elevated parts, but the land was not embellished with a single tree or bush. Plenty of snow still remained on many of them, as well as on those parts of the continent which appeared between the innermost islands.

By four o'clock in the afternoon, we had passed all the islands to the south of us. We found thirty fathoms water in the channel, and soon after we had got through it, the Discovery, which was two miles astern, fired three guns, and brought too, making a signal to speak with us. Captain Cook was much alarmed at this; for, as no apparent danger had been observed in the channel, he was apprehensive that the Discovery had sprung a leak, or met with some similar accident. A boat was sent to her, which immediately returned [Page 348] with Captain Clerke. He informed the Commodore, that some natives in three or four canoes, having followed the ship for some time, at last got under his stern; one of whom made many signs, having his cap off and bowing in the European manner. A rope was then handed down from the ship, to which he fastened a thin wooden box, and, after he had made some more gesticulations, the canoes left the Discovery.

It was not imagined, that the box contained any thing, till the canoes had departed, when it was accidently opened, and found to contain a piece of paper carefully folded up, on which some wrighting appeared, which they supposed to be in the Russian language. To this paper was prefixed the date 1778, and a reference was made therein to the year 1779. Though unable to decypher the alphabet of the writer, we were convinced, by his numerals, that others had preceded us in visiting these dreary regions. Indeed the hopes of speedily meeting some of the Russian traders, must be highly satisfactory to those, who had been so long conversant with the savages of the Pacific Ocean, and those of the continent of North America.

At first, Captain Clerke imagined, that some Russians had been shipwrecked here; and that, seeing our ships, these unfortunate persons were induced thus to inform us of their situation. Deeply impressed with sentiments of humanity on [Page 349] this occasion, he was in hopes the Resolution would have stopped till they had time to join us; hut no such idea ever occured to Captain Cook. If this had really been the case, he supposed, that the first step which such shipwrecked persons would have taken, in order to secure relief, would have been, to send some of their people off to the ships in the canoes. He, therefore, rather thought the paper was intended to communicate some information, from some Russian trader, who had lately visited these islands, to be delivered to any of his countrymen who should arrive; and that the natives supposing us to be Russians, had brought off the note. Convinced of this, he enquired no farther into the matter, but made sail, and steered to the westward.

We ran all night with a gentle breeze at north-east; and the next morning at two some breakers were seen within us, distant about two miles; others were soon after seen a-head, and they were innumerable on our larboard bow, and also between us and the land. By holding a south course we, with difficulty, cleared them. These breakers were produced by rocks, many of which were above water; they are very dangerous, and extend seven leagues from land. We got on their out side about noon, when our latitude was 54° 44′, and our longitude 198′. The nearest land was an elevated bluff point and was named Rock-Point; it bore north, about eight leagues distance; [Page 350] the westernmost part of the main bore north-west, and a high round hill, called Halibut Head, bore south-west, distant about thirteen leagues.

At noon on the 21st, we made but little progress, having only faint winds and calms. Halibut Head then bore north 24° west; and the island where it is situated, called Halibut Island, extended from north by east to north-west. This island is seven leagues in circumference, and, except the head, is very low and barren; several small islands are near it, between which and the main, there appears to be a passage, of the breadth of two or three leagues.

We were kept at such a distance from the continent, by the rocks and breakers, that we had a very distant view of the coast between Halibut Island and Rock Point. We could, however, perceive the main land covered with snow; and particularly some hills, whose elevated tops towered above the clouds to a most stupendous height. A volcano was seen on the most south-westerly of these hills, which perpetually threw up immense columns of black smoke; it is at no great distance from the coast, and is in the latitude of 54° 48′, and the longitude of 195° 45′. Its figure is a compleat cone, and the volcano is at the summit of it: remarkable as it may appear, the wind, at the height to which the smoke of the volcano rose, often moved in an opposite direction to what it did at sea, even in a fresh gale.

[Page 351]Having three hours calm in the afternoon, upwards of an hundred halibuts were caught by our people, some of which weighed upwards of an hundred pounds, and none of them less than twenty. They were highly acceptable to us. We fished in thirty-five fathoms water, about four miles distant from the shore; during which time we were visited by a man in a small canoe, who came from the large island. When he approached the ship, he uncovered his head and bowed as the other had done the preceding day, when he came off to the Discovery.

That the Russians had some communication with these people, was evident, not only from their politeness, but from the written paper already mentioned. We had now an additional proof of it; for our new visitor had on a pair of green cloth breeches, and a jacket of black cloth, under the frock of his own country. He had with him a grey fox skin, and some fishing implements; also a bladder, in which was some liquid, which we supposed to be oil; for he opened it, drank a mouthful, and then closed it up again.

His canoe was smaller than those we had seen before, though of the same construction; like those who had visited the Discovery, he used the double bladed paddle. His features resembled those of the natives of Prince William's Sound, but he was perfectly free from any kind of paint; [Page 352] and his lip had been perforated in an oblique direction, though at that time, he had not any ornament in it. Many of the words, so frequently used by our visitors in the Sound, were repeated to him, but he did not appear to understand any of them; owing either to his ignorance of the dialect, or other erroneous pronunciation.

The weather was principally cloudy and hazy, till the afternoon of the 22d, when the wind shifted to the south-east, attended, as usual, with thick rainy weather. Before the fog, we saw no part of the main land, except the volcano, and a neighbouring mountain. We steered west till seven, when, fearing we might fall in with the land in thick weather, we hauled to the southward till two the next morning, and then bore away west. Our progress was but trifling, having but little wind, and that variable; at five o'clock in the afternoon, we had an interval of sun-shine, when we saw land, bearing north 59° west.

On the 24th, at six in the morning, we saw the continent, and at nine it extended from north east-by-east, to south-west-by-west the nearest part four leagues distant. The land to the south-west consisted of islands, being what we had seen the preceding night. In the evening being about the distance of four leagues from the shore, and having little wind, we threw out our hooks and lines, but caught only two or three little cod.

[Page 353]We got an easterly breeze the next morning, and, with it, what was very uncommon, clear weather; insomuch, that we clearly saw the volcano, the other mountains, and all the main land under them. It extended from north-east by north, to north-west half west. Between this point and the islands, a large opening appeared, for which we steered, till land was seen beyond it; and, though we did not perceive that this land joined the continent, a passage through the opening was very doubtful; as well as whether the land to the south-west was insular or continental. Unwilling to trust too much to appearances, we therefore steered to the southward; when, having got without all the land in sight, we steered west, the islands lying in that direction.

Three of them, all of a good height, we had passed by eight o'clock; more were now seen to the westward. In the afternoon, the weather became gloomy, and afterwards turned to a mist, the wind blowing fresh at east. We therefore hauled the wind to the southward till day-break, and then proceeded on our course to the west.

We derived but little advantage from day-light, the weather being so thick that we could not discover objects at the distance of a hundred yards; but, as the wind was moderate, we ventured to run. About half an hour after four, the sound of breakers alarmed us, on our larboard [Page 354] bow; we found twenty-eight fathoms water, and then twenty-five. We brought the ship too, and anchored in the last depth; the Commodore ordering the Discovery, who was not far distant, to anchor also.

Some hours after, the fog being a little dispersed, we discovered the imminent danger we had escaped. We were three quarters of a mile from the north-east side of an island; two elevated rocks were about half a league from us, and from each other. Several breakers also appeared about them; and yet Providence had safely conducted the ships through in the dark, between those rocks, which we should not have attempted to have done in a clear day, and to so commodious an anchoring place.

Being so near land, Captain Cook ordered a boat ashore, to examine what it produced. When she returned in the afternoon, the officer who commanded her said, he saw some grass, and other small plants, one of which had the appearance of purslain; but the island produced neither trees nor shrubs.

The wind blew fresh at south, in the night, but in the morning was more moderate, and the fog, in a great degree, dispersed. We weighed at seven o'clock, and steered between the island near which we had anchored, and a small one not far from it. The breadth of the channel does not exceed a mile, and the wind failed before we [Page 355] could pass through it; we were therefore obliged to anchor, which we did in thirty-four fathoms water. Land now presented itself in every direction. That to the south extended, in a ridge of mountains, to the south-west; which we afterwards found to be an island called Oonaloshka.

Between this island, and the land to the north, which we supposed to be a group of islands, there appeared to be a channel in a north west direction. On a point, west from the ship, and at the distance of three quarters of a mile, we perceived several natives and their habitations. To this place we saw two whales towed in, which we supposed had just been killed. A few of the inhabitants, occasionally, came off to the ships, and engaged in a little traffic with our people, but never continued with us above a quarter of an hour at a time. They seemed, indeed, remarkably shy; though we could readily discover they were not unacquainted with vessels, similar, in some degree, to ours. Their manner displayed a degree of politeness which we had never experienced among any of the savage tribes.

About one in the afternoon, being favoured with a light breeze, and the tide of flood, we weighed, and proceeded to the channel last mentioned; expecting, when we had passed through, either to find the land trend away to the northward; or that we should discover a passage out to sea, to the west. For we did not suppose ourselves to [Page 356] be in an inlet of the continent, but among islands; and we were right in our conjectures. Soon after we got under sail, the wind veered to the north, and we were obliged to ply. The depth of water was from forty to twenty-seven fathoms. In the evening, the ebb made it necessary for us to anchor within three leagues of our last station.

We weighed the next morning at day break, and were wasted up the passage by a light breeze at south; after which we had variable light airs from all directions. There was, however, a rapid tide in our favour, and the Resolution got through before the ebb made. The Discovery was not equally fortunate, for she was carried back, got into the race, and found a difficulty in getting clear of it.

Being now through the channel, we found the land, on one side, trending west and south-west, and that on the other side to north. This encouraged us to hope, that the continent had taken a new direction in our favour. Being short of water, and expecting to be driven about in a rapid tide, without wind sufficient to govern the ship, we stood for a harbour the south side of the passage, but were driven beyond it; and, that we might not be forced back through the passage, anchored near the southern shore, in twenty-eight fathoms water, and out of the reach of the strong tide; though, even here it ran five knots and an half in an hour.

[Page]

[...]

[Page 357]In this situation, we were visited by several of the natives in separate canoes. They bartered some fishing implements for tobacco. A young man, among them, overset his canoe, while he was along-side of one of our boats. He was caught hold of by one of our people, but the canoe was taken up by another and carried ashore. In consequence of this accident, the youth was obliged to come into the ship, where he was invited into the cabin, and readily accepted the invitation, without any surprize or embarrassment. He had on an upper garment, resembling a shirt, made of the gut of a whale, or some other large sea-animal. Under this, he had another of the same form, made of the skins of birds with the feathers on, curiously sewed together; the feathered side placed next his skin. It was patched with several pieces of silk stuff, and his cap was embellished with glass beads.

His cloaths being wet, we furnished him with some of our own, which he put on with as much readiness as we could have done. From the behaviour of this youth, and that of several others it evidently appeared, that these people were no strangers to Europeans, and to many of their customs. Some thing in our ships, however, greatly excited their curiosity; for, such as had not canoes to bring them off, assembled on the neighbouring hills [...] have a view of them.

[Page 358]At low water we towed the ship into the harbour, where we anchored in nine fathoms water, the Discovery arriving soon after. A boat was sent to draw the seine, but we caught only a few trout, and some other small fish.

We had not long anchored, before a native of the island brought another note on board, similar to that which had been given to Captain Clerke. He presented it to Captain Cook; but, as it was written in the Russian language, neither he, nor any of us, could read it. As it could not be of any use to us, and might probably be of consequence to others, the Commodore returned it to the bearer, accompanied with a few presents; for which he expressed his thanks, as he retired, by several low bows.

On the 29th, we saw along the shore, a group of the natives of both sexes seated on the grass, partaking of a repast of raw fish, which they seemed to relish exceedingly.

We were detained by thick fogs, and a contrary wind, till the 2d of July; during which time we acquired some knowledge of the country, as well as of its inhabitants; the particulars of which shall be hereafter related.

This harbour is called Samganoodha, by the natives, and is situated on the north side of Oonaloshka, the latitude being 53° 55′, the longitude 193° 30′; and in the strait which separates this island from those to the north. It is about [Page]

[...]

[Page 359] a mile broad at the entrance, and runs in about four miles south by west. It narrows towards the head, the breadth there not exceeding a quarter of a mile. Plenty of good water may be procured here, but not a piece of wood of any kind.

THE END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACI …

[Page]

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN FOR MAKING DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTHERN HEMISPHERE: PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF Captains COOK, CLERKE, and GORE, In the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, 1780.

BY Captain JAMES COOK, F. R. S. AND Captain JAMES KING, LL. D. and F. R. S.

ILLUSTRATED WITH ELEGANT PLATES, AND A LARGE CHART.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. III.

NEW YORK: Printed by TIEBOUT and O'BRIEN: FOR BENJAMIN & JACOB JOHNSON, NO. 147, HIGH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.—1796.

[Page]

CONTENTS.

BOOK IV. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES OF NORTH-AMERICA; DISCOVERIES ON THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. VIII. The Ships proceed to the Northward—The Isles of Oonella and Acootan—Onemak—Plenty of Cod caught—Bristol River—Round Island—Calm Point—Mr. Williamson lands at Cape Newenham—His Report—Bristol Bay—Extent of it—Shoal Water—The Ships are obliged by the Shoals to return—Shoal Ness—Americans come off to our Ships—Their Behaviour, Dress, &c.—Point Upright—Death of Mr. Anderson—His character—An Island named after him—Account of Sledge Island—King's Island—Cape Prince of Wales—Anchor in a large Bay on the Asiatic Coast.: Page 1
CHAP. IX. Captain Cook lands at a Village—Interview with some of the Natives, the Tschutski—Their Weapons described—Their Persons—Ornaments—Dress—Winter Habitations—Summer Huts—Canoes—The Ships quit the Bay—Cross the Straight to the American Coast—Point Mulgrave—Appearance of a prodigious mass of Ice—Icy Cape—The Sea, in a Manner, blocked up with Ice—Sea Horses killed, and made use of as Provisions—Account of these Animals—The ships almost surrounded with Ice—Cape Lisburne—Unsuccessful Attempts to get to the North through the Ice—Remarks on the Formation, &c. of this Ice—Arrival on the Asiatic Coast—Cape North.: 28
[Page iv] CHAP. X. The Ships proceed along the Coast of Asia—Burney's Islands—Cape Serdze Kamen—Pass the East Cape of Asia—Description of it—Bay of St. Lawrence—Two other Bays—Beering's Cape Tschukotskoi—Steer for the Coast of America—Cape Derby—Bald-head—Captain Cook lands in search of Wood and Water—Cape Denbigh—Some of the Natives come off to us—Besborough Island—Captain Cook's Interview with a particular Family—Mr. King's Interview with the same Family—Supplies of Wood and Water—Mr. King sent to examine the Coast—Visits from the Natives—Their Huts—Produce of the Country—Mr. King's Report—Norton's Sound—Lunar Observations.: Page 53
CHAP. XI. Stuart's Island discovered—Its Situation, Extent, &c.—Cape Stephens—Point Shallow Water—Shoals on the Coast of North America—Clerke's Island—Gore's Island—Pinnacle Island—The Resolution springs a Leak—The ships arrive at Oonalashka—Plentiful supplies of Fish—Intercourse with the natives, and the Russian Traders—Mr. Ismyloff comes on board—Intelligence received from him—Two Charts produced by him—Account of the Islands visited by the Russians—Of their settlement at Oonalashka—Description of the Natives—Their Dress—Food—Manner of Building—Manufactures—Canoes—Implements for Hunting and Fishing—Fish, and other Sea Animals—Water Fowls—Land-Birds—Quadrupeds—Vegetables—Stones—Repositories of the Dead—Diseases—Resemblance of the Inhabitants of this Side of America to the Esquimaux and Greenlanders—Tides, Longitude, &c.: 80
[Page v] CHAP. XII. Departure from Samganoodha—Amoghta—An elevated Rock—Repass the Strait between Oonalashka and Oonella—Proceed to the South—One Man killed, and three or four wounded on board the Discovery—Mowee discovered—Visits from the Natives— A Visit from a Chief named Terreeoboo—Owhyhee, an island, discovered—Ships ply to Windward—An Eclipse of the Moon—Ship's Crew refuse to taste Sugar-cane Beer—Comparative View of the Cordage in the Navy and Merchants Service—Eulogium on the Natives of Owhyhee—The Resolution accomplishes the Intention of getting to Windward of the Island—The Progress—Visits from the Islanders—Joined by the Discovery—Mr. Bligh examines Karakakooa Bay—Multitudes of People—Anchor in the Bay.: Page 123

BOOK. V. JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURNING TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. I. Karakakooa Bay described—Multitudes of the Natives surround the Ships—Despotic Authority of the Chiefs over the inferior People—A Visit received from Koah—Description of the Morai at Kakoa—Offering made to Captain Cook at the Morai—Mr. King erects Observatories—The Spot on which they are situated, tabooed—Method of curing Meat in Tropical Climates—Society of Priests accidentally discovered—Their Munificence—Ceremony at the Reception of Captain Cook—Mean Artifice of Koah—Arrival of Terreeoboo [Page vi] —The Bay tabooed upon that Occasion— Bring the Inhabitants to Obedience, by firing a Musquet—Remarkable Ceremony—Visit from Terreeoboo—Captain Cook returns it.: Page 147
CHAP. II. The Civility and Hospitality of the Natives—Much addicted to thieving—Their Alacrity in conducting a Party of us up the Country—A Boxing-Match described—Death of William Watman, a Seaman—Attention of the Priests at his Funeral—Ceremony of the Natives at his Funeral—A Grave-stone erected—The Rail and Images on the Morai purchased —The Natives very inquisitive about our Departure—What they supposed to be the Object of our Voyage—Entertained by the Buffoonery of one of the Natives—Magnificent Presents from Terreeoboo—The Natives regret our Departure—Wish to prevail on Mr. King to remain amongst them—The vessels quit the Island—The Resolution damaged in a Gale of Wind, and obliged to return.: 167
CHAP. III. The Behaviour of the Islanders, on our Return to Karakakooa Bay, somewhat mysterious—A Theft committed on board the Discovery—The Thieves pursued up the Country by Captain Cook and Mr. King—Scuffle between the Natives and our People, in which Pareea receives a severe Blow—The Pinnace attacked and plundered—Crew obliged to quit her—Captain Cook's Reflections on the Occasion—Attempt at the Observatory—The Discovery's Cutter stolen from the Buoy—Steps taken for its Recovery—Captain Cook goes on Shore to invite the King and his two Sons on board—His Wife and the Chiefs oppose his going. [Page vii] —A Contest arises on the occasion—Intelligence arrives of one of the Chiefs being killed by one of our People—The Consequences—A Chief threatens Captain Cook and is shot by him—A general Attack ensues—Death of Captain Cook—Account of his Services, and a Sketch of his Character.: Page 185
CHAP. IV. Transactions at Owhyhee, subsequent to the death of Captain Cook—Bravery of Mr. Phillips—The Islanders forced to retire—Situation of our Party at the Morai—The natives annoy them with stones—Attempts to storm the Morai—A short Truce—Our People quit the Morai—Pacific Measures determined on—Mr. King sent to obtain a Conference with some of the Chiefs—His Interview with Koah—Contemptuous Behaviour of the Natives—Precaution taken by us—Two of the Islanders, in a Canoe, fired at, but not hurt—A Piece of Captain Cook's Flesh brought us by one of them—Further Provocations from the Natives—Some great Guns fired at them—Our Watering Party harrassed with stones—The Village of Kakoa burned by our People—Bravery of one of the Natives—A Procession, headed by Kaireekeea, who comes on board the Resolution—The Bones of Captain Cook brought to us—They are committed to the Deep—The Ships leave Karakakooa Bay.: 206
CHAP. V. Leave Karakakooa Bay—In quest of an Harbour on the South-East Side of Mowee—Driven to Leeward by the Current, and strong easterly Winds—Pass Tohoorowa—South-west Side of Mowee described—Proceed to Woahoo—The northeast coast of Woahoo described—Disappointed in attempting to water—Proceed to Atooi—Anchor [Page viii] in Wymoa Bay—The Natives not so friendly as before—The watering Party guarded by Marines—Insolence of the Natives, who demanded a Hatchet for every Cask of Water—The islanders treat our People with Contempt—They steal Mr. King's Hanger out of his Hand—Their Insolence at the Water-side—Are fired at by two Marines—One of them wounded—Visit from the contending Chiefs—Anchor off Oneeheow—Departure.: Page 244
CHAP. VI. The Number, Names, and Situation, of the Sandwich Islands—Extent of Owhyhee, which is the largest of the whole Group—Account of its Districts—Its Coasts and the adjacent Country, described—Snowy Mountains—Volcanic Appearances—Account of a Journey into the interior Parts of Owhyhee Plantations—Account of a Hermit—The Country cultivated to the greatest Advantage—A remarkable Cave—Description of Mowee.—Ranai. —Morotoi — Tahoorowa—Woahoo—Atooi—Oneeheow—Oreehoua—Tahoora—Climate of the Sandwich Isles—Winds—Currents—Tides—Quadrupeds—Amazing Supply of Pork procured by us—Birds—Vegetables.: 261
CHAP. VII. General Account of the Sandwich Isles continued—Origin of the Natives—Their Persons described—Instances of Deformity—Pernicious Consequences arising from the immoderate Use of the Ava—Population of these Islands—Disposition and Manners of the Inhabitants—Restraints imposed on their Women—Their Ingenuity and Docility—Mr. King's Reasons for supposing that they are not Cannibals at present.—Methods of wearing their Hair—Various Ornaments—Dress of the Men— [Page ix] Feathered Cloaks and Helmets—Dress of the Women—A beautiful Kind of Ruff described—Other Ornaments—Villages—Houses—Food—Occupations—Diversions—Their Fondness for Gaming—Astonishing Dexterity in Swimming—Canoes—Arts and Manufactures—Mode of painting Cloth—Beauty of their Mats—Their Fishing-Hooks—Cordage—Various Uses of Gourd-Shells—Salt-Pans—Weapons.: Page 288
CHAP. VIII. Continuation of the Account of the Sandwich Islands—Division of the People into three classes—Superior Power of the Eree-taboo—Genealogical Account of the Kings of Owhyhee and Mowee—Authority of the Erees—Tyranny of Pareea, exercised on an inferior Chief—Punishment of Offences — Account of their Religion — Society of Priests—The Orono—Idols—Eatooas of deceased Chiefs—Religious Ceremonies, Chantings, &c. previous to the drinking of Ava—Human Sacrifices very frequent among them—Religious Custom of knocking out the Fore-Teeth—Their ideas of a future State—Particular Explanation of the Word Taboo—Marriages—Remarkable Instance of Jealousy—Funeral Ceremonies at the Death of an old Chief, &c.: 332

BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

CHAP. I. Quit Oneeheow—Unsuccessful Attempt to discover Modoopapappa—Steer for Awatska Bay—See vast [Page x] Quantities of oceanic Birds—Prepare for a cold Climate—Seamen require directing like Children—Sudden change of Climate—The leaking of the Resolution occasions great Distress—See the coast of Kamtschatka—Continued Showers of Sleet, and great Severity of Weather—Lose Sight of the Discovery—The Resolution enters Awatska Bay—With some Difficulty discover the Town of St. Peter and St. Paul—Party sent ashore—Avoided by Inhabitants on a Sledge—Their Reception by the Commander of the Port—Dispatches to the Commander at Bolcheretsk—Arrival of the Discovery in the Bay—Return of the Messenger—Curious Mode of Travelling—Visit from a Russian Merchant, and a German Servant.: Page 339
CHAP. II. Stores and Provisions extremely scarce at St. Peter and St. Paul—Exorbitant Demands of a Merchant—A party dispatched to Bolcheretsk in pursuit of Stores and Provisions—Proceed up the River Awatska—Pass the night in a Marquée on the River-side—Civility and Hospitality of the Town of Karatchin—Dresses of the Kamischadales—Prosecute our Journey on Sledges—Curious account of that Mode of Travelling—Arrive at Natcheenki—Remarkable hot Spring there—Embark on the Bolchoireka River—Arrival at the Capital—Formal Procession into that town—Generosity and Hospitality of Major Behm, Commander of the Garrison—Bolcheretsk described—Presents received from the Major—Entertainments of Dancing—Very affecting Departure from Bolcheretsk—Return to the Ships—Remarkable Instance of Generosity in the Sailors—Major Behm carries Dispatches to Petersburgh—His Departure, and extraordinary Character.: 366

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A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK. IV. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES O [...] NORTH-AMERICA; DISCOVERIES ON THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. VIII.

The Ships proceed to the Northward—The Isles of Oonella and Acootan—Onemak—Plenty of God caught—Bristol River—Round Island—Calm Point—Mr. Williamson lands at Cape Newenham—His Report—Bristol Bay—Extent of it—Shoal Water—The Ships are obliged by the Shoals to return—Shoal Ness—Americans come off to our Ships—Their Behaviour, Dress, &c.—Point Upright—Death of Mr. Anderson—His character—An Island named after him—Account of Sledge Island—King's Island—Cape Prince of Wales—Anchor i [...] a large Bay on the Asiatic Coast.

ON the 2d of July, we steered from Samganoodha, with a gentle breeze at south-south-east, to the northward, and met with nothing to [Page 2] obstruct us in that course. For on the one side, the Isle of Oonalashka trended south-west; and, on the other, no land was visible in a direction more northerly than north-east; all which land was a continuation of the same groupe of islands that we had fallen in with on the 25th of the preceding month. That which is situated before Samganoodha, and constitutes the north-eastern side of the passage through which we came, is denominated Oonella, and its circumference is about seven leagues. Another island, lying to the north-eastward of it, bears the name of Acootan, it is considerably superior in size to Oonella, and has in it some very lofty mountains, which were, at this time, covered with snow. It appeared, that we might have passed with great safety between these two islands and the continent, whose south-western point opened off the north-eastern point of Acootan and proved to be the same point of land that we had discerned when we left the coast of the continent, the 25th of June, to go without the islands. It is termed Oonemak by the natives, and is situate in the longitude of 192° 3′ east, and in the latitude of 54° 30′ north. Over the cape, which, of itself is high land, there is a round elevated mountain, at present covered with snow. This mountain bore east 2° north, at six o'clock in the afternoon; and two hours afterwards, no [Page 3] land was to be seen. Concluding, therefore, that the coast of the continent had now inclined to the north-eastward, we steered the same course, till one o'clock the following morning, when the watch stationed upon deck imagined they saw land a-head. Upon this we wore, and, for the space of about two hours, stood towards the south-west; after which we resumed our course to the east north-east. At six we discoveted land a-head, at the distance of about five leagues, bearing south-east. As we advanced we descried more and more land, the whole of which was connected. At twelve o'clock, we observed that it extended from south-south-west to east, the part nearest to us being five or six leagues distant. Our longitude, at this time, was 195° 18′ east, and our latitude 55° 21′ north. At six, in the afternoon, we sounded, and found a bottom of black sand at the depth of forty-eight fathoms. We were now four leagues from the land; and the eastern part in sight was in the direction of east-south-east, appearing as an elevated round hummock.

On Saturday the 4th at eight o'clock in the morning we saw the coast from south-south-west, and east by south; and, at intervals we could discern high land, covered with snow, behind it. Not long after we had a calm; and being in thirty fathoms water, we caught, with hook and line, a good number of excellent cod. At twelve [Page 4] we had an easterly breeze and clear weather; at which time we found ourselves about six leagues from the land which extended from south by west to east by south; and the hummock, seen the preceding evening, bore south west by south, at the distance of nine or ten leagues. A great hollow swell from the west-south-westward, convinced us, that there was no main land, in that direction, near us. We steered a northerly course till six o'clock in the afternoon, when the wind, veering to the south-east, enabled us to steer east-north-east. The coast lay in this direction, and, at twelve o'clock on the following day, was at the distance of about four leagues.

We made but little progress on the 6th and 7th, as the wind was northerly. In the evening of the latter day, about eight o'clock, the depth of water was nineteen fathoms, and we were three or four leagues from the coast, which, on Wednesday the 8th, extended from south-south-west to east by north, and was all low land, with a ridge of mountains, covered with snow, behind it. It is not improbable that this low coast extends to a considerable distance towards the south-west; and that those places which we sometimes supposed to be the inlets or bays, are nothing more than vallies between the mountains. This day we put our hooks and lines over, and caught plenty of fine cod.

[Page 5]On the 9th, in the morning, having a breeze at north-west, we steered east by north, in order to make a nearer approach to the coast. At noon, we were at the distance of about two leagues from the land, which was observed to extend from south by east to east-north-east; being all a low coast, with points projecting in several places, which, from the deck, had the appearance of islands; but, from the mast head, we saw that low land connected them. We were now in the longitude of 201° 33′ east, and in the latitude of 57° 49′ north. In this situation, our soundings were fifteen fathoms, over a bottom of fine black sand.

In advancing towards the north-east, we had found that the depth of water gradually decreased, and the coast trended more and more northerly. But we observed, that the ridge of mountains behind it, continued to lie in the same direction as those that were more westerly; so that the extent of the low land, between the coast and the foot of the mountains, insensibly increased. Both the low and high grounds were totally destitute of wood; but were apparently covered with a green turf, the mountains excepted, which were involved in snow.

As we proceeded along the coast with a light westerly breeze, the water shoaled gradually from fifteen to ten fathoms, though we were eight or ten miles distant from the shore. About eight [Page 6] o'clock in the evening, a lofty mountain which had been some time within sight, bore south-east by east, at the distance of twenty-one leagues. Several other mountains, forming a part of the same chain, and much further distant, bore east 3° north. The coast was seen to extend as far as north-east half north, where it seemed to terminate in a point, beyond which it was both our hope and expectation, that it would assume a more easterly direction. But, not long afterwards, we perceived low land, that extended from behind this point, as far as north-west by west, where it was lost in the horizon; and behind it we discerned high land, appearing in hills detached from each other. Thus the fine prospect we had of getting to the northward vanished in an instant. We stood on till nine o'clock, and then the point before-mentioned was about one league distant, bearing north-east half east. Behind the point is a river, which at its entrance, seemed to be a mile in breadth. The water appeared somewhat discoloured, as upon shoals; but a calm would have given it a similar aspect. It seemed to take a winding direction through the extensive flat which lies between the chain of mountains towards the south-east, and the hills to the north-westward. It doubtless abounds with salmon, as many of those fish were seen leaping in the sea before the entrance, and some were found in the maws of cod that we had [Page 7] caught. The mouth of this river, which we distinguished by the appellation of Bristol River, is situated in the longitude of 201° 55′ east, and in the latitude of 58° 27′ north.

At day-break, on the 10th, we made sail to the west-south-west, with a light breeze at north-east. About eleven o'clock, thinking that the coast towards the north-west terminated in a point, bearing north-west by west, the Commodore steered for that point, having ordered the Discovery to keep a-head. But, before that vessel had run a mile she made a signal for shoal water. At that very time we had the depth of seven fathoms; and before we could get the head of our ship the other way, we had less than five: but the Discovery's soundings were less than four fathoms. We now stood back to the north-east, three or four miles; but observing that there was a strong tide setting to the west-south-west, that is, towards the shoal, we brought the ships to anchor in about ten fathoms, over a sandy bottom. Two hours after we had cast anchor, the water had fallen upwards of two feet; which proved, that it was the tide of ebb that came from Bristol River.

In the afternoon, at four o'clock, the wind having shifted to the south-west, we weighed and made sail towards the south, several boats being occupied a-head in sounding. Having passed over the south-end of the shoal, in six fathoms [Page 8] water, we afterwards got into thirteen and fifteen; in which last depth we let go our anchors again, between eight and nine in the evening; some part of the chain of mountains on the south-eastern shore, being in sight, and bearing south-east half south; and the most westerly land on the other shore bearing north-west. In the course of this day, we had descried high land, which bore north 60° west, and which we supposed to be about twelve leagues distant.

We weighed anchor the next morning, at two o'clock, with a gentle breeze at south west, by west, and plied to windward till nine; when judging the flood-tide to be now against us, we anchor [...]d in twenty-four fathoms water. At one in the afternoon, the fog, which had this morning prevailed, dispersing, and the tide becoming favourable, we weighed again, and plied to the south-westward. Towards the evening, the wind was extremely variable, and we had some thunder: we had heard none before, from the time of our arrival on the coast; and that which we now heard was at a great distance. The wind settling again in the south-west quarter, in the morning of Sunday the 12th we steered a a north-west course, and, at ten oclock, saw the continent. At mid-day, it extended from north-east by north to north-north-west a quarter west; and an elevated hill appeared in the direction of north-north-west, nine or ten leagues distant. This [Page 9] was found to be an island, to which, on account of its figure, Captain Cook gave the name of Round Island. It stands in the latitude of 58° 37′ north, and the longitude of [...]00° 6′ east, and is seven miles distant from the continent. At nine in the evening, having steered a northerly course to within three leagues of the shore, we tacked in fourteen fathoms water, the extremities of the coast bearing east-south-east half east, and west.

The wind now veered to the north-west, and enabled us to stretch along the shore, till two the next morning, when we suddenly got into six fathoms water, being then six miles from the land. After we had edged off a little, our depth of water gradually increased; and, at twelve o'clock, our soundings were twenty fathoms. Round Island, at this time, bore north 5° east; and the western extreme of the coast was seven leagues distant, bearing north 16° west. It is an elevated point, to which the appellation of Calm Point was given, from our having calm weather while we were off it. To the north-westward of Round Island, we discerned two or three hillocks which had an insular appearance; and perhaps they may be Islands, for we had but a distant prospect of this particular part of the coast.

We advanced but slowly on the 14th and 15th, having little wind, and, at times, a very thick fog. Our soundings were from twenty-six to [Page 10] fourteen fathoms; and we had pretty good success in fishing, for we caught plenty of cod, and some flac fish. On Thursday the 16th at five o'clock in the morning, the fog clearing up, we found ourselves nearer the shore than we expected. Calm Point bore north 72° east, and a point about eight leagues from it, in a westerly direction, bore north 3° east, only three miles distant. Betwixt these two points, the coast forms a bay in several parts of which the land could scarcely be seen from the mast-head. There is another bay on the north-western side of the last-mentioned point, between it and a high promontory, which now bore north 36° west, at the distance of sixteen miles. About nine o'clock, Captain Cook dispatched Lieutenant Williamson to this promontory, with orders to go ashore, and observe what direction the coast assumed beyond it, and what was the produce of the country; which, when viewed from the ships, had but a steril aspect. We here found the flood tide setting strongly towards the north-west, along the coast. At twelve o'clock it was high water, and we cast anchor at the distance of twelve miles from the shore, in twenty-four fathoms water. In the afternoon, about five, the tide beginning to make in our favour, we weighed, and drove with it, there being no wind.

Mr. Williamson, at his return, reported, that he had landed on the point, and, having ascended [Page 11] the most elevated hill, found, that the most distant part of the coast in sight was nearly in a northerly direction. He took possession of the country in the name of his Britannic Majesty, and left on the hill a bottle contai [...]ing a paper, on which the names of our ships, and of their commanders, and the date of the discovery, were inscribed. The promontory, which he named Cape Newenham, is a rocky point, of considerable height; and stands in the longitude of 197° 36° east, and in the latitude of 58° 4 [...]′ north. Over it, or within it, two lofty hills rise one behind the other; of which the innermost, or easternmost, is the highest. The country, as far as Mr. Williamson could discern, produces not a single tree or shrub. The hills were naked; but on the lower grounds, there grew grass and plants of various kinds, very few of which were at this time in flower. He met with no other animals than a doe and her fawn, and a dead sea-horse or cow that lay upon the beach. Of the latter animals we had lately seen a considerable number.

The coast, as we have already mentioned, assuming a northerly direction from Cape Newenham, that cape is the northern boundary of the extensive bay and gulph, situate before the river Bristol, which in honour of the Admiral Earl of Bristol, received from the Commodore the denomination of Bristol Bay. Cape Ooneemak forms the southern limit of this bay; and is [Page 12] eighty-two leagues distant, in the direction of south south-west, from Cape Newenham.

A light breeze arising about eight o'clock in the evening, and settling at south-south-east, we steered to the north-west, and north-north-west round Cape Newenham; which at twelve the following day, was four leagues distant, bearing south by east. Our soundings, at this time, were seventeen fathoms; the most advanced land towards the north bore north 30° east; and the nearest part of the coast was three leagues and a half distant. During the whole afternoon, there was but little wind; so that, by ten o'clock in the evening, we had only proceeded three leagues on a northerly course.

We steered north by west till eight o'clock the next morning, (Saturday the 18th) when, the depth of water suddenly decreasing to seven and five fathoms, we brought too, till a boat from each of our ships was sent a-head to sound, and then steered to the north-east. At noon, the water was deepened to seventeen fathoms. Cape Newenham was now eleven or twelve leagues distant, bearing south 9° east; the north-eastern extremity of the land in sight bore north 66° east; and the distance of the nearest shore was four or five leagues. Our present latitude was 59° 16′ north. Between Cape Newenham and this latitude, the coast consists of low land and hills, and seemed to form several bays.

[Page 13]Before one o'clock, the boats a-head displayed the signal of shoal water. They had, indeed, only two fathoms; and at the same time, the ships were in six fathoms water. By hauling more to the north, we continued nearly in the same depth till between five and six o'clock, when our boats finding less and less water, Captain Cook made the signal to the Discovery, which was then a-head to cast anchor, and both ships soon came to. In bringing up the Resolution, her cable parted at the clinch, so that we were obliged to make use of the other anchor. We rode in six fathoms water, over a bottom of sand, at the distance of four or five leagues from the continent. Cape Newenham now bore south, sixteen or seventeen leagues distant; the farthest hills we could perceive towards the north, bore north-east by east; and there was low land stretching out from the more elevated land, as far as north by east. Without this there was a shoal of stones and sand, dry at half ebb. The two masters having been sent, each in a boat, to sound between this shoal and the coast, reported, on their return, that there was a channel, in which the soundings were six and seven fathoms, but that it was rather narrow and intricate.

We attempted, at low water to get a hawser round the lost anchor, but we did not then meet with success. However, being resolved not to leave it behind us, while there was any prospect [Page 14] of recovering it, we persevered in our endeavours; and, at length, in the evening of the 20th, we succeeded. While we were thus occupied, the Commodore ordered Captain Clerke to dispatch his master in a boat to search for a bassage in a south-west direction. He accordingly did so, but no channel was observed in that puarter; nor did it appear that there was any other way to get clear of the shoals, than by returning by the same track in which we had entered. For though by following the channel we were now in, we might perhaps have got further down the coast; and though this channel might probably have carried us at last to the northward, clear of the shoals, yet the attempt would have been attended with extreme hazard; and, in case of ill success, there would have been a great loss of time that we could not conveniently spare. These reasons induced the Commodore to return by the way which had brought us in, and thus avoid the shoals.

The longitude of our present station, by lunar observations, was 197° 45′ 48″ east, and the latitude 59° 37′ 30″ north. The most northern part of the coast, that we could discern from this station was supposed to be situate in the latitude of 60°. It formed, to appearance, a low point, which received the name of Shoal Ness. The tide of flood sets to the northward, and the ebb to the southward: it rises and falls five or six [Page 15] feet upon a perpendicular; and we reckon that it is high water at eight o'clock, on the full and change days.

At three in the morning of the 21st, we weighed anchor with a gentle breeze at north-north-west, and steered back to the south, having three boats a-head employed in sounding. Notwithstanding this precaution, we met with greater difficulty in returning than we had found in advancing; and were at length under the necessity of anchoring, to avoid the danger of running upon a shoal that had only a depth of five feet. While we lay at anchor, twenty-seven Americans each in a separate canoe, came off to the ships, which they approached with some degree of caution. As they advanced, they hollowed and opened their arms; thereby intimating, as we understood, their peaceable intentions. Some of them, at last, came near enough to receive a few trifling articles which we threw to them. This gave encouragement to the others to venture along-side; and a traffic quickly commenced between them and our people, who obtained wooden vessels, bows, darts, arrows, dresses of skins, &c. in exchange for which the natives excepted whatever we offered them. They appeared to be the same sort of people, with [...] we had met with all along this coast; and they wore in their lips and noses the same species of ornaments, but were not so well cloathed, and were far more dirty. [Page 16] They seemed to be perfectly unacquainted with any civilized nation; they were ignorant of the use of tobacco; nor did we observe in their possession any foreign article, unless a knife may be considered as such. This, indeed, was nothing more than a piece of common iron fitted in a handle made of wood, so as to serve the purpose of a knife. They, however, so well knew the use and value of this instrument, that it seemed to be almost the only article they were desirous of.

The hair of most of them were shaved, or cut short off, a few locks only being left on one side, or behind. They wore as a covering for their heads, a hood of skins, and a bonnet, which was seemingly of wood. One part of their dress, which we procured from them, was a kind of girdle, made of skin in a very neat manner, with trappings depending from it and passing betwixt the thighs, so as to conceal the adjacent parts. From the use of this girdle, it is probable that they some times go in other respects naked, even in this high northern latitude; for it can scarcely be supposed that they wear it under their other clothing. Their canoes were covered with skins, like those we had lately seen; but they were broader, and the hole wherein the person sits we wider than in any of those we had before met with. Our boats returning from sounding appeared to give them some alarm, so that they all [Page 17] departed sooner than perhaps they otherwise would have done.

We did not get clear of the shoals before the evening of Wednesday the 22d; and then we durst not venture to steer towards the west during the night, but spent it off Cape Newenham. At day-break, on the 23d, we stood to the north-westward, the Discovery being ordered to go ahead. Before we had proceeded two leagues, our soundings decreased to six fathoms. Being apprehensive, that, if we continued this course, we should meet with less and less water, we hauled to the south, with a fresh easterly breeze. This course gradually brought us into eighteen fathoms water, upon which we ventured to steer a little westerly, and afterwards due west, when we at length found twenty-six fathoms. At noon, on the 24th, our longitude, by observation, was 194° 22′ east, and our latitude. 58° 7′ north. About three leagues to the west of this situation, our soundings were twenty-eight fathoms; and we then steered west-north-west, the depth of water gradually increasing to thirty-four fathoms. We should have steered more northerly had not the wind prevented us.

In the evening of Saturday the 25th, having but little wind, and an exceedingly thick fog, we let go our anchors in thirty fathoms; our longitude being, at that time, 191° 37′ east, and our latitude 58° 29′ north. About six o'clock the [Page 18] next morning, the weather in some degree clearing up, we weighed, and with a gentle breeze at east, steered to the northward, our depth of water being from twenty-five to twenty-eight fathoms. After we had proceeded on this course for the space of nine leagues, the wind veered to the north, so that we were obliged to steer more westerly. The weather, for the most part, continued to be foggy, till about twelve o'clock on the 28th, when we had clear sun-shine for a few hours, during which several lunar observations were made. The mean result of these, reduced to noon, at which time our latitude was 59° 55′ north, gave 190° 6′ east longitude, and the time-keeper gave 189° 59′.

Continuing our westerly course, we discovered land at four in the morning of the 29th, bearing north-west by west, at the distance of six leagues. We stood towards it till between ten and eleven, when we tacked in twenty-four fathoms, being then a league from the land, which bore north-north-west. It was the south-eastern extreme, and formed a perpendicular cliff of great height; upon which account, Captain Cook gave it the name of Point Upright. It stands in the longitude of 187° 30′ east and in the latitude of 60° 17′ north. More land was perceived to the westward of this point; and, at a clear interval, we discerned another portion of high land, bearing west by south; and this seemed to be perfectly [Page 19] separated from the other. We here observed an amazing number of birds, such as guillemots, awks, &c.

During the whole afternoon we had baffling light winds, which occasioned our progress to be but slow; and the weather was not sufficiently clear, to enable us to determine the extent of the land that was before us. We conjectured that it was one of the many islands laid down in Mr. Staehlin's map of the New Northern Archipelogo; and we every moment expected to descry more of them.

On the 30th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, Point Upright was six leagues distant, bearing north-west by north. A light breeze now springing up at north-north-west, we steered to the north-eastward till four the next morning, when the wind veered to the cast; we then tacked, and stood to the north-west. The wind, not long after, shifting to south-east, we steered north-east by north; and continued this course, with foundings from thirty-five to twenty fathoms, till noon the following day (August 1.) Our latitude, at this time, was 60° 58′ north, and our longitude was 191° east. The wind now becoming north-easterly, we first made a stretch of about ten leagues towards the north-west; and then, as we observed no land in that direction, we stood back to the east for the space of fourteen or fifteen leagues, and met with a considerable quantity of [Page 20] drift-wood. Our depth of water was from twenty-two to nineteen fathoms.

On Sunday, the 2d of August, variable light winds, with showers of rain, prevailed the whole day. In the morning of the 3d, the wind settling in the south-east quarter, we resumed our north-ward course. At twelve o'clock our soundings were sixteen fathoms, our latitude was 62° 34′ north, longitude 192° east.

Between three and four o'clock this afternoon Mr. Anderson, Surgeon of the Resolution, expired, after he had lingered under a consumption for upwards of a twelve month. He was a sensible, intelligent young man, and an agreeable companion. He had great skill in his profession and had acquired a considerable portion of knowledge in other departments of science. Our readers will doubtless have observed, how useful an assistant he had proved in the course of the voyage; and if his life had been prolonged to a later period, the public might have received from him many valuable communications respecting the natural history of the different places visited by us. Soon after he had resigned his breath, we discovered land to the westward, at the distance of twelve leagues. We supposed it to be an island; and the Commodore, to perpetuate the memory of the deceased, for whom he had a particular esteem, distinguished it by the name of Anderson's Island. The following day Mr. [Page 21] Law, Surgeon of the Discovery, was removed into the Resolution; and Mr. Samual, the Surgeon's first mate of the Resolution, was appointed to succeed Mr. Law as Surgeon of the Discovery.

At three in the afternoon, on the 4th we saw land extending from north-north-east to north-west. We steered towards it till four, when, being four or five miles distant from it, we tacked; and, not long afterwards, the wind failing, we let go our anchors in thirteen fathoms, over a sandy bottom, at the distance of about two leagues from land. Our latitude was now 64° 27′ north, and longitude 194° 18′ east. We could, at intervals, discern the coast extending from east to north-west, and an island of considerable elevation, bearing west by north, nine miles distant.

The land before us, which we imagined to be the continent of America, appeared rather low next the sea; but, inland, it rose in hills, which seemed to be of a tolerable height. It had a greenish hue, and was apparently destitute of wood, and free from snow. While our ships remained at anchor, we observed that the tide of flood came from the eastward, and set to the westward, till between the hours of ten and eleven, from which time, till two o'clock the next morning, the stream set to the east, and the water fell three feet. The flood running both [Page 22] longer and stronger than the ebb, we concluded, that there was a westerly current besides the tide.

On Wednesday the 5th, at ten o'clock in the morning, we ran down, and, soon after, anchored between the island and the continent in seven fathoms. Not long after we had cast anchor, Captain Cook, accompanied by Mr. King, and some other officers, landed upon the island. He hoped to have had from it a prospect of the coast and sea towards the west; but, in that direction, the fog was so thick, that the view was not more extensive than it was from our ships. The coast of the continent seemed to incline to the north, at a low point, named by us Point Rodney, which bore from the island north-west half west, at the distance of three or four leagues; but the high land, which assumed a more northerly direction, was perceived at a much greater distance.

The latitude of this island is 64° 30′ north, and its longitude is 193° 57′ east. It is about twelve miles in circumference. The surface of the ground principally consists of large loose stones, covered in many places with moss and other vegetables' of which twenty or thirty different species were observed, and most of them were in flower. But the Captain saw not a tree or shrub, either on the island, or upon the neighbouring continent. Near the beach where he landed, was a considerable quantity of wild purslain, long-wort, pease, &c. some of which he [Page 23] took on board for boiling. He saw several plovers, and other small birds; a fox was also seen. He met with some decayed huts, built partly under ground. People had lately been upon the island, and it is more than probable, that they often repair to it, there being a beaten path from one end to the other. At a small distance from that part of the shore where our gentlemen landed, they found a sledge, which induced Captain Cook to give the island the appellation of Sledge Island. It appeared to be such a one as is used by the Russian in Kamtschatka, for the purpose of conveying goods from one place to another over the snow or ice. It was about twenty inches in bredath, and ten feet in length; had a sort of rail-work on each side, and was shod with bone. Its construction was admirable, and its various parts were put together with great neatness; some with wooden pins, but for the most part with thongs or lashings of whale-bone; in consequence of which, the Captain imagined that it was entirely the workmaship of the natives.

We weighed anchor at three o'clock in the morning of the 6th, and made sail to the north-west, with alight breeze from the south-ward. Having afterwards but little wind, and that variable, we made but a slow progress; and, at eight o'clock in the evening, finding the ships, getting into shoal water, we anchored in seven fathoms, our distance from the coast being about two [Page 24] leagues. Sledge Island then bore south 51° east, nine or ten leagues distant. Soon after we had let go our anchors the weather, which had been misty, cleared up, and we perceived high land extending from north 40° east to north 30° west, seemingly disjoined from the coast near which we lay at anchor, which appeared to extend to the north-eastward. We at the same time saw an island bearing north 81° west, at the distance of eight or nine leagues. It seemed to be of a small extent, and was named King's Island. We rode at anchor till eight the next morning, when we weighed, and steered a north-west course. The weather being clear towards the evening, we obtained a sight of the north-western land, distant about three leagues. We passed the night in making short boards, the weather being rainy and misty, and the wind inconsiderable. Between four and five in the morning of the 8th, we again had a sight of the north-west land; and, not long afterwards, having a calm, and being driven by a current towards the shore, we thought proper to anchor in twelve fathoms water, at the distance of about two miles from the coast. Over the western extremity is a lofty peaked hill, situate in the longitude of 192° 18′ east, and in the latitude of 65° 36′ north. A north-easterly breeze springing up at eight o'clock, we weighed, and made sail to the south-eastward, hoping to find a passage between this north-west land and the [Page 25] coast, near which we had cast anchor in the evening of the 6th. But we quickly got into seven fathoms water, and perceived low land connecting the two coasts, and the elevated land behind it.

Convinced that the whole was a continued coast, we now tacked, and steered for its north-western-part, near which we anchored in seventeen fathoms. The weather, at present, was very thick and rainy: but, at four the next morning, it cleared up, and enabled us to discern the neighbouring land. A lofty steep rock or island bore west by south; another island to the northward of it, and considerably larger, bore west by north; the peaked hill before-mentioned, south-east by east; and the point that was under it, south 32° east. Under this hill is some low land, extending towards the north-west, the extreme point of which was now about one league distant, bearing north-east by east. Over it, and also beyond it, we observed some high land, which we imagined was a continuation of the continent.

This point of land, which the Commodore distinguished by the name of Cape Prince of Wales, is the western extreme of all America hitherto known. It stands in the longitude of 191° 4′ east, and in the latitude 65° 46′ north. We fancied that we saw some people on the coast: and, perhaps, we were not mistaken in our supposition, as some elevations like stages, [Page 26] and others resembling huts, were observed at the same place.

At eight o'clock this morning, a faint northerly breeze arising, we weighed anchor: but our sails were scarcely set, when it began to blow and rain with great violence, there being at the same time, misty weather. The wind and current were in contrary directions, raising such a sea, that it often broke into the ship. Having plied to windward, with little effect, till two o'clock in the afternoon, we stood for the island which we had perceived to the westward, intending to cast anchor under it till the gale should abate. But, upon our nearer approach to this land, we found that it was composed of two small islands, neither of which exceeded three or four leagues in circumference. As these could afford us little shelter, we did not come to an anchor, but continued to stretch towards the west; and, about eight o'clock in the evening, we saw land extending from north-north-west to west by south, the distance of the nearest part being six leagues. We stood on till ten o'clock, and then made a board towards the east, in order to pass the night.

On Monday the 10th, at break of day, we resumed our westward course for the land seen by us the preceding evening. At eleven minutes after seven o'clock, it extended from south 72° west, to north 51′ east. Betwixt the south-western extremity, and a point bearing west, six [Page 27] miles distant, the coast forms a spacious bay, in which we dropped our anchors at ten in the forenoon, about two miles from the northern shore over a gravelly bottom, at the depth of ten fathoms. The nothern point of this bay bore north 43° east; its southern point south 58° west; the bottom of the bay, north 60° west, between two and three leagues distant; and the two islands that we had passed the preceding day, were at the distance of fourteen leagues, bearing north 72° east.

[Page 28]

CHAP. IX.

Captain Cook lands at a Village—Interview with some of the Natives, the Tschutski—Their Weapons described—Their Persons—Ornaments—Dress— Winter Habitations—Summer Huts— [...]— The Ships quit the Bay—Cross the Straight to the American Coast—Point Mulgrave—Appearance of a prodigious mass of Ice—Icy Cape—The Sea, in a Manner, blocked up with Ice—Sea Horses killed, and made use of as Provisions—Account of these Animals—The ships almost surrounded with Ice—Cape Lisburne—Unsuccessful Attempts to get to the North through the Ice—Remarks on the Formation, &c. of this Ice—Arrival on the Asiatic Coast—Cape North.

WHILE we were steering for this bay, we observed on the north shore, a village, and some people, who seemed to have been thrown into confusion, or fear, at the sight of our vessels. We could plainly perceive persons running up the country with burdens upon their shoulders. At this village Captain Cook proposed to land; and accordingly, went with three armed boats, accompanied by some of the officers. Thirty or forty men, each of whom was armed with a spontoon, bow, and arrows, stood drawn up on an eminence near the houses; three of them came [Page 29] down towards the shore, on the approach of our gentlemen, and were so polite as to pull off their caps, and make them low bows. Though this civility was returned, it did not inspire them with sufficient confidence to wait for the landing of our party; for, the instant they put the boats ashore the natives retired. Captain Cook followed them alone, without any thing in his hand; and, by signs and gestures prevailed on them to stop, and accept some trifling presents; in return for these, they gave him two fox-skins, and a couple of sea horse teeth. The Captain was of opinion that they had brought these articles down with them for the purpose of presenting them to him, even if they had expected no return.

They seemed very timid and cautious; intimating their desire, by signs, that no more of our people should be suffered to come up. On the Captain's laying his hand on the shoulder of one of them, he started back several paces; in proportion as he advanced, they retreated, always in the attitude of being ready to make use of their spears; while those on the eminence, were prepared to support them with their arrows. Insensibly, the Captain, and two or three of his companions, introduced themselves among them. The distribution of a few beads among some of them, soon created a degree of confidence, so that they were not alarmed, when the Captain [Page 30] was joined by a few more of his people; and, in a short time, a kind of traffic was entered into. In exchange for tobacco, knives, beads, and other articles, they gave a few arrows, and some of their cloathing; but nothing that our people had to offer, could induce them to part with a spear or a bow. These they held in continual readiness, never quitting them, except at one time, when four or five persons laid theirs down, while they favoured our party with a song and a dance; and even then, they placed them in such a manner, that they could lay hold of them in a moment.

Their arrows were pointed either with stone or bone, but very few of them had barbs; and some of them had a round blunt point. What use these are applied to, we cannot say, unless it be to kill small animals without damaging the skin.

These bows were such as we had observed on the American coast: their spontoons, or spears, were of iron or steel, and of European or Asiatic workmanship: and considerable pains had been taken to embellish them with carving, and inlayings of brass and of a white metal. Those who stood with bows and arrows in their hands, had the spear slung by a leathern strap over their right shoulder. A leathern quiver, slung over their left shoulder, served to contain arrows; and some of these quivers were exceedingly beautiful, being made of red leather, on which was a very neat embroidery, [Page 31] and other ornaments. Several other things, and particularly their clothing, indicated a degree of ingenuity, far surpassing what any one would expect to find among so northern a people.

All the Americans we had seen since our arrival on that coast, had round chubby faces, and high cheek-bones, and were rather low of stature. The people among whom we now were, far from resembling them, had long visages, and were stout and well made: upon the whole, they appeared to be a very different nation. No women, nor children of either sex, were observed, nor any aged persons, except one man whose head was bald, and he was the only one who bore no arms: the other seemed to be select men, and rather under than above the middle age. The elderly man had a black mark across his face, which was not perceived in any others; all of them had their ears perforated, and some had glass beads hanging to them. These were the only fixed ornaments seen about them, for they wear none to their lips: this is another particular, in which they differ from the Americans we had lately seen.

Their apparel consisted of a pair of breeches, a cap, a frock, a pair of boots, and a pair of gloves, all made of the skins of deer, dogs, seals, and other animals, and extremely well dressed; some with the hair or fur on, and others without it. The caps were made in such a manner, as to [Page 32] fit the head very close; and besides these caps, which were worn by most of them, we procured from them some hoods, made of dog-skins, that were sufficiently large to cover both head and shoulders. Their hair was apparently black, but their heads were either shaved, or the hair cut close off and none of them wore beards. Of the few articles which they obtained from our people, knives and tobacco were what they set the most value upon.

The village was composed both of their winter and their summer habitation; the former are exactly like a vault, the floor of which is sunk below the surface of the earth. One of them, which Captain Cook examined, was of an oval figure, about twenty feet in length, and twelve or more in height; the framing consisted of wood, and the ribs of whales, judiciously disposed, and bound together with smaller materials of the same kind. Over this framing, a covering of strong coarse grass was laid, and that again was covered with earth; so that on the outside, the house had the apperance of a little hillock, supported by a wall of stone, of the height of three or four feet, which was built round the two sides, and one end. At the other end of the habitation, the earth was raised sloping, to walk up to the entrance, which was by a hole in the top of the roof, over that end. The floor was boarded, and under it was a sort of cellar, in which the Captain saw nothing but water; at the end of each house was a vaulted [Page]

[...]

[Page 33] room; which he supposed was a store-room. These store-rooms communicated, by a dark passage, with the house; and with the open air by a hole in the roof, which was even with the ground one walked upon; they cannot be said to be entirely below ground; for one end extended to the edge of the hill, along which they were made, and which was built up with stone. Over it stood a kind of centry-box; or tower, formed of the large bones of great fish.

Their summer huts were of a tolerable size, and circular, being brought to a point at the top. Slight poles and bones, covered with the skins of sea-animals, [...]omposed the framing. Captain Cook examined the inside of one: their was a fire place just within the door, where a few wooden vessels were deposited, all very dirty. Their bed-places were close to the side, and occupied about one-half of the circuit: some degree of privacy seemed to be observed; for there were several partitions, made with skins. The bed and bedding consisted of deer-skins, and most of them were clean and dry.

About the houses were erected several stages, ten or twelve feet in height, such as we had seen on some parts of the American coast. They were composed entirely of bones, and were apparently intended for drying their fish and skins, which were thus placed out of reach of their dogs, of which they had great numbers. These [Page 34] dogs are of the fox kind, rather large, and of different colours, with long soft hair, that resembles wool. They are, in all probability, used for the purpose of drawing their sledges, in water; for it appears that they have sledges, as the Captain saw many of them laid up in one of their waner huts. It is, likewise, not improbable, that dogs constitute a part of their food, for several lay dead, which had been killed that morning.

The canoes of these people are of the same kind with those of the northern Americans, some both of the large and small sort, being seen lying in a creek near the village.

From the large bones of fish, and other sea-animals, it appeared, that the sea furnished them with the greater part of their subsistance. The country seemed extremely barren, as our gentlemen saw not a tree or shrub. At some distance towards the west, they observed a ridge of mountains covered with snow, that had fallen not long before.

At first, some of us supposed this land to be a part of island of Alaschka, laid down in Mr. Staehlin's map before mentioned; but from the appearance of the coast, the situation of the opposite shore of America, and from the longitude, we soon conjectured that it was, more probably, the country of the Tschutski, or the eastern extremity of Asia, explored by Beering in the year [Page 35] 1728. In admitting this, however, without farther examination, we must have pronounced Mr. Staehlin's map, and his account of the new northern Archipelago, to be either remarkably erroneous, even in latitude, or else to be a mere fiction▪ a judgement which we would not presume to pass, upon a publication so respectably vouched, without producing the most decisive proofs.

After our party had remained with these people between two and three hours, they returned on board; and, soon after, the wind becoming southerly, we weighed anchor, stood out of the bay and steered to the north-east, between the coast and the two islands. At twelve o'clock the next day (August 11) the former extended from south 80° west, to north 84° west; the latter bore south 40° west; and the peaked hill, over Cape Prince of Wales, bore south 36° east. The latitude of the ship was 66° 5′ north, the longitude 191° 19′ east; our soundings were twenty eight fathoms; and our position nearly in the middle of the channel, between the two coasts, each being at the distance of about seven leagues.

We steered to the eastward from this station, in order to make a nearer approach to the American coast. In this course the water gradually shoaled; and there being very little wind, and all our endeavours to increase our depth failing, we were obliged at last to cast anchor in six fathoms; which was the only remedy remaining, [Page 36] to prevent the ships driving into more shallow water. The nearest part of the western land bore west, twelve leagues distant; the peaked mountain over Cape Prince of Wales, bore south l6° west; and the most northern part of the American continent in sight, east-south-east; the distance of the nearest part being about four leagues. After we had anchored, a boat was dispatched to sound, and the water was found to shoal gradually towards the land. While our ships lay at anchor, which was from six to nine in the evening, we perceived little or no current, nor did we observe that the water rose or fell.

A northerly breeze springing up, we weighed and made sail to the westward, which course soon brought us into deep water; and, during the 12th, we plied to the northward in sight of both coasts, but we kept nearest to that of America. On the 13th, at four in the afternoon, a breeze arising at south, we steered north-east by north, till four o'clock the next morning, when, seeing no land, we directed our course east by north; and between the hours of nine and ten, land appeared, which we supposed was a continuation of the continent. It extended from east by south, to east by north; and, not long afterwards, we descried more land, bearing north by east. Coming rather suddenly into thirteen fathoms water, at two in the afternoon, we made a trip off till four, when we again stood in for the land; which [Page 37] soon after, we saw, extending from north to south-east, the nearest part being at the distance of three or four leagues. The coast here forms a point, named by us Point Mulgrave, which is situated in the latitude of 67° 45′ north, and in the longitude of 194° 51′ east. The land seemed to be very low near the sea, but a little farther it rises into hills of a moderate height: the whole was free from snow, and apparently destitute of wood. We now tacked, and bore away north-west by west; but, in a short time afterwards, thick weather, with rain, coming on, and the wind increasing, we hauled more to the westward. At two o'clock the next morning, the wind veered to south-west by south, and blew a strong gale, which abated towards noon. We now stood to the north-east, till six the next morning, when we steered rather more easterly: in this run we met with several sea-horses, and great numbers of birds; some of which resembled sand-larks and others were not larger than hedge-sparrows. We also saw some shags, so that we judged we were not far from land; but, having a thick fog, we could not expect to see any; and as the wind blew strong, it was not deemed pr [...] dent to continue a course which was most likely to bring us to it. From the noon of this day, (the 16th of August) to six o'clock in the morning of the following, we steered east by north; a course which brought us into fifteen fathoms [Page 38] water. We now steered north-east by east, thinking, by such a course, to increase our depth of water. Bu [...], in the space of six leagues, it shoaled to eleven fathoms, which induced us to haul close to the wind, that now blew at west. About twelve o'clock, both sun and moon were clearly seen at intervals, and we made some hasty observations for the longitude; which, reduced to noon, when the latitude was 70° 33′ north, gave 197° 41′ east. The time-keeper, for the same time, gave 198°

Some time in the forenoon, we perceived a brightness in the northern horizon, like that reflected from ice, usually called the blink. Little notice was taken of it, from a supposition that it was improbable we should so soon meet with ice. The sharpness of the air, however, and gloominess of the weather, for the two or three preceding days, seemed to indicate some sudden change. About an hour afterwards, the sight of an enormous mass of ice, left us no longer in any doubt respecting the cause of the brightness of the horizon. Between two and three o'clock we tacked close to the edge of the ice, in twenty-two fathoms water, being then in the latitude of 70° 41′ north, and unable to stand on any farther: for the ice was perfectly impenetrable, and extended from west by south, to east by north, as far as the eye could reach. Here we met wi [...]h great numbers of sea-horses, some of which were [Page 39] in the water, but far more upon the ice. The Commodore had thoughts of hoisting out the [...]oats to kill some of these animals; but, the wind freshening, he gave up the design; and we continued to ply towards the south▪ or rather towards the west, for the wind came from that duarter. We made no progress; for, at twelve on the 18th, our latitude was 70° 44′ north, and we were almost five leagues farther to the east.

We were, at present, close to the edge of the ice, which was as compact as wall, and appeared to be at least ten or twelve feet in height: but, farther northward, it seemed to be much higher. Its surface was exceedingly rugged, and, in several places, we saw pools of water upon it. We now stood to the south, and, after running six leagues, shoaled the water to seven fathoms; but it soon increased to the depth of nine fathoms. At this time, the weather, which had been hazy, becoming clearer, we saw land extending from south to south-east by east, at the distance of three or four miles▪ The eastern extremity forms a point, which was greatly encumbered with ice, on which account it was distinguished by the name of Icy Cape. Its latitude is 70° 29′ north, and its longitude 198° 20′ east. The other extreme of the land was lost in the horizon; and we had no doubt of its being a continuation of the continent of America. The Discovery being about a mile a-stern, and to leeward, [Page 40] met with less depth of water than we did; and tacking on that account, the Commodore was obliged to tack also, to prevent seperation.

Our present situation was very critical. We were upon a lee shore in shoal water; and the main body of the ice to windward, was driving down upon us. It was evident, that if we continued much longer between it and the land, it would force us ashore, unless it should chance to take the ground before us. It appeared almost to join the land to leeward, and the only direction that was free from it, was to the south-westward. After making a short board to the north, Captain Cook made a signal for the Discovery to tack, and his ship tacked at the same time. The wind proved in some measure favourable so that we lay up south-west, and south-west by west.

On Wednesday the 19th at eight in the morning the wind veering to west, we tacked to the northward and, at twelve, the latitude was 70° 6′ north, and the longitude 196° 42′ east. In this situation, we had a considerable quantity of d [...]ift ice about our ships, and the main ice was about two leagues to the north. Between one and two, we got in with the edge of it. It was less compact than that which we had observed towards the north; but it was too close, and in too large pieces to attempt forcing the ships through it. We saw an amazing number of sea-horses on the ice, and as we were in want of fresh provisions, [Page]

[figure]

[Page 41] the boats from each ship were dispatched to procure some of them. By seven in the evening, we had received, on board the Resolution, nine of these animals; which, till this time, we had supposed to be sea cows; so that we were greatly disappointed, particularly some of the sailors, who, on account of the novelty of the thing, had been feasting their eyes for some days past. Nor would they now have been disappointed, nor have known the difference, if there had not been two or three men on board, who had been in Greenland, and declared what animals these were, and that no person ever eat of them. Notwithstanding this, we made them serve us for provisions, and there were few of our people who did not prefer them to our salt meat.

The fat of these animals, at first, as sweet as marrow; but, in a few days, it becomes rancid, unless it is salted, in which state it will keep much longer. The lean flesh is coarse and blackish and has a strong taste: and the heart is almost as well tasted as that of a bullock. The fat, when melted, affords a good quantity of oil which burns very well in lamps; and their hides, which are of great thickness, were extremely useful about our rigging. The teeth, or tusks, of most of them were, at this time, of a very small size; even some of the largest and oldest of these animals, had them not exceeding half a foot in [Page 42] length. Hence we concluded, that they had lately shed their old teeth.

They lie upon the ice in herds of many hundreds, huddling like swine, one over the other; and they roar very loud; so that in the night, or when the weather was foggy, they gave us notice of the vicinity of the ice, before we could discern it. We never found the whole herd sleeping, some of them being constantly upon the watch. These, on the reproach of the boat, would awake those that were next to them; and the alarm being thus gradually communicated, the whole herd would presently be awake. However they were seldom in a hurry to get away, before they had been once fired at. Then they would fall into the sea, one over the other in the utmost confusion; and, if we did not happen, at the first discharge, to kill those we fired at, we generally lost them, though mortally wounded.

They did not appear to us to be so dangerous as some authors have represented them, not even when they were attacked. They are, indeed, more so, in apperrance, than in reality. Vast multitudes of them would follow, and come close up to the boats; but the flash of a musket in the pan, or even the mere pointing of one at them, would send them down in a moment. The female will defend her young one to the very last, and at the expence of her own life, whether upon the ice or in the water. Nor will the young, [Page 43] one quit the dam, though she should have been killed; so that, if you destroy one, you are sure of the other. The dam, when in the water, holds her young one between her fore sins. Mr. [...]ennant, in his Synopsis of Quadrupeds, has given a very good description of this animal under the name of the Arctic Walrus. Why it should be called a sea-horse, is difficult to determine, unless the word be a corruption of the Russian name Morse; for they do no [...] in the least resemble a horse. It is, doubtless, the same animal that is found in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, and there called a sea-cow. It is certainly more like a cow than a horse; but this resemblance consists in nothing but the snout. In short, it is an animal not unlike a seal, but incomparably larger. The length of one of them, which was none of the largest, was nine feet four inches from the snout to the tail; the circumference of its body at the shoulder, was seven feet ten inches: its circumference near the hinder fins was five feet six inches, and the weight of the carcase, without the head, skin, or intrails, was eight hundred and fifty-four pounds. The head weighed forty-one pounds and a half, and the skin two hundred and five pounds.

It may not be improper to remark, that, for some days before this time, we had often seen flocks of ducks flying to the south. They were of two species, the one much larger than the [Page 44] other. The larger sort was of a brown colour; and of the small sort, either the duck or drake was black and white, and the other brown. Some of our people said that they also saw geese. This seems to indicate, that there must be land to the northward, where these birds, in the proper season, find shelter for breeding, and whence they were now on their return to a warmer climate.

Soon after we had got our sea-horses on board, we were, in a manner, surrounded with the ice, and had no means of clearing it, but by steering to the southward, which we did till three o'clock the next morning, with a light westerly breeze, and, in general, thick, foggy weather. Our soundings were from twelve to fifteen fathoms. We then tacked and stood to the northward till ton o'clock, when the wind shifting to the north, we stood to the west-south-west and west. At two in the afternoon, we fell in with the main ice, and kept along the edge of it, being partly directed by the roaring of the sea-horses, for we had an exceeding thick fog. Thus we continued sailing [...]ill near midnight, when we got in among the loose pieces of ice.

The wind being easterly, and the fog very thick, we now hauled to the southward, and at ten the next morning, the weather clearing up, we saw the American continent, extending from south by east, to east by south; and, at noon, from south-west half south to east, the distance [Page 45] of the nearest part being five leagues. We were at present in the latitude of 69° 32′ north, and in the longitude of 195° 48′ east; and, as the main ice was not far from us, it is evident, that it now covered a part of the sea; which, a few days before, had been free from it; and that it extended farther towards the south, than where we first [...]ell in with it.

During the afternoon we had but little wind; and the Master was sent in a boat to observe whether there was any current, but he found none. We continued to steer for the American land till eight o'clock, in order to obtain a nearer view of it, and to search for a harbour; but seeing nothing that had the appearance of one, we again stood to the north, with a gentle westerly breeze. At this time, the coast extended from south-west to east, the nearest part being at the distance of four or five leagues. The southern extreme seemed to form a point, to which the name of Cape [...]isburne was given. It is situate in the latitude of 69° 5′ north, and in the longitude of 194° 42′ east, and appeared to be tolerably high land, even down to the sea; but there may be low land under it, which we might not then see, being not less than ten leagues distant from it. In almost every other part, as we advanced to the north, we had found a low coast, from which the land rises to a moderate height. The coast now before us was free from snow, except [Page 46] in one or two places, and had a greenish hue. But we could not discern any wood upon it.

On Saturday the 22d, the wind was southerly, and the weather for the most part foggy, with some intervals of sunshine. At eight in the evening, we had a calm, which continued till midnight, when we heard the surge of the sea dashing against the ice, and had many loose pieces about us. A light breeze now rose at north-east, and the fog being very thick, we steered to the south to get clear of the ice. At eight the next morning, the fog dispersed, and we hauled towards the west; for the Commodore finding that he could not get to the north near the coast, by reason of the ice, resolved to try what could be done at a distance from it; and as the wind seemed to be fixed at north, he considered it as a favourable opportunity.

In our progress to the westward, the water gradually deepened to twenty-eight fathoms. With the northerly wind the air was sharp and cold; and we had fogs, sunshine, showers of snow and fleet alternately. On the 26th, at ten in the morning, we fell in with the ice. At twelve, it extended from north-west to east by north, and seemed to be thick and compact. We were now, by observation, in the latitude of 69° 36′ north, and in the longitude of 184° east; and it now appeared that we had no better prospect of getting to the north here, than nearer the shore.

[Page 47]We continued steering to the west, till five in the afternoon, when we were, in some degree, embayed by the ice, which was very close in the north-west and north-east quarters, with a great quantity of loose ice about the edge of the main body. At this time, we had baffling light airs, but the wind soon settled at south, and increased to a fresh gale, accompanied with showers of rain. We got the tack aboard, and stretched to the east, as this was the only direction in which the sea was free from ice.

On Thursday the 27th, at four in the morning, we tacked and stood to the westward, and at seven o'clock in the evening, we were close in with the edge of the ice, which lay east-north-east, and west-south-west, as far in each of those directions as the eye could reach. There being but little wind, Captain Cook went with the boats, to examine the state of the ice. He found it consisting of loose pieces, of various extent, and so close together, that he could scarcely enter the outer edge with a boat; and it was as impracticable for the ships to enter it, as if it had been so many rocks. He particularly remarked, that it was all pure transparent ice, except the upper surface, which was rather porous. It seemed to be wholly composed of frozen snow, and to have been all formed at sea. For, not to insist on the improbability of such prodigious masses floating out of rivers, none of the productions of the land [Page 48] were found incorporated, or mixed in it; which would certainly have been the case, if it had been formed in rivers, either great or small.

The pieces of ice that formed the outer edge of the main body, were from forty or fifty yards in extent, to four or five; and the Captain judged, that the larger pieces reached thirty feet or more, under the surface of the water. He also thought it highly improbable, that this ice could have been the production of the preceding winter alone. He was rather inclined to suppose it to have been the production of many winters, It was equally improbable, in his opinion, that the little that now remained of the summer, could destroy even the tenth part of what now subsisted of this great mass; for the sun had already exerted upon it the full force and influence of its rays. The sun, indeed, according to his judgment, contributes very little towards reducing these enormous masses. For though that luminary is above the horizon a considerable while, it seldom shines out for more than a few hours at a time, and frequently is not seen for several successive days. It is the wind, or rather the waves raised by the wind, that brings down the bulk of these prodigious masses, by grinding one piece against another, and by undermining and washing away those parts which are exposed to the surge of the sea. This was manifest, from the Captain's observing, that the upper surface [Page 49] of many pieces had been partly washed away, while the base, or under part, continued firm for several fathoms round that which appeared above water, like a shoal round a high rock. He measured the depth of water upon one, and found that it was fifteen feet, so that the ships might have sailed over it. If he had not measured this depth, he would have been unwilling to believe, that there was a sufficient weight of ice above the surface, to have sunk the other so much below it. It may thus happen, that more ice is destroyed in one tempestous season than is formed in several winters, and an endless accumulation of it is prevented. But that there is constantly a remaining store, will be acknowledged by every one who has been upon the spot.

A thick fog, which come on while the commodore was thus employed with the boats, hastened him aboard sooner than he could have wished, with one sea-horse to each ship. Our party had killed many, but could not wait to bring them off. The number of these animals, on all the ice that we had seen, is really astonishing. We spent the night standing off and on, amongst the drift ice, and at nine o'clock the next morning, the fog having in some degree dispersed, boats from each of the ships were dispatched for sea-horses; for our people by this time began to relish them, and those we had before furnished ourselves with, were all consumed.

[Page 50]At noon, our latitude was 69° 17′ north, our longitude 183° east, and our depth of water was twenty-five fathoms. At two in the afternoon, having got on board as many sea horses as were deemed sufficient, and the wind freshening at south-south-east, we hoisted in the boats, and steered to the south-west. But being unable to weather the ice upon this tack, or to go through it, we made aboard to the eastward, till about eight o'clock, then resumed our course to the south-west, and were obliged before midnight, to tack again, on account of the ice. Not long after, the wind veering to the north west, and blowing a stiff gale, we stretched to the south-west, close hauled.

On the 29th, in the morning, we saw the main ice towards the north, and soon after, perceived land bearing south-west by west. In a short time after this, more land was seen, bearing west. It shewed itself in two hills, resembling islands, but soon the whole appeared connected. As we made a nearer approach to the land, the depth of water decreased very fast, so that, at twelve o'clock, when we tacked, we found only eight fathoms; being three miles from the coast, which extended from south 30° east, to north 60° west. The latter extremity terminating in bluff point, being one of the hills mentioned before.

The weather was now very hazy, with drizzling rain; but, soon afterwards, it cleared up [Page 51] particuarly to the southward, westward, and northward. This enabled us to have a tolerable view of the coast; which resembles, in every respect, the opposite coast of America; that is, low land next the sea, with higher land farther back. It was totally distitute of wood, and even of snow; but was probably, covered with a mossy substance, that gave it a brownish hue. In the low ground that lay between the sea and the high land, was a lake, extending to the south eastward farther than we could see. As we stood off, the most westerly of the two hills above-mentioned, came open off the bluff point, in a north-west direction. It had the appearance of an island, but it might perhaps be connected with the other by low land, though we did not see it. And if that be the case, there is a two-fold point, with a bay between them. This point, which is rocky and steep, received the name of Cape North. It is situated nearly in the latitude of 68° 56′ north, and in the longitude of 180° 51′ east. The coast beyond it doubtless assumes a very westerly direction; for we could discern no land to the northward of it, though the horizon was there pretty clear. Wishing to see more of the coast to the westward, we tacked again, at two in the afternoon, thinking we should be able to weather Cape North; but finding we could not, the wind freshening, a thick fog arising, with much snow, and being apprehensive of the ice coming down [Page 52] upon us, the Commodore relinquished the design he had formed of plying to the westward, and again stood off shore.

The season was now so far advanced, and the time when the frost generally sets in was so near, that Captain Cook did not think it consistent with prudence, to make any farther attempts to discover a passage into the Atlantic Ocean this year, in any direction, so small was the probability of success. His attention was now directed to the search of some place, where we might recruit our wood and water; and the object that principally occupied his thoughts was, how he should pass the winter, so as to make some improvements in navigation and geography, and at the same time, be in a condition to return to the north-ward the ensuing summer, to prosecute his search of a passage into the Atlantic.

[Page 53]

CHAP. X.

The Ships proceed along the Coast of Asia—Burney's Islands—Cape Serdze Kamen—Pass the East Cape of Asia—Description of it—Bay of St. Lawrence—Two other Bays—Beering's Cape Tschukotskoi—Steer for the Coast of America—Cape Derby—Bald-head—Captain Cook lands in search of Wood and Water—Cape Denbigh—Some of the Natives come off to us—Besborough Island—Captain Cook's Interview with a particular Family—Mr. King's Interview with the same Family—Supplies of Wood and Water—Mr. King sent to examine the Coast—Visits from the Natives—Their Huts—Produce of the Country—Mr. King's Report—Norton's Sound—Lunar Observations.

HAVING stood off till our foundings were eighteen fathoms, we made sail to the eastward, along the coast, which, we were now pretty well convinced, could only be the continent of Asia. The wind blowing fresh, and there being, at the same time, a thick mist, and a very heavy fall of snow, it was requisite that we should proceed with particular caution: we therefore brought too, for a few hours, in the night. Early the next morning, which was the 30th of August, we steered such a course as we judged most likely to [Page 54] bring us in with the land, being guided, in a great measure, by the land; for the weather was extremely thick and gloomy, with incessant showers of snow. At ten o'clock we obtained a sight of the coast, which was at the distance of four miles, bearing south-west. Soon afterwards, our depth of water having decreased to seven fathoms, we hauled off. A very low point now bore south-south-west, distant two or three miles; to the eastward of which there seemed to be a narrow channel, that led into some water which we saw over the point. It is not improbable, that the lake above-mentioned communicates here with the sea.

About twelve o'clock, the mist dispersing, we had a view of the coast, which extended from south-east to north-west by west. Some parts of it were apparently higher than others; but the greatest part of it was rather low, with high land farther up the country. It was almost entirely covered with snow, which had fallen very lately. We ranged along the coast, at the distance of about two leagues, till ten o'clock in the evening, when we hauled off; but resumed our course early on the following morning, when we had another view of the coast, extending from west to south-east by south. At eight o'clock, the eastern part bore south, and was found to be an island, which, at twelve, was four or five miles distant, bearing south-west half south. It is of a moderate [Page 55] height, between four and five miles in circumference, with a steep rocky coast. It is situated in the latitude of 67° 45′ north, about three leagues from the continent; and is distinguished in the chart by the appellation of Burney's Island. The inland country, about this part, abounds with hills, some of which are of considerable elevation. The land in general was covered with snow, except a few spots on the coast, which still continued to be low, but somewhat less so than farther towards the west.

During the two preceding days, the mean height of the mercury in the thermometer had been frequently below the freezing point, and, in general, very little above it; insomuch that the water, in the vessels upon deck, was often covered with a sheet of ice. We continued to steer south-south-east, almost in the direction of the coast, till five o'clock in the afternoon, when we saw land bearing south 50° east, which proved to be a continuation of the coast. We hauled up for it without delay; and, at ten in the evening, being a-breast of the eastern land, and doubtful of weathering it, we tacked, and made a board towards the west, till after one o'clock the next morning, (Tuesday, the 1st of September), when we again made sail to the east. The wind was now very unsettled, continually varying from north to north-east. Between eight and nine, the eastern extremity of the land was at the distance [Page 56] of six or seven miles, bearing south by east. A head-land appeared, at the same time, bearing east by south, half south; and, not long after, we could discern the whole coast that lay between them, and a little island at some distance from it.

The coast now in sight seemed to form several rocky points, that were connected by a low shore, without any appearance of an harbour. At a distance from the sea many hills presented themselves to our view, the highest of which were involved in snow; in other respects, the whole country had a naked aspect. At seven o'clock in the evening, two points of land, beyond the eastern head, opened off it in the direction of south 37° east.

Captain Cook was now convinced of what he had before imagined, that this was the country of the Tschutski, or the north-eastern coast of Asia; and that Beering had proceeded thus far in the year 1728; that is, to this head, which, according to Muller, is denominated Serdze Kamen, on account of a rock upon it, that is of the figure of a heart. There are, indeed, many high rocks on this cape, some one or other of which may perhaps be shaped like a heart. It is a promontory of tolerable height, with a steep rocky cliff fronting the sea. Its latitude is 67° 3′ north, and its longitude 188° 11′ east. To the east of it the coast is elevated and cold; but, to the west, it [Page 57] is low, and extends north west by west, and north-north-west; and it is nearly of the same direction all the way to Cape North. The depth of water is every where the same at an equal distance from the shore; and this is likewise the case on the opposite coast of America. The greatest depth we met with, as we ranged along it, was twenty-three fathoms. During the night, or in thick foggy weather, the soundings are no bad guide to those who sail along either of these coasts.

On the 2d of September, at eight in the morning, the most advanced land to the south-eastward, bore south 25° east; and, from this particular point of view, had an insular appearance. But the thick showers of snow, that fell in quick succession, and settled on the land, concealed, from our sight, at this time, a great part of the coast. In a short time after, the sun, which we had not seen for near five days, broke out during the intervals between the showers, by which means the coast was, in some degree, freed from the fog; so that we obtained a sight of it, and found that the whole was connected. The wind was still northerly, the air was cold, and the mercury in the thermometer did not rise above 35°, and was sometimes not higher than 30°. At twelve o'clock our latitude was 66° 37′ north; Cape Serdze Kamen was twelve or thirteen leagues distant, bearing north 52° west; the most southerly [Page 58] point of land that we had in our sight, bore south 41° east; our soundings were twenty-two fathoms; and the distance of the nearest part of the shore was about two leagues.

The weather was now fair and bright; and, as we were ranging along the coast, we saw several of the natives, and some of their dwelling-places, which had the appearance of hillocks of earth. In the course of the evening we passed the Eastern Cape, or the point before-mentioned; from which the coast trends to the south-westward. This is the same point of land that we had passed on the 11th of the preceding month. Those who gave credit to Mr. Staehlin's map, then supposed it to be the eastern point of his island Alaschka; but we were, by this time, convinced, that it is no other than the eastern promontory of Asia; and, perhaps, it is the proper Tschukotskoi Noss, though the promontory, which received that name from Beering, is situated further towards the south-west.

Muller, in his map of the discoveries of the Russians, places the Tschukotskoi Noss nearly in the latitude of 75° north, and extends it somewhat to the eastward of this cape. But Captain Cook was of opinion, that he had no good authority for so doing. Indeed his own, or rather Deshneff's account of the distance between the river Anadir and the Noss, cannot well be reconciled with so northerly a position. For he says, [Page 59] that, with the most favourable wind a person may go by sea from the Noss to the river Anadir in three whole days, and that the journey by land is very little longer. But Captain Cook, having hopes of visiting these parts again, deferred the discussion of this point to another opportunity. In the mean time, however, he concluded, as Beering had done before him, that this was the easternmost point of all Asia. It is a peninsula of considerable elevation, joined to the continent by a very low and apparently narrow isthmus. It has, next the sea, a steep rocky cliff; and off the very point are several rocks resembling spires. It stands in the longitude of 190° 22′ east, and in the latitude of 66° 6′ north; and is thirteen leagues distant, in the direction of north 53° west, from Cape Prince of Wales, on the coast of America. The land about this promontory consists of vallies and hills. The former terminate at the sea in low shores, and the latter in steep rocky points. The hills appeared like naked rocks; but the vallies, though destitute of tree or shrub, were of a greenish hue.

After we had passed the Cape, we steered south-west half west towards the northern point of St. Lawrence's Bay, in which our ships had anchored on the 10th of August. We reached it by eight o'clock the following morning, and saw some of the natives at the place where we had before seen them, as well as others on the opposite [Page 60] side of the bay, Not one of them, however, came off to us; which was rather remarkable, as the weather was sufficiently favourable, and as those whom we had lately visited had no reason to be displeased with us. These people are certainly the Tschutski, whom the Russians had not hitherto subdued; though it is manifest that they must carry on a traffic with the latter, either directly, or by the interposition of some neighbouring nation; as their being in possession of the spontoons we saw among them, cannot otherwise be accounted for.

The Bay of St. Lawrence ^* is, at the entrance, at least five leagues in breadth, and about four leagues deep, growing narrower towards the bottom, where it seemed to be pretty well sheltered from the sea winds, provided there is a competent depth of water for ships. The Commodore did not wait to examine it, though he was extremely desirous of finding a convenient harbour in those parts, to which he might resort in the succeeding spring. But he wished to meet with one where wood might be obtained; and he knew that none could be found here. From the southern point of this bay, which is situated in [Page 61] the latitude of 65° 30′ north, the coast trends west by south for the space of about nine leagues, and there seems to form a deep bay or river; or else the land in that part is so low that we could not discern it.

In the afternoon, about one o'clock, we saw what was first supposed to be a rock; but it was found to be a dead whale, which some Asiatics had killed, and were then towing ashore. They seemed to endeavour to conceal themselves behind the fish, in order to avoid being seen by us. This, however, was unnecessary, for we proceeded on our course without taking notice of them. On the 4th, at break of day, we hauled to the north-westward, for the purpose of gaining a nearer view of the inlet seen the day before; but the wind, not long after, veering to that direction, the design was abandoned; and, steering towards the south along the coast, we passed two bays, each about six miles deep. The most northerly one is situate before a hill, which is rounder than any other we had observed upon the coast. There is an island lying before the other bay. It is a matter of doubt whether there is a sufficient depth of water for ships in either of these bays, as, when we edged in for the shore, we constantly met with shoal water. This part of the country is extremely naked and hilly. In several places on the lower grounds, next the sea, were the habitations of the natives, near all of [Page 62] which were erected stages of bones, like those before-mentioned. This day, at noon, our latitude was 64° 38′ north, and our longitude 188° 15′ east; the nearest part of the shore was at the distance of three or four leagues; and the most southern point of the continent in sight bore south 48° west.

The wind, by this time, had veered to the north, and blew a light breeze: the weather was clear, and the air sharp. The Commodore did not think proper to follow the direction of the coast, as he perceived that it inclined westward towards the gulph of Anadir, into which he had no motive for going. He therefore steered a southerly course, that he might have a sight of the isle of St. Lawrence, which had been discovered by Beering. This island was quickly seen by us; and, at eight in the evening, it bore south 20° east, supposed to be at the distance of eleven leagues. The most southerly point of the main land was, at that time, twelve leagues distant, bearing south 83° west. Captain Cook conjectured, that this was the point which is called by Beering the eastern point of Suchotski, or Cape Tschukotski; an appellation which he gave it with some propriety, because the natives, who said they were of the nation of the Tschutski, came off to him from this part of the coast. Its latitude is 64° 13′ north, and its longitude 185° 36′ east.

[Page 63]The more the Captain was convinced of his being at present upon the Asiatic coast, the more he was at a loss to reconcile his observations with Mr. Staehlin's map of the New Northern Archipelago; and he could find no other method of accounting for so important a difference, than by supposing that he had mistaken some part of what Mr. Staehlin denominates the island of Alaschka for the continent of America, and had missed the channel by which they are separated. But even on that supposition there would still have been a considerable variation. The Captain considered it as an affair of some consequence to clear up this point during the present season, that he might have only one object in view in the following one. And as these northerly islands were said to abound with wood, he had some hopes, if he should find them, of procuring a competent supply of that article, of which we began to stand in great need. With this view he steered over for the coast of America; and the next day, about five o'clock in the afternoon, land was seen bearing south three quarters east, which we imagined was Anderson's Island, or some other land near it. On Sunday the 6th, at four in the morning, we had a sight of the American coast, near Sledge Island; and, at six in the evening of the same day, that island was at the distance of about ten leagues, bearing north 6° east, and the most easterly land in view bore north 49° east. If any part of what [Page 64] Captain Cook had conjectured to be the coast of the American continent, could possibly be the island of Alaschka, it was that now in sight; in which case he must have missed the channel between it and the main land, by steering towards the west, instead of the east, after he had first fallen in with it. He was, therefore, at no loss where to go, for the purpose of clearing up these doubts.

On the 7th, at eight o'clock in the evening, we had made a near approach to the land. Sledge Island bore north 85° west, about eight leagues distant; and the eastern part of the coast bore north 70° east, with elevated land in the direction of east by north. At this time we perceived a light on shore; and two canoes, with people in them, came off towards us. We brought to, in order to give them time to approach; but they resisted all our tokens of amity, and kept at the distance of a quarter of a mile▪ We therefore left them, and proceeded along the coast. The next morning, at one o'clock, observing that the water shoaled pretty fast, we anchored in ten fathoms, and remained in that situation till day-light came on. We then weighed, and pursued our course along the coast, which trended east, and east half south. At seven o'clock in the evening we were abreast of a point, situated in the longitude of 197° east, and in the latitude of 64° 21′ north; beyond which the coast assumes a more northerly [Page 65] direction. At eight this point, which received the appellation of Cape Darby, bore south 62° west; the most northern land we had in view, bore north 32° east; and the distance of the nearest part of the shore was one league. In this situation we let go our anchors in thirteen fathoms, over a muddy bottom.

On the 9th, at break of day, we weighed and made sail along the coast. We now saw land, which we supposed to be two islands; the one bearing east, the other south 70° east. Not long afterwards, we found oursevles near a coast covered with wood; a pleasing sight to which we had not been lately accustomed. As we advanced northward, land was seen in the direction of north-east, half north, which proved a continuation of the coast upon which we now were: we likewise perceived high land over the islands, apparently, at a considerable distance beyond them. This was imagined to be the continent, and the other land the isle of Alaschka; but it was already a matter of doubt, whether we should discover a passage between them, for the water gradually shoaled, as we proceeded further towards the north. In consequence of this, two boats were dispatched a-head to sound: and the Commodore ordered the Discovery, as she drew the least water, to lead, keeping nearly in the middle channel, between the coast and the most northerly island. In this manner we continued our course [Page 66] till three o'clock in the afternoon, when having passed the island, our soundings did not exceed three fathoms and a half, and the Resolution once brought up the mud from the bottom. In no part of the channel could a greater depth of water be found, though we had sounded it from one side to the other; we therefore deemed it high time to return.

At this time, a head-land on the western shore, to which the name of Bald-head was given, was about one league distant, bearing north by west. The coast extended beyond it as far as north-east by north, where it appeared to terminate in a point; behind which, the coast of the high land, that was seen over the islands, stretched itself. The shore on the western side of Bald-head, forms a bay, in the bottom of which is a beach, where we perceived many huts of the natives.

We continued to ply back during the whole night; and, by day-break on the 10th, had deepened our water six fathoms. At nine o'clock, when we were about three miles from the west shore, Captain Cook, accompanied by Mr. King, went with two boats in search of wood and water. They landed in that part where the coast projects into a bluff head composed of perpendicular strata of a dark blue rock, intermixed with glimmer and quartz. Adjoining to the beach is a narrow border of land, which was at this time covered with long grass, and where they [Page 67] observed some angelica. The ground, beyond this, rises with some abruptness: towards the top of this elevation, they found a heath, that abounded with berries of various kinds: further onwards the country was rather level, and thinly covered with small spruce-trees, birch, and willows. They saw the tracts of foxes and deer upon the beach; in many parts of which, there was a great abundance of drift-wood: there was also no want of fresh-water.

Our gentlemen and their attendants having returned on board, the Commodore had thoughts of bringing the ships to an anchor here; but the wind then shifting to north-east, and blowing rather on this shore, he stretched over to the opposite one, expecting to find wood there likewise. At eight in the evening, we anchored near the southern end of the most northerly island, for such we then imagined it to be. The next morning, however, we found that it was a peninsula, connected with the continent by a low isthmus, on each side of which, a bay is formed by the coast. We plied into the southernmost of these bays, and cast anchor again, about twelve o'clock, in five fathoms water, over a muddy bottom; the point of the peninsula, to which the appellation of Cape Denbigh was given, being one league distance, in the direction of north 68° west.

We observed on the peninsula, several of the natives; and one of them came off in a small canoe. [Page 68] Captain Cook gave this man a knife and some beads, with which he appeared to be well pleased; we made signs to him to bring us some provision, upon which he instantly quited us, and paddled [...]owards the shore. Happening to meet another man coming off, who had two dried salmons, he got them from him; and when he returned to our ship, he refused to give them to any body except Captain Cook. Some of our people fancied, that he asked for him under the name of Capitaine; but, in this, they were perhaps mistaken. Others of the inhabitants came off soon afterwards, and gave us a few dried fish, in exchange for such trifles as we had to barter with them. They shewed no dislike for tobacco, but they were most desirous of knives.

In the afternoon, Mr. Gore was dispatched to the peninsula, to procure wood and water; of the former of which articles, we observed great plenty upon the beach. At the same time, a boat from each of the ships was sent to sound round the bay, and at three o'clock, the wind freshening at north-east, we weighed anchor and endeavoured to work further in. But that was quickly found to be impracticable, by reason of the shoals, which extended entirely round the bay, to the distance of upwards of two miles from the shore; as the officers, who had been sent out for the purpose of sounding, reported. We therefore stood off and on with the ships, waiting [Page 69] for Lieutenant Go [...], who returned about eight o'clock in the evening, with the launch loaded with wood. He informed the Commodore, that he had found but little fresh water, and that the wood could not be procured without difficulty on account of the boats grounding at some distance from the beach. As this was the case we stood back to the other shore; and the next morning, at eight, all the boats, and a detachment of men, with an officer, were sent to get wood from the place where Captain Cook had landed on the 10th.

After having continued, for some time, to stand off and on with the ships, we at length cast anchor in less than five fathoms, at the distance of half a league from the coast, whose southern point bore south 26° west. Cape Denbigh was about twenty-six miles distant, bearing south 72° east; Bald-head was nine leagues off, in the direction of north 60° east; and the island near the eastern shore, south of Cape Denbigh, named by Captain Cook, Besborough Island, was fifteen leagues distant, bearing south 52° east

This being a very open road, and therefore not a secure station for the ships, the Commodore resolved not to wait till our stock of water was completed, as that would take up some time; but only to furnish both ships with wood, and afterwards to seek a more commodious place for the former article. Our people carried off the [Page 70] drift-wood that lay on the beach, and performed that business with great expedition; for, as the wind blew along the shore, the boats were enabled to sail both ways. In the afternoon Captain Cook went on shore, and took a walk into the country; which, in those parts where there was no wood, abounded with heath, and other plants, several of which had plenty of berries, all ripe. Scarce a single plant was in flower. The underwood, such as birch, alders, and willows, occasioned walking to be very troublesome among the trees, which were all spruce, and none of which exceeded seven or eight inches in diameter; but some were observed lying on the beach, that were above twice that size. All the drift-wood that we saw in these northern parts was fir.

The following day, which was Sunday the 13th, a family of the natives came near the spot where our people were occupied in taking of wood. The Captain saw only the husband and wife, and their child, besides a fourth person, who was the most deformed cripple he had ever seen. The husband was nearly blind, and neither he, nor his wife, were such well looking people as many of those whom we had met with on this coast. Both of them had their lower lips perforated; and they were in possession of some glass-beads, resembling those we had seen before among their neighbours. Iron was the article that pleased them most. For four knives which had been [Page 71] formed out of an old iron hoop, the Captain obtained from them near four hundred pounds weight of fish, that had been lately caught by them. Some of these were trout, and others were, with respect to size and taste, somewhat between a herring and a mullet. The Captain gave a few beads to the child, who was a female; upon which the mother immediately burst into tears, then the father, next after him the cripple, and at last, to add the finishing stroke to the concert, the child herself. This music, however, was not of long duration.

Mr. King had, on the preceding day, been in company with the same family. His account of this interview is to the following purport: While he attended the wooding party, a canoe, filled with natives, approached, out of which an elderly man and woman (the husband and wife above mentioned) came ashore. Mr. King presented a small knife to the woman, and promised to give her a much larger one in exchange for some fish. She made signs to him to follow her. After he had proceeded with them about a mile, the man fell down as he was crossing a stony beach, and happened to cut his foot very much. This occasioned Mr. King to stop; upon which the woman pointed to her husband's eyes, which were covered with a thick, whitish film. He afterwards kept close to his wife, who took care to apprize him of the obstacles in his way. The [Page 72] woman had a child on her back, wrapped up in the hood of her jacket. After walking about two miles, they arrived at an open skin-boat, which was turned on one side, the convex part towards the wind, and was made to serve for the habitation of this family. Mr. King now performed a remarkable operation on the man's eyes. He was first desired to hold his breath, then to breathe on the distempered eyes, and afterwards to spit on them. The woman then took both the hands of Mr. King, and pressing them to the man's stomach, held them there for some time, while she recounted some melancholy history respecting her family; sometimes pointing to her husband, sometimes to her child, and at other times to the cripple, who was related to her. Mr. King purchased all the fish they had, which consisted of excellent salmon, salmon-trout, and mullet. These fish were faithfully delivered to the person he sent for them.

The woman was short and squat, and her visage was plump and round. She wore a jacket made of deer skin, with a large hood, and had on a pair of wide boots. She was punctured from the lip to the chin. Her husband was well made, and about five feet two inches in height. His hair was black and short and he had but little beard. His complexion was of a light copper cast. He had two holes in his lower lip, in which, however, he had no ornaments. The [Page 73] teeth of both of them were black, and appeared as if they had been filed down level with the gums.

Before night, on the 13th, we had amply furnished the ships with wood, and had conveyed on board about a dozen ton of water to each. On the 14th a party was detached on shore to cut brooms, and likewise the branches of spruce-trees for brewing beer. About twelve o'clock all our people were taken on board, for the wind freshening had raised so heavy a surf on the beach, that our boats could not continue to land without extreme difficulty and danger.

As doubts were still entertained whether the coast, upon which we now were, belonged to an island, or to the continent of America, lieutenant King was dispatched by the Commodore, with two boats, well manned and armed, to make such search as might tend to remove all difference of opinion on the subject. He was instructed to proceed towards the north as far as the extreme point seen on Wednesday the 9th, or a little further, if he should find it necessary; to land there, and, from the heights, endeavour to discover whether the land he was then upon, imagined to be the island of Alaschka, was really an island, or was connected with the land to the eastward, supposed to be the American continent. If it proved to be an island, he was to examine the depth of water in the channel between [Page 74] it and the continent, and which way the flood-tide came: but if he should find the two lands united, he was to return immediately to the ship. He was directed not to be absent longer than four or five days; and it was also mentioned in his instructions, that, if any unforeseen or unavoidable accident should force our ships off the coast, the rendezvous was to be at the harbour of Samganoodha.

On Tuesday the 15th, the ships removed over to the bay on the south-eastern side of Cape Denbigh, where we cast anchor in the afternoon. Not long after, several of the inhabitants came off in canoes, and gave us some [...] salmon in exchange for trifling articles. Early the next morning, nine men, each in a separate canoe, paid us a visit, with the sole view of gratifying their curiosity. They approached the ship with caution, and drawing up abreast of each other, under our stern, favoured us with a song; while one of their number made many ludicrous motions with his hands and body, and another beat upon a sort of drum. There was nothing savage, either in the song, or the gestures with which it was accompanied. There seemed to be no difference, either with respect to size or features, between these people, and those whom we had seen on every other part of the coast, except King George's Sound. Their dress, which chiefly consisted of the skins of deer, was made after [Page 75] the same mode; and they had adopted the practice of perforating their lower lips, and affixing ornaments to them.

The habitations of these Americans were situated close to the beach. They consist merely of a sloping roof, without any side walls, formed of logs, and covered with earth and grass. The floor is likewise laid with logs. The entrance is at one end, and the fire-place is just within it. A small hole is made near the door of the hut, for the purpose of letting out the smoke.

A party of men was dispatched, this morning, to the peninsula for brooms and spruce. Half the remainder of the people of both ships were, at the same time, permitted to go ashore and gather berries. These returned on board about twelve o'clock and the other half then landed for the same purpose. The berries found here were hurtle-berries, heath-berries, partridge-berries, and wild currant-berries. Captain Cook also went ashore himself, and took a walk over part of the peninsula. He met with very good grass in several places, and scarcely observed a single spot on which some vegetable was not growing. The low land by which this peninsula is united to the continent, abounds with narrow creeks, and likewise with ponds of water, several of which were at this time frozen over. There were numbers of bustards and geese, but they were so shy, that it was impossible to get within musquet-shot of them. Some [Page 76] snipes were also seen; and on the higher grounds, were partridges of two species; where there was wood, musquitoes were numerous. Some of the officers, who went further into the country than Captain Cook did, met with some of the natives of both sexes, who treated them with civility and kindness.

The Commodore was of opinion, that this peninsula had been an island in some distant period; for there were marks of the sea having formerly flowed over the isthmus; and even at present, it appeared to be kept out by a bank of sand stones, and wood which the waves had thrown up: It was manifest from this bank, that the land here encroached upon the sea, and it was not difficult to trace its gradual formation.

Lieutenant King returned from his expedition about seven o'clock this evening. He had set out at eight o'clock at night, on the 14th. The crews of the boats rowed without intermission towards the land, till one in the morning of the 15th. They then set their sails, and stood across the bay, which the coast forms to the westward of Bald-Head. They afterwards, about three o'clock, again made use of their oars, and by two in the afternoon, had got within two miles of Bald-Head, under the lee of the high land. At that time all the men in the boat belonging to the Resolution, except two, were so oppressed with fatigue and sleep, that Mr. King's utmost endeavours [Page 77] to make them put on were perfectly ineffectual. They, at length, were so far exhausted, as to drop their oars, and fall asleep at the bottom of the boat. In consequence of this, Mr King, and two gentlemen who were with him, were obliged to lay hold of the oars; and they landed, a little after three o'clock, between Bald-Head and a point that projects to the eastward.

Mr. King, upon his landing, ascended the heights, from which he could see the two coasts join, and that the inlet terminated in a small creek or river, before which there were banks of sand or mud, and in every part shoal water. The land, for some distance towards the north, was low and swampy; then it rose in hills; and the perfect junction of those, on each side of the inlet, was traced without the least difficulty.

From the elevated situation in which Mr. King took his survey of the Sound, he could discern many spacious vallies, with rivers flowing through them, well wooded, and bounded by hills of a moderate height. One of the rivers towards the north-west seemed to be considerable; and he was inclined to suppose, from its direction, that it discharged itself into the sea at the head of the bay. Some of his people, penetrating beyond this into the country, found the trees to be of a larger size the further they proceeded.

To this inlet Captain Cook gave the name of Norton's Sound, in honour of Sir Fletcher Norton, [Page 78] now Lard Grantley, a near relation of Mr. King. It extends northward as far as the latitude of 64° 55′ north. The bay, wherein our ships were now at anchor, is situated on the south-eastern side of it, and is denominated Chacktoole by the natives. It is not a very excellent station, being exposed to the south and south-west winds. Nor is a harbour to be met with in all this Sound. We were so fortunate, however, as to have the wind from the north-east and the north, during the whole time of our continuance here, with very fine weather. This afforded an opportunity of making a great number of lunar observations, the mean result of which gave 197° 13′ east, as the longitude of the anchoring-place on the western side of the Sound, while its latitude was 64° 31′ north. With respect to the tides, the night-flood rose two or three feet, and the day flood was scarcely perceivable.

Captain Cook being now perfectly convinced, that Mr. Staehlin's map was extremely erroneous, and having restored the continent of America to the space which that gentleman had occupied with his imaginary island of Alaschka, thought it now high time to quit these northerly regions, and retire to some place for the winter, where he might obtain provisions and refreshments. He did not consider Petropaulowska, or the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamtschatka, as likely to furnish a sufficient supply. He had likewise [Page 79] other reasons for not going thither at present; the principal of which was, his great unwillingness to remain inactive for six or seven months, which would have been the consequence of passing the winter in any of these northern countries. He at length concluded, that no situation was so convenient for our purpose as the Sandwich Islands. To them, therefore, he formed a resolution of repairing. But a supply of water being necessary before he could execute that design, he determined, with a view of procuring this essential article, to search the coast of America for a harbour, by proceeding along it to the southward. If he should not meet with success in that search, his intention was to reach Samganoodha, which was appointed for our place of rendezvous, in case the ships should happen to separate.

[Page 80]

CHAP. XI.

Stuart's Island discovered—Its Situation, Extent, &c.—Cape Stephens—Point Shallow Water—Shoals on the Coast of North America—Clerke's Island—Gore's Island—Pinnacle Island—The Resolution springs a Leak—The ships arrive at Oonalashka—Plentiful supplies of Fish—Intercourse with the natives, and the Russian Traders—Mr. Ismyloff comes on board—Intelligence received from him—Two Charts produced by him—Account of the Islands visited by the Russians—Of their settlement at Oonalashka—Description of the Natives—Their Dress—Food—Manner of Building—Manufactures—Canoes—Implements for Hunting and Fishing—Fish, and other Sea Animals—Water Fowls—Land-Birds—Quadrupeds—Vegetables—Stones—Repositories of the Dead—Diseases—Resemblance of the Inhabitants of this Side of America to the Esquimaux and Greenlanders—Tides, Longitude, &c.

IN the morning of the 17th of September, we weighed anchor with a light easterly breeze, and steered to the southward, attempted to pass within Besbourough Island; but, though it is six or seven miles distant from the continent, we were prevented, by meeting with shoal water. Having but little wind all the day, we did not [Page 81] pass that island before it was dark; and the night was spent under an easy sail.

At day-break, on the 18th, we resumed our progress along the coast. At noon, our soundings were no more than five fathoms. Besborough Island, at this time, bore north 42° east; the most southerly land in sight, which also proved to be an island, bore south 66° west; the passage between it and the continent, was in the direction of south 40° west, and the nearest land was at the distance of about two miles.

We continued to steer for this passage, till the boats which were a-head made the signal for having no more than three fathoms water. In consequence of this, we hauled without the island, and displayed the signal for the Resolution's boat to keep between the shore and the ships.

This island, to which the name of Stuart's Island was given, lies in the latitude of 63° 35′ north, and is seventeen leagues distant from Cape Denbigh, in the direction of south 27° west. It is six or seven leagues in circumference. Though some parts of it are of a moderate height, yet, in general, it is low, with some rocks off the western part. The greatest part of the coast of the continent is low land, but we perceived high land up the country. It forms a point, opposite the island, which was distinguished by the name of Cape Stephens, and is situated in the latitude of 63° 33′ north, and in the longitude of [Page 82] 197° 41′ east. Some drift wood was observed on the shores, both on the island and of the continent; but not a single tree was seen growing upon either. Vessels might anchor, upon occasion, between the continent and the north-east side of this i [...] and in a depth of five fathoms, sheltered from the easterly, westerly, and southerly winds. But this station would be entirely exposed to the northerly winds, the land, in that direction, being too remote to afford any security. Before we reached Stuart's Island, we passed two little islands, situate between us and the main land; and as we ranged along the coast, several of the natives made their appearance upon the shore, and by signs, seemed to invite us to approach.

We were no sooner without the island, than we steered south by west, for the most southern part of the continent in sight, till eight in the evening, when, the depth of water having decreased from six fathoms to less than four, we tacked and stood to the northward into five fathoms, and then passed the night in standing off and on. At the time we tacked, the southernmost point of land above-mentioned, which we named Point Shallow-Water, bore south half east, at the distance of seven leagues. On the 19th, at day-break, we resumed our southerly course; but shoal water soon obliged us to haul more to the westward. We were at length so far advanced upon the bank, that we could not hold a north-north-west [Page 83] course, as we sometimes met with only four fathoms. The wind blowing fresh at east-north-east, it was now high time to endeavour to find a greater depth of water, and quit a coast upon which we would no longer navigate with safety. We therefore hauled the wind to the northward, and the water gradually increased in depth to eight fathoms.

At the time of our hauling the wind, we were about twelve leagues distant from the continent, and nine to the west of Stuart's Island. We saw no land to the southward of Point Shallow-Water, which Captain Cook judged to lie in the latitude of 63° north; so that between this latitude and Shoal Ness, in latitude 60°, the coast has not been explored. It is probably accessible only to boats, or very small vessels; or, if there are channels for vessels of greater magnitude, it would require some time to find them. From the mast-head, the sea within us appeared to be checquered with shoals; the water was very muddy and discoloured, and much fresher than at any of the places where our ships had lately anchored. From this we inferred, that a considerable river runs into the sea, in this unexplored part.

After we had got into eight fathoms water, we steered to the westward, and afterwards more southerly, for the land discovered by us on the 5th of September, which at noon on the 20th, [Page 84] bore south-west by west, at the distance of ten or eleven leagues. We had now a fresh gale at north, and, at intervals, showers of hail and snow, with a pretty high sea. To the land before us, the commodore gave the appellation of Clerke's Island. It stands in the latitude of 63° 15′, and in the longitude of 190° 30′. It seemed to be an island of considerable extent, in which are several hills, all connected by low ground, so that it looks, at a distance, like a group of Islands. Near its eastern part is a little island, which is remarkable for having on it three elevated rocks. Both the greater island, and this smaller one, were inhabited

About six o'clock in the afternoon, we reached the northern point of Clerke's Island; and having ranged along its coast till dark, we brought too, during the night. Early the next morning, we again stood in for the coast, and proceeded along it in quest of an harbour, till twelve o'clock, when finding no probability of success, we left it and steered south-south-west, for the land discovered by us on the 29th of July; having a fresh gale at north, accompanied with showers of snow and sleet.

On Wednesday the 23d, at day-break, the land above-mentioned made its appearance, bearing south-west, at the distance of six or seven leagues. From this point of view it resembled a cluster of islands; but it was found to be only [Page 85] one, of about thirty miles in extent, in the direction of north-west and south-east; the south-eastern extremity being Cape Upright, which we have mentioned before. The island is narrow, particularly at the low necks of land by which the hills are connected. Captain Cook afterwards found, that it was entirely unknown to the Russians, and, therefore, considering it as a discovery of our own, he named it Gore's Island. It appeared to be barren and destitute of inhabitants, at least we saw none. Nor did we observe such a number of birds about it, as we had seen when we first discovered it. But we perceived some sea-otters, an animal which we had not found to the north of this latitude. About twe [...]e miles from Cape Upright, in the direction of [...]uth 72° west, stands a small island, whose lofty summit terminates in several pinnacle rocks, for which reason it obtained the name of the Pinnacle Island.

At two o'clock in the afternoon, after we had passed Cape Upright, we steered south-east by south, for Samganoodha, with a gentle breeze at north-north-west, being resolved to lose no more time in searching for an harbour among islands, which we now began to suspect had no existence; at least, not in the latitude and longitude in which they have been placed by modern delineators of charts. On the 24th, in the [Page 86] evening, the wind veered to south-west and south, and increased to a fresh gale.

We continued our easterly course till eight in the morning of the 25th, when in the longitude of 191° 10′, and in the latitude of 58° 32′ we tacked and stood to the westward; soon after which, the gale increasing, we were reduced to two courses, and close-reefed main-top-sails. In a short time after, the Resolution sprung a leak, under the starboard buttock, which was so considerable, as to keep one pump constantly employed. We would not venture to put the ship upon the other tack, from the apprehension of getting upon the shoals that lie to the north-west of Cape Newenham; but continued to steer towards the west, till six in the evening of Saturday the 26th, when we wore and stood to the eastward; and then the leak gave us no further trouble. This proved, that it was above the water-line, which gave us great satisfaction. The gale had now ceased, but the wind continued at south, and south-west, for some days longer.

At length, on Friday the 2d of october, at day-break, we saw the isle of Oonalashka, in a south-east direction. But as the land was obscured by a thick haze, we were not certain with respect to our situation till noon, when the observed latitude determined it. We hauled into a bay, ten miles to the westward of Samganoodha, known by the appellation of Egoochshac; [Page 87] but finding very deep water, we speedily left it. The natives visited us at different times, bringing with them dried salmon, and other fish, which our sailors received in exchange for tobacco. Only a few days before, every ounce of tobacco that remained in the ship, had been distributed among them, and the quantity was not half sufficient to answer their demands. Notwithstanding this, so thoughtless and improvident a being is an English sailor, that they were as profuse in making their bargains, as if we had arrived at a port in Virginia; by which means, in less than two days, the value of this commodity was lowered above a thousand per c [...]nt.

The next day at one o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored in the harbour of Samganoodha, and, on the morning of the 4th, the carpenters were employed in ripping off the sheathing of and under the wale of the Resolution on the starboard side. Many of the seams were found entirly open; it was therefore not to be wondered at, that so much water had got into the ship. We cleared the fish and spirit rooms, and the after-hold; and disposed things in such a manner, that, in case of any future leaks of the same nature the water might find its way to the pumps. Besides this work, and completing our stock of water, we cleared the fore-hold, and took in a quantity of ballast.

[Page 88]The vegetables we had met with when we were here before, were now, for the most part, in a state of decay. There being great plenty of berries, one third of the people, by turns, had permission to go a-shore and gather them. Considerable quantities of them were also brought to us by the inhabitants. If there were any seeds of the scurvy, among the people of either ship, these berries, and the use of spruce beer, which the were allowed to drink every other day, effectually eradicated them.

We likewise procured abundance of fish, at first, chiefly salmon, both fresh and dried, which the natives brought us. Some of the fresh salmon was in the highest perfection; but there was one sort, which, from the figure of its head, we called hook-nosed, that was but indifferent. Drawing the seine several times, at the head of they bay, we caught many salmon trout, and a halibut that weighed two hundred and fifty-four pounds. We afterwards had recourse to hooks and lines. A boat was sent out every morning, which seldom returned without eight or ten halibut, a quantity more than sufficient to serve all our people. These fish were excellent, and there were few who did not perfer them to salmon. Thus we not only obtained a supply of fish for present consumption, but had some to carry with us to sea.

[Page 89]Captain Cook received, on the 8th, by the hands of a native of Oonalashka, named Derramoushk, a very singular present, considering the place we were in. It was a rye loaf, or rather a pye in the form of a loaf, as it enclosed some salmon, well seasoned with pepper. This man had brought a similar present for Captain Clerke, and a note for each of the Captains, written in a character which none of us understood. It was natural to imagine, that these two presents were from some Russians now in our neighbourhood, and therefore the Captains sent, by the same messenger, to these unknown friends, a few bottles of rum, wine and porter, which they supposed would be highly acceptable. Captain Cook also sent, in company with Derramoushk, Corporal Lediard, of the marines, an intelligent man, for the purpose of gaining farther information; with orders that if he met with any Russians, he should endeavour to make them understand, that we were Englishmen, the friends and allies of their nation.

On Saturday the 10th, Corporal Lediard returned with three Russian seamen, or furriers, who, with several others, resided at Egoochshac, where they had some store-houses, a dwelling house, and a sloop of about thirty ton burthen. One of these Russians was either Master or Mate of this vessel. They were all three intelligent, well behaved men, and extremely ready to give [Page 90] us all the information we could desire. But, for want of an interpreter, we found it very difficult to understand each other. They appeared to have a perfect knowledge of the attempts which their countrymen had made to navigate the Frozen Ocean, and of the discoveries that had been made from Kamtschatka, by Beering, Tscherik off, and Spangenberg. But they had not the least idea to what part of the world Mr. Staehlin's map referred, when it was laid before them. When Captain Cook pointed out Kamtschatka, and some other places, upon this map, they asked him whether he had seen the islands there represented; and, on his answering in the negative, one of them put his finger upon a part of the map, where a number of islands are laid down, and said, that he had cruised there in search of land, but could not meet with any. The Captain then shewed them his own chart, and found that they were strangers to every part of the coast of America, except that which lies opposite this island.

One of these men said, that he had been with Beering in his American voyage; but he must then have been very young; for even now, at the distance of thirty-seven years, he had not the appearance of being aged. Never was greater respect paid to the memory of any eminent person, than by these men to that of Beering. The trade in which they are engaged, is very advantageous, [Page 91] and its being undertaken and extended to the eastward of Kamtschatka, was the immediate result of the second voyage of that distinguished navigator, whose misfortunes proved the source of much private benefit to individuals, and of public utility to the Russian empire. And yet, if his distresses had not accidentally carried him to the island which bears his name, where he ended his life, and from whence the remainder of his ship's crew brought back specimens of its valuable furs, the Russians would probably have undertaken no future voyages, which could lead them to make discoveries in this sea, towards the American coast. Indeed, after his time, their ministry seem to have paid less attention to this object; and, for what discoveries have been since made, we are principally indebted to the enterprizing spirit of private merchants, encouraged, however, by the superintending care of the court of Petersburgh.

The three Russians having remained all night with the Commodore, visited Captain Clerke the following morning, and then departed, perfectly satisfied with the reception they had met with. They promised to return in a few days, and bring with them a chart of the islands situate between Kamtschatka and Oonalashka.

In the evening of the 14th, while Captain Cook and Mr. Webber were at a village, not far from Samganoodha, a Russian landed there, who [Page 92] proved to be the principal person among his countrymen in this and the adjacent isles. His name was Erasim Gregorioff Sin Ismyloff. He arrived in a canoe that carried three persons, attended by twenty or thirty smaller canoes, each conducted by one man. Immediately after landing, they constructed a small tent for Ismyloff, of materials which they had brought with them, and they afterwards made others for themselves, of their canoes and paddles, which they covered with grass. Ismyloff having invited the Captain and Mr. Webber into his tent, set before them some dried salmon and berries. He appeared to be a man of sense; and the Captain felt no small mortification in not being able to converse with him except by signs, with the assistance of figures, and other characters. The Captain requested him to favour him with his company on board the next day, and accordingly he came with all his attendants. He had indeed, moved into the neighbourhood of our station, for the express purpose of waiting upon us.

Captain Cook was in hopes of receiving from him the chart which his three countrymen had promised, but he was disappointed. However, Ismyloff assured him he should have it, and he kept his word. The Captain found him very well acquainted with the geography of those parts, and with all the discoveries which had been made in this quarter by the Russians. On seeing the [Page 93] modern maps, he instantly pointed out their errors: he said, he had accompanied Lieutenant Syndo, or (as he called him) Synd, in his northern expedition; and according to his account, they did not proceed farther than Tschukotskoi Noss, or rather than St Lawrence's Bay; for he pointed on our chart to the very place where Captain Cook landed. From thence, he said, they went to an island, in the latitude of 63° north, upon which they did not land. He did not recollect the name of that island; but the Captain conjectured, that it was the same with that to which the appellation of Clerke's Island had been given. To what place Synd repaired afterwards, or in what particular manner he employed the two years, during which, according to Ismyloff, his researches lasted, he was either unable or unwilling to inform us. Perhaps he did not comprehend our inquiries on this point; and yet, in almost every other thing, we found means to make him understand us. This inclined us to suspect, that he had not really been in this expedition, notwithstanding what he had asserted.

Not only Ismyloff, but also the others affirmed that they were totally unacquainted with the American continent to the northward; and that neither Lieutennant Synd, nor any other Russian, had seen it of late years. They called it by the same name which Mr. Staehlin has assi [...]ted to his large island, that is Alaschka.

[Page 94]According to the information we obtained from Ismyloff and his countrymen, the Russians have made several attempts to gain a footing upon that part of the North American continent, that lies contiguous to Oonalashka and the adjacent islands, but have constantly been repulsed by the inhabitants, whom they represent as a very treacherous people. They made mention of two or three captains, or chief men, who had been murdered by them; and some of the Russians shewed us wounds which they declared they had received there.

Ismyloff also informed us, that in the year 1773, an expedition had been undertaken into the Frozen Ocean in sledges over the ice, to three large islands, that are situate opposite the mouth of the river Kovymy. But a voyage which he said he himself had performed, engaged our attention more than any other. He told us that on the 12th of May, 1771, he sailed from Bolcheretzk, in Kamtschataka, in a Russian vessel, to Mareekan, one of the Kurile Islands, where there is an harbour, and a Russian settlement. From this island he proceeded to Japan, where his continuance appears to have been but short; for, as soon as the Japanese knew that he and his companions professed the Christian faith, they made signs for them to depart; but did not so far as we could understand him, offer any insult or violence. From Japan he repaired to Canton [Page 95] in China; and from thence in a French ship, to France. He then travelled to Petersburg, and was afterwards sent out again to Kamtschatka. We could not learn what became of the vessel in which he first embarked, nor what was the principal intention of the voyage. His being unable to speak one word of the French language, rendered this story rather suspicious; he seemed clear, however, as to the times of his arrival at the different places, and of his departure from them, which he put down in writing.

The next morning (Friday the 16), he offered Captain Cook a sea-otter skin, which he said, was worth eighty roubles at Kamtschatka. The Captain, however, thought proper to decline the offer; but except of some dried fish, and several baskets of the lily, or saranne root. In the afternoon, Ismyloff, after having dined with Captain Clerke, left us with all his retinue, but promised to return in a few days. Accordingly, on the 19th, he paid us another visit, bringing with him the charts above mentioned, which he permitted Captain Cook to copy; and the contents of which are the foundation of the following remarks.

The charts were two in number, they were both manuscripts, and bore every mark of authenticity. One of them comprehended the Penshinskian sea; the coast of Tartary, as low as the latitude of 41° north; the Kurile Islands, and the [Page 76] peninsula of Kamtschatka. Since this chart had been made Wawseelee Irkeechoff, a naval captain explored, in the year 1758, the coast of Tartary, from Okotsk, and the river Amur, to Japan, or 41° of northern latitude. We were informed by Mr. Ismyloff, that a great part of the sea-coast of Kamtschatka had been corrected by himself; and he described the instrument used by him for that purpose, which must have been a theodolite. He also told us, that there were only two harbours proper for shipping, on all the eastern coast of Kamtschatka, viz. the bay of Awatska, and the river Olutora, in the bottom of the gulph of the same name; that there was not one harbour on its western coast; and that Yamsk was the only one except Okotsk, on all the western side of the Penshinskian sea, till we come to the river Amur. The Kurile Islands contain but one harbour, and that is on the north-east side of Mareekan; where as we have already mentioned, the Russians have a settlement.

The other chart comprehended all the discoveries that the Russians had made to the eastward of Kamtschatka, towards America. That part of the American coast, with which Tscherikoff fell in, is laid down in this chart between the latitude of 58° and 50 ½° north and 75° of eastern longitude, from Okotsk, or 218 ½° from Greenwich; and the place where Beering anchored [Page 97] in 59 ½° of latitude, and 63 ½° of longitude from Okotsk, or 207° from Greenwich. To say nothing of the longitude, which may, from several causes, be erroneous, the latitude of the coast, discovered by Beering and Tscherikoff, particularly that part of it which was discovered by the latter, differs considerably from Mr. Muller's chart. Whether the chart now produced by Ismyloff, or that of Muller, be most erroneous in this respect, it may be difficult to determine.

According to Ismyloff's account, neither the number nor the situation of the islands which are dispersed between 52° and 55° of latitude, in the space between Kamtschatka and America, is properly ascertained. He struck out about a third of them, assuring us that they did not exist; and he considerably altered the situation of others; which, he said, was necessary, from the observations which he himself had made; and there was no reason to entertain a doubt about this. As these islands are nearly under the same parrallel, different navigators, misled by their different reckonings, might easily mistake one island, or cluster of islands, for anothe [...] ▪ and imagine they had made a new discovery, when they had only found old ones, in a position somewhat different from that which their former visitors had assigned to them.

The isles of St. Theodore, St. Stephen, St. Abraham, St. Macarius, Seduction Islands, and [Page 98] several others, which are represented in Mr. Muller's chart, were not to be found in this now produced to us; nay, Ismyloff, and the other Russians, assured Captain Cook, that they had been frequently sought for without effect. Nevertheless, it is difficult to believe, that Mr. Muller could place them in his chart without some authority. Captain Cook, however▪ confiding in the testimony of these people, whom he thought competent witnesses, omitted them in his chart; and made such corrections respecting the other islands, as he had reason to think were necessary.

We shall now proceed to give some account of the islands, beginning with those which are nearest to Kamtschatka, and computing the longitude from the harbour of Petropaulowska, in the bay of Awatska. The first is Beering's island, in 55° of no [...]hern latitude, and 6° of eastern longitude. At the distance of ten leagues from the southern extremity of this, in the direction of east by south, or east south-east, stands Maidenci Ostroff or the Copper Islands. The next island is Atakon, in the latitude of 52° 45′ and in the longitude of 15° or 16.° The extent of this island is about eighteen leagues in the direction of east and west; and it is perhaps the same land which Beering fell in with, and to which he gave the name of Mount St. John.

We next came to a cluster of six or more islands; two of which, Amluk and Atghka, are [Page 99] of considerable extent, and each of them has a good harbour. The middle of this group lies in the latitude of 52° 30′, and 28° of longitude, from the bay of Awatska; and its extent is about four degrees, in the direction of east and west. These are the isles that Ismyloff said were to be removed four degrees to the eastward. In the situation they have in Captain Cook's chart, was a group, comprehending ten little islands, which, we were informed, were entirely to be struck out; and also two islands, situate between them and the group to which Oonalashka appertains. In the place of these two, an island, named Amoghta, was introduced.

The situation of many of these islands may, perhaps, be er [...]oneously laid down. But the position of the largest group, of which Oonalashka is one of the most considerable islands, is free from such errors. Most of the islands that compose this cluster, were seen by us; their longitude and latitude were therefore determined with tolerable accuracy, particularly the harbour of Samganoodha, of Oonalashka, which must be considered as a fixed point. This group may be said to extend as far as Halibut Isles, which are forty leagues distant from Oonalashka, towards the east-north-east. Within these isles a passage, communicating with Bristol Bay, was marked in Ismyloff's chart; which converts about fifteen leagues of the coast, that Captain Cook had supposed to be part [Page 100] of the continent, into an island, named Oonce, mak. This passage might easily escape us, being as we were informed, extremely narrow, shallow, and only to be navigated through with boats, or vessels of very small burthen.

From the chart, as well as from the testimony of Ismyloff and his countrymen, it appears, that this is as far as the Russians have made any discoveries, or have extended themselves, since the time of Beering. They all affirmed, that no persons of that nation had settled themselves so far to the eastward, as the place where the natives gave the note to Captain Clerke; which being delivered to Ismyloff for his perusal, he said, that it had been written at Oomanak. From him we procured the name of Kodiak^*, the largest of Schumagin's Islands; for it had no name assigned to it upon the chart which he produced. It may not be improper to mention, that no names were put to the Islands which Ismyloff said were to be struck out of the charts; and Captain Cook, considered this as some confirmation, that they have no existence.

The American continent is here called, by the Russians, as well as by the islanders, Alaschka; which appellation, though it properly belongs only to that part which is contiguous to Ooncemak, [Page 101] is made use of by them when speaking of the American continent in general.

This is all the intelligence we obtained from these people, respecting the geography of this part of the globe; and perhaps this was all the information they were able to give. For they repeatedly assured Captain Cook, that they knew of no other islands, besides those which were represented upon this chart, and that no Russian had ever visited any part of the American continent to the northward, except that which is opposite the country of the Tschutskis.

If Mr. Staehlin was not greatly imposed upon, what could induce him to publish a map so singularly erroneous, as his map of the New Northern Archipelago, in which many of these islands are jumbled together without the least regard to truth? Nevertheless, he himself styles it ‘a very accurate little map.’

Ismyloff continued with us till the evening of the 21st, when he took his final leave. Captain Cook entrusted to his care a letter to the Lords of the Admiralty, enclosing a chart of all the northern coasts we had visited. Ismyloff said there would be an opportunity of transmitting it to Kamtschatka, Okotsk, in the course of the succeeding spring; and that it would be at Petersburgh the following winter. He gave the Captain a letter to Major Behm, Governor of Kamtschatka, who resides at Bolcheretsk in that [Page 102] peninsula; and another to the commanding officers at Petropaulowska.

Mr. Ismyloff seemed to possess abilities that might entitle him to a higher station than that in which we found him. He had considerable knowledge in astronomy, and in the most useful branches of the mathematics. Captain Cook made him a present of an Hadley's octant; and though, perhaps, it was the first he had ever seen, he very quickly made himself acquainted with most of the uses to which that instrument can be applied.

On Thursday the 22d, in the morning, we made an attempt to get out to sea, with the wind at south-east, but did not succeed. In the afternoon of the 23d we were visited by one Jacob Ivanovitch Soposnicoff, a Russian, who commanded a small vessel a Oomanak. This man seemed very modest, and would drink no strong liquor, of which the other Russians, whom we had met with here, were extremely fond. He appeared to know what supplies could be obtained at the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, and the price of the various articles, more accurately than Mr. Ismyloff. But, by all accounts, every thing, we should have occoasion to purchase at that place, was very scarce, and bore a high price. This man informed us, that he was to be at Petropaulowska in the ensuing May; and, as we understood, was to have the charge of Captain [Page 103] Cook's letter. He seemed very desirous of having some token from the Captain to carry to Major Behm; and, to gratify him, the Captain sent a small spying-glass.

After we had contracted an acquaintance with these Russians, several of our gentlemen at different times, visited their settlements on the island, where they always met with friendly treatment. It consisted of a dwelling-house and two store-houses. Besides the Russians, there was a number of the Kamtschadales, and of the Oonalashkans, as servants to the former. Some other natives of this island, who appeared to be independent of the Russians, lived at the same place. Such of them as belonged to the Russians, were all of the male sex; and they are either taken, or purchased from their parents when young. There were, at present, about twenty of these who could be considered in no other light than as children. They all reside in the same house, the Russians at the upper end, the Kamtschadales in the middle, and the Oonalashkans at the lower end, where is fixed a capacious boiler for preparing their food, which principally consists of fish, with the addition of wild roots and berries. There is no great difference between the first and last table, except what is produced by cookery, by which the Russians can make indifferent things palatable. They dress whales flesh in such a manner as to make it very good eating; and they have a kind of pan-pudding [Page 104] of salmon-roe, beaten up fine and fried, which is a tolerable substitute for bread. They may perhaps, occasionally, taste real bread, or have a dish in which flour is one of the ingredients. If we except the juice of berries, which they generally sip at their meals, they drink no other liquor than pure water; and it seems to be very fortunate for them that they have nothing stronger.

As the island furnishes them with subsistence, so it does, in some measure, with clothing. This is chiefly composed of skins. The upper garment, which is made like a waggoner's frock, reaches down to the knees. Besides this, they wear a waistcoat or two, a pair of breeches, a fur cap, and a pair of boots, the legs of which are formed of some kind of strong gut, but the soles and upper leathers are of Russian leather. Their two chiefs, Ismyloff and Ivanovitch, wore a calico frock, and they, as well as several others, had shirts of silk.

Many Russians are settled upon all the most considerable islands between Kamtschatka and Oonalashka, for the purpose of collecting furs. Their principal object is the sea-beaver or otter; but skins of inferior value also make a part of their cargoes. We neglected to inquire how long they have had a settlement upon Oonalashka, and the neighbouring islands; but if we form our judgment on this point from the great subjection [Page 105] the natives are under, this cannot be of a very late date^*. These furriers are, from time to time, succeeded by others. Those we saw arrived here from O [...]sk in 1776, and were to return in 1781.

As for the native inhabitants of this island, they are, to all appearance, a very peaceable, inoffensive race of people; and, in point of honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nations. But, from what we saw of their neighbours, with whom the Russians are unconnected, we have some doubt whether this was their original disposition; and are rather inclined to be of opinion, that it is the consequence of their present state of subjection. Indeed, if we did not misunderstand the Russians, they had been under the necessity of making some severe examples before they could bring the islanders into tolerable order. If severities were really inflicted at first, the best excuse for them is, that they have produced the most beneficial effects; and, at present, the greatest harmony subsists between the Russians and the natives. The latter have their own chiefs in each island, and seem to enjoy liberty and p [...] perty without molestation. Whether they are tributaries to the Russians, or not, we could never [Page 106] learn; but we had some reason to suppose that they are.

The people of Oonalashka, are in general, rather low of stature, but plump, and well shaped. Their necks are commonly short, and they have swarthy chubby faces. They have black eyes, and small beards. Their hair is long, black, and straight; the men wear it loose behind, and cut before; but the women generally tie it up in a bunch.

The dress of both sexes is the same with respect to fashion, the only difference is in the materials. The frock worn by the women is made of the skins of seals; and that of the men, of the skins of birds; both reach below the knees. This constitutes the whole dress of the females. But, over the frock, the men wear another composed of gut, which water cannot penetrate; it has a hood to it, which is drawn over the head. Some of them wear boots; and all of them wear a sort of oval snouted cap, made of wood, with a rim that admits the head. They dye these caps with green and other colours; and round the upper part of the rim they fix the long bristles of some sea animal, on which glass beads are strung; and on the front is a small image or two formed of bone. They do not make use of paint; but the women puncture their faces slightly, and both sexes perforate the lower lip, in which they fix pieces of bone. But it is as uncommon here to [Page 107] see a man with this ornament, as to observe a woman without it. Some fix beads to the upper lip under the nostrils; and they all suspend ornaments in their ears.

Fish, and other sea animals, birds, roots, berries, and even sea-weed, compose their food. They dry quantities of fish during the summer, which they lay up in small huts for their use in winter; and, probably, they preserve berries and roots for the same season of scarcity. They eat most of their provisions raw. Boiling and broiling were the only methods of cookery that we saw practised among them; and the former they in all probability learnt from the Russians. Some have in their possession small brass kettles: and those who have not, make one of a flat stone, with sides of clay.

Captain Cook once happened to be present, when the chief of this island made his dinner of the raw head of a large halibut, just caught. Before any part of it was given to the chief, two of his servants eat the gills with no other dressing than squeezing out the slime. After this, one of them having cut off the head of the fish, took it to the sea, and washed it, then came with it, and seated himself by the chief; but not before he had pulled up some grass, upon a part of which the head was placed, and the rest was strewed before the chief. He then cut large pieces off the cheeks, and put them within the reach of the [Page 108] chief, who swallowed them with great satisfaction. When he had finished his meal, the remains of the head been cut in pieces, were given to the servants, who tore off the meat with their teeth, and knawed the bones like so many dogs.

As the Oonalashkans use no paint, they are less dirty in their persons than those savages who thus besmear themselves; but they are full as filthy in their houses. The following is their method of building: they dig, in the ground, an oblong pit, which rarely exceeds fifty feet in length, and twenty in breadth; but the dimensions are in general smaller. Over this excavation they form the roof of wood, which they cover first with grass, and then with earth, so that the external appearance resembles a dung-hill. Near each end of the roof is left a square opening, which admits the light; one of these openings being intended only for this purpose, and the other being also used to go in and out by, with the assistance of a ladder, or rather a post, in which steps are cut. In some of the houses there is another entrance below, but this is rather uncommon. Round the sides and ends of the habitations, the families, several of which dwell together, have their separate apartments, where they sleep, and sit at work; not on benches, but in a sort of concave trench, dug entirely round the inside of the house and covered with mats, so that this part is kept pretty clean and decent. The same cannot [Page]

[figure]

[Page 109] be said of the middle of the house, which is common to all the families. For, though it is covered with dry grass, it is a recepticle for every kind of dirt, and the place where the urine trough stands; the stench of which is by no means improved by raw hides, or leather, being almost continually steeped in it. Behind, and over the trench, they place the few effects that they have in their profession, such as their mats, skins, and apparel.

Their furniture consists of buckets, cans, wooden bowls, spoons, matted baskets and sometimes a Russian kettle or pot. All these utensils are made in a very neat manner; and yet we observed no other tools among them than the knife and the hatchet; that is, a small flat piece of iron, made like an adze, by fixing it into a crooked wooden handle.

Though the Russians live among these people, we found much less iron in possession of the latter, than we had met with among other tribes on the neighbouring continent of America, who had never seen the Russians, nor perhaps had any intercourse with them. Probably a few beads, and a small quantity of tobacco and snuff, purchase all they have to spare. There are few of them that do not both smoke and chew tobacco, and take snuff.

They did not appear to be very desirous of more iron, or to want any other instruments, except [Page 110] sewing needles, their own being formed of bone. With these they sew their canoes, and make their clothes, and also work very curious embroidery. They use, instead of thread, the fibres of sinews, which they split to the thickness which is required. All sewing is performed by the females. They are the shoe-makers, taylors, and boat-builders, or boat-coverers; for the men, in all probability, construct the wooden frame, over which the skins are sewed. They manufacture mats, and baskets of grass, which are both strong and beautiful. There is indeed, a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that shews they are neither deficient in ingenuity nor perseverance.

We did not observe a fire-place in any one of their habitations. They are lighted, as well as heated, by lamps; which though simple, effectually answer the purpose for which they are intended. They consist of a flat stone, hollowed on one side like a plate; in the hollow part they put the oil, mixed with some dry grass, which serves for a wick. Both sexes often warm themselves over one of these lamps, by placing it between their legs, under their garments, and sitting thus over it for several minutes. These people produce fire both by collision and attrition; the first by striking two stones against each other, on one of which a quantity of brimstone has been previously rubbed. The latter method [Page 111] is performed by means of two pieces of wood, one of which is flat, and the other is a stick of the length of about a foot and a half. They press the pointed end of the stick upon the other piece, whirling it nimbly round as a drill, and thus fire is procured in a few minutes. This method is common in many countries. It is not only practised by these people, but also by the Kamtschadales, the Greenlanders, the Otaheiteans, the New-Hollanders, and the Brazilians, and probably by other nations. Some men of learning and genius have founded an argument on this custom, to prove that this and that nation are of the same extraction. But casual agreements, in a few particular instances, will not wholly authorize such a conclusion; nor, on the other hand, will a disagreement, either in manners or customs, between two different nations, prove of course that they are of different extraction.

We saw no offensive, nor even defensive weapon among the natives of Oonalashka. It can scarcely be supposed that the Russians found them in such a defenceless state; it is rather to be imagined, that, for their own security, they have disarmed them. Political motives, likewise, may have induced the Russians not to permit these islanders to have any large canoes; for we can hardly believe they had none such originally, as we found them among all their neighbours. [Page 112] However, we observed none here except two or three that belonged to the Russians.

The canoes in use among the natives, are smaller than any of those we had seen upon the coast of America, from which however, they differ but little in their construction. The form of these terminates somewhat abruptly; the head is forked, and the upper point of the fork projects without the under one, which is level with the surface of the water. It is remarkable that they should thus construct them, for the fork generally catch [...] hold of every thing that comes in the way; to prevent which, they fix a piece of small stick from one point to the other. In other respects they build their canoes after the manner of those of the Esquimaux and Greenlanders; the frame being of slender laths, and the covering of the skins of seals. They are about twelve feet in length, eighteen inches in breadth in the middle, and twelve or fourteen inches in depth. They sometimes carry two persons, one of whom sits in the seat, or round hole, which is nearly in the middle; and the other is stretched at full length in the canoe. Round this hole is a rim or hoop of wood, about which, gut skin is sewed, which can be drawn together, or opened like a purse, with leathern strings fitted to the outer edge. The man sits in this place, draws the skin tight about his body over his gut-frock, and brings the ends of the thongs, or purse-strings, over his [Page 113] shoulder. The sleeves of his frock are fastened tight round his wrists; and it being close round his neck, and the hood being drawn over his head, where his cape confines it, water cannot easily penetrate, either into the canoes, or to his body. If, however, any water should find means to insinuate itself, the boatman dries it up with a piece of spunge. He makes use of a double-bladed paddle, which is held with both hands in the middle, striking the water first on one side, and then on the other, with a quick regular motion. Thus the canoe is impelled at a great rate, and in a direction perfectly straight. In sailing from Egoochshak to Samganoodha, though our ship went at the rate of seven miles an hour, two or three canoes kept pace with her.

Their implements for hunting and fishing lie ready upon their canoes, under straps fixed for the purpose. They are all extremely well made of wood and bone, and are not very different from those used by the Greenlanders. The only difference is in the point of the missile dart; which, in some that we saw at this island, does not exceed an inch in length; whereas those of the Greenlanders, according to Crantz, are about eighteen inches long. Indeed these darts, as well as some others of the instruments, are extremely curious. Their darts are generally made of fir, and are about four feet in length. One end is formed of bone, into which, by means of [Page 114] a socket, another small piece of bone, which is barbed, is fixed, but contrived in such a manner, as to be put in and taken out without trouble: this is secured to the middle of the stick by a strong, though thin piece of twine, composed of sinews. The bird, fish, or other animal is no sooner struck, than the pointed bone slips out of the socket but remains fixed in its body by means of the barb. The dart then serves as a float to trace the animal, and also contributes to fatigue it considerably, so that it is easily taken. They throw these darts by the assistance of a thin piece of wood, twelve or fourteen inches long; the middle of this is slightly hollowed, for the better reception of the weapon; and at the termination of the hollow, which does not extend to the end, is fixed a short pointed piece of bone, to prevent the dart from slipping. The other extremity is furnished with a hole for the reception of the fore-finger, and the sides are made to coincide with the other fingers and thumb, in order to grasp with greater firmness. The natives throw these darts to the distance of eighty or ninety yards, with great force and dexterity. They are exceedingly expert in striking fish, both in the sea, and in rivers. They also use hooks and lines, nets and wears. The lines are formed of twisted sinews, and the hooks of bone.

Whales, porpoises, grampuses, halibut, sword-fish, salmon, trout, cod, soals, flat-fish, and several [Page 115] other sorts, are found here; and there may be many more that we had not an opportunity of seeing. Salmon and halibut appear to be in the greatest plenty; and on them the people of these isles principally subsist; at least, they were the only sort of fish, except cod, that we observed to be laid up for their winter store.

Seals, and all that tribe of sea animals, are not so numerous as they are in many other seas. Nor can this be thought surprizing, since there is hardly any part of the coast, on either continent, nor any of these islands, situate between them, but what is inhabited, and whose inhabitants hunt these animals for their food and clothing. Sea-horses are, indeed, to be found in prodigious numbers about the ice; and the sea-otter is scarce any where to be met with but in this sea. An animal was sometimes seen by us, that blew after the manner of whales. It had a head resembling that of a seal. It was larger than that animal, and its colour was white, with dark spots interspersed. This was perhaps the manati, or sea-cow.

Water fowls are neither found here in such numbers, nor in such variety, as in the northern parts of the Atlantic Ocean. However there are some in these parts, that we do not recollect to have seen in other countries; particularly the alca monochroa of Steller, and a black and white duck, which we judge to be different from the [Page 116] stone-duck that Krasheninikoff has described in his history of Kamtschatka. All the other birds we saw are mentioned by this author, except some which we observed near the ice; and the greatest part of these, if not all, have been described by Martin, in his voyage to Greenland. It is somewhat extraordinary, that penguins, which are so frequently met with in many parts of the world, should not be found in this sea. Albatrosses too are extremely scarce here.

The few land-birds seen by us are the same with those of Europe; but there were probably many others which we had no opportunity of observing. A very beautiful bird was shot in the woods at Norton Sound; which, we understand, is sometimes found in England, and known by the appellation of chatterer. Our people saw other small birds there, but in no great abundance or variety; such as the bullfinch, the wood pecker, the yellosh-finch, and tit-mouse.

Our excursions and observations being confined to the sea-coast, we cannot be expected to have much knowledge of the animals or vegetables of the country. There are few other insects besides musquetoes, and we saw few reptiles except lizards. There are no deer at Oonalishka, or any of the neighbouring islands; nor are there any domestic animals, not even dogs. Weasels and foxes were the only quadrupeds we observed; but the natives told us, that they had [Page 117] likewise hares, and the marmottas mentioned by Krasheninikoff. Hence it appears, that the inhabitants procure the greatest share of their food from the sea and rivers. They are also indebted to the sea for all the wood which they use for building, and other necessary purposes; as there is not a tree to be seen growing upon any of the islands, nor upon the neighbouring coast of the continent.

The seeds of plants are said to be coveyed, by various means, from one part of the world to another; even to islands lying in the midst of extensive oceans, and far distant from any other lands. It is therefore remarkable, that there are no trees growing on this part of the American continent, nor upon any of the adjacent isles. They are doubtless as well situated for receiving seeds, by the various ways we have heard of, as those coasts which have plenty of wood. Nature has, perhaps, denied to some soils the power of raising trees, without the assistance of art. With respect to the drift-wood, upon the shores of these islands, we have no doubt of its coming from America. For though there may be none on the neighbouring coast, a sufficient quantity may grow farther up the country, which may be broken loose by torrents in the spring, and brought down to the sea; and not a little may be conveyed from the woody coasts, though situated at a more considerable distance.

[Page 118]Plants are to be found in great variety at Oonalashka. Several of them are such as we meet with in Europe, and also in Newfoundland, and other parts of America; and others of them, which are likewise found in Kamtschatka, are eaten by the natives both there and here. Of these, Krasheninikoff has favoured us with descriptions. The principal one is the saranne or lily root; which is about as large as a root of garlick, round, and composed of a number of small cloves and grains. When boiled, it somewhat resembles saloop; the taste of it is not disagreeable. It does not appear to be in great abundance.

Among the food of the natives we may reckon some other wild roots; the stalk of a plant not unlike angelica; and berries of different species, such as cranberries, hurtle-berries, bramble-berries, and heath-berries; besides a small red berry, which, in Newfoundland, is denominated partridge berry; and another brown berry, with which we were unacquainted. This has somewhat of the taste of a sloe, but is different from it in every other respect. When eaten in a considerable quantity it is very astringent. Brandy may be distilled from it. Captain Clerke endeavoured to preserve some; but they fermented, and became as strong as if they had been steeped in spirits.

There were several plants which were serviceable to us, but are not used either by the Russians [Page 119] or natives. These were pea-tops, wild purslain, a sort of scurvy-grass, cresses, and a few others. We found all these very palatable, whether dressed in soups or in sallads. The vallies and low grounds abound with grass, which grows very thick, and to a great length. We are of opinion, that cattle might subsist at Oonalashka in every season of the year, without being housed. The soil, in many places, appeared to be capable of producing grain and vegetables. But, at present, the Russian traders, and the natives, seem contented with the spontaneous productions of nature.

We observed native sulphur among the people of this island; but we could not learn where they procured it. We also found ochre, and a stone that affords a purple colour; besides another that gives a good green. This last, in its natural state is of a greyish green hue, coarse, and heavy. It readily dissolves in oil; but when it is put into water, it altogether loses its properties. As for the stones about the shore and hills, we perceived in them nothing that was extraordinary.

The Oonalashkans inter their dead on the tops of hills, and raise over the grave a little hillock. One of the natives, who attended Captain Cook in a walk into the country, pointed out several of these repositories of the dead. There was one of them by the side of a road, that had a heap of stones over it; and all who passed it, added a stone [Page 120] to the heap. In the country were seen several stone hillocks, that seemed to have been artificially raised. Some of them were, to appearance, of great antiquity.

We are unacquainted with the notions of these people respecting the deity, and a future state. We are equally uninformed with regard to their diversions; having seen nothing that could give us an insight into either.

They are extremely chearful and friendly among each other; and they always treated us with great civility. The Russians said they never had any connection with their women, on account of their not being christians. Our people, however, were less scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent, that the women of Oonalashka encouraged their addresses; for their health was injured by a distemper that is not wholly unknown here. The natives are also subject to the cancer, or a complaint of a similar nature, which those who are attacked by it are studious to conceal. They do not appear to be long-lived. We did not see a person, man or woman, whom we could suppose to be sixty years of age; and we observed very few who seemed to exceed fifty.

We have occasionally mentioned, from the time of our arrival in Prince William's Sound, how remarkably the inhabitants on this north-western side of America resemble the Esquimaux and Greenlanders in various particulars of person, [Page 121] dress, weapons, canoes and the like. We were; however, much less struck with this, than with the affinity subsisting between the dialects of the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of Oonalashka and Norton's Sound. But we must observe, with respect to the words which were collected by us on this side of America, that too much stress is not to be laid upon their being accurately represented; for, after the death of Mr. Anderson, we had few who took any great degree of pains about such manners; and we have often found that the same word, written down by two or more persons, from the mouth of the same native, differed considerably, on bei [...]g compared together. Nevertheless, enough is certain to authorize this judgment, that there is great reason to suppose, that all these nations are of the same extraction; and if that be the case, there is little doubt of there being a northen communication by sea, between the western side of America, and the eastern side, through Baffin's Bay; which communication, however, is perhaps effectually shut up against ships, by ice, and other obstructions; such, at least, was Captain Cook's opinion at this time.

The tides in these parts are not very considerable, except in Cook's River. The flood comes from the south or south-east, following the direction of the coast to the north-west. Between Cape Prince of Wales and Norton's Sound we [Page 122] found a current setting towards the north-west, particularly off that Cape, and within Sledge Island. This current, however, extended but a little way from the coast, and was neither consistent nor uniform. To the north of Cape Prince of Wales, we observed neither tide nor current, either on the coast of America, or that of Asia. This circumstance gave rise to an opinion which some of our peo [...] entertained, that the two coasts were connected either by land or ice; and that opinion received some degree of strength, from our never having any hollow waves from the northward, and from our seeing ice almost the whole way across.

From the observations made during our continuance in the harbour of Samganoodha, its latitude is 53° 5′ north, and its longitude 193° 29′ 45″ east.

[Page 123]

CHAP. XII.

Departure from Samganoodha—Amoghta—An elevated Rock—Repass the Strait between Oonalashka and Oonella—Proceed to the South—One Man killed, and three or four wounded on board the Discovery—Mowee discovered—Visits from the Natives— A Visit from a Chief named Terreeoboo—Owhyhee, an island, discovered—Ships ply to Windward—An Eclipse of the Moon—Ship's Crew refuse to taste Sugar-cane Beer—Comparative View of the Cordage in the Navy and Merchants Service—Eulogium on the Natives of Owhyhee—The Resolution accomplishes the Intention of getting to Windward of the Island—The Progress—Visits from the Islanders—Joined by the Discovery—Mr. Bligh examines Karakakooa Bay—Multitudes of People—Anchor in the Bay.

ON Monday the 26th of October, we sailed from Samganoodha harbour, when, the wind being southerly, we stood to the westward. We intended to proceed to the Sandwich Islands, in order to pass a few of the winter months there, if we should meet with the necessary refreshments, and then advance in our progress to Kamtschatka, so as to arrive there about the middle of May in the ensuing year. This being determined on, the Commodore gave Captain Clerke instructions [Page 124] for proceeding in case of separation; Sandwich Islands being appointed for the first place of rendezvous; and, for the second, Petropaulowska, in Kamtschatka.

Having got out of the harbour, the wind veered to the south-east, with which we were carried to the western part of Oonalashka, by the evening. Here the wind was as south, and we stretched to the westward till the next morning at seven, at which time we wore, and stood to the east. The wind had now so greatly increased, as to reduce us to our three courses. It blew in heavy squalls, accompanied with rain, hail, and snow.

In the morning of the 28th, at about nine o'clock, Oonalashka bore south-east, about four leagues distant. The strength of the gale was much abated, and, towards the evening, insensibly veered round to the east, and soon after got to north-east, increasing to a very hard gale, attended with rain.

At half after six in the morning of the 29th, we discovered land, which we supposed to be the island Amoghta. At eight, the wind having veered to the westward, we could not weather the island, and gave over plying; bearing away for Oonalashka, in order to go to the north of it▪ not daring, in so hard a gale of wind, to attempt a passage to the south-east of it. When we bore away, the land was about four leagues distant. The longitude was 191° 17′, and the latitude 53° [Page 125] 38′. The Russian map is very inaccurate in the situation of this island.

Steering to the north-east, we discovered, at eleven o'clock, a rock, elevated like a tower, bearing north-north-east, at the distance of about four leagues. The latitude was 53° 57′, and the longitude 191° 2′. We got sight of Oonalashka about three in the afternoon, when we shortened sail, and hauled the wind, being unable to get through the passage before night. On the 20th at day-break having a very hard gale at west-north-west, with heavy squalls and snow, we bore away under courses, and close-reefed top-sails. About noon we were in the middle of the strait, and got through it at three in the afternoon, Cape Providence bearing west-south-west; the wind at west-north-west, blew a strong gale, with fair weather.

On the 2d of November, the wind was at south; and, in the evening, blew a violent storm, which occasioned us to bring too. Several guns were fired by the Discovery, which we immediately answered. We lost sight of her at eight, and saw her no more till eight the next morning. She joined us at ten; when, the height of the gale being over, and the wind having veered to west-north-west, we made sail, and pursued our course to the southward.

In the morning of Saturday the 7th, a shag, or cormorant, slew often round the ship. As it [Page 126] is not common for these birds to go far out of the sight of land, we supposed there was some at no great distance; though we could not discover any. Having but little wind in the afternoon, Captain Clerke came on board with some melancholy intelligence. He informed us that, the second night after we departed from Samganoodha, the main tack of the Discovery gave way, by which accident one man was killed, and the boatswain, with two or three others, wounded. He added, that his sails and rigging received considerable damage on the 3d, and that he fired the guns as a signal to bring too.

On the 8th, we had a gentle breeze at north, with clear weather. On the 9th, we had eight hours calm. To this succeeded a wind from the south, accompanied with fair weather. Such of our people as could handle a needle, were now employed to repair the sails; and the carpenters were directed to put the boats in order.

At noon, on the 12th, the wind returned to the northward, and veered to the east on the 15th. We now saw a tropic bird, and a dolphin; the first we had observed in our passage. On the 17th, the wind was southward, where it remained till the 19th in the afternoon, when it was instantly brought round by the west to the north, by a squall of wind and rain. The wind in [...]reased to a very strong gale, and brought us under double reefed top-sails. In lowering the main [Page 127] top-sail, in order to reef it, the force of the wind tore it out of the foot-rope, and it was split in several parts. We got, however, another top-sail to the yard the next morning. We steered to the southward till the 25th, at day-light, when we were in the latitude of 20° 55′.

The next morning, at day-break, land was discovered, extending from south-south-east to west. We stood for it and at eight o'clock, it extended from south-east to west, the nearest part about two leagues distant. We now perceived that our discovery of the group of the Sandwich Islands had been very imperfect, those which we had visited in our progress north-ward, all lying to the leeward of our present station.

An elevated hill appeared in the country, whose summit rose above the clouds. The land, from this hill, fell in a gradual slope, terminating in a steep rocky coast; the sea breaking against it in a most dreadful surf. Unable to weather the island, we bore up, and ranged to the westward. We now perceived people on many parts of the shore, and several houses and plantations. The country appeared to be well supplied with wood and water, and streams were seen, in various places, falling into the sea.

It being of the utmost importance to procure a proper supply of provisions at these islands, which could not possibly be accomplished, if a free trade with the natives were to be permitted; Captain [Page 128] Cook published an order, prohibiting all persons on board the ship from trading, except those appointed by himself and Captain Clerke; and these were under limitations of trading only for provisions and refreshments. Injunctions were also laid against the admittance of women into the ships, but under certain restrictions. But the evil, which was intended to have been prevented by this regulation, had already got amongst them.

About noon, the coast extended from south-east to north-west, the nearest shore three miles distant, in the latitude of 20° 59′, and the longitude of 203° 50′. Some canoes came off, and, when they got along-side, many of the conductors of them came into the ship without hesitation. We perceived that they were of the same nation as those islanders more to the leeward, which had already been visited by us; and, as we understood, they were no strangers to our having been there. It was, indeed, too evident; these people having got the venereal disease among them; which they probably contracted by an intercourse with their neighbours, after we had left them.

Our visitors supplied us with a quantity of cuttle-fish, in exchange for nails and iron. They brought but little fruit or roots, but said they had plenty of them on their island, as well as of hogs and fowls. The horizon being clear, in the evening, we supposed the westernmost land that [Page 129] we could see, to be an island, distinct from that off which we now were. Expecting the natives would return the next day, with the produce of their island, we plyed off the whole night, and stood close in shore the next morning. At first we were visited but by few, but towards noon, many of them appeared, bringing with them potatoes, tarro, bread-fruit, plantains and small pigs▪ all which were bartered for iron tools and nails, we having few other articles to give them. We traded with them till about four in the afternoon, at which time they had disposed of all their cargoes; and not expressing any inclination to fetch more, we immediately made sail.

On the 30th, in the afternoon, being off the north-east end of the island, some more canoes came off. These principally belonged to Terreeoboo, a chief who came in one of them. He made the commodore a present of two or three pigs; and we procured a little fruit by bartering with the other people. In about two hours they all left us, except seven or eight who chose to remain on board. Soon after, a double sailing canoe arrived to attend upon them, which we towed astern the whole night. In the evening, another island was seen to the windward, called, by the natives, Owhyhee. That, which we had been off for some days, was called Mowee.

[Page 130]At eight in the morning, on the first of December, Owhyhee extended from south-east to south-west. Perceiving that we could fetch Owhyhee, we stood for it, when our visitors from Mowee thought proper to embark in their canoes, and went ashore. We spent the night, standing off and on, the north side of Owhyhee.

On the 2d of December, in the morning, to our great surprize, we saw the summits of the mountains covered with snow. Though they were not of an extraordinary height, the snow, in some places, appeared to be of a considerable depth, and to have remained there some time. Drawing near the shore, some of the natives approached us, who appeared a little shy at first, but we prevailed on some of them to come on board; and, at length, induced them to return to the island, to bring a supply of what we wanted. We had plenty of company after these had reached the shore, who brought us a tolerable supply of pigs, fruit, and roots. We traded with them till about six in the evening, when we stood off, in order to ply to windward round the island.

An eclipse of the moon was observed in the evening of the 4th. Mr. King used, for the purpose of observing, a night telescope, with a circular aperture at the object end. The Commodore observed with the telescope of one of Ramsden's sextants.

[Page 131]In the evening of the 6th, being near the shore, and five leagues farther up the coast, we again traded with the natives; but, receiving only a trifling supply, we stood in the next morning, when the number of our visitors was considerable, with whom we trafficked, till two in the afternoon. We had now procured pork, fruit, and roots, sufficient to supply us for four or five days. We therefore made sail, and still plyed to windward.

Captain Cook having procured a great quantity of sugar cane, and having, upon a trial, discovered that a decoction of it made very palatable beer, he ordered some of it to be brewed for our general use; but, on the broaching of the casks, not one of the crew would even taste it. The commodore, having no other motive in preparing this beverage, than that of preserving our spirits for a colder climate, neither exerted his authority, nor had recourse to persuasion, to induce them to drink it; well knowing that, so long as we could be plentifully supplied with other vegetables, there was no danger of the scurvy. But, that he might not be disappointed in his views, he ordered that no grog should be served in either of the ships. The Commodore, and his officers, continued to drink this sugarcane beer, whenever materials could be procured for brewing it. Some hops which we had on board, improved it much; and, it was, doubtless, extremely wholesome; though the Captain's [Page 132] inconsiderate crew, could not be persuaded but that it was injurious to their health.

Innovations, of whatever kind, on board a ship, are sure to meet with the disapprobation of the seaman, though ever so much to their advantage. Portable soup, and sour krout, were condemned, at first, as improper food for human beings. Few commanders have introduced more useful varieties of food and drink into their ships, than Captain Cook has done. Few others, indeed, have had the opportunities, or have been driven to the necessity of trying such experiments. It was, nevertheless, owing to certain deviations from established practice, that he was enabled, in a great degree, to preserve his people from the scurvy, a distemper that has often made more havoc in peaceful voyages, than the enemy in military expeditions.

Having kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th, we stood in again, six leagues more to windward; and, after trading with the natives who came off to us, returned to sea. We also intended to have approached the shore again on the 15th, to get a fresh supply of fruit and roots; but the wind happening to be then at south-east, we embraced the opportunity of stretching to the eastward, in order to get round the south-east end of the island. The wind continued at south-east the greatest part of the 16th; on the 17th, it was variable; and on the 18th, [Page 133] it was continually veering▪ Sometimes it blew in hard squalls; and, [...]t other times, it was calm with thunder, lightning, and rain. The wind was westerly for a few hours in the afternoon; but it shifted, in the evening, to east by south. The south-east point of the island now bore south-west by south, distant about five leagues, and we expected that we should be able to weather it; but it became calm at one the next morning▪ and we were left wholly at the mercy of a north-easterly swell, which greatly impelled us towards the land; insomuch, that, before morning, lights were seen upon the shore, which was then at the distance of about a league. It was a dark night, with thunder, lightning, and rain.

A breeze from the south-east succeeded the calm at about three, blowing in squalls, with rain. At day-break, the coast extended from north by west, to south-west by west, about half a league distant; a most dreadful surf breaking upon the shore. We had certainly been in the most imminent danger; from which we were not yet secure, the wind veering more easterly; so that for a considerable time, we were but ju [...] able to keep our distance from the coast. Our situation was rendered the more alarming, by the leach-rope of the main top-sail giving way, in consequence of which the sail was rent in two; the top-gallant-sails giving way in the sam [...] manner. We soon, however, got others to the yards, [Page 134] and left the land astern. The Discovery was at s [...]me distance to the north, entirely clear from the land; nor did she appear in sight till eight o'clock.

It is an obvious remark, that the bolt-ropes to our sails are extremely deficient in strength or substance. This has frequently been the source of infinite labour and vexation; and occasioned the loss of much canvass by their giving way. It was, upon this occasion, observed by Captain Cook, that the cordage, canvass, and other stores, made use of in the navy, are inferior, in general, to those used in the merchant service.

The Commodore also observed, that an opinion prevailed among all naval officers, that the king's stores were superior to any others; no ships being so well fitted out as those of the navy. They might be right, he admits, as to the quantity; but, he apprehends, not with respect to the quality of the stores. This, indeed, is not often tried; for these things are usually condemned, or converted to other uses, before they are half worn out. Only such voyages as ours afford an opportunity of making the trial; our situation being such, as to render it necessary to wear every thing to the extreme^*.

[Page 135]When day-light appeared, the natives ashore exhibited a white flag, as a signal, we imagined, of peace and friendship. Many of them ventured out after us; but, as the wind freshened▪ and we were unwilling to wait, they were presently left astern. In the afternoon, we made another attempt to weather the eastern extreme, in which we failed; when the Commodore gave it up, and ran down to the Discovery.

Our getting round the island was, indeed, a matter of no importance; for we had seen the extent of it to the south-east, which was all the Commodore aimed at: the natives having informed us, that there was no other island to the windward of this. But as we were so near accomplishing our design, we did not entirely abandon the idea of weathering it, and continued to ply.

At noon, on the 20th, the south-east point bore south, at the distance of three leagues. The snowy hills bore west-north-west; and we were within four miles of the nearest shore. We were visited, in the afternoon, by some of the natives, who came off in their canoes, bringing with them pigs and plantains. The latter were highly acceptable, we having been without vegetables for some days; but this was so inconsiderable a supply (hardly sufficient for one day) that we stood in the next morning, till within about four miles of the land, when a number of canoes came off [Page 136] laden with provisions. The people in them continued trading with us till four o'clock, in the afternoon; at which time we had got a good supply; we therefore made sail, stretching off to the northward.

We met with less reserve and suspicion, in our intercourse with the people of this island, than we had ever experienced among any tribe of savages. They frequently sent up into the ship the articles they meant to barter, and afterwards came in themselves, to traffic on the quarter deck. The inhabitants of Otaheite, who we have so often visited, have not that confidence in our integrity. Whence it may be inferred, that those of Owhyhee are more faithful in their dealings with each other, than the Otaheitans.

It is but justice to observe, that they never attempted to over-reach us in exchanges, nor to commit a single theft. They perfectly understand trading, and clearly comprehended the reason of our plying upon the coast. For, though they brought off plenty of pigs, and other provisions, they were particular in keeping up their price; and, rather than dispose of them at an undervalue, would carry them to shore again.

At eight in the morning of the 22d, we tacked to the southward. At noon, the snowy peak bore south-west. We stood to the south-east till midnight, when we tacked to the north till four. We had hopes of weathering the island, and [Page 137] should have succeeded, if a calm had not ensued, and left us to the mercy of a swell, which impelled us towards the land, from which we were not above the distance of two leagues. Some light puffs of wind, however, took us out of danger. Whilst we lay in this situation, some islanders came off with hogs, fowls, and fruit. From one of the canoes we got a goose, which was not larger than a Muscovy duck. The colour of its plumage was dark grey, and the bill and legs were black.

After purchasing what the natives had brought off, we made sail, and stretched to the north. At midnight, we tacked and stood to the south-east. Imagining the Discovery would see us tack, we omitted the signal; but it afterwards appeared that she did not see us, and continued standing to the north; for, the next morning, at day-light, she was not to be seen. But, as the weather was now hazy, we could not see far; it was therefore possible that the Discovery might be following us. At noon, we were in the latitude of 19° 55′, and in the longitude of 205° 3′; and were two leagues from the nearest part of the island. In the evening, at six, the southernmost part of the island bore south-west, the nearest shore about seven miles distant. We had, therefore, now succeeded in our endeavours, in getting to the windward of the island.

[Page 138]The Discovery was not yet within sight, but as the wind was favourable for her to follow us, we expected she would shortly join us. We kept cruising off this point of the island, till Captain Clerke was no longer expected here. It was, at length, conjectured, that he was gone to leeward, in order to meet us that way, not having been able to weather the north-east part of the island.

Keeping generally from five to ten leagues from the land, only one canoe came off to us till the 28th; at which time we were attended by about a dozen, bringing, as usual, the produce of the island. We were concerned that the people had been at the trouble of coming, as we could not possibly trade with them, not having yet consumed our former stock; and experience had convinced us, that the hogs could not be kept a live, nor the roots be many days preserved from putrefaction. We meant, however, not to leave this part of the island till we had got a supply, as we could not easily return to it, if it should hereafter be found necessary. On the 30th, we began to be in want, but a calm prevented us from approaching the shore. A breeze, however, sprung up at midnight, which enabled us to stand in for the land at day-break. At ten o'clock the islanders visited us, bringing with them a quantity of fruit and roots, but only three small pigs. This scanty supply was, perhaps, occasioned by [Page 139] our not having purchased those which had lately been brought off.

For the purposes of traffic we brought too, but we were shortly interrupted with an excessive rain; and, indeed, we were too far from the shore; nor could we venture to go nearer, as we could not, for a moment, depend upon the wind's continuing where it was. The swell too, was extremely high, and set obliquely upon the shore, where it broke in a most frightful surf. We had fine weather in the evening, and passed the night in making boards. Before day-break, on the 1st of January, 1779, the atmosphere was laden with heavy clouds; and the new year was ushered in with a heavy rain. We had a light breeze southerly, with some calms. At ten, the rain ceased, the sky became clear, and the wind freshened.

Being now about four or five miles from the shore, some canoes arrived with hogs, fruit, and roots. We traded with the people in the canoes, till three in the afternoon; when, being pretty well supplied, we made sail, in order to proceed to the lee side of the island, in search of the Discovery. We stretched to the eastward, till midnight, when the wind favoured us, and we went upon the other tack.

The 2d, 3d, and 4th, were passed in running down the south-east side of the island, standing off and on during the nights, and employing part [Page 140] of each day in laying too, to give the natives an opportunity of trading with us. They frequently came off to us, at the distance of five leagues from the shore, but never brought much with them, at those times, either from a fear of losing their articles in the sea, or from the uncertainty of a market. We procured a quantity of salt, of a most excellent quality.

In the morning of the 5th, we passed the south point of the island, in the latitude of 18° 54′, beyond which the coast trends north 60° west. A large village is situated on this point, many of whose inhabitants thronged off to the ship with hogs and women. The lattter could not possibly be prevented from coming on board, and they were less reserved than any women we had ever seen. They seemed, indeed, to have visited us with no other view than to tender us their persons.

Having now got a quantity of salt, we purchased only such hogs as were large enough for salting; refusing all those that were under size. But we could seldom procure any that exceeded the weight of sixty pounds. Happily for us, we had still some vegetables remaining, as we were now supplied with but few of those productions. Indeed, from the appearance of this part of the country, it seemed incapable of affording them. Evident marks presented themselves of its having been laid waste by the explosion of a volcano; [Page 141] and though ye had not seen any thing of the kind, the devastation it had made in the neighbourhood was but too visible.

Though the coast is sheltered from the reigning winds, it had no anchorage; a line of an hundred and sixty fathoms not reaching the bottom within half a mile of the shore. The natives having now left us, we ran a few miles down the coast in the evening, and passed the night in standing off and on.

We were again visited by the natives the next morning. They came laden with the same articles of commerce as before. Being not far from the shore, Captain Cook sent Mr. Bligh, in a boat in order to sound the coast, and also to go ashore in search of fresh water. He reported, on his return, that, within two cables lengths of the shore, he found no soundings with a line of one hundred and sixty fathoms; that on the land, he could discover no stream or spring; that there was some rain water in holes, upon the rocks, which the spray of the sea had rendered brackish; that the whole surface of the country was composed of flags and ashes interspersed with a few plants.

To our great satisfaction, the Discovery made her appearance between ten and eleven, coming round the south point of the island, and she joined us about one. Captain Clerke then came on board the Resolution, and acquainted us, that [Page 142] having cruised four or five days where we were separated, he plied round the east side of the island; where meeting with unfavourable winds, he had been driven to some distance from the coast. One of the islanders continued on board the whole time, at his own request, having refused to leave the ship, though opportunities had presented themselves. The night was spent in standing off and on. In the morning we stood in again, and were visited by many of the natives. At noon, the latitude was 19° 1′, and the longitude 203° 26′; the nearest part of the island two leagues distant. On the 8th, at day-break, we perceived, that whilst we were plying in the night, the currents had carried us back considerably to windward; and that we were now off the south-west point of the island, where we brought too, in order to enable the inhabitants to trade with us.

The night was spent in standing off and on. Four men and ten women, who came on board the preceding day, were with us still. The Commodore not liking the company of the latter, we stood in shore, on the 9th, about noon, solely with a view of getting rid of our guests; when, some canoes coming off, we embraced that opportunity of sending them away.

On the 10th, in the morning, we had light airs from north-west, and calms; at eleven, the wind freshened at north north-west, which so [Page 143] greatly retarded us, that, in the evening at eight, the south snowy hill bore north, 1 ½° east.

At four o'clock in the morning of the 11th, the wind being at west, we approached the land in expectation of getting some refreshments. The natives seeing us so near them, began to come off, and we continued trading with them the whole day; though we procured but a very scanty supply, many of those who came off in their canoes, not having a single thing to barter. From this circumstance, it appeared, that this part of the island was extremely poor, and had already furnished us with every thing they could spare.

The 12th was employed in plying off and on, with a fresh gale at west. A mile from the shore we found ground, at the depth of fifty-five fathoms. At five we stood to the southward, and at midnight we had a calm. The next morning, at eight, we had a small breeze at south-south-east, and steered for the land.

A few canoes came off to us with some hogs: but they brought no vegetables, which were now much wanted. In the evening we had got the length of the south-west point of the island, but, by the veering of the wind, we lost in the night all that we had gained in the day. Being in the same situation the next morning, some more canoes attended us; but they brought nothing which we stood in need of. We were now destitute of roots and fruit, and therefore obliged to [Page 144] have recourse to our sea provisions. Some canoes, however, arrived from the northward, which supplied us with some hogs and roots.

On the 15th, we had variable light airs till five in the afternoon, when a breeze at east-north-east sprung up, and enabled us to steer along shore to the northward. The weather was this day remarkably fine, and we had plenty of company; many of whom continued with us on board all night, and their canoes were towed astern. On the 16th, at day-break, seeing the appearance of a bay, the Commodore sent Mr. Bligh, with a boat from each ship, to survey it, being now about three leagues off.

Canoes arrived from all quarters; insomuch that by ten o'clock in the morning, there were at least a thousand about the two ships, crouded with people, and laden with hogs and other provisions. We were perfectly convinced of their having no hostile intentions; not a single person having a weapon with him of any sort. Trade and curiosity were their only inducements to visit us. Such numbers as we had frequently on board, it might be expected that some of them should betray a thievish disposition. One of them took a boat's rudder from the ship, and was not detected till it was too late to recover it. Captain Cook imagined this to be a proper opportunity to shew these islanders the use of fire arms; two or three m [...]squets, and as many four pounders, [Page 145] were, by his orders, fired over the canoe which went away with the rudder. But as the shot was not intended to take effect, the surrounding multitude were more surprized than frightened.

Mr. Bligh, when he returned in the evening, reported, that he had found a bay with good anchorage, and fresh water, in a desirable situation. Into this bay, the Commodore determined to take his ships, in order to refit, and supply ourselves with refreshments. At the approach of night, the most considerable part of our visitors retired to the shore; but many, at their own earnest request, were permitted to sleep on board. Curiosity, at least with some of them, was not the only motive, for several articles were missing the next morning; in consequence of which, the Commodore came to a resolution not to admit so many on any future night.

On the 17th, at eleven in the forenoon, we anchored in the bay, called by the natives Karakakooa, within a quarter of a mile of the north-east shore. The south point of the bay bearing south by west, and the north point west half north. After we were moored, the ships continued much crouded with the natives, and surrounded by a vast multitude of canoes. In the course of our voyages, we had no where seen such vast numbers of people assembled at one place. Besides those who visited us in canoes, all the shore was covered with spectators, and hundreds were swimming [Page 146] about the ships, like shoals of fish. We were struck with the singularity of this scene: and few of us lamented that we had not succeeded in our late endeavours, to find a northern passage homeward. To this disappointment we were indebted for revisiting the Sandwich Islands, and for enriching our voyage with a discovery, in many respects the most important that has been made by the Europeans in the Pacific Ocean.

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A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK. V. JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURNING TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. I

Karakakooa Bay described—Multitudes of the Natives surround the Ships—Despotic Authority of the Chiefs over the inferior People—A Visit received from Koah—Description of the Moral at Kakoa—Offering made to Captain Cook at the Morai—Mr. King erects Observatories—The Spot on which they are situated, tabooed—Method of curing Meat in Tropical Climates—Society of Priests accidentally discovered—Their Munificence—Ceremony at the Reception of Captain Cook—Mean Artifice of Koah—Arrival of Terreeoboo—The Bay tabooed upon that Occasion—Bring the Inhabitants to Obedience, by firing a Musquet—Remarkable Ceremony—Visit from Terreeoboo—Captain Cook returns it.

THE Bay of Karakakooa is situated in the district of Acona, on the west side of the island of Owhyhee. It extends about a mile in [Page 148] depth, and is bounded by two points of land, bearing south-east and north-west from each other, at the distance of half a league. The north point is flat and barren, on which is situated the village of Kowrowa. A more considerable village, called Kakooa, stands in the bottom of the bay, near a grove of stately cocoa-trees. A high rocky cliff, inaccessible from the sea-shore, runs between them. Near the coast, on the south side, the land has a rugged appearance; beyond which the country gradually rises, and abounds with cultivated inclosures, and groves of cocoa-trees. The habitations of the people are scattered about in great plenty. Round the bay the shore is covered with a black coral rock, except at Kakooa, where there is an excellent sandy beach, with a Morai at one extremity, and a spring of fresh water at the other. We moored at the north side of this bay, and within a quarter of a mile from the shore.

The inhabitants, perceiving our intention to anchor in the bay, came off in a stonishing numbers, expressing their joy by singing, shouting, and the most extravagant gestures. The decks, fides, and riggings of our ships were covered with them. Women and boys, who were unable to procure canoes, came swimming round us in great multitudes; some of whom, not finding room to get on board, amused themselves the whole day by playing in the water.

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[Page 149]One of the chiefs, who visited the Resolution, was named Pareea. Though a young man, we soon discovered him to be a person of great authority. He told Captain Cook that he was Jackane ^* to the sovereign of the island, who was then on a military expedition at Mowee; whence he was expected to return in a few days. Some presents from the Commodore attached him to our interests, and we found him exceedingly useful to us. Before we had been long at anchor, the Discovery had so many people hanging on one side, that she was observed to heel considerably; and our people found it impossible to prevent the crowds from pressing into her. Captain Cook, apprehensive that she might receive some injury, communicated his fears to Pareea, who instantly cleared the ship of its incumberances, and dispersed the canoes that surrounded her.

From this circumstance, it appears that the chiefs have a most despotic authority over the inferior people. An instance, similar to this, happened on board the Resolution; where the crowd so far impeded the ordinary business of the ship, that we found it necessary to apply to Kaneena, another chief, who had also attached himself particularly to Captain Cook. The inconvenience we suffered was no sooner mentioned, than he ordered the natives immediately to quit the vessel; [Page 150] when, without a moment's hesitation▪ we saw them all jump over-board; except one person, who loitered behind, and, by his manner, expressed some degree of unwillingness to obey. Kaneena observing this contempt of his authority, took hold of him immediately, and threw him into the sea.

These two chiefs were exceedingly well proportioned, and had countenances remarkable pleasing. Kaneena, whose portrait was drawn by Mr. Webber, was as fine a figure as can be seen. His height was about six feet, his features were regular and expressive, his deportment was easy, firm, and graceful, and he had dark lively eyes.

Mention has already been made, that while we were cruizing off this island, the inhabitants had acted fairly and honestly, without manifesting the least propensity to theft; which was the more remarkable, because those with whom we had hitherto any dealings, were people of the lowest rank, such as fishermen or servants. The case was now exceedingly altered. The multitude of islanders, who blocked up every part of the ships, afforded opportunity of pilfering without danger of discovery, and even if detected, must have escaped with impunity from our inferiority in number. To the encouragement of their chiefs this alteration might also be attributed; for, as we frequently traced the booty into the possession [Page 151] of some great men, there is little doubt but these depredations were made at their instigation.

The Resolution having got into her station, the two chiefs, Pareea and Kaneena, brought a third on board, whose name was Koah. He was represented to us as a priest, and one who, in his early days, had distinguished himself as a warrior. He was a little old emaciated figure, having sore red eyes, and his body covered with a leprous scurf, occasioned by the immoderate use of the ava. Being conducted to the cabin, he approached the Commodore with the greatest deference, threw a piece of red cloth over his shoulders, and retreated a few paces, made an offering of a small pig, at the same time pronouncing a discourse of a considerable length.

During our coutinuance at Owhyhee, this ceremony was repeated often, and from a variety of circumstances, appeared to us to be a kind of religious adoration. Red cloth is an article with which their idols are arrayed, and a pig is their common offering to the Eatooas. Their speeches were delivered with a volubility that indicated them to be conformable to some ritual.

At the conclusion of this ceremony, Koah dined with the Commodore, and eat plentifully of the viands before him; but, like most of the islanders in these seas, he could hardly be induced to taste our wine or spirits a second time. In the evening, the Commodore, Mr. King, and Mr. Baily, [Page 152] accompanied him on shore. As soon as we landed on the beach, we were preceded by four men, bearing each a wand tipt with dog's hair, and pronouncing, with a loud voice, a short sentence, in which the word Orono ^* was very distinguishable. The crowd which had assembled on the shore, retired at our approac [...]; and not an individual was to be seen, except a few who had prostrated themselves on the ground, near the habitations of the adjacent village.

Before we relate an account of the peculiar ceremonies respecting the adoration paid to Captain Cook, it may not be unnecessary to describe the Morai, already mentioned, situated on the beach at Kakooa. It consisted of a square solid pile of stones, of the length of forty yards, the breadth of twenty, and the height of fourteen. The top of it was flat, and a wooden rail surrounded it, on which were displayed the skulls of those natives, who had been sacrificed on the death of their chiefs. A ruinous wooden building was situated in the centre of the area, connected with the rail by a stone wall, dividing the whole space into two parts. Five poles of about twenty feet in height, supported an irregular kind of scaffold, on the side next the country; and, [Page 153] on the side towards the sea, were too small houses, with a covered communication.

Koah conducted us to the top of this pile. At our entrance we beheld two large wooden images, with most distorted features, having a long piece of wood, proceeding from the top of their heads, of a conical form inverted; the other parts were covered with red cloth. Here Captain Cook was received by a tall young man, having a long beard, who presented him to the images, and chanted a kind of hymn, in which he was assisted by Koah. We were then led to the side of the Morai where the poles were erected; at the foot of which twelve images were ranged in the form of a semicircle; the middle figure having a high table before it like the Whatta of Otaheite, on which we saw a putrid hog, and under it some cocoa-nuts, plantains, potatoes, bread-fruit, and pieces of sugar-cane. The Commodore was conducted under this stand by Koah; who, taking down the hog, held it towards him: when, having again addressed him in a long and vehement speech, he suffered it to fall upon the ground, and ascended the scaffolding with him, though at the peril of their falling.

We now beheld, advancing in solemn procession, and entering the top of the Morai, ten men bearing a live hog, and a piece of large red cloth of considerable dimensions. Advancing a few paces, they stopped, and prostrated themselves; and [Page 154] Kaireekeea, the tall young man already mentioned approaching them, received the cloth, and carried it to Koah, who wrapped it round the Commodore, and made him an offering of the hog.

Captain Cook was now aloft, in a situation truly whimsical, swathed in red cloth, and hardly able to keep his hold in the rotten scaffolding. In this situation he was entertained with the chanting of Koah and Kaireekeea, sometimes in concert, and sometimes alternately. After this office was performed, which was of considerable duration, Koah let the hog drop, and he and the Commodore immediately descended. He then conducted him to the images just mentioned, to each of which he expressed himself in a sneering tone, snapping his fingers at them as he passed. He then presented him to that in the centre; which, from its being habited in red cloth appeared to be in the highest estimation. He fell prostrate before this figure, and kissed it, requesting Captain Cook would do the same; which he readily submitted to, being determined to follow Koah's directions throughout the whole of this ceremony.

We were now conveyed into the other division of the Morai, where a space, of about twelve feet square, was sunk three feet below the level of the area. We descended into this, and the Commodore was immediately seated between two idols; [Page 155] one of his arms being supported by Koah, and Mr. King was requested to support the other. A second procession of natives, at this time, arrived with a baked hog, a pudding, some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, and other vegetables. As they drew near, Kaireekeea placed himself before them, and presented the hog to the Commodore, in the usual manner; chanting as before, and his companions making regular responses. Their speeches and responses, we observed, grew gradually shorter and shorter and, towards the conclusion, Kaireekeea's did not exceed three or four words, which was answered by the word orono.

At the conclusion of this offering, the natives seated themselves fronting us, and began to cut up the baked hog, to break the cocoa-nuts, and to peel the vegetables. Others were employed in brewing the ava, by chewing it in the same manner as at the Friendly Islands. Kaireekeea then chewed part of the kernel of a cocoa-nut, and wrapped it in a piece of cloth, with which he rubbed the Captain's head, face, hands, arms, and shoulders. The ava was afterwards handed round, and when we had all tasted it, Koah and Pareea pulled the flesh of the hog in pieces, and proceeded to put some of it into our mouths. Mr. King had no particular objection to being fed by Pareea, who was remarkably cleanly in his person; but Captain Cook, to whom a piece was presented by Koah, could not swallow a morsel, [Page 156] the putrid hog being strong in his recollection; and as the old man, from motives of civility, had chewed it for him, his reluctance was much increased.

This ceremony being concluded, we quitted the Morai, after distributing among the populace some pieces of iron, and other articles, with which they were much delighted. We were then conducted in procession to the boats; the men, with wands, attending, and pronouncing sentences as before. Most of the natives again retired, and the remaining few prostrated themselves as we passed along the shore.

We went immediately on board, full of the idea of what we had seen, and perfectly satisfied with the honest dispositions of our new friends. Of the singularity and novelty of the various ceremonies performed upon this occasion, we can only form conjectures; but they were certainly, highly expressive of respect on the part of the inhabitants; and, as far as related to the Commodore, they approached to adoration.

Mr. King went on shore, the next morning, with a guard of eight marines; having received orders to erect the observatory in a proper situation; by which means the waterers, and other working parties, on shore, might be superintended and protected. Observing a convenient spot for this purpose, almost in the centre of the village, Pareea immediately offered to exercise his [Page 157] power in our behalf, and proposed that some houses should be taken down, that our observations might not be obstructed. This generous offer, however, we declined, and we made choice of a potatoe field, adjoining to the Morai, which was granted us most readily; and to prevent the intrusion of the natives, the place was consecrated by the priests, by placing their wands round the walls which inclosed it.

This interdiction the natives call taboo, a term frequently repeated by these islanders, and seemed to be a word of extensive operation. In this instance, it procured us more privacy than we could have wished. No canoes attempted to land near us; the natives only sat on the wall, not daring to come within the tabooed space without obtaining our permission. The men, indeed, at our request, would bring provisions into the field; but our utmost endeavours were ineffectual to induce the women to approach us. Presents were tried, but without success. Attempts were made to prevail on Pereea and Koah to bring them, but to no purpose; the Eatooa and Terreeoboo, they said, would kill them if they did.

This circumstance afforded great amusement to our friends on board, whither multitudes of people (particularly women) continually flocked; insomuch that they were frequently obliged to clear the vessel, in order to have room to perform their necessary duties. Two or three hundred [Page 158] women were sometimes obliged to jump, at once, into the water; where they continued to swim and play till they could be re-admitted.

Pareea and Koah left us on the 19th of January, in order to attend Terreeoboo, who had landed on a distant part of the island; and nothing material happened on board till the 24th. The caulkers were employed on the sides of the ships, and the rigging was repaired. The salting of hogs was also a principal object of the Commodore's attention; and as we had improved in this operation since the former voyages, a detail of the process of it may not be thought improper.

To cure the flesh of animals, in tropical climates, by salting, has long been thought impracticable; putrefaction making so rapid a progress as not to allow the salt to take effect before the meat gets tainted. Captain Cook appears to be the first navigator who has attempted to make experiments relative to this business. His first attempts in 1774, in his second voyage to the Pacific Ocean, so far succeeded, as to convince him of the error of the general opinion. As his present voyage was likely to be protracted a year beyond the time that provisions had been supplied for the ships, he was obliged to contrive some method of procuring subsistence for the crews, or relinquish the prosecution of his discoveries. He, therefore, renewed his attempts, [Page 159] and his most sanguine expectations were completely answered.

The hogs we cured were of various sizes from four to ten or twelve stone, fourteen pound to the stone. They were always slaughtered in the afternoon; and, after scalding off the hair, and removing the entrails, the hog was cut into pieces, from four to eight pounds each, and the bones taken out of the legs and chine: in the larger sort, the ribs were also taken out. The pieces were then carefully examined and wiped, and the coagulated blood taken from the veins. After this they were given to the salters whilst they continued warm, and, when they were well rubbed with salt, placed in a heap on a stage in the open air, covered with planks, and pressed with very heavy weights. The next evening they were again well wiped and examined, when the suspicious parts were taken away. This done, they were put into a tub of strong pickle, after which they were examined once or twice a day; and, if it happened that any piece had not taken the salt, which might be discovered by the smell of the pickle, they were instantly taken out and examined again, the sound pieces being put into fresh pickle. This however, did not often happen. At the end of six days they were examined for the last time; and, after being slightly pressed, they were put into barrels, having a thin layer of salt between them. Mr. King brought [Page 160] home some barrels of this pork, that had been pickled at Owhyhee, in January 1779, which was tasted here, by several persons, about Christmas, 1780, who declared it to be perfectly sound and wholesome.

But to return from this digression. We had not been long settled at the observatory, before we discovered the habitation of a society of priests, who had excited our curiosity by their regular attendance on the morai. Their huts were erected round a pond, enclosed within a grove of cocoa-trees, by which they were seperated from the beach and the village, and gave the situation an air of religious retirement. Captain Cook being made acquainted with these circumstances, he was determined to visit them; and expecting the manner of his reception would be singular, he took Mr. Webber with him, to enable him to represent the ceremony in a drawing.

When he arrived at the beach, he was conducted to Harre-no-Orono, or the house of Orono. On his approaching this sacred place, he was seated at the foot of a wooden idol, resembling those which he had seen at the morai. Here Mr. King again supported one of his arms. He was then arrayed in red cloth, and Kaireekeea, assis [...] ed by twelve priests, presented a pig with the usual solemnities. After this ceremony, the pig was strangled, and thrown into the embers of a fire, prepared for that purpose. When the hair [Page 161] was signed off, a second offering was made, and the chanting repeated as before; after which, the dead pig was held, for some time, under Captain Cook's nose; and then laid, with a cocoa-nut at his feet. This part of the ceremony being concluded, the performers sat down; and the ava was brewed and handed about; a baked hog was brought in, and we were fed, as in the former ceremony.

While we continued on the bay, whenever the Commodore came on shore, he was preceded by one of these priests, who proclaimed the landing of the Orono, and ordered the inhabitants to prostrate themselves. He was constantly attended by the same person, on the water, where he was stationed in the bow of the boat, having a wand in his hand, to give notice of his approach to the natives, who where in canoes; on which they instantly ceased paddling, and fell on their faces till he had passed. Whenever he visited the observatory. Kairkeereea and his assistants presented themselves before him, making an offering of hogs, bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, &c. with the accustomed solemnities. Upon these occasions, some of the inferior chiefs entreated permission to make an offering to the Orono. If their request was complied with, they presented the hog themselves; in the performance of which, their countenances displayed that they were greatly impressed with awe and terror. Kaireekeea, and [Page 162] the priests assisted, and accompanied the ceremony with their accustomed hymns.

But their civilities extended beyond parade and ceremony; our party, on shore, were daily supplied by them with hogs and vegetables, sufficient for our subsistance, and to spare; and canoes, laden with provisions, were as regularly sent off to the ships. Nothing was demanded in return, nor was the most distant hint ever given that any compensation was expected. Their manner of conferring favours, appeared more like the discharge of a religious duty, than to result from mere liberality. On asking to whom we were indebted for all this munificence, we were informed, that it was at the expence of Kaoo, the chief priest, and grandfather to Kaireekeea, who was then in the suit of the sovereign of the island.

We had, indeed, less reason to be satisfied with the behaviour of the warrior chiefs, than with that of the priests. In our intercourse with the former, they were always sufficiently attentive to their own interests; and, besides their propensity to stealing, which may admit of palliation from its universality in these seas, they had other artifices equally dishonourable. The following is one instance, in which we discovered, with regret, that our good friend Koah was a party principally concerned.

The chiefs, who made us presents of hogs, were always generously rewarded; in consequence [Page 163] of which, we were supplied with more than we could consume. On these occasions Koah, who constantly attended us, usually petitioned for those that we did not absolutely want, and they were given to him of course. A pig was, one day, presented to us by a man whom Koah introduced as a chief; which we knew to be the pig that had, a short time before been given to Koah. Suspecting we had been imposed upon, we found, on further enquiry, that the pretended chief was one of the common people; and from other concurrent circumstances, we were perfectly convinced that, in many instances, we had been the dupes of similar imposition.

On Sunday the 24th, we were now a little surprized to find, that no canoes were permitted to put off, and that the natives confined themselves to their houses. At length, however, we were informed, that the bay was tabooed, and that all intercourse with us was interdicted, oh account of the arrival of Terreeoboo their king. Not apprehending an accident of this kind, the ships were deprived of their usual supply of vegetables.

On Monday the 25th, in the morning, we endeavoured, by threats and promises, to induce the inhabitants to approach us. At length, some of them were venturing to put off, and a chief was observed to be very active in driving them away. In order to make him desist, a musquet was instantly fired over his head, which operated [Page 164] as it was intended, and refreshments were soon after to be had as usual. In the afternoon, the ships were privately visited by Terreeoboo, attended only by one canoe, which had his wife and family on board. After staying till almost ten o'clock, he returned to the village of Kowrowa.

About noon the next day, the king, in a large canoe, with some attendants in two others, paddled from the village, in great state, towards the ships. Their appearance was noble and magnificent. Terreeoboo, and his chiefs, were in the first canoe, arrayed in feathered cloaks and helmets, and armed with spears and daggers. In the second, came Kaoo, the chief priest, together with h [...]s brethern, having their idols displayed on red cloth. These idols were figures of an enormous size, made of wicker-work, and curiously ornamented with small feathers of a variety of colours. Their eyes were large pearl oysters, with a black nut placed in the centre; a double row of the fangs of dogs was fixed in each of their mouths, which, as well as the rest of their features appeared strangely distorted. The third canoe was laden with hogs and vegetables. As they advanced, the priests, in the secon canoe, chanted their hymns with great solemnity. After paddling round the vessels, they did not come on board, as we expected, but made immediately [Page]

TERREEOBOO. KING of OWHYHEE, bringing PRESENTS to CAPT. COOK.

[Page 165] towards the shore, at the beach where we were stationed.

When Mr. King beheld them approaching, he ordered our little guard to receive the king; and Captain Cook, seeing that he intended to go on shore, went thither also, and landed almost at the same instant. We ushered them into the tent, and the king had hardly been seated, when he rose up, and gracefully threw over the Captain's shoulders, the rich feathered cloak that he himself wore, placed a helmet on his head, and presented him with a curious fan. Five or six other cloaks, of great beauty and value, were spread at the Commodore's feet.

Four hogs were then brought forward, by the king's attendants, together with bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes. Then followed the ceremony of Terreeoboo's changing names with Captain Cook; the strongest pledge of friendship among all the islanders of the Pacific Ocean. A solemn procession now advanced, consisting of priests, preceded by a venerable old personage, followed by a train of people leading large hogs; others being laden with potatoes, plantains, &c. We could instantly perceive, by the countenance and gestures of Kaireekeea, that the old man who headed the procession, was the chief priest, on whose bounty we were told we had so long subsisted. He wrapped a piece of red cloth round the shoulders of Captain Cook, and, in the usual [Page 166] form presented him with a pig. He was then seated next the king, and Kaireekeea, and his attendants began their vocal ceremonies, Kaoo and the chiefs assisting in the responses.

In the person of this king, we were surprized to recognize the same emaciated old man, who came on board the Resolution, from the north-east side of the island of Mowee; and we perceived, that several of his attendants were the same persons, who, at that time, continued with us the whole night. Among these were the king's two youngest sons, the eldest about the age of sixteen; and Maiha-Maiha, his nephew, whom we could not immediately recollect, having had his hair plastered over with a dirty paste and powder, which was no bad improvement to the most savage countenance we had ever seen.

The formalities of the meeting being ended, Captain Cook conducted Terreeoboo, and several of his chiefs, on board the Resolution. They were received with every possible attention and respect; and the Commodore as a compensation for the feathered cloak, put a linen shirt upon the sovereign, and girt his own hanger round him. Kaoo, and about half a dozen other ancient chiefs, remained on shore.

All this time, not a canoe was permitted to appear in the bay, and those natives who did not confine themselves to their huts, lay prostrate on the ground. Before the king quitted the Resolution, [Page 167] he granted leave for the natives to trade with the ships, as usual; but the women (we know not upon what account) were still interdicted by the taboo; that is, to remain at home, and not have any kind of intercourse with us.

CHAP. II.

The Civility and Hospitality of the Natives—Much addicted to thieving—Their Alacrity in conducting a Party of us up the Country—A Boxing-Match described—Death of William Watman, a Seaman—Attention of the Priests at his Funeral—Ceremony of the Natives at his Funeral—A Grave-stone erected—The Rail and Images on the Morai purchased—The Natives very inquisitive about our Departure—What they supposed to be the Object of our Voyage—Entertained by the Buffoonery of one of the Natives—Magnificent Presents from Terreeoboo—The Natives regret our Departure—Wish to prevail on Mr. King to remain amongst them—The vessels quit the Island—The Resolution damaged in a Gale of Wind, and obliged to return.

THE behaviour of the inhabitants was so civil and inoffensive, that all apprehensions of danger were totally vanished. We trusted ourselves [Page 168] amongst them at all times, and upon all occasions, without the least hesitation. The officers ventured frequently up the country, either singly, or in small parties, and sometimes continued out the whole night. To relate all the instances of generosity and civility, which we experienced upon these occasions, would require volumes. In all places the people flocked about us, anxious to afford every assistance in their power, and appeared highly gratified if we condescended to accept of their services. Variety of innocent arts were practised to attract our notice, or to delay our departure. The boys and girls ran through their villages before us, stopping us at every opening, where there was a commodious place to form a group for dancing. We were, at one time, solicited to take a draught of the milk of cocoa-nuts, or accept of such other refreshment as their huts afforded; at another we were encircled by a company of young women, who exerted their skill and agility in amusing us with songs and dances.

But though their gentleness and hospitality were pleasing to us, they were addicted to stealing, like all the other islanders of these seas. This was a distressing circumstance, and sometimes obliged us to exercise severity, which we should have been happy to have avoided, if it had not been essentially necessary. Some expert swimmers were one day detected under the ships, drawing [Page 169] out the filling nails from the sheathing, which they ingeniously performed with a flint stone, fastened to the end of a short stick. This practice was so injurious to our vessels, that we fired small shot at the offenders; but that they easily evaded, by diving under the ships bottom, It therefore became highly necessary to make an example of one of them, by flogging him on board the Discovery.

A large party of gentlemen, from both ships, set out, about this time, on an excursion into the country, in order to examine its natural productions; an account of which will be hereafter given. At present, however, we shall observe, that it afforded Kaoo a fresh opportunity of exercising his civility and generosity. No sooner was he informed of their departure, than he sent after them a large quantity of provisions, with orders, that every attention and assistance should be granted them by the inhabitants of those districts through which they were to pass. His conduct, on this occasion, was so delicate and disinterested, that even the people he employed were not permitted to accept of the smallest present. At the end of six days, the gentlemen returned, without having penetrated more than twenty miles into the island; owing partly to improper guides, and partly to the impracticability of the country.

On the 27th, the Resolution's rudder was unhung, and sent on shore, in order to undergo a [Page 170] thorough repair. The carpenters at the same time, where sent into the country, under the guidance of some of Kaoo's people, to get planks for the head rail work, which was become rotten and decayed.

Captain Clerke, who was generally confined on board by ill health, paid Terreeoboo his first visit on the 28th, at his habitation on shore. The ceremonies observed with Captain Cook, were performed in honour of Captain Clerke; and, on his return, he received a present of thirty large hogs, and such a quantity of vegetables as could not be consumed, by his crew, in less than a week. This was the more extraordinary, as it was quite an unexpected visit.

Not having seen any of their sports or exercises, the natives, at our particular request, entertained us in the evening with a boxing match. Though these games were inferior, in every respect, to those we had seen exhibited at the Friendly Islands; yet, as they were somewhat different, a short account of them may not be thought improper.

A vast concourse of people assembled on an even spot of ground, not far distant from our tents. A long vacant space was left in the centre of them, at the upper end of which the judges presided, under three standards. Slips of cloth, of various colours, were pendent from these standards; as were the skins of two wild geese, some small birds, and a few bunches of feathers.

[Page 171]The sports being ready to begin, the judges gave the signal, and two combatants appeared in view. They advanced slowly, drawing up their feet very high behind and rubbing their hands upon the soles. As they came forward, they frequently surveyed each other from head to foot, with an air of contempt, looking archly at the spectators distorting their features, and practising a variety of unnatural gestures. When they were advanced within the reach of each other, they held both arms straight out before their faces, at which part they always aimed their blows. They struck with a full swing of the arm, which to us had a very awkward appearance. They did not attempt to parry; but endeavoured to elude their adversary's attack, by stopping, or retreating. The battle was expeditiously decided; for if either of them fell, whether by accident, or from a blow he was deemed vanquished; and the victor expressed his triumph by a variety of strange gestures, which usually excited a loud laugh among the spectators, for which purpose it seemed to be calculated. The successful combatant waited for a second antagonist; and, if again victorious, for a third; and so on, till he was at last defeated.

It was very singular, in these combats, that when any two were preparing to attack each other, a third may advance, and make choice of either of them for his antagonist, when the other is under [Page 172] the necessity of withdrawing. If the comba [...] proved long and tedious, or appeared unequal, a chief generally interfered, and concluded it by putting a stick between the combatants. As this exhibition was at our desire, it was universally expected that some of us would have engaged with the natives; but, though our people received pressing invitations to bear a part, they did not hearken to the challenges, not having forgot the blows they received at the Friendly Islands.

William Whatman, a seaman of the gunner's crew, died this day; this event is more particularly mentioned, as death had hitherto been uncommon amongst us. He was a man in years, and much respected for his attachment to Captain Cook. He had served twenty-one years as a marine, and then entered as a seaman in 1772, on board the Resolution, and served with the Commodore in his voyage towards the south pole. On their return, he got admittance into Greenwich Hospital, through the interest of Captain Cook, at the same time with himself; and, anxious to follow the fortunes of his benefactor, he also quitted it with him, on his appointment to the command of the present expedition. He had been often subject to slight fevers, in the course of the voyage, and was infirm when we arrived in the bay; where, having been sent for a few days on shore, he thought himself perfectly restored, [Page 173] and requested to return on board. Hi [...] request was complied with; but the day following he had a stroke of the palsy, which, in two days afterwards, put a period to his life.

At the request of Terreeoboo, the remains of this honest seaman were buried on the morai; the ceremony being performed with great solemnity. Kaoo and his brethren were present at the funeral, who behaved with great decorum, and paid due attention while the service was performing. On our beginning to fill up the grave, they approached it with great awe, and threw in a dead pig, together with some cocoa-nuts and plantains. For three successive nights they surrounded it, sacrificing hogs, and reciting hymns and prayers till morning.

We erected a post at the head of the grave, and nailed thereon a piece of board; on which was inscribed the name and age of the deceased, and the day of his departure from this life. These they assured us they would not remove, and they will probably be permitted to remain, so long as such frail materials can endure.

Our ships were much in want of fuel, therefore Captain Cook desired Mr. King to treat with the priests for the purchase of the rail on the morai. Mr. King had his doubts about the decency of this overture, and apprehended that the bare mention of it might be deemed impious; but in this he was exceedingly mistaken. They [Page 174] expressed no kind of surprize at the application, and the wood was delivered without the least stipulation. Whilst our people were taking it away, he saw one of them with a carved image; and, upon inquiry, was informed that the whole semicircle (as mentioned in the description of the morai) had been carried to the boats.

Though the natives were spectators of this business, they did not seem to resent it; but, on the contrary, had even assisted in the removal. Mr. King thought proper to mention the particulars to Kaoo: who seemed exceedingly indifferent about the matter, begging him only to restore the center image; which was immediately done, and it was conveyed to one of the priest's houses.

The king, and his chiefs, had, for some time, been very importunate to know the time of our departure. Mr. King's curiosity was excited, from this circumstance, to know the opinion these people had entertained of us, and what they supposed to be the objects of our voyage. He took considerable pains to satisfy himself on these points: but the only information he could get was, that they supposed we had left our native country on account of the scantiness of provisions, and that we had visited them for the sole purpose of filling our bellies. This conclusion was natural enough, considering the meagre appearance of some of our crew, the voracity with [Page 175] which we devoured their fresh provisions, and our anxiety to purchase as much of it as we were able. One circumstance may be added to these, which puzzled them exceedingly; that of our having no women with us.

It was matter of entertainment to see the natives patting the bellies of the sailors (who were much improved in sleekness since their arrival at the bay) and telling them, in the best manner they could, that it was time for them to depart; but, if they would return the next bread-fruit season, they should be better able to supply them. We had now continued sixteen days in the bay, during which time our consumption of hogs and vegetables had been so enormous, that we need not be surprized at their wishing to see us take our leave. But Terreeoboo had, perhaps, no other view, in his enquiries, than a desire of having sufficient notice, to prepare suitable presents for us at our departure; for when we informed him of our intention to quit the island in two days, a kind of proclamation was immediately made, requiring the natives to bring in their hogs and vegetables, for Terreeoboo to present to the Orono.

At the beach, we were this day much entertained, with the buffooneries of one of the natives. In his hand he held an instrument of music, such as we have already described; bits of sea-weed were fastened round his neck; and, round each [Page 176] leg, some strong netting; on which were fixed some rows of dogs teeth, hanging loose. His dancing was accompanied with strange grimaces, and unnatural distortions of the features: which, though sometimes highly ridiculous, was, upon the whole, without meaning or expression. Mr. Webber made a drawing of this person; the manner in which the maro is tied; the figure of the instrument, and of the ornaments round the legs.

Wrestling and boxing matches afforded us diversion for the evening; and we, in return, exhibited the few fire-works we had remaining. Nothing could more effectually excite the admiration of these islanders, or strike them with more exalted ideas of our superioity, than such a representation. Though this was, in every respect, much inferior to that at Hapaee, yet the astonishment of the people was equally great.

The carpenters which had been sent up the country, to cut planks for the head rail-work of the Resolution, had now been gone three days; and, not having heard from them, we began to be alarmed for their safety. We expressed our apprehensions to old Kaoo, who appeared equally concerned with ourselves; but while we were planning measures with him, for sending proper persons after them, they all safely arrived. They went farther into the country than they expected, before they found any trees suitable for their purpose. This circumstance, together with the badness [Page 177] of the roads, and the difficulty of conveying the timber to the ships, had so long detained them. They bestowed high commendations on their guides, who not only supplied them with provisions, but faithfully protected their tools.

The 4th of February being fixed for our departure, Terreeoboo invited Captain Cook and Mr. King, to attend him on the 3d, to Kaoo's residence. On our arrival there we saw large quantities of cloth lie scattered on the ground; abundance of red and yellow feathers, fastened to the fibres of cocoa-nut husks; and plenty of hatchets and iron ware, which had been received from us in barter. Not far from these was deposited an immense quantity of various kinds of vegetables; and, at a little distance, a large herd of hogs. We supposed, at the first, that the whole was intended as a present for us; but we were informed by Kaireekeea, that it was a tribute to the king, from the inhabitants of that district. And, we were no sooner seated, than the bundles were brought, and laid severally at Terreeoboo's feet, and the cloth, feathers, and iron, were displayed before him.

The king was perfectly satisfied with this mark of duty from his people; and selected about a third of the iron utensils, a third of the feathers, and some pieces of cloth; he ordered these to be set aside by themselves; and the remainder of the cloth, hogs, vegetables, &c. were afterwards presented [Page 178] to Captain Cook and Mr. King. The value and magnitude of this present, far exceeded any thing that we had met with. The whole was immediately conveyed on board. The large hogs were selected, in order to be salted for sea store; but the smaller pigs, and the vegetables, were divided between the crews.

We left the morai, and got our observatories on board. The taboo was removed, and, with it, its magical effects. As soon as we had quitted the place, the people rushed in, and vigilantly searched; hoping to find some valuable articles left behind. Mr. King being the last on shore, and waiting for the return of the boat, the inhabitants crowded about him, and having prevailed on him to sit down among them, expressed their regret at our seperation. It was even with difficulty that they would suffer him to depart. He was, indeed, highly esteemed among them, as will appear from the following relation.

Having had, while we were in the bay, the command of the party on shore, he became more acquainted with the natives, and they with him, than those who were required to be on board. He experienced great kindness and civility from the inhabitants in general, but the friendship shewn by the priests was constant and unbounded.

He was anxious to conciliate their esteem: in which he so happily succeeded, that, when they were acquainted with the time of our departure, [Page 179] he was urged to remain behind, and received overtures of the most flattering kind. When he endeavoured to excuse himself, by alledging, that Captain Cook would not permit it, they proposed to conduct him to the mountains, and there conceal him till the departure of the ships. On Mr. King's assuring them, that the Captain would not sail without him, the king and Kaoo repaired to Captain Cook, (whom they supposed to be his father) formally requesting that he might be suffered to remain behind. The Commodore, unwilling to give a positive refusal, to a proposal so generously intended, assured them, that he could not then part with him; but he should return thither the next year, when he would indeavour to oblige them.

On Thursday the 4th of February, early in the morning, we unmoored, and the Resolution and Discovery sailed out of the bay; attended by a vast number of canoes. It was Captain Cook's intention to finish the survey of Owhyhee, before he went to the other islands, hoping to meet with a road more sheltered than Karakakooa Bay; and, if he should not succeed here, he meant to examine the south-east part of Mowee, where he had been informed, there was a most excellent harbour.

On the 5th, and the following, day, we had calm weather, and consequently our progress was but slow. A great number of the natives followed [Page 180] us in their canoes; and Terreeoboo gave an additional proof of his esteem for the Commodore, by sending after him a large present of hogs and vegetables.

Having a little breeze, in the night of the 5th of February, we made some progress to the northward; and on the 6th, in the morning, we were abreast of a deep bay, which the natives call Toe-yah-yah. We flattered ourselves with hopes of finding a commodious harbour in this bay, as we saw some fine streams of water to the north-east; and the whole appeared to be well sheltered. These observations seeming to tally with the accounts given us by Koah, who now accompanied Captain Cook, the Master was sent in the pinnace, with Koah as his guide, to observe and examine the bay; Koah having first altered his name, out of compliment to us, to that of Britannee.

The weather became gloomy in the afternoon, and such violent gusts of wind blew off the land, that we were obliged to take in all the sails, and bring too, under the mizen-stay-sail. The canoes all left us as soon as the gale began; and Mr. Bligh, on his return, preserved an old woman and two men from drowning, whose canoes had been overset in the storm. We had several women remaining on board, whom the natives, in their hurry to depart, had left to shift for themselves.

[Page 181]Mr. Bligh reported, that he had landed at a village on the north side of the bay, where he was shewn some wells of water, that would not, by any means, answer our purpose; that he proceeded further into the bay; where, instead of meeting with good anchorage, he found the shores were low, and a flat bed of coral rocks extended a long the coast▪ and upwards of a mile from the land; the depth of water, on the outside, being twenty fathoms. During this survey, Britannee had contrived to slip away, being, perhaps, afraid of returning, as his information had proved erroneous.

The weather became more moderate in the evening, and we again made sail; but it blew so violently about midnight, as to split the fore and main-top-sails. We bent fresh sails in the morning of the 7th, and had a light breeze, and fair weather. Being now about four or five leagues from the shore, and the weather very unsettled, the canoes would not venture off, so that our guests were under the necessity of remaining with us, though much against their inclination; for they were all exceedingly sea-sick, and many of them had left their infants on shore.

Though the weather continued squally, we stood in for the land in the afternoon; and, being within three leagues of it, we saw two men in a canoe, paddling towards us. We naturally conjectured that they had been driven off the shore, [Page 182] by the late violent gale; and stopped the ship's way, in order to take them in. They were so exhausted with fatigue, that had not one of the natives on board jumped into the canoe to their assistance, they would hardly have been able to fix it to the rope thrown out for that purpose. With difficulty, however, we got them up the ship's side, together with a child about four years of age, which had been lashed under the thwarts of the canoe with only its head above the water. They informed us, that they had quitted the land the morning before, since which time they had not had food or water. Provision was given them with the usual precautions, and the child entrusted to the care of one of the women; and, the next morning, they were all perfectly recovered.

A gale of wind coming on at midnight, we were obliged to double reef the top-sails. At day-break, on the 8th, we found that the foremast had again given way; the fishes being sprung and the parts so very defective, as to make it absolutely necessary to unstep the mast. Captain Cook, for some time, hesitated, whether he should return to Karakakooa, or take the chance of finding a harbour in the islands to leeward. The bay was not so commodious, but that a better might probably be met with, either for repairing the masts, or procuring refreshment, the latter of which, it was imagined, the neighbourhood [Page 183] of Karakakooa had lately been pretty well drained of. It was, on the other hand, considered as an unprudent step, to leave a tolerable good harbour, which once lost, could not be regained, for the mere possibility of meeting with a better, especially as the failure of such a contingency might have deprived us of any resource.

We stood on towards the land, to give the natives on shore an opportunity of releasing their friends on board; and about noon, when we were within a mile of the shore, several canoes came off to us, but so loaded with people, that no room could be found for any of our guests; the pinnace was therefore hoisted out to land them; and the master who commanded it, was instructed to examine the south coasts of the bay for water, but returned without success.

Variable winds, and a strong current to the northward, retarded our progress in our return; and, in the evening of the 9th, about eight o'clock, it blew very hard from the south-east, which occasioned us to close reef the top-sails. Early in the morning of the 10th, in a heavy squall, we found ourselves close in with the breakers, to the northward of the west point of Owhyhee. We had just room to avoid them, and fired several guns to alarm the Discovery, and apprize her of the danger.

[Page 184]The weather, in the forenoon, was more moderate, and a few canoes ventured to come off to us, when those on board them informed us, that much mischief had been occasioned by the late storms, and that a great many canoes had been lost. We kept beating to windward the remainder of the day; and, in the evening, were within a mile of the bay; but we stood off and on till day-light the next morning, when we anchored in our old station.

[Page 185]

CHAP. III.

The Behaviour of the Islanders, on our Return to Karakakooa Bay, somewhat mysterious—A Theft committed on board the Discovery—The Thieves pursued up the Country by Captain Cook and Mr. King—Scuffle between the Natives and our People, in which Pareea receives a severe Blow— The Pinnace attacked and plundered—Crew obliged to quit her—Captain Cook's Reflections on the Occasion—Attempt at the Observatory—The Discovery's Cutter stolen from the Buoy—Steps tak [...]n for its Recovery—Captain Cook goes on Shore to invite the King and his two Sons on board—His Wife and the Chiefs oppose his going—A Contest arises on the occasion—Intelligence arrives of one of the Chiefs being killed by one of our People—The Consequences—A Chief threatens Captain Cook and is shot by him—A general Attack ensues—Death of Captain Cook—Account of his Services, and a Sketch of his Character.

THE whole of the 11th, and part of the 12th of February, we were engaged in getting out the foremast, and conveying it on shore. Not only the head of the mast had sustained damage, but the heel was become exceedingly rotten, having a very large hole in the middle of it. Several days being probably required to make [Page 186] the necessary repairs, Messieurs King and Baily got the observatory on shore, and pitched their tents on the morai, guarded by a corporal, and six marines. A friendly intercourse was renewed with the priests, who, for our greater security, tabooed the place with their wands as before. The sail-makers also repaired to the shore to repair the damages, in their department, sustained by the late heavy gales. They occupied an habitation, lent us by the priests, adjoining to the morai.

Our reception, on coming to anchor, was so different from what it had been upon our first arrival, that we were all astonished: no shouts, bustle, or confusion, but a solitary deserted bay, with hardly a canoe stiring. Their curiosity, indeed, might be supposed to be diminished by this time; but the hospitable treatment we had continually been favoured with, and the friendly footing on which we parted, induced us to expect that, on our return, they would have received us with the greatest demonstrations of joy.

Various were our conjectures on the cause of this extraordinary appearance, when the whole mystery was unravelled by the return of a boat, which we had sent on shore, bringing intelligence that Terreeoboo was absent, and that the bay was tabooed. This account appeared very satisfactory to many of us; but others were of opinion, that there was at this time, something very suspicious in the [Page 187] behaviour of the natives; and that the taboo, or interdiction, on pretence of Terreeoboo's absence, was artfully contrived, to give him time to consult his chiefs in what manner we should be treated. We never could ascertain whether these suspicions were well founded, or whether the natives had given a true account. It is probable, indeed, that our sudden return, for which they could assign no apparent cause, might create alarms in them; yet the conduct of Terreeoboo, who, on his supposed arrival the next morning, immediately waited on Captain Cook; and the natives, from that moment, renewing their friendly intercourse with us, seem to evince that they neither meant, nor apprehended, a different kind of conduct.

An account of another accident, similar to this, may be mentioned in support of this opinion, which happened to us on our first visit, the day before the king's arrival. A native having sold a hog on board the Resolution, and received the price agreed on, Pareea, who saw the transaction, advised the seller not to part with his hog, without an advanced price. For his interference in this business, he was harshly spoken to, and pushed away; and as the taboo was soon laid on the bay, we, at first, supposed it to be in consequence of the affront offered to the chief.

These two circumstances considered, it is extremely difficult to draw any certain conclusion [Page 188] from the action of a people, with whose language and customs we are so imperfectly acquainted. Some idea, however, may be formed of the difficulties those have to encounter, who in their intercourse with these strangers, are obliged to steer their course in the midst of uncertainty, where the most serious consequences may be occasioned by only imaginary offences. Whether these conjectures are erroneous or true, it is certain that things were conducted in their usual quiet course, till the 13th of February, in the afternoon.

At the approach of evening on that day, the commander of the Discovery's watering party, came to inform Mr. King, that several chiefs were assembled near the b [...]ach, and were driving away the natives, who assisted the sailors in rolling the casks to the shore: at the same time declaring, that their behaviour seemed exceedingly suspicious, and that he imagined they would give him some farther disturbance. He sent a marine with him, agreeably to his request, but permitted him to take only his side-arms. The officer, in a short time, returned, and informed Mr. King that the inhabitants had armed themselves with stones, and were become tumultuous. He therefore went himself to the spot, attended by a marine, with his musket. At their approach the islanders threw away their stones, and, on Mr. King's application to some of the chiefs, the [Page 189] mob was dispersed. Every thing being now quiet, Mr. King went to meet Captain Cook, who was then coming on shore in the pinnace. He related to him what had recently happened, and received orders to fire a ball at the offenders, if they again behaved insolently, and began to throw stones. In consequence of these directions, Mr. King gave orders to the corporal, that the sentinels pieces should be loaded with ball, instead of shot.

On our return to the tents, we heard a continued fire of musquets from the Discovery; which we perceived to be directed at a canoe, which was hastening towards the shore, with one of our small boats in pursuit of it. This firing, we concluded, was the consequence of some theft, and Captain Cook ordered Mr. King to follow him with a marine armed, and to endeavour to seize the people as they landed. They accordingly ran to the place, where the canoe was expected to come ashore, but did not arrive in time; the people having quitted it, and fled into the country before their arrival.

At this time they did not know that the goods had been already restored; and thinking it probable, from what they had observed, that they might be of importance, they did not choose to relinquish their endeavours to recover them; and having inquired of the natives what course the people had taken, they pursued them till it was [Page 190] almost dark, when they supposed themselves to be about three miles from the tents; and, thinking the islanders amused them with false information in their pursuit, they gave up the search and returned.

A difference of a more serious nature had happened during their absence. The officer, who had been dispatched in the small boat after the thieves, and who was returning on board, with the booty that had been restored, seeing Captain Cook and Mr. King engaged in the pursuit of the offenders, seized a canoe, which was drawn upon the shore. This canoe unfortunately belonged to Pareea, who, at that instant arriving from on board of the Discovery, claimed his property and protested his innocence. The officer persisted in detaining it, in which he was encouraged by the crew of the pinnace, then waiting for Captain Cook; in consequence of which a scuffle ensued, and Pareea was knocked down by a violent blow on the head, with an oar. Several of the natives, who had hitherto been peaceable spectators, began now to attack our people with such a shower of stones, that they were forced to a precipitate retreat, and swam off to a rock, at a considerable distance from the shore. The pinnace was plundered immediately by the natives, and would have been entirely demolished, if Pareea had not interposed; who had not only recovered from his blow, but had [Page 191] also forgot it at the same instant. He ordered the crowd to disperse, and beckoned to our people to come and take possession of the pinnace; and afterwards assured them that he would use his influence to get the things restored [...]ch had been taken out of it. After their [...]parture, he followed them in his canoe, carrying them a midshipman's cap, and some other articles of the plunder; and, expressing much conce [...] at what had happened, begged to know if the [...] would kill him, and whether he might be permitted to come on board the next day? He was assured that he would be well received, and therefore joined noses with the officers (their usual token of friendship) and paddled over to Kowrowa.

Captain Cook, when these particulars were represented to him, was exceedingly concerned; and, when he and Mr. King were returning on board, he expressed his fears that these islanders would oblige him to pursue violent measures; adding they must not be permitted to suppose, that they have gained any advantage over us. It was then, however, too late to take any steps that evening; he therefore only gave orders that every islander should be immediately turned out of the ship. This order being executed, Mr. King returned on shore; and the events of the day having much abated our former confidence in the natives, a double guard was posted on the morai, with orders to let Mr. King know, if any [Page 192] men were seen lurking about the beach. At eleven o'clock, five of the natives were seen creeping round the bottom of the morai; they approached with great caution, and, at last, perceiving they were discovered, immediately retired out of sight. About midnight one of them ventured himself near the observatory, when a sentinel fired over him; on which they all fled, and we had no farther disturbance during the remainder of the night.

At day-light the next morning Mr. King went on board the Resolution, in order to get the timekeeper; and in his way thither was hailed by the Discovery, and received information that their cutter, had some time in the night been stolen, from the buoy, where it had been moored.

On Mr. King's arrival on board, he found the marines were arming themselves, and Captain Cook busied in loading his double-barrelled gun. Whilst he was acquaintng him with what had happened in the night at the morai, he eagerly interrupted him, and informed him of the loss of the Discovery's cutter, and the preparations he was making to recover it. It was his usual practice in all the islands of this ocean, when any thing of consequence had been stolen from him, by some stratagem, to get the king, or some of the principal Erees, on board; where he detained them as hostages, till the property was restored. This method having hitherto proved successful, he [Page 193] meant to adopt on the present occasion; and gave orders to stop every canoe that should attempt to leave the bay; resolving to seize and destroy them if the [...]utter could not be recovered by peaceable means. In pursuance of which, the boats of both ships, properly manned and armed, were stationed across the bay; and before Mr. King quitted the ship, some great guns were fired at two canoes, that were attempting to escape.

Between seven and eight o'clock Captain Cook and Mr. King quitted the ship together; the former in the pinnace, with Mr. Phillips, and nine marines; and the latter in the small boat. The last orders Mr. King received from Captain Cook were to quiet the minds of the people, on our side of the bay, by the strongest assurances that they should not be injured; to keep his people together, and to be continually on his guard. Captain Cook and Mr. King then separated; the Captain going towards Kowrowa, where Terreeoboo resided, and Mr. King proceeded to the beach: his first business, when he arrived on shore, was to issue strict orders to the marines to continue within the tent, to charge their musquets with ball, and not on any consideration, to quit their arms. He then attended old Kaoo and the priests at their respective huts, and explained to them, as well as he was able, the reason of the hostile preparations, which had so exceedingly alarmed them. He found they were no strangers [Page 194] to the circumstance of the cutter's being stolen, and assured them, that though the Commodore was not only resolved to recover it, but also to punish, in the most exemplary manner, the authors of the theft; yet that they, and all the inhabitants of the village, on our side, had not the least occasion to be alarmed, or to apprehend the least danger from us. He importuned the priests to communicate this to the people, and intreat them not to entertain an idea of fear, but to continue peaceable and quiet. Kaoo interrogated Mr. King, with great emotion, if any harm was to happen to Terreeoboo? He assured him there was not; and both he and his brethren appeared much satisfied with this assurance.

Captain Cook having, in the mean time, called off the launch, from the north point of the bay, and taken it with him, landed at Kowrowa, with tile lieutenant and nine marines. He proceeded immediately into the village, where he was respectfully received; the people, as usual, prostrating themselves before him, and making their accustomed offerings of small hogs. Perceiving that his design was not suspected, his next step was, to inquire for the king, and the two boys, his sons, who had been almost continually his guests on board the Resolution. The boys presently returned with the natives, who had been searching for them, and immediately conducted Captain Cook to the habitation where Terreeoboo [Page 195] had slept. The old man had just awoke; and after some conversation respecting the loss of the cutter, from which the Commodore was convinced that he was not in any wise privy to it, he invited him to accompany him, and spend the day on board the Resolution. The king accepted the invitation, and rose immediately to accompany him.

Every thing had now a prosperous appearance; the two boys were already in the pinnace, and the rest of the party approaching the water side, when a woman, named Kanee-kabareea the mother of the boys, and one of Terreeoboo's favourite wives, followed him, beseeching him, with tears and entreaties, not to venture to go on board. Two chiefs, who came with her, took hold of him, and insisted he should proceed no farther, obliged him to sit down. The islanders, now collecting in vast numbers along the shore, who had probably been alarmed by the discharging of the great guns, and the hostile appearances in the bay, gathered together round Captain Cook and Terreeoboo. Thus situated, the lieutenant of marine, perceiving that his men were huddled together in the croud, and consequently unable to use their arms, if there should appear to be a necessity for it▪ proposed to Captain Cook, to draw them up along the rocks, close to the edge of the water. The populace making way for them to pass, the lieutenant drew them up in a [Page 196] line; within about thirty yards of the place where Terreeoboo was sitting,

The old king continued, all this time, on the ground, bearing the most visible marks of terror and dejection in his countenance. Captain Cook, unwilling to abandon the object which occasioned him to come on shore, urged him most earnestly to proceed: whilst, on the other hand, if the king expressed any inclination to follow him, the chiefs who surrounded him, interposed; at first they had recourse to prayers and entreaties, but afterwards to force and violence, and even insisted on his remaining on shore. Captain Cook, at length, perceiving that the alarm had spread too generally, and that there was not a probability of getting him off without much bloodshed, gave up the point; at the same time observing, to Mr. Phillips, that to compel him to go on board, would probably occasion the loss of many of the lives of the inhabitants.

Notwithstanding this enterprize had now failed, and was abandoned by Captain Cook, yet it did not appear that his person was in the least degree of danger, till an accident happened, which occasioned a fatal turn to the affair. The boats, stationed across the bay, having fired at some canoes, for attempting to get out, unfortunately had killed one of their principal chiefs. Intelligence of his death arrived at the village where Captain Cook then was, just as he had [Page 197] parted from the king, and was proceeding with great deliberation towards the shore. The ferment it immediately occasioned, was but too conspicuous; the women and children were instantly sent away, and the men were soon clad in their war-mats, and armed with spears and stones. One of the natives having provided himself with a stone, and a long iron spike (called by the natives a pahooa) advanced towards the Captain, flourishing his weapon in defiance, and threatening to throw the stone. The Captain requested him to desist; the islander repeated his menace, he was highly provoked, and fired a load of small shot at him. The man was shielded in his war-mat, which the shot could not penetrate; his firing therefore, served only to irritate and encourage them. Vollies of stones were thrown at the marines; and one of the erees attempted the life of Mr. Phillips with his pahooa; but, not succeeding in the attempt, he received from him a blow with the butt end of his piece. Captain Cook immediately discharged his second barrel, loaded with ball, and killed one of the most violent of the assailants. A general attack with stones succeeded, which was followed on our part, by a discharge of musquetry, not only from the marines, but also from the people in the boats. The natives, to our great astonishment, received our fire with great firmness; and without giving time for the marines to charge again, [Page 198] they rushed in upon them with dreadful shouts and yells. What followed was a scene of horror and confusion, which can more easily be conceived than properly related.^*

Four of the marines retreated among the rocks, and fell a sacrifice to the fury of the enemy; three others were dangerously wounded; and the lieutenant stabbed between the shoulders with a pahooa; but having fortunately reserved his fire, shot the man from whom he had received the wound, at the instant he was preparing to repeat his blow. The last time our unfortunate Commodore was distinctly seen, he was standing at the water's edge, and ordering the boats to cease firing and pull in.

It was imagined by some of those who were present, that the marines, and those who were in the boats, fired without Captain Cook's orders, and that he was anxious to prevent the farther effusion of blood; it is therefore probable, that, on this occasion, his humanity proved fatal to him: for it was observed, that while he faced the natives, no violence had been offered him, but, when he turned about, to give directions to [Page]

THE DEATH of CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, F.R.S. at OWHYHEE in MDCCLXXIX.

[Page 199] the boats, he was stabbed in the back, and fell with his face into the water. A general shout was set up by the islanders on seeing him fall, and his body was dragged inhumanly on shore, where he was surrounded by the enemy, who snatching the dagger from each other's hands, displayed a savage eagerness to join in his destruction.

Such was the fa [...]e of our most excellent Commander! After a life, distinguished by such successful enterprize, his death can hardly be reckoned premature; since he lived to accomplish the great work for which he seemed particularly designed; being rather removed from the enjoyment, than the acquisition of glory. How sincerely his loss was lamented, by those who owed their security to his skill and conduct, and every consolation, to his tenderness and humanity, it is impossible to describe; and the task would be equally difficult to represent the horror, dejection, and dismay, which followed so dreadful and unexpected a catastrophe. Let us, therefore, turn from so calamitous a scene, to the pleasing contemplation of his character and virtues, and pay our last just tribute to the memory of this worthy man, in a short history of his life, and public services.

Captain James Cook was born in the year 1727, near Whitby, in Yorkshire; and at an early age, commenced an apprenticeship to a shopkeeper in a neighbouring village. This not being [Page 200] suitable to his natural propensity, he soon quitted the counter, and contracted for nine years, with the master of a vessel in the coal trade. In 1755, at the commencement of the war, he entered into the king's service on board the Eagle, then Commanded by Captain Hamer, and afterwards by Sir Hugh Palliser, who perceiving his merit, advanced him to the quarter deck.

In 1758, we find him master of the Northumberland, Lord Colville's flag ship, who then commanded the squadron, stationed on the coast of America. Here, as he has frequently declared, he first read Euclid, and closely applied himself to the study of the mathematics, with the assistance of only a few books, and his own industry. While he thus found means to cultivate his understanding, and supply, in some degree, the deficiencies of an early education, he was engaged in most of the active scenes of war in America. At the siege of Quebec, he was intrusted by Sir Charles Saunders with the execution of important services, in the naval department. He was the pilot who conducted the boats to the attack of Montmorency; managed the embarkation to the heights of Abraham; and pointed out, by buoys, how the large ships might proceed with security up the river. The manner in which he acquitted himself in these important services, procured him the esteem and friendship of Sir Charles Saunders [Page 201] and Lord Colville, who continued his zealous patrons during the remainder of their lives. At the conclusion of the war, he was appointed, through the interest of Lord Colville and Sir Hugh Palliser, to make a survey of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the coasts of Newfoundland. He was thus employed till the year 1767, when Sir Edward Hawke appointed him to the command of an expedition to the South Seas; in order to make an observation of the transit of Venus, and to prosecute discoveries in that part of the globe.

His services, since this period, are too generally known to require enumeration. His reputation has proportionably advanced beyond the effect of panegyric. He seems, indeed, to have been peculiarly qualified for this species of enterprize. His natural inclination, the nature of his services, and indefatigable application, all conspired to compleat him for it: so that he acquired such a degree of professional knowledge, as can fall to the lot of very few.

His frame and constitution were robust, and such as enabled him to undergo the severest hardships. When necessity required it, he could feed, with satisfaction, upon the coarsest and most ungrateful food; and he submitted to every kind of self-denial with the greatest composure and indifference. Nor were the qualities of his mind less vigorous than those of his body. His understanding [Page 202] was strong and perspicuous: his judgment, especially in those matters in which he was more particularly engaged, quick and sure. His designs and operations, were the natural result of a great original genius. His valour was cool, deliberate, and determined; accompanied with a most astonishing presence of mind on the approach of danger. His manners were plain, easy, and unaffected. His temper, it must be admitted, was too much subject to hastiness and passion; but this should be forgotten, when it is considered, that this disposition was the most benevolent and humane.

These are a few traits or outlines of the character of Captain Cook; but its distinguishing feature was, the most unremitting perseverance to accomplish his design, in opposition to dangers, difficulties and hardships. During all his long and tedious voyages, his eagerness and activity were never in the least abated. No alluring incitement could detain him for a moment; even those intervals of recreation, which unavoidably occured in the course of our services, and were joyfully embraced by many of his officers, were submitted to, by him with impatience, if they could not be made subservient to the more effectual prosecution of his designs.

It would be unnecessary to recapitulate the instances in which these qualities were displayed. The result of his services, however, we shall just [Page 203] touch upon, under two principal heads, viz. geography and navigation, placing each in a separate and distinct point of view.

No science, it is presumed, has ever received greater additions from the labours of one man, than geography has done from those of Captain Cook. In his first voyage, he discovered the Society Islands; ascertained the insularity of New Zealand; and discovered the straits which separate the two islands, and are called after his name. He explored the eastern coast of New Holland, till then unknown; an extent of twenty-seven degrees of latitude, and upwards of two thousand miles.

He gave, in his second expedition, a resolution to the great problem of a southern continent; having so completely traversed that hemisphere, as not to leave a possibility of its existence, unless it is so near the pole, as to be beyond the reach of navigation. New Caledonia, the largest island in the Southern Pacific, except New Zealand, was discovered in this voyage. Also the island of Georgia; and an unknown coast, which the Captain named Sandwich land; and having twice visited the tropical seas, he settled the situations of the old, and made several new discoveries.

His third and last voyage, however, is distinguished above the rest, by the extent and importance of its discoveries. Not to mention the [Page 204] several smaller islands in the Southern Pacific, he discovered the group, called the Sandwich islands; which, on account of their situation and productions, may perhaps become an object of more co [...]equence than any other discovery in the South Sea. He explored what had before remained unknown of the western coast of America, an extent of three thousand seven, hundred miles; ascertained the proximity of the two continents of Asia and America; sailed through the straits between them, and surveyed the coasts on each side, so far as to be satisfied of the impracticability of a passage in that hemisphere, from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, by an eastern or western course. He has, in short, compleated the hydrography of the habitable globe, if we except the Japanese Archipelago, and the sea of Amur, which are still imperfectly known by Europeans.

His services, as a navigator, are not less important and meritorious. The method which he invented, and so successfully put in practice, of preserving the health (and consequently the lives) of seamen, will transmit his name to future ages, as a friend and benefactor to mankind.

It is well known among those who are conversant in naval history, that the advantages which have been sought, through the medium of long sea-voyages, have always been purchased at a dear rate. That dreadful disorder which is [Page 205] pecullar to this servire, must, without exercising an unwarrantable degree of tyranny over our seamen, have been an insuperable obstacle to our enterprizes. It was reserved for Captain Cook to convince the world, that voyages might be protracted to three or even four years, in unknown regions, and under every change of climate, without affecting the health in the smallest degree, and even without diminishing the probability of life. His method has been fully explained, in a paper which was read before the Royal Society, in 1776 ^*.

Respecting his professional abilities, they must be submitted to the judgment of those who are acquainted with the services in which he was engaged. They cannot but acknowledge, that to have conducted three such dangerous and difficult expeditions, of so unusual a length, with invariable success, must not only have required an accurate knowledge of his business, but also a most powerful and comprehensive genius.

Having thus given a faithful, though a concise account of the death of our much lamented Commander, and also of his character and services, his memory must now be lest to the gratitude and the admiration of posterity.

[Page 206]

CHAP. IV.

Transactions at Owhyhee, subsequent to the death of Captain Cook—Bravery of Mr. Phillips—The Islanders forced to retire—Situation of our Party at the Morai—The natives annoy them with stones—Attempts to storm the Morai—A short Truce—Our People quit the Morai—Pacific Measures determined on—Mr. King sent to obtain a Conference with some of the Chiefs—His Interview with Koah—Contemptuous Behaviour of the Natives—Precaution taken by us—Two of the Islanders, in a Canoe, fired at, but not hurt—A Piece of Captain Cook's Flesh brought us by one of them—Further Provocations from the Natives—Some great Guns fired at them—Our Watering Party harrassed with stones—The Village of Kakoa burned by our People— [...]ravery of one of the Natives—A Procession, headed by Kaireekeea, who comes on board the Resolution—The Bones of Captain Cook brought to us—They are committed to the Deep—The Ships leave Karakakooa Bay.

WE have before observed that four of the marines, who accompanied Captain Cook, were killed by the natives on the spot. The others, with their lieutenant, Mr. Phillips, threw themselves into the sea, and made their escape, being protected by a smart fire from the boats. [Page 207] On this occasion, a striking instance of gallant behaviour, and of affection for his men, was displayed by Mr. Phillips; for he had scarcely got into the boat, when seeing one of the marines, who was not a very expert swimmer, struggling in the water, and in danger of being taken by the islanders, he instantly leaped into the sea to his assistance, though considerably wounded himself; and after receiving a blow on his head from a stone, which had almost sent him to the bottom, he caught the marine by the hair, and brought him off in safety. Our people for some time kept up a constant fire from the boats (which during the whole transaction, were at no greater distance from the land than twenty yards), in order to afford their unfortunate companions, if any of them should still remain alive, an opportunity of effecting their escape. These continued efforts, seconded by a few guns, that were at the same time fired from the Resolution, having at length compelled the enemy to retire, a small boat, manned by five midshipmen, pulled towards the shore where they perceived the bodies lying on the ground, without any signs of life. However, they judged it dangerous to attempt to bring them off with so inconsiderable a force; and their ammunition being nearly consumed, they returned to the ships, leaving the bodies in possession of the natives, together with ten stand of arms.

[Page 208]When the general consternation, which the news of this misfortune had diffused throughout the whole company of both ships, had in some degree subsided, their attention was called to the party of the morai, where the mast and sails were on shore, guarded by only six marines. It is difficult to describe the emotions that agitated the minds of Mr. King and his attendants, at this station, during the time in which these occurrences had happened, at the other side of the bay. Being at the distance only of a mile from the village of Kowrowa, they could distinctly perceive a vast multitude of people collected on the spot where Captain Cook had just before landed. They heard the firing of the musquets, and observed an uncommon bustle and agitation among the crowd. They afterwards saw the islanders retreating, the boats retiring from the shore, and passing and repassing, with great stillness between the ships. Mr. King's heart soon misgave him on this occasion. Where so valuable a life was concerned, he could not avoid being alarmed by such new and threatening appearances. Besides this, he knew that Captain Cook, from a long series of success, in his transactions with the natives of this ocean, had acquired a degree of confidence, which might, in some ill-fated moment, put him too much off his guard; and Mr. King now saw all the dangers to which that confidence might lead, without deriving much consolation [Page 209] from the consideration of the experience which had given rise to it. His first care, on hearing the report of the musquets, was to assure the islanders, considerable numbers of whom were assembled round the wall of our consecrated field, and seemed at a loss how to account for what they had heard and seen, that they should meet with no molestation; and that, at all events, he was inclined to continue on peaceable terms with them.

Mr. King and his attendants remained in this situation, till the boats had returned on board, when Captain Clerke perceiving, by means of his telescope, that our party was surrounded by the natives, who, he thought, designed to attack them, ordered two four-pounders to be fired at the islanders. These guns, though well aimed, did no mischief; but they gave the natives a convincing proof of their powerful effects. A cocoa-nut-tree, under which some of them were sitting, was broken in the middle by one of the balls; and the other shivered a rock, which stood in an exact line with them. As Mr. King had, just before, given them the strongest assurances of their safety, he was extremely mortified at this act of hostility, and, to prevent its being repeated, instantly dispatched a boat to inform Captain Clerke, that he was, at present, on the most amicable terms with the islanders, and that, if any future occasion should arise for changing his conduct towards them, he would hoist a jack, as [Page 210] a signal for Captain Clerke to afford him his assistance.

Mr King waited the return of the boat with the greatest impatience; and after remaining for the space of a quarter of an hour, under the utmost anxiety and suspence, his fears were at length confirmed, by the arrivel of Mr. Bligh, with orders to strike the tents immediately, and to send on board the sails, that were repairing. At the same instant, Kaireekeea having also received information of the death of Captain Cook, from a native who had arrived from the other side of the bay, approached Mr. King, with great dejection and sorrow in his countenance, inquiring whether it was true.

The situation of the party, at this time, was highly critical and important. Not only their own lives, but the issue of the expedition, and the return of at least one of the ships, were involved in the same common danger. They had the mast of the Resolution, and the greater part of the sails, on shore, protected by only half a dozen marines. The loss of these would have been irreparable; and though the islanders had not as yet testified the smallest disposition to molest the party, it was difficult to answer for the alteration, which the intelligence of the transaction at Kowrowa might produce. Mr. King therefore thought proper to dissemble his belief of the death of Captain Cook, and to desire [Page 211] Kaireekeea to discourage the report; apprehending that either the fear of our resentment, or the successful example of their countrymen, might perhaps lead them to seize the favourable opportunity, which at this time presented itself, of giving us a second blow. He, at the same time, advised him to bring old Kaoo, and the other priests, into a large house adjoining to the morai, partly from a regard to their safety, in case it should have been found necessary to have recourse to violent measures; and partly from a desire of having him near our people, in order to make use of his authority with the natives, if it could be instrumental in maintaining peace.

Mr. King having stationed the marines on the top of the morai, which formed a strong and advantageous post, intrusted the command to Mr. Bligh, who received the most positive directions to act solely on the defensive, went on board the Discovery, in order to confer with Captain Clerke on the dangerous situation of our affairs. He had no sooner left the spot, than the islanders began to annoy our people with stones; and just after he had reached the ship, he heard the firing of the marines. He therefore hastily returned on shore, where he found affairs growing every moment more alarming. The natives were providing arms, and putting on their mats; and their numbers augmented very fast. He also observed several large bodies advancing towards our party [Page 212] along the cliff, by which the village of Kakooa is separated from the north side of the bay, where Kowrowa is situate.

They at first attacked our people with stones from behind the walls of their inclosures, and meeting with no resistance, they soon became more daring. A few courageous fellows, having crept along the beach, under cover of the rocks, suddenly presented themselves at the foot of the morai, with an intention of storming it on the side next the sea, which was its only accessible part; and they were not dislodged before they had stood a considerable quantity of shot, and had seen one of their number fall.

The courage of one of these assailants deserves to be recorded. Having returned with a view of carrying off his companion, amidst the fire of our whole party, he received a wound, which obliged him to quit the body, and retire; but, a few minutes afterwards, he again made his appearance, and receiving another wound, was under the necessity of retreating a second time. At that moment Mr. King arrived at the morai, and saw this man return a third time, faint from the loss of blood and fatigue. Being informed of what had happened, he forbad the soldiers to fire; and the islander was suffered to carry off his friend, which he was just able to accomplish; and then fell down himself, and breathed [...].

[Page 213]A strong reinforcement from both ships having landed about this time, the natives retreated behind their walls; which affording Mr. King access to the priests, he sent one of them to exert his endeavours to bring his countrymen to some terms, and to propose to them, that if they would desist from throwing stones, he would not allow our men to fire. This truce was agreed to, and our people were suffered to launch the mast, and carry off the sails, astronomical instruments, &c. without molestation. As soon as our party had quitted the morai, the islanders took possession of it, and some of them threw a few stones, which, however did no mischief.

Between eleven and twelve o'clock, Mr. King arrived on board the Discovery, where he found that no decisive plan had been adopted for the regulation of our future proceedings. The recovery of Captain Cook's body, and the restitution of the boat, were the objects, which, on all hands, we agreed to insist on; and Mr. King declared it as his opinion, that some vigorous methods should be put in execution, if the demand of them should not be instantly complied with.

Though it may justly be supposed that Mr. King's feelings, on the death of a beloved and respected friend, had some share in this opinion, yet there were doubtless other reasons, and those, of the most serious nature that had some weight with him. The confidence which the success or [Page 214] the natives in killing our Commander, and obliging us to leave the shore, must naturally have inspired; and the advantage, however inconsiderable, which they had gained over us the preceding day, would, he had on doubt, excite them to make farther dangerous attempts; and the more particularly, as they had no great reason, from what they had hitherto observed, to dread the effects of our fire-arms. This kind of weapon, indeed, contrary to the expectation of us all, had produced in them no signs of terror. On our side, such was the condition of our vessels, and the state of discipline among us, that, had a vigorous attack been made on us, during the night, the consequences might perhaps have been highly disagreeable. Mr. King was supported, in these apprehensions, by the opinon of the greater part of the officers on board; and nothing seemed to him more likely to encourage the islanders to make the attempt, than the appearance of our being inclined to an accommodation, which they could only impute to weakness, or fear.

On the other hand it was urged, in favour of more conciliatory measures, that the mischief was already done, and was irreparable! that the natives, by reason of their former friendship and kindness, had a strong claim to our regard; and the more particularly, as the late calamitous accident did not appear to have taken its rise from [Page 215] any premeditated design; that, on the part of Terreeoboo, his ignorance of the theft, his willingness to accompany Captain Cook on board the Resolution, and his having actually sent his two sons into the pinnace, must rescue his character, in this respect, from the smallest degree of suspicion; that the behaviour of his woman, and the chiefs, might easily be accounted for, from the apprehensions occasioned in their minds by the armed force, with which Captain Cook landed, and the hostile preparations in the bay; appearances so unsuitable to the confidence and friendship, in which both parties had hitherto lived, that the arming of the islanders was manifestly with a design to resist the attempt, which they had some reason to expect would be made, to carry off their sovereign by force, and was naturally to be expected from a people who had a remarkable affection for their chiefs.

To these dictates of humanity, other motives of a prudential kind were added; that we were in want of a supply of water, and other refreshments; that the Resolution's foremast would require seven or eight days work, before it could be stepped; that the spring was advancing very fast; and that the speedy prosecution of our next expedition to the northward, ought now to be our sole object; and that, therefore, to engage in a vindictive contest with the natives, might not only subject us to the imputation of needless [Page 216] cruelty, but would require great delay in the equipment of our ships.

Captain Clerke concurred in this latter opinion; and though Mr. King was convinced, that an early and vigorous display of our resentment would have more effectually answered every object both of prudence and humanity, he was, upon the whole, not sorry, that the measures he had recommended were rejected. For though the contemptuous behaviour of the islanders, and their subsequent opposition to our necessary occupations on shore, arising, most probably, from a misconstruction of our lenity, obliged us at last to have recourse to violence in our own defence; yet he was not certain, that the circumstances of the case would, in the opinion of the generality of people, have justified the use of force, on our part, in the first instance. Cautionary severity is ever invidious, and the rigour of a preventive measure, when it is the most successful, leaves its expediency the least apparent.

While we were thus engaged, in concerting some plan for our future operations, a very numerous concourse of the natives still kept possession of the shore; and some of them, coining off in canoes, approached within pistol-shot of the ships, and insulted us by various marks of defiance and contempt. It was extremely difficult to restrain the seamen from the use of their arms on these occasions; but, as pacific measures had been resolved [Page 217] on, the canoes were allowed to return unmolested.

Mr. King was now ordered to proceed towards the shore, with the boats of both ships, well manned and armed, with a view of bringing the islanders to a parley, and of obtaining, if possible, a conferrence with some of the Erees. If he should succeed in this attempt, he was to demand the dead bodies, and particularly that of Captain Cook; to threaten them, in case of a refusal, with our resentment; but by no means to fire, unless attacked, and not to go ashore on any account whatever. These instructions were delivered to Mr. King before the whole party, in the most positive manner.

Mr. King and his detatchment left the ships about four o'clock in the afternoon; and, as they approached the shore, they perceived every indication of a hostile reception. The natives were all in motion; the women and children retiring; the men arming themselves with long spears and daggers, and putting on their war-mats. It also appeared, that, since the morning, they had thrown up breast-works of stone along the beach, where Captain Cook had landed; in expectation, perhaps, of an attack at that place.

As soon as our party were within reach, the islanders began to throw stones at them with slings, but without doing any mischief. Mr. King concluded, from these appearances, that all [Page 218] attempts to bring them to a parley would be in effectual, unless he gave them some ground for mutual confidence: he therefore ordered the armed boats to stop, and advanced alone, in the small boat, holding in his hand a white flag; the meaning of which, from an uni [...]ersal shout of joy from the natives, he had the satisfaction to find was immediately understood. The women instantly returned from the side of the hill, whither they had retired; the men threw of their mats and all seated themselves together by the sea-side, extending their arms, and inviting Mr. King to land.

Though such behaviour seemed expressive of a friendly disposition, he could not avoid entertaining suspicions of its sincerity. But when he saw Koah, with extraordinary boldness and assurance swimming off towards the boat, with a white flag in his hand, he thought proper to return this mark of confidence, and accordingly received him into the boat, though he was armed; a circumstance which did not contribute to lessen Mr. King's suspicions. He had, indeed, long harboured an unfavourable opinion of Koah. The priests had always represented him as a person of a malicious temper, and no friend to us; and the repeated detections of his fraud and treachery, had convinced us of the truth of their assertions. Besides, the melancholy transactions of the morn-part, [Page 219] inspired Mr. King with the utmost horror at finding himself so near him; and as he approached him, with seigned tears, and embraced him, Mr. King was so distrustful of his intentions that he took hold of the point of the phaooa, which the chief held in his hand and turned it from him. He informed the islander, that he had come to demand the body of Captain Cook and to declare war against the natives, unless it was restored without delay. Koah assured him that this should be done as soon as possible, and that he would go himself for that purpose; and after requesting a piece of iron of Mr. King, with marks of great assurance, he leaped into the water, and swam ashore, calling out to his countrymen, that we were all friends again.

Our people waited with great anxiety, near an hour, for his return. During this interval, the other boats had approached so near the shore, that the men who were in them entered into conversation with a party of the islanders, at a little distance; by whom they were informed, that the Captains body had been cut to pieces, and carried up the country; but of this circumstance, Mr. King was not apprized till his return to the ships.

Mr. King now began to express some degree of impatience at Koah's delay; upon which the chiefs pressed him exceedingly to land; assuring him, that, if he would go in person to Terreeohim. [Page 220] When they found they could not prevail on Mr. King to go ashore, they endeavoured, on pretence of conversing with him with greater case, to decoy his boat among some rocks, where they might have had it in their power to separate him from the other boats. It was easy to see through these artifices, and he was, therefore, very desirous of breaking off all communication with them, when a chief approached, who had particulary attached himself to Captain Clerke, and the officers of the Discovery, on board which ship he had sailed, when we last quitted the bay, intending to take his passage to the island of Mowee. He said [...] came from Terreeoboo, to acquaint our people that the body was carried up the country, but that it should be brought back the following morning. There appeared much sincerity in his manner; and being asked, if he uttered a falsehood, he hooked together his two fore fingers, which is here understood as the sign of veracity, in the use of which these islanders are very scrupulous.

Mr. King being now at a loss how to proceed, sent Mr. Vancouver to inform Captain Clerke of all that had passed; that it was his opinion, the natives did not intend to keep their word with us; and, far from being grieved at what had happened, were, on the contrary, inspired with great confidence on account of their late success, and sought only to gain time, till they could plan some [Page 221] scheme for getting our people into their power. Mr. Vancouver came back with orders for Mr. King to return on board, after giving the islanders to understand, that if the body was not restored the next morning, the town should be destroyed.

When they perceived our party retiring, they endeavoured to provoke them by the most contemptuous and insulting gestures. Several of our people said, they could distinguish some of the natives parading about in the cloaths which had belonged to our unhappy countrymen, and among them, an Eree brandishing Captain Cook's hanger and a woman holding the scabbard.

In consequence of Mr. King's report to Captain Clerke, of what he supposed to be the present temper and disposition of the inhabitants, the most effectual methods were taken to guard against any attack they might make during the night. The boats were moored with top-chains; additional sentinels were stationed in each of our ships; and guard-boats were directed to row round them, in order to prevent the islanders from cutting the cables.

In the night, we saw a vast number of lights on the hills, which induced some of us to imagine, that they were removing their effects farther up into the country, in consequence of our menaces. But it seems more probable, that they were kindled at the sacrifices that were performing on account of the war, in which they supposed [Page 222] themselves likely to be engaged▪ and, perhaps, the bodies of our slain countrymen were, at that time, burning. We afterwards observed fires of the same kind, as we passed the island of Morotoi; and which, according to the information we received from some of the natives then on board, were made on account of a war they had declared against a neighbouring island. This agrees with what we learned among the Friendly and Society Isles, that, previous to any hostile expedition, the chiefs always endeavoured to animate the courage of the people, by feasts and rejoicings in the night.

We passed the night without any disturbance, except from the howlings and lamentations which were heard on shore. Early the next morning, (Monday the 15th) Koah came along-side the Resolution, with a small pig, and some cloth, which he desired permission to present to Mr. King. We have already mentioned, that this officer was supposed, by the islanders, to be the son of Captain Cook; and as the latter had always suffered them to believe it, Mr. King was probably considered as the chief after his death. As soon as he came on deck, he interrogated Koah with regard to the body; and, on his returning evasive answers, refused to accept his presents; and was on the point of dismissing him with expressions of anger and resentment, had not Captain Clerke, with a view of keeping up [Page 223] the appearance of friendship, judged it more proper, that he should be treated with the customary respect.

This chief came frequently to us in the course of the morning, with some trifling present or other; and as we always observed him eyeing every part of the ship with a great degree of attention, we took care he should see we were well prepared for our defence.

He was extremely urgent both with Captain Clerke and Mr. King to go on shore, imputing the detention of the bodies to the other chiefs; and assuring those gentlemen, that every thing might be adjusted to their satisfaction, by a personal interview with the king. However, they did not think it prudent to comply with Koah's request; and, indeed, a fact came afterwards to their knowledge, which proved his want of veracity. For, they were informed, that, immediately after the action in which Captain Cook had lost his life, Terreeoboo had retired to a cave in the steep part of a mountain, that hangs over the bay, which was accessible only by means of ropes, and where he continued for several days, having his provisions let down to him by cords

After the departure of Koah from the ships, we observed that his countrymen, who had assembled by day-break, in vast crowds on the shore, flocked around him with great eagerness on his landing, as if they wished to learn the intelligence [Page 224] he had gained, and what steps were to be taken in consequence of it. It is highly probable, that they expected we should attempt to put our threats in execution; and they appeared fully determined to stand their ground. During the whole morning, we heard conchs blowing in various parts of the coast; large parties were perceived marching over the hills; and, upon the whole, appearances were so alarming, that we carried out a stream anchor, for the purpose of hauling the ship abreast of the town, in case of an attack; and boats were stationed off the northern point of the bay, in order to prevent a surprize from the natives in that quarter.

The warlike posture in which they appeared at present, and the breach of their engagement to restore the bodies of the slain, occasioned fresh debates among us, concerning the measures which should now be pursued. It was at length determined, that nothing should be permitted to interfere with the repair of the Resolution's mast, and the preparations for our departure; but that we should, nevertheless, continue our negociations for the restoration of the bodies of our countrymen.

The greater part of the day was employed in getting the fore-mast in a proper situation on deck, that the carpenters might work upon it and also in making the requisite alteration in the commissions of the officers. The chief command [Page 225] of the expedition having devolved on Captain Clerke, he removed on board the Resolution, promoted Lieutenant Gore to the rank of Captain of the Discovery, appointed Messrs King and Williamson first and second Lieutenants of the Resolution, and nominated Mr. Harvey, a Midshipman, who had accompanied Captain Cook during his two last voyages, to fill the vacant lieutenancy. During the whole day, we sustained no interruption from the islanders; and, in the evening, the launch was moored with a top-chain, and guard-boats stationed round each of the ships as before.

About eight o'clock, it being exceedingly dark, we heard a canoe paddling towards the ship; and it was no sooner perceived, than both the sentinels on deck fired into it. There were two of the natives in this canoe, who immediately roared out "Tinnee," (which was their method of pronouncing Mr. King's name), and said they were friends, and had something with them which belonged to Captain Cook. When they came on board, they threw themselves at the feet of our officers, and seemed to be extremely terrified. It fortunately happened, that neither of them was hurt, notwithstanding the ball of both pieces had gone through the canoe.

One of them was the person, who has been already mentioned, under the appellation of the taboo man, who constantly attended Captain Cook [Page 226] with the particular ceremonies we have before described; and who, though a man of distinction in the island, could scarcely be prevented from performing for him the most humiliating offices of a menial servant. After bewailing, with many tears, the loss of the Orono, he informed us, that he had brought a part of his body. He then gave us a small bundle which he brought under his arm; and it is impossible to describe the horror with which we were seized, upon finding in it, a piece of human flesh, of the weight of about nine or ten pounds. This, he said, was all that now remained of the body; that the rest had been cut in pieces, and burnt; but that the head, and all the bones, except those which belonged to the trunk, were in the possession of Terreeoboo and the other chiefs; that what we saw had been allotted to Kaoo, the chief of the priests, for the purpose of being used in some religious ceremony; and that he had sent it as a testimony of his innocence, and of his attachment to us.

We had now an opportunity of learning whether they were cannibals; and we did not neglect to avail ourselves of it. We first endeavoured, by several indirect questions, but to each of them apart, to gain information respecting the manner in which the other bodies had been treated and disposed of; and, finding them very constant in one account, that, after the flesh had been cut off, the whole of it was burnt; we at last put the [Page 227] direct question, whether they had not fed on some of it? they immediately testified as much horror at such an idea, as any European would have done; and asked, whether that was the practice among us. They afterwards asked us, with great earnestness, and with an appearance of apprehension, when the Orono would come again? and how he would treat them on his return; the same inquiry was often made in the sequel by others; and this idea is consistent with the general tenour of their conduct towards him, which indicated, that they considered him as a being of a superior species.

Though we pressed our two friendly visitants to continue on board till the next morning, we could not prevail upon them. They informed us, that, if this transaction should come to the knowledge of the king, or any of the other Erees, it might be attended with the most fatal consequences to their whole society; to prevent which, they had been▪ under the necessity of coming to us in the dark; and the same precaution, they said, would be requisite in returning on shore. They further told us, that the chiefs were eager to take revenge on us for the death of their countrymen; and particularly cautioned us against trusting Koah, who, they assured us, was our implacable enemy; and ardently longed for an opportunity of fighting us, to which the blowing [Page 228] of the conchs, that we had heard in the morning was intended as a challenge.

It also appeared from the information of these men, that seventeen of their countrymen were slain, in the first action, at the village of Kowrowa, five of whom were chiefs; and that Kaneena and his brother, our particular friends, were of that number. Eight, they said, had lost their lives at the observatory; three of whom likewise were persons of the first distinction.

The two natives left us about eleven o'clock, and took the precaution to desire, that one of or guard-boats might attend them, till they had passed the Discovery, lest they should again be fired upon, which by alarming their countrymen on shore, might expose them to the danger of detection. This request was readily complied with, and we had the satisfaction to find, that they reached the land safe and undiscovered.

We heard, during the remainder of this night, the same loud lamentations, as in the preceding one. Early the following morning, we received a visit from Koah. Mr. King was piqued at finding, that notwithstanding the most glaring marks of treachery in his conduct, and the positive declaration of our friends the priests, he should still be suffered to carry on the same farce, and to make us at least appear the dupes of his hypocrisy. Our situation was, indeed; become extremely aukward and unpromising; none of the [Page 229] purposes for which this pacific plan of proceedings had been adopted, having hitherto been, in any respect, promoted by it. No satisfactory answer had been given to our demands; we did not seem to have made any progress towards a reconciliation with the natives; they still remained on the shore in hostile postures, as if determined to oppose any endeavours we might make to go ashore; and yet it was become absolutely necessary to attempt landing, as the completing our stock of water would not admit of any longer delay.

We must remark, however, in justice to the conduct of Captain Clerke, that it was highly probable, from the great numbers of the islanders, and from the resolution with which they seemed to expect our approach, that an attack could not have been made without danger; and that the loss of even a very few men, might have been severely felt by us, during the remainder of our voyage; whereas the delaying to put our menaces into execution, though, on the one hand, it diminished their opinion of our valour, had the effect of occasioning them to disperse on the other. For this day, about twelve o'clock, upon finding that we persisted, in our inactivity, great bodies of them, after blowing their conchs, and using every method of defiance, marched off, over the hills, and never made their appearance afterwards. Those, however, who remained, were not the [Page 230] less daring and presumptuous. One of them had the insolence to come within musquet-shot, ahead of the Resolution, and, after throwing several stones at us, waved over his head the hat which had belonged to Captain Cook, while his countrymen a-shore were exulting and encouraging his audacity.

Our people were highly enraged at this insult, and coming in a body on the quarter deck, begged they might no longer be obliged to put up with such reiterated provocations, and requested Mr. King to endeavour to obtain permission for them, from Captain Clerke, to take advantage of the first fair occasion of avenging the death of their much-lamented Commander. On Mr. King's acquainting the Captain with what was passing, he ordered some great guns to be fired at the islanders on shore; and promised the crew, that, if they should be molested at the watering-place, the next day, they should then be permitted to chastise them.

Before we could bring our guns to bear, the natives had suspected our intentions, from the bustle and agitation they observed in the ship; and had retired behind their houses and walls. We were consequently obliged to fire, in some degree at random; notwithstanding which, our shot produced all the effects we could desire. For, in a short time afterwards, we perceived Koah paddling towards us, with the greatest haste; [Page 231] and when he arrived, we learned, that some people had lost their lives, and among the rest Maihamaiha, a principal Eree ^*, nearly related to Terreeoboo.

Not long after Koah's arrival, two boys swam off from the morai towards our vessels, each armed with a long spear; and after, they had approached pretty near, they began, in a very solemn manner, to chant a song; the subject of which, from their frequently mentioning the word Orono, and pointing to the village where Captain Cook had been slain, we concluded to be the late calamitous occurrence. Having sung for near a quarter of an hour in a plaintive strain, during all which time they continued in the water, they repaired on board the Discovery, and delivered up their spears; and, after remaining there a short time, returned on shore. We could never learn who sent them, or what was the object of this ceremony.

During the night we took the usual precautions for the security of the ships; and, as soon as it was dark, the two natives, who had visited us the preceeding evening, came off to us again. They assured us, that though the effects of our [Page 232] great guns, this afternoon, had greatly alarmed the chiefs, they had by no means relinquished their hostile intentions, and they advised us to be on our guard.

The following morning, which was the 17th, the boats of both ships were dispatched ashore to procure water; and the Discovery was warped close to the beach, in order to protect the persons employed in that service. We soon found that the intelligence which had been sent us by the priests, was not destitute of foundation, and that the islanders were determined to neglect no opportunity of annoying us, when it could be done without much hazard.

The villages, throughout this whole cluster of islands, are, for the most part, situated near the sea; and the adjacent ground is enclosed with stone walls, of the height of about three feet. These, we at first supposed, were designed for the division of property; but we now discovered that they served for a defence against invasion, for which purpose they were, perhaps, chiefly intended. They consist of loose stones, and the natives are very dexterous in shifting them, with great quickness, to such particular situations, as the direction of the attack may occasionally require. In the sides of the mountain, that stands near the bay, they have likewise holes, or caves, of considerable depth; whose entrance is secured by a fence of a similar kind. From behind both [Page 233] these stations, the islanders perpetually harrassed our watering party with stones; nor could the inconsiderable force we had on shore, with the advantage of musquets, compel them to retreat.

Thus opposed, our people were so occupied in attending to their own safety, that, during the whole forenoon, they filled only one ton of water. It being therefore impossible for them to perform this service, till their assailants were driven to a greater distance, the Discovery was ordered to dislodge the enemy with her great guns; which being accomplished by means of a few discharges, the men landed without molestation.

The natives, however, made their appearance again, soon afterwards, in their usual method of attack; and it was now deemed absolutely necessary to burn down some straggling huts, near the wall behind which they had sheltered themselves. In executing the orders that were given for that purpose, our people were hurried into acts of unnecessary devastation and cruelty. Some allowance ought certainly to be made for their resentment of the repeated insults, and contemptuous behaviour of the islanders, and for their natural desire of revenging the death of their beloved and respected Commander. But, at the same time, their conduct strongly evinced, that the greatest precaution is requisite in trusting, even for a moment, the discretionary use of arms, in the hands of private soldiers, or seamen, on such occasions. [Page 234] The strictness of discipline, and the habits of obedience, by which their force is kept directed to suitable objects, lead them to conceive, that whenever they have the power, they have likewise a right to perform. Actual disobedience being almost the only crime for which they expect to receive punishment, they are apt to consider it as the sole measure of right and wrong; and hence they are too ready to conclude, that what they can do with impunity, they may also do consistently with honour and justice; so that the feelings of humanity, and that generosity towards an unresisting enemy, which, at other times, is a striking distinction of brave men, become but feeble restraints to the exercise of violence, when set in opposition to the desire they naturally have of shewing their own power and independence.

It has been before observed, that directions had been given to burn only a few straggling houses, which afforded shelter to the islanders. We were therefore greatly surprised on perceiving the whole village in flames; and before a boat, that was sent to stop the progress of the mischief, could reach the land, the habitations of our old and constant friends, the priests, were all on fire. Mr. King had, therefore, great reason to lament the illness that confined him on board this day. The priests had always been under his protection; and, unfortunately, the officers then on duty having seldom been on shore at the morai, were but little [Page 235] acquainted with the circumstances of the place. Had he been present himself, he might in all probability, have been the means of preserving their little society from destruction.

In escaping from the flames, several of the inhabitants were shot; and our people cut off the heads of two of them, and brought them on board. The fate of one unhappy native was much lamented by all of us. As he was repairing to the well for water, he was shot at by one of the marines. The ball happened to strike his calibash, which he instantly threw from him, and ran off. He was pursued into one of the caves above-mentioned, and no lion could have defended his den with greater bravery and fierceness; till at length, after he had found means to keep two of our people at bay for a considerable time, he expired, covered with wounds. This accident first brought us acquainted with the use to which these caverns are applied.

About this time a man, advanced in years, was taken prisoner, bound, and conveyed on board the Resolution, in the same boat, with the heads of his two countrymen. We never observed horror so strongly portrayed, as in the face of this person, nor so violent a transition to immoderate joy, as when he was untied, and given to understand, that he might depart in safety. He shewed us that he was not deficient in gratitude, [Page 236] as he not only often returned afterwards with presents of provisions, but, also did us other services.

In a short time after the destruction of the village, we saw coming down the hill, a man, accompanied by fifteen or twenty boys, who held in their hands pieces of white cloth, plantains, green boughs, &c. It happened that this pacific embassy, as soon as they were within reach, received the fire of a party of our men. This, however, did not deter them from continuing their procession, and the officer on duty came up in time, to prevent a second discharge. As they made a nearer approach, the principal person proved to be our friend Kaireckeea, who had fled when our people first set fire to the village, and had now returned, and expressed his desire of being sent on board the Resolution.

On his arrival we found him extremely thoughtful and grave. We endeavoured to convince him of the necessity there was of setting fire to the village, by which his house, and those of his brethren were unintentionally destroyed. He expostulated with us on our ingratitude and want of friendship; and indeed, it was not till the present moment, that we knew the whole extent of the injury that had been done them. He informed us, that, confiding in the promises Mr. King had made them, and as well as in the assurances they had received from the men, who had brought us some of Captain Cook's remains, [Page 237] they had not removed their effects back into the country, as the other inhabitants had done, but had put every valuable article of their own, as well as what they had collected from us, into a house adjoining the morai, where they had the mortification to see it all set on fire by our people. He had, on coming on board, perceived the heads of his two countrymen lying on deck, at which he was greatly shocked, and earnestly desired that they might be thrown over-board. This request, by the directions of Captain Clerke, was immediately complied with.

Our watering party returned on board in the evening, having sustained no farther interruption. We passed a disagreeable night; the cries and lamentations we heard from the shore being far more dreadful than ever. Our only consolation, on this occasion, arose from the hopes that a repetition of such severities might not be requisite in future.

It is remarkable, that amidst all these disturbances, the female natives who were on board, did not offer to leave us, or discover any apprehensions either for themselves or their friends on shore. They appeared, indeed, so perfectly unconcerned, that some of them, who were on deck when the village was in flames, seemed to admire the spectacle, and frequently exclaimed, that it was maitai, or very fine.

[Page 238]The next morning the treacherous Koah came off to the ships, as usual. There being no longer any necessity for keeping terms with him, Mr. King was allowed to treat him as he thought proper. When he approached the side of the Resolution, singing a song, and offering a hog, and some plantains, to Mr. King, the latter ordered him to keep off, and cautioned him never to make his appearance again without the bones of Captain Cook, lest his life should pay the forfeit of his repeated breach of faith. He did not appear much mortified with this unwelcome reception, but immediately returned on shore, and joined a party of his countrymen, who were throwing stones at our waterers. The body of the young man, who had been killed the preceding day, was found this morning lying at the entrance of the cave; and a mat was thrown over him by some of our people; soon after which they saw several of the natives carrying him off on their shoulders, and could hear them chanting, as they marched, a mournful song.

The islanders being at length convinced that it was not the want of ability to chastize them which had induced us at first to tolerate their provocations, desisted from molesting our people; and, towards the evening, a chief, named Eappo, who had seldom visited us, but whom we knew to be a man of the first distinction, came with presence from Terreeoboo to sue for peace. [Page 239] These presents were accepted, and the chief was dismissed with the following answer: That no peace would be granted, till the remains of Captain Cook should be restored.

We were informed by Eappo, that the flesh of all the bones of our people who had been slain, as well as the bones of the trunks, had been burnt; that the limb-bones of the marines had been distributed among the inferior chiefs; and that the remains of Captain Cook had been disposed of as follows: the head to a great Erce called Kahooopeou; the hair to Maiha-maiha; and the arms, legs, and thighs, to Terreeoboo. After it was dark, many of the natives came off with various sorts of vegetables; and we also received from Kaireekeea two large presents of the same articles.

The next day was principally employed in sending and receiving the messages that passed between Captain Clerke and the old king. Eappo was very urgent, that one of our officers should go on shore; and offered to remain on board, in the mean time, as an hostage. This request, however, was not complied with; and he left us with a promise of bringing the bones the following day. Our watering party, at the beach, did not meet with the least opposition from the islanders; who, notwithstanding our cautious behaviour, again ventured themselves amongst us without any marks of diffidence or apprehension.

[Page 240]On Saturday the 20th, early in the morning we had the satisfaction of getting the fore-mast stepped. This operation was attended with considerable difficulty, and some danger, our ropes being so extremely rotten, that the purchase several times gave way.

This morning, between the hours of ten and eleven, we saw a numerous body of the natives descending the hill, which is over the beach, in a sort of procession, each man carrying on his shoulders two or three sugar-canes, and some bread-fruit, plantains, and taro, in his hand. They were preceeded by two drummers, who, when they reached the water-side, seated themselves by a white flag, and began beating their drums, while those who had followed them, advanced, one by one, and deposited the presents they had brought with them; after which they retired in the same order. Soon afterwards Eappo appeared in his long feathered cloak, bearing something with great solemnity in his hands; and having stationed himself on a rock, he made signs that a boat should be sent him.

Captain Clerke, supposing that the chief had brought the bones of Captain Cook (which, indeed, proved to be the case), went himself in the pinnace to receive them, and ordered Mr. King to attend him in the cutter. When they arrived at the beach, Eappo, entering the pinnace, delivered the bones to Captain Clerke, wrapped up [Page 241] in a great quantity of fine new cloth, and covered with a spotted cloak of black and white feathers. He afterwards attended our gentlemen to the Resolution, but could not be prevailed on to accompany them on board; being, perhaps, from a sense of decency, unwilling to be present at the opening of the parcel.

We found, in this bundle, both the hands of Captain Cook entire, which were well known to us from a scar on one of them, that divided the fore finger from the thumb, the whole length of the metacarpal bone; the skull, but with the scalp separated from it, and the bones of the face wanting; the scalp, with the ears adhering to it, and the hair upon it cut short; the bones of both the arms, with the skin of the fore-arms hanging to them; the bones of the thighs and legs joined together, but without the feet. The ligaments of the joints were observed to be entire; and the whole shewed sufficient marks of having been in the fire, except the hands, which had the flesh remaining upon them, and were cut in several places, and crammed with salt, most probably with a view of preserving them. The skull was free from any fracture, but the scalp had a cut in the back part of it. The lower jaw and feet, which were wanting, had been seized, as Eappo informed us, by different Erees; and he also told us, that Terreeoboo was using every means to recover them.

[Page 242]Eappo, and the king's son, came on board the next morning, and brought with them not only the remaining bones of Captain Cook, but likewise the barrels of his gun, his shoes, and some other trifles which had belonged to him. Eappo assured us, that Terreeoboo, Maiha-maiha, and himself were extremely desirous of peace; that they had given us the most convincing proofs of it; and that they had been prevented from giving it sooner by the other chiefs, many of whom were still disaffected to us. He lamented, with the most lively sorrow, the death of six chiefs, who had been killed by our people; some of whom, he said, were among our best friends. He informed us, that the cutter had been taken away by Pareea's people, probably in revenge for the blow that he had received; and that it had been broken up the following day. The arms of the marines, which we had also demanded, had been carried off, he said, by the populace, and were irrecoverable.

Nothing now remained, but to perform the last solemn offices to our excellent Commander. Eappo was dismissed with orders to taboo all the bay; and, in the afternoon, the bones having been deposited in a coffin, the funeral service was read over them, and they were committed to the deep with the usual military honours. Our feelings, on this mournful occasion, are more easy to be conceived than expressed.

[Page 243]During the morning of the 22d, not a canoe was seen in the bay. The taboo, which Eappo, at our desire, had laid on it the preceding day, not being yet taken off. At length that chief came off to us. We assured him, that we were now perfectly satisfied; and that, as the Orono was buried, all remembrance of the late unhappy transactions was buried with him. We afterwards requested him to take off the taboo, and to make it known, that the islanders might bring provisions to us as usual. The ships were soon surrounded with canoes, and many of the Erees came on board, expressing their grief at what had happened, and their satisfaction at our reconciliation. Several of our friends, who did not favour us with a visit, sent presents of large hogs, and other provisions. Among the rest, the old treacherous Koah came off to us, but we refused him admittance.

As we were now prepared for putting to sea, Captain Clerke imagining, that, if the intelligence of our proceedings should reach the islands to leeward before us, it might have a bad effect, gave orders, that the ships should be unmoored. About eight in the evening, we dismissed all the natives; and Eappo, and the friendly Kaireekeea, took their leave of us in a very affectionate manner. We immediately weighed anchor, and stood out of Karakakooa bay. The islanders were assembled in great numbers on the shore; and, as [Page 244] we passed along, received our last farewels, with every mark of good-will and affection.

CHAP. V.

Leave Karakakooa Bay—In quest of an Harbour on the South-East Side of Mowee—Driven to Leeward by the Current, and strong easterly Winds—Pass Tohoorowa—South-west Side of Mowee described—Proceed to Woahoo—The north-east coast of Woahoo described—Disappointed in attempting to water—Proceed to Atooi—Anchor in Wymoa Bay—The Natives not so friendly as before—The watering Party guarded by Marines—Insolence of the Natives, who demanded a Hatchet for every Cask of Water—The islanders treat our People with Contempt—They steal Mr. King's Hanger out of his Hand—Their Insolence at the Water-side—Are fired at by two Marines—One of them wounded—Visit from the contending Chiefs—Anchor off Oneeheow—Departure.

HAVING cleared the land about ten, we stood to the northward, with a view of searching for an harbour, which the natives had often mentioned, on the south-east side of Mowee. [Page 245] We found ourselves, the next morning, driven to leeward, by a swell from the north-east; and a fresh gale, from the same quarter, drove us still farther to the westward. At midnight we tacked, and stood four hours to the south, to keep clear of the land; and, at day-break, on the 24th, we were standing towards a small barren island, named Tahoorow, about seven miles south-west of Mowee.

Giving up all prospect of making a closer examination of the south-east parts of Mowee, we bore away, and kept along the south-east side of Tahoorowa. Steering close round its western extremity, in order to fetch the west side of Mowee, we suddenly shoaled our water, and saw the sea breaking on some rocks, almost right a-head. We then kept away about a league and a half, and again steered to the northward; when we stood for a passage between Mowee, and an island named Ranai. In the afternoon, the weather was calm, with light airs from the west. We stood to the north-north-west; but, observing a shoal about sunset, and the weather being unsettled, we stood towards the south.

We had now passed the south-west side of this island, without being able to approach the shore. This side of the island forms the same distant view as the north-east, as seen when we returned from the north, in November, 1778; the hilly parts, connected by low flat isthmus, having, [Page 246] at the first view, the appearance of two separate islands. This deceptive appearance continued till we were within about ten leagues of the coast, which, bending a great way inward, formed a capacious bay. The westernmost point off which the shoal runs that we have just now mentioned, is rendered remarkable by a small hillock; south of which is a fine sandy bay; and on the shore, are several huts, with plenty of cocoa-trees about them.

In the course of the day, several of the natives visited us, and brought provisions with them. We presently discovered, that they had heard of our unfortunate disaster at Owhyhee. They were extremely anxious to be informed of the particulars, from a woman who had hid herself in the Resolution, in order to obtain a passage to Atooi; making particular enquiries about Pareea, and some other chiefs; and seeming much agitated at the death of Kaneena, and his brother. But, in whatever light this business might have been represented by the woman, it produced no bad effect in their behaviour, which was civil and obliging to an extreme.

During the night, the weather varied continually, but on the 25th, in the morning, the wind being at east, we steered along the south side of Ranai, till almost noon, when we had baffling winds and calms till the evening; after which, we had a light easterly breeze, and steered for the [Page 247] west of Morotoi. The current, which had set from the north-east, ever since we left Karakakooa bay, changed its direction, in the course of this day, to the south-east.

The wind was again variable during the night; but, early in the morning of the 26th, it settled at east; blowing so fresh, as to oblige us to double-reef the top-sails. At seven, we opened a small bay, distant about two leagues, having a fine sandy beach; but not perceiving any appearance of fresh water, we endeavoured to get to the windward of Woahoo, an island which we had seen in January, 1778. We saw the land about two in the afternoon, bearing west by north at the distance of about eight leagues. We tacked, as soon as it was dark, and again bore away at day-light on the 27th. Between ten and eleven, we were about a league of the shore, and near the middle of the north-east side of the island.

To the northward, the coast consists of detached hills, ascending perpendicular from the sea; the sides being covered with wood, and the vallies between them appearing to be fertile, and well cultivated. An extensive bay was observable to the southward, bounded, to the south-east, by a low point of land, covered with cocoa-nut trees; off which, an insulated rock appeared, at the distance of a mile from the shore.

[Page 248]The wind continuing to blow fresh, we were unwilling to entangle ourselves with a lee-shore. Instead of attempting, therefore, to examine the bay, we hauled up and steered in the direction of the coast. At noon, we were about two leagues from the island, and a-breast of the north point of it. It is low and flat, having a reef stretching off almost a mile and an half. Between the north point, and a head-land to the south-west, the land bends inward, and seemed to promise a good road. We therefore steered along the shore, at about a mile distance. At two, we were induced, by the sight of a fine river, to anchor in thirteen fathoms water. In the afternoon, Mr. King attended the two Captains on shore, where few of the natives were to be seen, and those principally women. The men, we were informed, were gone to Morotoi, to fight Tahyterree; but their chief, Perreeorance, remained behind, and would certainly attend us, as soon as he was informed of our arrival.

The water, to our great disappointment, had a brackish taste, for about two hundred yards up the river; beyond which, however, it was perfectly fresh, and was a delightful stream. Farther up, we came to the conflux of two small rivulets, branching off to the right and left of a steep romantic mountain. The banks of the river, and all that we saw of Woahoo, are in fine cultivation, and full of villages; the face of the [Page 249] country being also remarkably beautiful and picturesque.

As it would have been a laborious business to have watered at this place, Mr. King was dispatched to search about the coast to leeward; but, being unable to land, on account of a reef of coral, which extended along the shore, Captain Clerke resolved to proceed immediately to Atooi. In the morning, about eight, we weighed, and stood to the northward; and, on the 28th, at day-light, we bore away for that island, and were in sight of it by noon. We were off its eastern extremity, which is a green flat point, about sun-set.

It being dark, we did not venture to run for the road on the south-west side, but spent the night in plying on and off, and anchored, at nine the next morning, in twenty-five fathoms water. In running down, from the south-east point of the island, we saw, in many places, the appearance of shoal water, at some distance from the land.

Being anchored in our old station, several canoes came to visit us; but it was very observable, that there was not that appearance of cordiality in their manner, and complacency in their countenances, as when we saw them before. They had no sooner got on board, but one of them informed us, that we had communicated a disorder to the women, which had [...]lled many persons of [Page 250] both sexes. He, at that time, was afflicted with the venereal disease, and minutely described the various symptoms which had attended it. As no appearance of that disorder had been observed amongst them, on our first arrival, we were, it is to be feared, the authors of this irreparable mischief.

The principal object in view, at this place, was to water the ships with as much expedition as possible; and Mr. King was sent on shore in the afternoon, with the launch and pinnace, laden with casks. He was accompanied by the gunner of the Resolution, who was instructed to trade for some provisions; and they were attended by a guard of five marines. Multitudes of people were collected upon the beach, by whom, at first, we were kindly received; but, after we had landed the casks, they began to be exceedingly troublesome.

Knowing, from experience, how difficult a task it was to repress this disposition, without the interposition of their chiefs, we were sorry to be informed, that they were all at a distant part of the island. Indeed we both felt and lamented the want of their assistance; for we could hardly form a circle, as our practice usually was, for the safety and convenience of the trading party. No sooner had we taken this step, and posted marines to keep off the populace, than a man took hold of the bayonet belonging to one of the [Page 251] soldier's musquets, and endeavoured to wrench it forcibly from his hand. Mr. King immediately advanced towards them, when the native quitted his hold, and retired; but immediately returned, having a spear in one hand, and a dagger in the other; and it was with difficulty that his countrymen could restrain him from engaging with the soldier. This affray was occasioned by the native's having received, from the soldier, a slight prick with his bayonet, to induce him to keep without the line.

Our situation, at this time, required great management and circumspection; Mr. King accordingly enjoined, that no one should presume to fire, or proceed to any other act of violence, without positive commands. Having given these instructions, he was summoned to the assistance of the watering party, where he found the natives in the same mischievous disposition. They had peremptorily demanded, for every cask of water, a large hatchet; which not being complied with, they would not permit the sailors to roll them to the boats.

As soon as Mr. King had joined them, one of the natives approached him, with great insolence, and made the same demand. Mr. King told him, that, as a friend, he was welcome to a hatchet, but he certainly would carry off the water, without paying for it; and instantly ordered the pinnace men to proceed; at the same [Page 252] time calling for three marines, from the trading party, to protect them.

This becoming spirit so far succeeded, as to prevent any daring attempt to interrupt us, but they still persevered in the most teasing and insulting behaviour. Some of them, under pretence of assisting the sailors in rolling the casks towards the shore, gave them a different direction; others stole the hats from off our people's heads, pulled them backward by the skirts of their clothes, and tripped up their heels; the populace, during all this time, shouting and laughing, with a mixture of mockery and malice. They afterwards took an opportunity of stealing the cooper's bucket, and forcibly took away his bag. Their principal aim, however, was to possess themselves of the musquets of the marines, who were continually complaining of their attempts to force them from their hands. Though they, in general, preserved a kind of deference and respect for Mr. King, yet they obliged him to contribute his share towards their stock of plunder. One of them approached him, in a familiar manner, and diverted his attention, whilst another seized his hanger, which he held carelessly in his hand, and ran away with it.

Such insolence was not to be repelled by force. Prudence dictated that we must patiently submit to it; at the same time, guarding against its effects as well as we were able. Mr. King was, [Page 253] however, somewhat alarmed, on being soon after informed by the serjeant of marines, that, turning suddenly round, he saw a man behind him, armed with a dagger, in the position of striking. Though he might, perhaps, be mistaken, in this particular, our situation was truly critical and alarming; and the smallest error, or mistake, on our part, might have been of fatal consequences.

Our people being separated into three small parties; one filling casks at the lake; another rolling them to the shore; and a third purchasing provisions; Mr. King had some intentions of collecting them together, in order to protect the performance of one duty at a time. But, on due reflection, he thought it more adviseable to let them proceed as they had begun. If a real attack had been made, even our whole force could have made but a poor resistance. He thought, on the other hand, that such a step might operate to our disadvantage, as being an evident token of our fears. Besides, in the present case the crowd was kept divided, and many of them wholly occupied in bartering.

The principal cause of their not attacking us was, perhaps, their dread of the effects of our arms; and, as we appeared to place so much confidence in this advantage, as to oppose only five marines to such a multitude of people, their ideas of our superiority must have been greatly exalted. It was our business to cherish this opinion; [Page 254] and, it must ever be acknowledged, to the honour of the whole party, that it was impossible for any men to behave better, in order to strengthen these impressions. Whatever could be considered as a jest, they received with patience and good-nature; but, if they were interrupted by any serious attempt, they opposed it with resolute looks and menaces. At length, we so far succeeded, as to get all our casks to the sea-side, without any accident of consequence.

While our people were getting the casks into the launch, the inhabitants thinking they should have no farther opportunity of plundering, grew more daring and insolent. The serjeant of marines luckily suggested to Mr. King, the advantage of sending off his party first into the boats, by which means the musquets would be taken out of their reach; which, as above related, were the grand objects the islanders had in view: and, if they should happen to attack us, the marines could more effectually defend us, than if they were on shore.

Every thing was now in the boats, and only Mr. King, Mr. Anderson, the gunner, and a seaman of the boat's crew, remained on shore. The pinnace laying beyond the surf, which we were under a necessity of swimming through, Mr. King ordered the other two to make the best of their way to it, and told them he would follow them.

[Page 255]They both refused to comply with this order, and it became a matter of contest, who should be the last on shore. Some hasty expression, it seems Mr. King had just before made use of to the sailor, which he considered as a reflection on his courage, and excited his resentment; and the old gunner, as a point of honour was now started, conceived it to be his duty to take a part in it. In this whimsical situation, they, perhaps, might have long remained, had not the dispute been settled by the stones, which began to fly plentifully about us, and by the exclamations of the people from the boats, begging us to be expeditious, as the natives were armed with clubs and spears, and pursuing us into the water. Mr. King arrived first at the pinnace, and, perceiving Mr. Anderson was so far behind, as not to be entirely out of danger, he ordered one musquet to be fired; but in the hurry of executing his orders, the marines fired two. The natives immediately ran away, leaving only one man and woman on the beach. The man attempted to rise several times, but was not able, having been wounded in the groin. The islanders, in a short time, returned; and, surrounding the wounded man, brandished their spears at us, with an air of defiance; but, by the time we reached the ships, some persons arrived which we supposed to be the chiefs, by whom they were all driven from the shore.

[Page 256]Captain Clerke, during our absence, had been under terrible apprehensions for our safety; which had been considerably increased by his misunderstanding some of the natives, with whom he had had some conversation on board. The name of Captain Cook being frequently mentioned, accompanied with circumstantial descriptions of death and destruction, he concluded that they had received intelligence of the unfortunate events at Owhyhee, to which they alluded. But they were only endeavouring to make him understand, that wars had arisen on account of the goats, which Captain Cook had left at Oneeheow, and that the poor goats had been slaughtered, during the contest for the property of them. Captain Clerke, applying these shocking representations to our misfortunes at Owhyhee, and to an indication of revenge, fixed his telescope upon us the whole time: and, as soon as he saw the smoke of the musquets, ordered the boats to be put off to our assistance.

On the 2d of March, being the next day, Mr. King was again ordered on shore, with the watering party. Ae we had so narrowly escaped the preceding day, Captain Clerke augmented our force from both ships, and we had a guard of forty men under arms. This precaution, howver, was found to be unnecessary; for the beach was left entirely to ourselves, and the ground, extending from the landing-place to the lake, tabooed. [Page 257] Hence we concluded, that some of the chiefs had visited this quarter; who, being unable to stay, had considerately taken this step, that we might be accommodated with safety. Several men appeared with spears and daggers, on the other side of the river, but never attempted to molest us. Their women came over, and seated themselves close by us, on the banks; and about the middle of the day, some of the men were prevailed on to bring us hogs and roots, and also to dress them for us. When we had left the beach, they came down to the sea-side, and one of them had the audacity to throw a stone at us; but, as his conduct was highly censured by the rest, we did not express any kind of resentment.

On the 3d, we completed our watering, without much difficulty; and, on returning to the ships, we were informed, that several chiefs had been on board, and had apologized for the conduct of their countrymen, attributing their riotous behaviour to the quarrels then subsisting among the principal people of the island, and which had destroyed all order and subordination.

The government of Atooi was disputed between Toneoneo, who had the supreme power when we were there the preceding year, and a youth named Teavee. By different fathers, they are both the grandsons of Perreeorannee, king of Woahoo; who gave Atooi to the former, and [Page 258] Oneeheow to the latter. The quarrel originated about the goats which we had left at Oneeheow the year before; they being claimed by Toneoneo, as that island was a dependency of his. The adherents of Teavee insisting on the right of possession, both parties prepared to support their pretensions, and a battle ensued just before our arrival, wherein Toneoneo had been defeated. [...]neoneo was likely to become more affected by [...] consequence of this victory, than by the loss of the objects in dispute; for the mother of Teavee having married a second husband, who was not only a chief at Atooi, but also at the head of a powerful faction there, he thought of embracing the present opportunity of driving Toneoneo out of the island, that his son-in-law might succeed to the government. The goats, which had increased to six, and would probably have stocked these islands in a few years, were destroyed in this contest.

On the 4th we were visited, on board the Resolution, by the father-in-law, the mother, and the sister of the young prince, who made several curious presents to Captain Clerke. Among the rest, were some fish-hooks, which were made from the bones of Terreeoboo's father, who had been killed in an unsuccessful descent upon Woahoo. Also a fly-flap, from the hands of the prince's sister, which had a human bone for its handle, and had been given to her by her father-in-law, [Page 259] as a trophy. They were not accompanied by young Teavee, he being then engaged in the performance of some religious rites, on account of the victory he had obtained.

This day, and the 5th and 6th, were employed in completing the Discovery's water. The carpenters were engaged in caulking the ships, and preparing for our next cruise. We no longer received any molestation from the natives, who supplied us plentifully with pork and vegetables.

We were now visited by an Indian, who brought a piece of iron on board, to be formed into the shape of a pahooa. It was the bolt of some large ship timbers, but neither the officers nor men could discover to what nation it belonged; though, from the shape of the bolt, and the paleness of the iron, they were convinced it was not English. They enquired strictly of the native how he came possessed of it, when he informed them, that it was taken out of a large piece of timber, which had been driven upon their island, since we were there in January, 1778.

We received a visit, on the 7th, from Toneoneo, at which we were surprized. Hearing the dowager princess was on board, he could hardly be prevailed on to enter the ship. When they met, they cast an angry lowering look at each other. He did not stay long, and appeared much dejected. We remarked, however, with some degree of surprize, that the women prostrated [Page 260] themselves before him, both at his coming and going away; and all the natives on board, treated him with that respect which is usually paid to persons of his rank. It was somewhat remarkable, that a man, who was then in a state of actual hostility with Teavee's party, should venture alone within the power of his enemies. Indeed the civil dissensions, which are frequent in all the south sea islands, seem to be conducted without much acrimony; the deposed Governor still enjoying the rank of an Eree, and may put in practice such means as may arise; to regain the consequence which he has lost.

At nine, in the morning of the 8th, we weighed, and proceeded towards Oneeheow, and came to anchor in twenty fathoms water, at about three in the afternoon, nearly on the spot where we anchored in 1778. With the other anchor, we moored in twenty-six fathoms water. We had a strong gale from the eastward in the night, and, the next morning, the ship had driven a whole cable's length, both anchors being almost brought a-head; in which situation we were obliged to continue, this and the two following days.

The weather being more moderate on the 12th, the Master was dispatched to the north-west side of the island, in search of a more commodious place for anchoring. In the evening, he returned, having found a fine bay, with good anchorage, in eighteen fathoms water. The points of [Page 261] the bay were in the direction of north by east, and south by west. A small village was situated on the north side of the bay, to the eastward of which were four wells of good water. Mr. Bligh went far enough to the north to convince himself that Oreehoua, and Oneeheow, were too separate islands.

CHAP. VI.

The Number, Names, and Situation, of the Sandwich Islands—Extent of Owhyhee, which is the largest of the whole Group—Account of its Districts—Its Coasts and the adjacent Country, described—Snowy Mountains—Volcanic Appearances—Account of a Journey into the interior Parts of Owhyhee Plantations—Account of a Hermit—The Country cultivated to the greatest Advantage—A remarkable Cave—Description of Mowee—Ranai—Morotoi—Tahoorowa—Woahoo—Atooi—Oneeheow—Ore [...]houa—Tahoora—Climate of the Sandwich Isles—Winds—Currents—Tides—Quadrupeds—Amazing Supply of Pork procured by us—Birds—Vegetables.

BEING now on the point of taking our final leave of the Sandwich Islands, we shall here give a general account of their situation and [Page 262] natural history, as well as of the customs and manners of the natives. This will serve as a kind of supplement to the former description, which was the result of our first visit to these islands.

This group is composed of eleven Islands, extending in longitude from 190° 36′ to 205° 6′, east, and in latitude from 18° 54′, to 22° 15′ north. Their names, according to the natives, are, 1. Owhyhee. 2. Atooi, Atowi, or Towi; which is also some times called Kowi. 3. Woahoo, or Oahoo. 4. Mowee. 5. Morotoi, or Morokoi. 6. Oreehoua, or Reehoua. 7. Morotinnee, or Morokinnee. 8. Tahoora. 9. Ranai, or Oranai. 10. Oneeheow, or Neeheehow. 11. Kahowrowee, or Tahoorowa. These are all inhabited except Tahoora and Morotinnee. Besides those we have enumerated, we heard of another island named Modoo-papapa, or Komodoo-papapa, situated to the west-south-west of Tahoora: it is low and sandy, and is visited solely for the purpose of catching turtle and water-fowl. As we could never learn that the natives had knowledge of any other islands, it is most probable that no others exist in their neighbourhood.

Captain Cook had distinguished this cluster of islands by the name of the Sandwich Islands, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich, then first Lord of the Admiralty, under whose administration he [Page 263] had enriched Geography with so many valuable discoveries; a tribute justly due to that nobleman, for the encouragement and support which these voyages derive from his power, and for the zealous eagerness with which he seconded the views of our illustrious navigator.

Owhyhee, the most easterly of these islands, and by far the largest of them all, is of a triangular figure, and nearly equilaterial. The angular points constitute the northern, southern, and eastern extremities. The latitude of the northern extreme is 20° 17′ north, and its longitude 204° 2′ east: the southern end stands in the longitude of 204° 15′ east, and in the latitude of 18° 54′ north; and the eastern extremity is in the latitude of 19° 34′ north, and in the longitude of 205° 6′ east. The circumference of the whole island is about 255 geographical miles, or 293 English ones. Its breadth is twenty-four leagues; and its greatest length, which lies nearly in a north and south direction, is twenty-eight leagues and a half. It is divided into six extensive districts, namely, Akona and Koaara, which are on the west side; Kaoo and Opoona, on the south-east; and Aheedoo and Amakooa, on the north-east.

A mountain named Mouna Kaah, (or the mountain Kaah) which rises in three peaks, continually covered with snow, and may be discerned at the distance of forty leagues, separates the district [Page 264] of Amakooa from that of Aheedoo. The coast, to the northward of this mountain, is composed of high and abrupt cliffs, down which fall many beautiful cascades of water. We once flattered ourselves with the hopes of finding a harbour round a bluff head, on a part of this coast, in the latitude of 20° 10′ north, and the longitude of 204° 26′ east; but after we had doubled the point, and were standing close in, we found that it was connected, by a low valley, with another elevated head to the north-westward. The country rises inland with a gradual ascent, and is intersected by narrow deep glens, or rather chasms; it seemed to be well cultivated, and to have many villages scattered about it. The snowy mountain above-mentioned is very steep, and its lowest part abounds with wood.

The coast of Aoeedoo is of a moderate elevation; and the interior parts have the appearance of being more even than the country towards the north-west. We cruised off these two districts for near a month; and, whenever our distance from the shore would permit, were surrounded by canoes laden with refreshments of every kind. On this side of the island we often met with a very heavy sea, and a great swell; and, as there was much foul ground off the shore, we seldom made a nearer approach to the land than two or three leagues.

[Page 265]The coast towards the north-east of Apoona, which constitutes the eastern extreme of the island, is rather low and flat. In the inland parts the acclivity is very gradual; and the country abounds with bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees. This appeared to us to be the finest part of the whole island; and we were afterwards informed, that the king occasionally resided here. The hills, at the south-western extremity, rise with some abruptness from the sea-side, leaving only a narrow border of low land towards the beach. The sides of these hills were covered with verdure; but the adjacent country seemed thinly inhabited.

When our ships doubled the east point of the island, we had sight of another snowy mountain, called by the natives Mouna Roa (or the extensive mountain) which, during the whole time we were sailing along the south-eastern side, continued to be a very conspicuous object. It was flat at the summit, which was perpetually involved in snow; and we once observed its sides also slightly covered with it for a considerable way down. According to the tropical line of snow, as determined by Monsieur Condamine, from observations made on the Cordilleras in America, the height of this mountain must be, at least, 16,020 feet. It therefore exceeds the height of the Pico de Teyde, or Peak of Teneriffe, by 3680 feet, according to the computation of the Chevalier de Borda, or 724, according to that of [Page 266] Dr. Heberden. The peaks of Mouna Kaah seemed to be of the heigh [...] of about half a mile; and, as they are wholly covered with snow, the altitude of their summits must at least be 18,400 feet.

The coast of Kaoo exhibits a most horrid and dismal prospect; the whole country having, to appearance, undergone an entire change from the consequences of some dreadful convulsion. The ground is, in all parts, covered with cinders; and, in many places, intersected with blackish streaks, which seem to mark the progress of a lava that has flowed, not many centuries ago, from Mouna Roa to the shore. The south promontory appears like the mere dregs of a volcano. The head-land consists of broken and craggy rocks, terminating in acute points, and irregularly piled on each other. Notwithstanding the dreary aspect of this part of the island, it contains many villages, and is far more populous than the verdant mountains of Apoona. Nor is it difficult to account for this circumstance. These islanders not being possessed of any cattle, have no occasion for pasturage; and are therefore inclined to prefer such ground, as is either more conveniently situated for fishing, or best adapted to the cultivation of plantains and yams. Now amidst these ruins, there are many spots of rich soil, which are, with great care, laid out in plantations; [Page 267] and the neighbouring sea abounds with excellent fish of various kinds.

Off this part of the coast, at less than a cable's length from the shore, we did not strike ground with one hundred and sixty fathoms of line, except in a small bight to the east of the southern point, where we found from fifty to fifty-eight fathoms of water, over a sandy bottom. It may be proper to observe, before we proceed to give an account of the western districts, that the whole coast we have described from the northern to the southern extreme, affords not a single harbour, nor the least shelter for shipping.

The south-western parts of Akona are in a condition similar to that of the adjoining district of Kaoo; but the country, further towards the north, has been carefully cultivated, and is exceedingly populous. In this division of the island, lies Karakakooa Bay, of which we have already given a description. Scarce any thing is seen along the coast, but the fragments of black scorched rocks; behind which, the ground, for the space of about two miles and a half, rises gradually, and seems to have been once covered with loose burnt stones. These have been cleared away by the inhabitants, frequently to the depth of three feet and upwards; and the fertility of the soil has amply repaired their labour. Here they cultivate in a rich ashy mould, the cloth-plant and sweet potatoes. Groves of cocoa-nut-trees [Page 268] are scattered among the fields, which are inclosed with stone fences. On the rising ground beyond these, they plant bread-fruit trees, which flourish with surprising luxuriance.

The district of Koaarra extends from the most westerly point to the northern extreme of the island. The whole coast between them forms a spacious bay, which is called by the natives Toe-yah-yah, and is bounded to the northward by two conspicuous hills. Towards the bottom of this bay there is foul corally ground, that extends to the distance of upwards of a mile fron the shore, without which there is good anchorage. The country, as far as the eye could discern, appeared to be fruitful and populous; but no fresh water was to be found. The soil seemed to be of the same kind with that of the district of Kaoo.

Having thus given an account of the coasts of the Island of Owhyhee, and the adjacent country, we shall now relate some particulars respecting the interior parts, from the information we obtained from a party, who set out on the 26th of January, on an expedition up the country, principally with an intention of reaching the snowy mountains. Having previously procured two of the islanders to serve them as guides, they quitted the village about four o'clock in the afternoon. Their course was easterly, inclining a little to the south. Within three or four miles from the bay, they found the country as already described; [Page 269] but the hills afterwards rose with a less gradual ascent, which brought them to some extensive plantations, consisting of the taro or eddy root, and sweet potatoes, with plants of the cloth-tree. Both the taro and the sweet potatoes are here planted at the distance of four feet from each other. The potatoes are earthed up almost to the top of the stalk, with a proper quantity of light mould. The taro is left bare to the root, and the mould round it is put in the form of a bason, for the purpose of holding the rain-water; this root requiring a certain degree of moisture. At the Friendly and Society Isles, the taro was constantly planted in low and moist situations, and generally in those places where there was the conveniency of a rivulet to flood it. This mode of culture was considered as absolutely necessary; but we now found that this root, with the precaution before-mentioned, succeeds equally well in a more dry situation. It was indeed, remarked by all of us, that the taro of the Sandwich Islands was the best we had ever tasted.

The walls, by which these plantations are separated from each other, are composed of the loose burnt stones, which are met with in clearing the ground; and, being totally concealed by sugar-canes, that are planted close on each side, form the most beautiful fences that can be imagined.

[Page 270]Our party stopped for the night at the second hut they observed among the plantations, where they supposed themselves to be six or seven miles distant from our ships. The prospect from this spot was described by th [...]m as very delightful: they had a view of our vessels in the bay before them; to the left they saw a continued range of villages, interspersed with groves of cocoa-nut-trees, spreading along the shore; a thick wood extending itself behind them; and, to the right, a very considerable extent of ground, laid out with great regularity in well-cultivated plantations, displayed itself to their view. Near this spot the natives pointed out to them, at a distance from every other dwelling, the residence of a hermit, who, they said, had, in the former part of his life, been a great chief and warrior, but had long ago retired from the sea-coast of the island, and now never quitted the environs of his cottage. As they approached him, they prostrated themselves, and afterwards presented him with some provisions. His behaviour was easy, frank and cheerful. He testified little astonishment at the sight of our people, and though pressed to accept of some European curiosities, he thought proper to decline the offer, and soon withdrew to his cottage. Our party represented him as the most aged person they had ever seen, judging him to be, at a moderate computation, upwards of a hundred years of age.

[Page 271]As our people had supposed that the mountain was not more than ten or a dozen miles distant from the bay, and consequently expected to reach it with ease early the following morning, they were now greatly surprised to find the distance scarce perceivably diminished. This circumstance, with the uninhabited state of the country, which they were on the point of entering, rendering it necessary to provide a supply of provisions, they dispatched one of their conductors back to the village for that purpose. Whilst they waited his return, they were joined by several of Kaoo's servants, whom that generous old man had sent after them, loaded with refreshments, and fully authorized, as their route lay through his grounds, to demand, and take away with them whatever they might want.

Great was the surprise of our travellers, on finding the cold here so intense. But, as they had no thermometer with them, they could only form their judgment of it from their feelings; which, from the warm atmosphere they had quitted must have been a very fallacious method of judging. They found it, however, so cold, that they could scarce get any sleep, and the islanders could not sleep at all; both parties being disturbed during the whole night, by continual coughing, As they, at this time, could not be at any very great height, their distance from the sea being no more than six or seven miles, and [Page 272] part of the road on a very moderate ascent, this uncommon degree of cold must be attributed to the easterly wind blowing fresh over the snowy mountains.

They proceeded on their journey early the next morning, and filled their calibashes at a well of excellent water, situate about half a mile from their hut. After they had passed the plantations, they arrived at a thick wood which they entered by a path that had been made for the convenience of the islanders, who frequently repair thither for the purpose of catching birds, as well as procuring the wild or horse-plantain. Their progress now became extremely slow, and was attended with great labour; for the ground was either swampy, or covered with large stones; the path narrow, and often interrupted by trees lying across it, which they were obliged to climb over as the thickness of the underwood, on each side, rendered it impracticable to pass round them. They saw, in these woods, pieces of white cloth fixed on poles, at small distances, which they imagined were land-marks for the division of property, as they only observed them where the wild plantains grew. The trees were of the same kind with the spice-tree of New Holland; they were straight and lofty, and their circumference was from two to four feet.

Our party having advanced nine or ten miles in the wood, had the mortification of finding [Page 273] themselves, suddenly, within sight of the sea, and not very far from it; the path having turned off imperceptibly to the south, and carried them to the right of the mountain, which it was their intention to reach. Their disappointment was considerably heightened by the uncertainty under which they now were with respect to its true bearings, as they could not, at present, gain a view of it from the top of the highest trees. They, therefore, thought proper to walk back six or seven miles to an unoccupied hut, where they had left two of their own people, and three of the natives, with the small remnant of their provisions. Here they passed the second night, during which the air was so extremely sharp, that, by the morning, their guides were all gone off except one.

Being now in want of provisions, which laid them under the necessity of returning to some of the cultivated parts of the island, they left the wood by the same path by which they had entered it. When they arrived at the plantations, they were surrounded by the islanders, from whom they purchased a fresh supply of necessaries; and prevailed upon two of them to accompany them as guides, in the room of those who had gone away. Having procured the best information they could possibly obtain, with regard to the direction of their road, the party, who were now nine in number, marched for about half a dozen miles [Page 274] along the skirts of the wood, and then entered it again by a path leading towards the east. They passed, for the first three miles, through a forest of lofty spice-trees, which grew on a rich loam. At the back of these trees they met with an equal extent of low shrubby trees, together with a considerable quantity of thick under-wood, upon a bottom of loose burnt stones. This led them to another forest of spice-trees, and the same rich brownish soil, which was again succeeded by a barren ridge of a similar kind with the former. These ridges, as far as they could be seen, appeared to run parallel with the sea-shore, and to have Mouna Roa for their centre.

As they passed through the woods they found many unfinished canoes, and huts in several places; but they saw none of the inhabitants. After they had penetrated almost three miles into the second wood, they arrived at two, huts, where they stopped, being greatly fatigued with the days journey, in the course of which they had walked, according to their own computation, at least twenty miles. Having found no springs from the time they quitted the plantations, they had greatly suffered from the violence of their thirst; in consequence of which they were obliged, before the evening came on, to separate into small parties, and go in quest of water. They, at last, met with some that had been left by rain in the bottom of a half-finished canoe; which, [Page 275] though of a reddish colour, was by no means unwelcome to them.

During the night, the cold was more intense than before; and though they had taken care to wrap themselves up in mats and cloths of the country, and to keep a large fire between the two huts, they could get but very little sleep, and were under the necessity of walking about for the greatest part of the night. Their elevation was now, in all probability, pretty considerable, as the ground, over which their journey lay, had been generally on the ascent.

The next morning, which was the 29th, they set out early, with an intention of making their last and greatest effort to reach the snowy mountain; but their spirits were considerably depressed, on finding that the miserable pittance of water, which they had discovered the preceding night, was expended. The path, which reached no farther than where canoes had been built, being now terminated, they were obliged to make their way as well as they could; frequently climbing up the most lofty trees, to explore the surrounding country. They arrived, about eleven o'clock, at a ridge of burnt stones, from the top of which they had a prospect of the Mouna Roa, which then appeared to be at a distance of between twelve and fourteen miles from them.

They now entered into a consultation, whether they should proceed any further, or rest [Page 276] contented with the view they now had of the snowy mountain. Since the path had ceased, their road had become highly fatiguing, and was growing still more so, every step they advanced. The ground was almost every where broken into deep fissures, which, being slightly covered with moss, made them stumble almost continually; and the intervening space consisted of a surface of loose burnt stones, which broke under their feet. Into some of these fissures they threw stones, which seemed from the noise they made, to fall to a considerable depth; and the ground sounded hollow as they walked upon it. Besides these circumstances, which discouraged them from proceeding, they found their conductors so averse to going on, that they had reason to think they would not be prevailed on to remain out another night. They, therefore, at length came to a determination of returning to the ships, after taking a survey of the country from the highest trees they could find. From this elevation, they perceived themselves surrounded with wood towards the sea; they were unable to distinguish, in the horizon, the sky from the water; and betwixt them and the snowy mountain, was a valley of about eight miles in breadth.

The travellers passed this night at a hut in the second forest; and the following day before noon, they had passed the first wood, and found themselves nine or ten miles to the north-east of the [Page 277] ships, towards which they marched through the plantations. As they walked along, they did not observe a spot of ground, that was susceptible of improvement, left unplanted; and, indeed, the country, from their account, could scarcely be cultivated to greater advantage for the purposes of the natives.

They were surprised at seeing several fields of hay; and upon their enquiry, to what particular use it was applied, they were informed, that it was intended to cover the ground where the young taro grew, in order to preserve them from being scorched by the rays of the sun. They observed among the plantations, a few huts scattered about, which afforded occasional shelter to the labourers: but they did not see any villages at a greater distance from the sea than four or five miles. Near one of them, which was situated about four miles from the bay, they discovered a cave, forty fathoms in length, three in breadth, and of the same height. It was open at each end; its sides were fluted, as if wrought with a chissel; and the surface was glazed over, perhaps by the action of fire.

Having thus related the principal circumstances that occurred in the expedition to the snowy mountain at Owhyhee, we shall now proceed to describe the other islands of this groupe.

That which is next in size, and nearest in situation to Owhyhee, is Mowee. It stands at the [Page 278] distance of eight leagues north-north-west from Owhyhee, and is one hundred and forty geographical miles in circuit. It is divided by a low isthmus into two circular peninsulas, of which that to the eastward is named Whamadooa, and is twice as large as that to the west, called Owhyrookoo. The mountains in both rise to a very great height, as we were able to see them at the distance of above thirty leagues. The northern shores, like those of the isle of Owhyhee, afford no soundings; and the country bears the same aspect of fertility and verdure. The east point of Mowee is in the latitude of 20° 50′ north, and in the longitude of 204° 4′ east.

To the southward, between Mowee and the adjacent islands, we found regular depths with one hundred and fifty fathoms over a bottom of sand. From the western point, which is rather low, runs a shoal, extending towards the island of Ranai, to a considerable distance; and to the south of this, is an extensive bay, with a sandy beach, shaded with cocoa-trees. It is not improbable, that good anchorage might be met with here, with shelter from the prevailing winds; and that the beach affords a commodious landing-place. The country further back is very romantic in its appearance. The hills rise almost perpendicularly, exhibiting a variety of peaked forms; and their steep sides, as well as the deep chasms between them, are covered with trees, [Page 279] among which those of the bread-fruit principally abound. The summits of these hills are perfectly bare, and of a reddish brown hue. The natives informed us, that there was a harbour to the south of the eastern point, which they asserted was superior to that of Karakakooa; and we also heard that there was another harbour, named Keepoo-keepoo, on the north-western side.

Ranai is about nine miles distant from Mowee and Morotoi, and is situate to the south-west of the passage between those two isles. The country, towards the south, is elevated and craggy; but the other parts of the island had a better appearance, and seemed to be well inhabited. It abounds in roots, such as sweet potatoes, taro, and yams; but produces very few plantains and bread fruit-trees. The south point of Ranai is in the latitude of 20° 46′ north, and in the longitude of 203° 8′ east.

Morotoi lies at the distance of two leagues and a half to the west-north-west of Mowee. Its south-western coast, which was the only part of it we approached, is very low; but the land behind rises to a considerable elevation; and, at the distance from which we had a view of it, appeared to be destitute of wood. Yams are its principal produce; and it may probably contain fresh water. The coast, on the southern and western sides of the island, forms several bays that promise a tolerable shelter from the trade [Page 280] winds. The west point of Morotoi is in the longitude of 202° 46′ east, and in the latitude of 21° 10′ north.

Tahoorowa is a small island situated off the south-western part of Mowee, from which it is nine miles distant. It is destitute of wood, and its soil seems to be sandy and unfertile. Its latitude is 20° 38′ north, and its longitude 203° 27′ east. Between it and Mowee stands the little island of Morrotinnee, which has no inhabitants.

Woahoo lies about seven leagues to the north-west of Morotoi. As far as we were enabled to judge, from the appearance of the north-western and north-eastern parts (for we had not an opportunity of seeing the southern side) it is by far the finest of all the Sandwich Islands. The verdure of the hills, the variety of wood and lawn, and fertile well-cultivated vallies, which the whole face of the country presented to view, could not be exceeded. Having already described the bay in which we anchored, formed by the northern and western extremes, it remains for us to observe, that, in the bight of the bay, to the southward of our anchoring-place, we met with foul rocky ground, about two miles from the shore. If the ground [...]ackling of a ship should happen to be weak, and the wind blow with violence from the north, to which quarter the road is entirely open, this circumstance might be attended with some degree of danger: but, provided the cables were [Page 281] good, there would be no great hazard, as the ground from the anchoring-place, which is opposite the valley through which the river runs, to the northern point, consists of a fine sand. The latitude of our anchoring-place is 21° 43′ north, and the longitude 202° 9′ east.

Atooi is about twenty-five leagues to the north-west of Woahoo. Towards the north-east and north-west, the face of the country is ragged and broken; but, to the southward, it is more even; the hills rise from the sea-side with a gentle acclivity, and, at a little distance back, are covered with wood. Its produce is the same with that of the other islands of this cluster; but its inhabitants greatly excell the people of all the neighbouring islands in the management of their plantations. In the low grounds, contiguous to the bay wherein we anchored, these plantations were regularly divided by deep ditches; the fences were formed with a neatness approaching to elegance, and the roads through them were finished in such a manner, as would have reflected credit even on an European engineer. The longitude of Wymoa Bay, in this island, is 200° 20′ east, and its latitude 21° 57′ north.

Oneeheow is five or six leagues to the westward of Atooi. Its eastern coast is high, and rises with abruptness from the sea; but the other parts of the island consist of low ground, except a round bluff head on the south-eastern point. It produces [Page 282] plenty of yams, and of the sweet root calle [...] [...]ee. The anchoring-place at this island lies in the latitude of 21° 50′ north, and in the longitu [...] of 129° 45′ east.

Oreehoua and Tahoora are two little islands, situate in the neighbourhood of Oneeheow. The former an elevated hummock, connected with the northern extreme of Oneeheow, by a reef of coral rocks. Its latitude is 22° 2′ north, and its longitude 199° 52′ east. The latter stands to the south-east, and is uninhabited: its longitude is 199° 36′ east, and its latitude 21° 43′ north.

The climate of the Sandwich Isles is, perhaps, rather more temperate than that of the West India islands, which are in the same latitude; but the difference is very inconsiderable. The thermometer, on shore near Karakakooa Bay, never rose to a greater height than 88°, and that but one day: its mean height, at twelve o'clock, was 83°. Its mean height at noon, in Wymoa Bay, was 76°, and, when out at sea, 75°. In the island of Jamaica, the mean height of the thermometer, at twelve o'clock, is about 86°; at sea 80°.

Whether these islands are subject to the same violent winds and hurricanes with the West Indies, we could not ascertain, as we were not here during any of the tempestuous months. However, as no vestiges of their effects were any where to be seen, and as the islanders gave us no positive testimony of the fact, it is probable, that in this particular, [Page 283] they resemble the Friendly and Society Isles, which are, in a great degree, free from such tremendous visitations.

There was a greater quantity of rain, particularly in the interior parts, during the four winter months that we continued among the islanders, than commonly falls in the West-Indies in the dry season. We generally observed clouds collecting round the summits of the hills, and producing rain to leeward; but, after the wind has separated them from the land, they disperse, and are lost, and others supply their place. This occurred daily at Owhyhee; the mountainous parts being usually enveloped in a cloud; showers successively falling in the inland country; with a clear sky, and fine weather, in the neighbourhood of the shore.

The winds were, for the most part, from east-south-east to north-east. In the harbour of Karakakooa we had every day and night a sea and land breeze. The currents sometimes set to windward, and at other times to leeward, without the least regularity. They did not seem to be directed by the winds, nor by any other cause that we can assign: they often set to windward against a fresh breeze.

The tides are exceedingly regular, ebbing and flowing six hours each. The flood-tide comes from the east, and, at the full and change of the moon, it is high-water at three quarters of an [Page 284] hour after three o'clock. Their greatest rise is two feet seven inches.

With respect to the quadrupeds of these islands they are confined to three sorts, namely, hogs, dogs, and rats. The dogs are of the same species with those we saw at Otaheite, having pricked ears, long backs, and short crooked legs. We did not observe any variety in them, except in their skins; some being perfectly smooth, and others having long rough hair. They are about as large as a common turnspit, and seem to be extremely sluggish in their nature; though this may, probably, be more owing to the manner in which they are treated, than to their natural disposition. They are generally fed with the hogs, and left to herd with those animals; and we do not recollect a single instance of a dog being made a companion here, as is the custom in Europe. Indeed, the practice of eating them seems to be an insuperable bar to their being admitted into society; and as there are no beasts of prey, nor objects of chace, in these islands, the social qualities of the dog, its attachment, fidelity, and sagacity, will, in all probability, remain unknown to the natives.

It did not appear that the dogs in the Sandwich islands were near so numerous, in proportion as at Otaheite. But, on the other hand, they have a much greater plenty of hogs, and the breed is of a larger kind. We procured from [Page 285] them an amazing supply of provisions of this sort. We were upwards of three months, either cruising off the coast, or in harbour at Owhyhee; during all which time the crews of both ships had constantly a large allowance of fresh pork, insomuch that our consumption of that article was computed at about sixty puncheons of five hundred weight each. Besides this quantity, and the extraordinary waste, which, amidst such abundance, could not be entirely prevented, sixty more puncheons were salted for sea store. The greater part of this supply was drawn from the isle of Owhyhee alone; and yet we did not perceive that it was at all exhausted, or even that the plenty had decreased.

The birds of these islands are numerous, though the variety is not great. Some of them may vie with those of any country in point of beauty. There are four species that seem to belong to the trochili, or honey-suckers of Linnaeus. One of them is somewhat larger than a bullfinch; its colour is a glossy black, and the thighs and rumpvent are of a deep yellow. The natives call it hoohoo. Another is of a very bright scarlet; its wings are black, with a white edge, and its tail is black. It is named eeeeve by the inhabitants. The third is variegated with brown, yellow, and red, and seems to be either a young bird, or a variety of the preceding. The fourth is entirely green, with yellow tinge, and is called akaiearooa. [Page 286] There is also a small bird of the fly-catcher kind; a species of thrush, with a greyish breast; and a rail, with very short wings, and no tail. Ravens are met with here, but they are extremely scarce; they are of a dark brown colour, inclining to black, and their note is different from that of the European raven.

We found here two small birds, that were very common, and both of which were of one genus. One of these was red, and was usually observed about the cocoa-trees, from whence it seemed to derive a considerable part of its subsistance. The other was of a green colour. Both had long tongues, which were ciliated, or fringed at the tip. A bird with a yellow head was likewise very commom here: from the structure of its beak, our people called it a prrroquet: it, however, does not belong to that tribe, but bears a great resemblance to the lexia flavicans, or yellowish cross bill of Linnaeus. Here are also owls, curlews, petrels, and gannets; plovers of two species, one nearly the same as our whistling plover; a large white pigeon; the common water-hen; and a long tailed bird, which is of a black colour, and the vent and feathers under the wings yellow.

The vegetable produce of the Sandwich Isles is not very different from that of the other islands of the Pacific Ocean. We have already observed that the taro root, as here cultivated, was superior [Page 287] to any we had before tasted. The bread-fruit-trees thrive here, not indeed in such abundance as at Otaheite, but they produce twice as much fruit as they do on the rich plains of that island. The trees are nearly of the same height; but the branches shoot out from the trunk considerably lower, and with greater luxuriance of vegetation. The sugar-canes of these islands grow to an extraordinary size. One of them was brought to us at Atooi, whose circumference was eleven inches and a quarter; and it had fourteen feet eatable. At Oneeheow we saw some large brown roots, from six to ten pounds in weight, resembling a yam in shape. The juice, of which they yield a great quantity, is very sweet, and is an excellent succedaneum for sugar. The natives are exceedingly fond of it, and make use of it as an article of their common diet; and our people likewise found it very palatable and wholesome. Not being able to procure the leaves of this vegetable, we could not ascertain to what species of plant it belonged; but we supposed it to be the root of some kind of fern.

[Page 288]

CHAP. VII.

General Account of the Sandwich Isles continued—Origin of the Natives—Their Persons described—Instances of Deformity—Pernicious Consequences arising from the immoderate Use of the Ava—Population of these Islands—Disposition and Manners of the Inhabitants—Restraints imposed on their Women—Their Ingenuity and Docility—Mr. King's Reasons for supposing that they are not Cannibals at present—Methods of wearing their Hair—Various Ornaments—Dress of the Men—Feathered Cloaks and Helmets—Dress of the Women—A beautiful Kind of Ruff described—Other Ornaments—Villages—Houses—Food—Occupations—Diversions—Their Fondness for Gaming—Astonishing Dexterity in Swimming—Canoes—Arts and Manufactures—Mode of painting Cloth—Beauty of their Mats—Their Fishing-Hooks—Cordage—Various Uses of Gourd-Shells—Salt-Pans—Weapons.

THE natives of the Sandwich Isles are doubtless of the same extraction with the inhabitants of the Friendly and Society Islands, of New-Zealand, the Marquesas, and Easter Island; a race which possesses all the known lands between the longitudes of 157° and 260′ east, and between the latitudes of 47° south, and 22° north. This [Page 289] fact, extraordinary as it is, is not only evinced by the general resemblance of their persons, and the great similarity of their manners and customs, but seems to be established, beyond all controversy, by the identity of their language. It may not, perhaps, be very difficult to conjecture, from what continent they originally emigrated, and by what steps they have diffused themselves over so immense a space. They bear strong marks of affinity to some of the Indian tribes, which inhabit the Landrones and Caroline Isles; and the same affinity and resemblance, may also be traced among the Malays and the Battas. At what particular time these migrations happened is less easy to ascertain; the period, in all probability, was not very late, as they are very populous, and have no tradition respecting their own origin, but what is wholly fabulous; though, on the other hand, the simplicity which is still prevalent in their manners and habits of life, and the unadulterated state of their general language, seem to demonstrate, that it could not have been at any very remote period.

The Sandwich Islanders, in general, exceed the middle size, and are well made. They walk in a very graceful manner, run with considerable agility, and are capable of enduring a great degree of fatigue▪ but, upon the whole, the men are inferior, with respect to activity and strength, to the inhabitants of the Friendly Islands, and [Page 290] the women are less delicate in the formation of their limbs than the Otaheitean females. Their complexion is somewhat darker than that of the Otaheiteans; and they are not altogether so handsome in their persons as the natives of the Society Isles. Many of both sexes, however, had fine open countenances¹⁰; and the women, in particular, had white well set teeth, good eyes, and an engaging sweetness and sensibility of look.

The hair of these people is of a brownish black, neither uniformly curling like that of the African negroes, nor uniformly straight, as among the Indians of America; but varying, in this respect, like the hair of Europeans. There is one striking peculiarity in the features of every part of this great nation; which is, that, even in the most handsome faces, there is always observable, a fullness of the nostril, without any flatness or spreading of the nose, that distinguishes them from the inhabitants of Europe. It is not wholly improbable, that this may be the effect of their customary method of salutation, which is performed by pressing together the extremities of their noses.

The same superiority that we generally observed at other islands in the persons of the Erees, is likewise found here. Those that were seen by us were perfectly well formed; whereas the lower [Page 291] class of people, besides their general inferiority, are subject to all the variety of figure and make, that is met with in the populace of other parts of the world.

There are more frequent instances of deformity here, than in any of the other islands we visited. While we were cruising off Owhyhee, two dwarfs came on board; one of whom was an old man, of the height of four feet two inches, but very well proportioned; and the other was a woman, nearly of the same stature. We afterwards saw, among the natives, three who were humpbacked, and a young man who had been destitute of hands and feet, from the very moment of his birth. Squinting is also common among them; and a man, who, they told us, had been born blind, was brought to us for the purpose of being cured. Besides these particular defects, they are, in general, extremely subject to boils and ulcers, which some of us ascribed to the great quantity of salt they usually eat with their fish and flesh. Though the Erees are free from these complaints, many of them experience still more dreadful effects from the too frequent use of the ava. Those who were the most affected by it, had their eyes red and iflamed, their limbs emaciated, their bodies covered with a whitish scurf, and their whole frame trembling and paralytic, attended with a disability of raising their heads.

[Page 292]Though it does not appear that this drug universally shortens life, (for Terreeoboo, Kaoo, and several other chiefs, were far advanced in years) yet it invariably brings on a premature and decrepid old age. It is a fortunate circumstance for the people, that the use of it is made a peculiar privilege of the chiefs. The young son of Terreeoboo, who did not exceed twelve or thirteen years of age, frequently boasted of his being admitted to drink ava; and shewed us, with marks of exultation, a small spot in his side that was beginning to grow scaly.

When Captain Cook first visited the Society Isles, this pernicious drug was very little known among them. In his second voyage, he found it greatly in vogue at Ulietea; but it had still gained little ground at Otaheite. During the last time we were there, the havock it had made was almost incredible, insomuch that Captain Cook scarce recognized many of his former acquaintances. It is also constantly drank by the chiefs of the Friendly Isles, but so much diluted with water, that it scarcely produces any bad consequences. At Atooi, likewise, it is used with great moderation; and the chiefs of that island are, on this account, a much finer set of men than those of the neighbouring islands. It was remarked by us, that, upon discontinuing the use of this root, its noxious effects quickly wore off. We prevailed upon our friends Kaoo and [Page 293] Kaireekeea, to abstain from it; and they recovered surprisingly during the short time we afterwards remained among them.

To form any probable conjectures with regard to the population of islands, with many parts of which we have but an imperfect acquaintance, may be thought highly difficult. There are two circumstances, however, which remove much of this objection. One is, that the interior parts of the country are almost entirely uninhabited: if, therefore, the number of those who inhabit the parts adjoining to the coast, be ascertained, the whole will be determined with some degree of accuracy. The other circumstance is, that there are no towns of any considerable extent, the houses of the islanders being pretty equally scattered in small villages round all their coasts. On these grounds we shall venture at a rough calculation of the number of persons in this cluster of islands.

Karakakooa bay, in Owhyhee, is about three miles in extent, and comprehends four villages of about eighty houses each, upon an average, in all three hundred and twenty; besides many straggling habitations, which may make the whole amount to three hundred and fifty. If we allow six people to each house, the country about the bay will then contain two thousand one hundred persons. To these we may add fifty families, or three hundred souls, which we imagine [Page 294] to be nearly the number employed among the plantations in the interior parts of the island; making, in all, two thousand four hundred. If this number be applied to the whole coast round the island, a quarter being deducted for the uninhabited parts, it will be found to contain a hundred and fifty thousand persons. The other Sandwich Islands, by the same method of calculation, will appear to contain the following number of inhabitants: Mowee, sixty-five thousand four hundred; Atooi, fifty-four thousand; Morotoi, thirty-six thousand; Woahoo, sixty thousand two hundred; Ranai, twenty thousand four hundred; Oneeheow, ten thousand; and Oreehoua, four thousand. These numbers, including the hundred and fifty thousand in Owhyhee, will amount to four hundred thousand: In this computation we have by no means exceeded the truth in the total amount.

It must be acknowledged, notwithstanding the great loss we sustained from the sudden resentment and violence of these islanders, that they are of a very mild and affectionate disposition, equally remote from the distant gravity and reserve of the natives of the Friendly Isles, and the extreme volatility of the Otaheiteans. They seem to live in the greatest friendship and harmony with each other. Those women who had children, shewed a remarkable affection for them, and paid them a particular and constant attention; [Page 295] and the men, with a willingness that did honour to their feelings, frequently afforded their assistance in those domestic employments. We must, however, remark, that they are greatly inferior to the inhabitants of the other islands, in that best criterion of civilized manners, the respect paid to the female sex. Here the women are not only deprived of the privilege of eating with the men, but are forbidden to feed on the best sorts of provisions. Turtle, pork, several kinds of fish, and some species of plantains, are denied them; and we were informed, that a girl received a violent beating, for having eaten, while she was on board one of our ships, a prohibited article of food. With regard to their domestic life, they seem to live almost wholly by themselves, and meet with little attention from the men, though no instances of personal ill-treatment were observed by us.

We have already had occasion to mention the great kindness and hospitality, with which they treated us. Whenever we went ashore, there was a continual struggle who should be most forward in offering little presents for our acceptance, bringing provisions and refreshments, or testifying some other mark of respect. The aged persons constantly received us with tears of joy, appeared to be highly gratified with being permitted to touch us, and were frequently drawing comparisons between us and themselves, with [Page 296] marks of extreme humility. The young women, likewise, were exceedingly kind and engaging, and attached themselves to us, without reserve, till they perceived, notwithstanding all our endeavours to prevent it, that they had cause to repent of our acquaintance. It must, however, be observed, that these females were, in all probability of the inferior class; for we saw very few women of rank during our continuance here.

These people, in point of natural capacity, are, by no means below the common standard of the human race. The excellence of their manufactures, and their improvements in agriculture, are doubtless adequate to their situation and natural advantages. The eagerness of curiosity, with which they used to attend the armourer's forge, and the various expedients which they had invented, even before our departure from these islands, for working the iron obtained from us, into such forms as were best calculated for their purposes, were strong indications of docility and ingenuity. Our unhappy friend, Kaneena, was endowed with a remarkable quickness of conception, and a great degree of judicious curiosity. He was extremely inquisitive with respect to our manners and customs. He enquired after our sovereign; the form of our government; the mode of constructing our ships; the productions of our country; our numbers; our method of building houses; whether we waged any wars; [Page 297] with whom, on what occasion, and in what particular manner they were carried on; who was our Deity; besides many other questions of a similar import, which seemed to indicate a comprehensive understanding. We observed two instances of persons disordered in their senses; the one a woman at Oneeheow, the other a man at Owhyhee. From the extraordinary respect and attention paid to them, it appeared, that the opinion of their being divinely inspired, which prevails among most of the oriental nations, is also countenanced here.

It is highly probable, that the practice of feeding on the bodies of enemies was originally prevalent in all the islands of the Pacific Ocean, though it is not known by positive and decisive evidence, to exist in any of them, except New-Zealand. The offering up human victims, which is manifestly a relique of this barbarous custom, still universally prevails among these islanders; and it is not difficult to conceive why the inhabitants of New-Zealand should retain the repast, which was, perhaps, the concluding part of these horrid rites, for a longer period than the rest of their tribe who were situated in more fertile regions. As the Sandwich islanders, both in their persons and disposition, bear a nearer resemblance to the New-Zealanders, than to any other people of this very extensive race, Mr. Anderson was strongly inclined to suspect, that, like them, they [Page 298] are still cannibals. The evidence, which induced him to entertain this opinion, has been already laid down in the tenth chapter of the third book; but, as Mr. King had great doubts of the justness of his conclusions, we shall mention the grounds on which he ventured to differ from him. With regard to the intelligence received on this head from the natives themselves, it may not be improper to observe, that most of the officers on board took great pains to inquire into so curious a circumstance; and that, except in the instances above referred to, the islanders invariably denied that any such practice existed among them.

Though Mr. Anderson's superior knowledge of the language of those people ought certainly to give considerable weight to his judgment, yet when he examined the man who had the little parcel containing a piece of salted flesh, Mr. King, who was present on that occasion, was strongly of opinion, that the signs made use of by the islander intimated nothing more, than that it was designed to be eaten, and that it was very agreeable or wholesome to the stomach. In this sentiment Mr. King was confirmed, by a circumstance of which he was informed, after the decease of his ingenious friend Mr Anderson, namely, that most of the inhabitants of these islands carried about with them a small piece of raw pork, well salted, either put into a callibash, or wrapped up in some cloth, and fastened round [Page 299] the waist: this they esteemed a great delicacy, and would frequently taste it. With regard to the confusion the lad was in, (for his age did not exceed sixte [...]n or eighteen years) no person could have been surprised at it, who had been witness of the earnest and eager manner in which Mr. Anderson interrogated him.

Mr. King found it less easy to controvert the argument deduced from the use of the instrument made with sharks teeth, which is of a similar form with that used by the New-Zealanders for cutting up the bodies of their enemies. Though he believed it to be an undoubted fact, that they never make use of this instrument in cutting the flesh of other animals, yet, as the practice of sacrificing human victims, and of burning the bodies of the slain, still prevails here, he considered it as not altogether improbable, that the use of this knife (if it may be so denomin [...]ed) is retained in those ceremonies. He was, upon the whole, inclined to imagine, and particularly from the last-mentioned circumstance, that the horrible custom of devouring human flesh has but lately ceased in these and other islands of the Pacific Ocean. Omai acknowledged, that his countrymen, instigated by the fury of revenge, would sometimes tear with their teeth the flesh of their slain enemies; but he peremptorily denied that they ever eat it. The denial is a strong indication that the practice has ceased; for in New-Zealand, [Page 300] where it is still prevalent, the natives never scrupled to confess it.

The Sandwich Islanders, almost universally, permit their beards to grow. There were, however, a few who cut off their beards entirely, among whom was the aged king; and others wore it only on their upper lip. The same variety that is found among the other islanders of this ocean, with respect to the mode of wearing the hair, is likewise observable here. They have besides a fashion which seems to be peculiar to themselves: they cut it close on each side of their heads, down to their ears and leave a ridge, of the breadth of a small hand, extending from the forehead to the neck; which, when the hair is pretty thick and curling, resembles, in point of form, the crest of the helmet of an ancient warrior. Some of them wear great quantities of false hair, flowing in long ringlets down their backs; while others tie it into one round bunch on the upper part of their heads, nearly as large as the head itself; and some into six or seven separate bunches. They use, for the purpose of daubing or smearing their hair, a greyish clay, mixed with shells reduced to powder, which they keep in balls, and chew into a sort of paste, whenever they intend to make use of it. This composition preserves the smoothness of the hair, and changes it, in process of time, to a palo yellow.

[Page 301]Necklaces, consisting of strings of small variegated shells, are worn by both men and women. They also wear an ornament, about two inches in length, and half an inch in breadth, shaped like the handle of a cup, and made of stone, wood, or ivory, extremely well polished; this is hung round the neck by fine threads of twisted hair, which are sometimes doubled an hundred fold. Some of them, instead of this ornament, wear a small human figure on their breast, formed of bone, and suspended in a similar manner.

Both sexes make use of the fan, or fly-flap, by way of use and ornament. The most common sort is composed of cocoa-nut fibres, tied loosely in bunches, to the top of a polished handle. The tail-feathers of the cock, and those of the tropic-bird, are used for the same purpose. Those that are most in esteem, are such as have the handle formed of the leg or arm bones of an enemy killed in battle; these are preserved with extraordinary care, and are handed down, from father to son, as trophies of the highest value.

The practice of tatooing, or puncturing the body, prevails among these people; and of all the islands in this ocean, it is only at New-Zealand, and the Sandwich Isles, that the face is tatooed. There is this difference between these two nations, that the New-Zealanders perform this operation in elegant spiral volutes, and the [Page 302] Sandwich Islanders in straight lines, that intersect each other at right angles.

Some of the natives had half their body, from head to foot tatooed, which gave them a most striking appearance. It is generally done with great neatness and regularity. Several of them have only an arm thus marked; others, a leg; some, again, tatoo both an arm and a leg; and others only the hand. The hands and arms of the women are punctured in a very neat manner; and they have a remarkable custom of tatooing the tip of the tongues of some of the females. We had some reason to imagine, that the practice of puncturing is often intended as a sign of mourning, on the decease of a chief, or any other calamitous occurrence: for we were frequently informed that such a mark was in memory of such a chief; and so of the others. The people of the lowest order are tatooed with a particular mark, which distinguishes them as the property of the chiefs to whom they are respectively subject.

The common dress of the men of all ranks consists, in general, of a piece of thick cloth called the maro, about a foot in breadth, which passes between the legs, and is fastened round the waist. Their mats, which are of various sizes, but, for the most part, about five feet in length, and four in breadth, are thrown over their shoulders, and brought forward before. These, however, are rarely made use of, except in time [Page 303] of war, for which purpose they appear to be better calculated than for common use, since they are of a thick heavy texture, and capable of breaking the blow of a stone or of any blunt weapon. They generally go bare-footed, except when they travel over burnt stones, on which occasion they secure their feet with a kind of sandal, which is made of cords, twisted from cocoa-nut fibres.

Besides their ordinary dress, there is another, which is appropriated to their chiefs, and worn only on extraordinary occasions. It consists of a feathered cloak and cap, or helmet, of uncommon beauty and magnificence. This dress having been minutely described, in a former part of our work, we have only to add, that these cloaks are of different lengths, in proportion to the rank of the person who wears them; some trailing on the ground, and others no lower than the middle. The chiefs of inferior rank have likewise a short cloak, which resembles the former, and is made of the long tail-feathers of the cock, the man-of-war bird, and the tropic-bird, having a broad border of small yellow and red feathers, and also a collar of the same. Others are composed of white feathers with variegated borders. The cap or helmet, has a strong lining of wicker-work, sufficient to break the blow of any warlike weapon; for which purpose it appears to be intended. These feathered dresses seemed to be very scarce, and to be worn only by the male sex. During [Page 304] our whole continuance in Karakakooa Bay, we never observed them used, except on three occasions; first in the remarkable ceremony of Terreeoboo's first visit to our ships; secondly, by some chiefs, who appeared among the crowd on shore, when our unfortunate commander was killed; and thirdly, when his bones were brought to us by Eappo.

The striking resemblance of this habit to the cloak and helmet which the Spaniards formerly wore, excited our curiosity to enquire, whether there might not be some reasonable grounds for imagining that it had been borrowed from them. After all our endeavours to gain information on this head, we found, that the natives had no immediate acquaintance with any other people whatever; and that no tradition existed among them of these islands having ever before received a visit from such vessels as our's. However, notwithstanding the result of our enquiries on this subject, the form of this habit seems to be a sufficient indication of its European origin; particularly when we reflect on another circumstance, viz. that it is a remarkable deviation from the general agreement of dress, which is prevalent among the several branches of this great tribe, dispersed over the Pacific Ocean. From this conclusion, we were induced to suppose, that some Buccaneer, or Spanish ship, might have been wrecked in the neighbourhood of these [Page 305] islands. When it is considered, that the course of the Spanish trading vessels from Acapulco to Manilla, is not many degrees to the south of the Sandwich Isles, in their passage out, and to the north, on their return, this supposition will not, we think, be deemed improbable.

There is very little difference between the common dress of the men and that of the women. The latter wear a piece of cloth wrapped round the waist, which descends half way down their thighs; and sometimes, during the cool of the evening, they throw loose pieces of fine cloth over their shoulders, like the Otaheitean females. The pan is another dress, which the younger part of the sex often wear; it consists of the thinnest and finest cloth, wrapped several times about the middle, and reaching down to the leg; so that it has the appearance of a full short petticoat. They cut their hair short behind, and turn it up before, as is the custom among the New-Zealanders and Otaheiteans. One woman, indeed, whom we saw in Karakakooa Bay, had her hair arranged in a very singular mode; she had turned it up behind, and having brought it over her forehead, and doubled it back, so that it formed a sort of shade to her face, and somewhat resembled a small bonnet.

Besides their necklaces, which are composed of shells, or of a shining, hard, red berry, they wear dried flowers of the Indian mallow, formed [Page 306] into wreaths; and likewise another elegant ornament, termed craie, which is sometimes fastened round the hair, in the manner of a garland, but is usually put round the neck; though it is occasionally worn in both these ways at once, as may be seen in the annexed representation of the woman of the Sandwich Islands. It is a kind of ruff, about as thick as a finger, formed with great ingenuity, of very small feathers, woven together so closely, that the surface may be said to equal the richest velvet in smoothness. The ground is, in general, red, with alternate circles of black, yellow, and green.

We have already described their bracelets, of which they have a great variety. Some of the women of Atooi wear small figures of the turtle, made very neatly of ivory or wood, fastened on their fingers in the same manner that rings are worn by us. There is likewise an ornament consisting of shells, tied in rows on a ground of strong net-work, so as to strike against each other, while in motion; which both sexes, when they dance, fasten either round the ankles, or just below the knee, or round the arm. They sometimes, instead of shells, use for this purpose, the teeth of dogs, and a hard red berry.

Another ornament, if indeed it deserves that appellation, remains to be described. It is a sort of mask, composed of a large gourd, having holes cut in it for the nose and eyes. The top of it is [Page 307] stuck full of little green twigs, which appear, at some distance, like a waving plume; and the lower part has narrow stripes of cloth hanging from it, somewhat resembling a beard, These masks we never saw worn but on two occasions, and both times by a number of persons assembled in a canoe, who approached the side of the ship, laughing and making droll gesticulations. We could never learn whether they were not also made use of as a defence for the head against stones, or in some of their public sports and games, or were disguised merely for the purposes of mummery.

They dwell together in small towns or villages, which contain from about one hundred to two hundred houses, built pretty close to each other without order or regularity, and have a winding path that leads through them. They are frequently flanked towards the sea-side, with loose detached walls, which are, in all probability, intended for shelter, and defence. The form of their habitations, we have before described. They are of various dimensions, from forty-five feet by twenty-four, to eighteen by twelve. Some are of a larger size, being fifty feet in length, and thirty in breadth, and entirely open at one end. These, we were informed, were designed for the accommodation of strangers or travellers, whose stay was likely to be short.

[Page 308]Their furniture having been already mentioned, we have only to add, that, at one end of their houses, are mats, on which they repose, with wooden pillows, or sleeping-stools, perfectly resembling those of the Chinese. Some of the best houses have a court-yard before them, railed in very neatly, with smaller habitations for servants erected round it: in this area the family usually eat and sit in the day-time. In the sides of the hills and amongst the steep rocks, we saw several holes or caves, which seemed to be inhabited; but, the entrance being defended by wicker-work, and, in the only one that we visited, a stone fence being observed running across it within, we supposed that they were chiefly intended as places of retreat, in case of an attack from enemies.

The people of an inferior class feed principally on fish, and vegetables, such as plantains, bread-fruit, sweet-potatoes, sugar-canes, yams, and taro. To these, persons of superior rank add the flesh of dogs and hogs, dressed after the same method that is practised in the Society's Isles. They likewise eat fowls of a domestic kind, which, however, are neither plentiful, nor in any great degree of estimation.

Though, on our first arrival at these islands, yams and bread-fruit seemed scarce, we did not find this to be the case on our second visit: it is therefore probable, that, as these vegetable articles were commonly planted in the interior parts of [Page 309] the country, the islanders had not had sufficient time for bringing them down to us, during our short continuance in Wymoa bay, on our first visit.

They salt their fish, and preserve them in gourd-shells; not, indeed, with a view of providing against an occasional scarcity, but from the inclination they have for salted provisions; for we also found, that the chiefs frequently had pieces of pork pickled in the same manner, which they considered as a great delicacy. Their cookery is much the same as at the Friendly and Society Islands; and though some of our people disliked their taro puddings, on account of their sourness, others were of a different opinion. It is remarkable, that they had not acquired the art of preserving the bread-fruit, and making of it the sour paste named maihee, as is the practice at the Society Isles; and it afforded us great satisfaction, that we had it in our power to communicate to them this useful secret, in return for the generous and hospitable treatment we received from them.

They are very cleanly at their meals; and their method of dressing both their vegetable and animal food, was universally acknowledged to be superior to ours. The Erees constantly begin their meals with a dose of the extract of pepper-root, or ava, prepared in the usual mode. The women eat apart from the other sex, and are prohibited, as before observed, from feeding on pork, [Page 310] turtle, and some particular species of plantains. Notwithstanding this interdiction, they would privately eat pork with us; but we could never prevail on them to taste the two latter articles of food.

They generally rise with the sun; and, after having enjoyed the cool of the evening, retire to their repose a few hours after sun-set. The Erees are occupied in making canoes and mats; the Towtows are chiefly employed in the plantations, and also in fishing; and the women are engaged in the manufactory of cloth. They amuse themselves in their leisure hours, with various diversions. Their young persons, of both sexes, are fond of dancing; and, on more solemn occasions, they entertain themselves with wrestling and boxing matches, performed after the manner of the natives of the Friendly Islands; to whom, however, they are greatly inferior in all these respects.

Their dances, which bear a greater resemblance to those of the New-Zealanders, than of the Friendly or Society Islanders, are introduced with a solemn kind of song, in which the whole number join, the same time slowly moving their legs, and gently striking their breasts; their attitudes and manner being very easy and graceful. So far they resemble the dances of the Society Isles. After this has continued for the space of about ten minutes, they gradually quicken both the [Page 311] tune and the motions, and do not desist till they are oppressed with fatigue. This part of the performance is the counterpart of that of the inhabitants of New-Zealand; and, as among those people, the person whose action is the most violent, and who continues this exercise the longest, is applauded by the spectators as the best dancer. It must be remarked, that, in this dance, the females only engage; and that the dances of the men resemble what we saw of the small parties at the Friendly Isles; and which may, perhaps, more properly be termed the accompaniment of songs, with correspondent motions of the whole body. But as we saw some boxing exhibitions, of the same kind with those we had seen at the Friendly Isles, it is not improbable that they had likewise here their grand ceremonious dances, wherein numbers both of men and women were performers.

The music of these people is of a rude kind; for the only musical instruments that we observed among them, were drums of various sizes. Their songs, however, which they are said to sing in parts,^* and which they accompany with a gentle [Page 312] motion of their arms, like the inhabitants of the Friendly Islands, have a very pleasing effect.

They are greatly addicted to gambling. One of their games resembles our game of draughts; but, from the number of squares, it seems to be much more intricate. The board is of the length of about two feet, and is divided into two hundred and thirty-eight squares, fourteen in a row. In this game they use black and white pebbles, which they move from one square to another. Another of their games consists in concealing a stone under some cloth, which is spread out by one of the parties, and rumpled in such a manner, that it is difficult to distinguish where the stone lies. The antagonist then strikes, with a stick, that part of the cloth where he supposes the stone to be: and the chances being, upon the whole, against his hitting it, odds of all degrees, varying with the opinion of the dexterity of the parties, are laid on the occasion. Their manner of playing at bowls nearly resembles ours: the bowls have been before described.

They often entertain themselves with races between boys and girls, on which occasions they lay wagers with great spirit. We saw a man beating his breast, and tearing his hair, in the violence of rage, for having lost three hatchets at one of these races, which he had purchased from us with near half his property a very little time before.

[Page 313]Both sexes are surprisingly expert in swimming, which, among these people, is not only deemed a necessary art, but is also a favourite diversion. One particular method, in which we sometimes saw them amuse themselves with this exercise, in Karakakooa Bay, deserves to be related. The surf, that breaks on the coast around this bay, extends about one hundred and fifty yards from the shore; and, within that space, the surges of the sea are dashed against the beach with extreme violence. Whenever the impetuosity of the surf is augmented to its greatest height, they make choice of that time for this amusement, which they perform in the following manner. About twenty or thirty of the islanders take each a long narrow board, rounded at both ends, and set out from the shore in company with each other. They plunge under the first wave they meet, and, after they have suffered it to roll over them, rise again beyond it, and swim further out into the sea. They encounter the second wave in the same manner with the first. The principal difficulty consists in seizing a favourable opportunity of diving under it; for if a person misses the proper moment, he is caught by the surf, and forced back with great violence; and his utmost dexterity is then required, to prevent his being dashed against the rocks. When, in consequence of these repeated efforts, they have gained the smooth water beyond the su [...] [...]hey recline themselves at [Page 314] length upon their board, and prepare for their return to shore. As the surf is composed of a number of waves, of which every third is observed to be considerable larger than the rest, and to flow higher upon the shore, while the others break in the intermediate space; their first object is to place themselves on the top of the largest surge, which drives them along with astonishing rapidity towards the land. If they should place themselves, by mistake, on one of the smaller waves, which breaks before they gain the shore, or should find themselves unable to keep their board in a proper direction on the upper part of the swell, they remain exposed to the fury of the next; to avoid which, they are under the necessity of diving again, and regaining the place whence they set out. Those persons who succeed in their object of reaching the shore, are still in a very hazardous situation. As the coast is defended by a chain of rocks, with a small opening between them in several places, they are obliged to steer their planks through one of these openings; or, in case of ill success in that respect, to quit it before they reach the rocks, and, diving under the wave, make their way back again as well as they are able. This is considered as highly disgraceful, and is attended with the loss of the plank, which we have seen dashed to pieces, at the very instant the native quitted it. The amazing courage and address, with [Page 315] which they perform these dangerous manoeuvres, are almost incredible.

The following accident shews at how early a period they are so far accustomed to the water, as to lose all apprehensions of it, and set its perils at defiance. A canoe, in which was a woman with her children, happening to be overset, one of the children, an infant about four years of age, appeared to be greatly delighted with what had happened, swimming about at its ease, and playing a number of tricks, till the canoe was brought to its former position.

Among the amusements of the children, we observed one that was frequently played at, and which shewed a considerable share of dexterity. They take a short stick, through one extremity of which runs a peg sharpened at both ends, extending about an inch on each side; then throwing up a ball formed of green leaves moulded together, and fastened with twine, they catch it on one of the points of the peg; immediately after which, they throw it up again from the peg, then turn the stick round, and catch the ball on the other point of the peg. Thus, for some time, they continue catching it on each point of the peg alternately, without missing it. They are equally expert at another diversion of a similar nature, throwing up in the air, and catching, in their turns, many of these balls; and we have often seen little children thus keep five balls in [Page 316] motion at once. This latter game is also practised by the young people at the Friendly Isles.

The figure and dimensions of the canoes seen by us at Atooi, have been already described. Those of the other Sandwich Islands were made exactly in the same manner; and the largest we saw was a double canoe that belonged to Terreeoboo, measuring seventy feet in length, twelve in breadth, and between three and four in depth; and each was hollowed out of one tree.

Their method of agriculture, as well as navigation, resembles that of the other islands of the Pacific. They have made considerable proficiency in sculpture, and their skill in painting or staining cloth, and in the manufacture of mats, is very great. The most curious specimens of their sculpture, that we had an opportunity of observing, were the wooden bowls, in which the Erees drink ava. These are, in general, eight or ten inches in diameter, perfectly round, and extremely well polished. They are supported by three or four small human figures, represented in different attitudes. Some of them rest on the shoulders of their supporters, others on the hands extended over the head; and some on the head and hands. The figures are very neatly finished, and accurately proportioned; and even the anatomy of the muscles is well expressed.

They manufacture their cloth in the same manner, and of the same materials, as at the Society [Page 317] and Friendly Isles. That which they intend to paint, is of a strong and thick texture, several folds being beaten and incorporated together; after which they cut it in breadths, two or three feet wide, and then paint it in a great variety of patterns, with such regularity and comprehensiveness of design, as shew an extraordinary portion of taste and fancy. The exactness with which even the most intricate patterns are continued, is really astonishing, as they have no stamps, and as the whole is performed by the eye, with a piece of bamboo cane dipped in paint; the hand being supported by another piece of the same sort of cane. They extract their colours from the same berries, and other vegetable articles, which are made use of at Otaheite for this purpose.

The operation of staining or painting their cloth, is confined to the females, and is denominated kipparee. It is remarkable, that they always called our writing by this name. The young women would frequently take the pen from our hands, and shew us, that they were as well acquainted with the use of it as we ourselves were; telling us, at the same time, that our pens were inferior to theirs. They considered a manuscript sheet of paper, as a piece of cloth striped after the mode of our country; and it was with the greatest difficulty that we could make [Page 318] them understand, that our figures contained a meaning in them which theirs were destitute of.

They make their mats of the leaves of the pandanus; and these, as well as their cloths, are beautifully worked in various patterns, and stained with various colours. Some of them have a ground of a straw colour, embellished with green spots; others are of a pale green, spotted with squares, or rhomboids, of red; and some are ornamented with elegant stripes, either in straight or waving lines of brown and red. In this branch of manufacture, whether we regard the fineness, beauty, or strength, these islanders may be said to excel the whole world.

Their fishing-hooks are of various sizes and figures; but those which are principally made use of, are about two or three inches in length, and are formed in the shape of a small fish, serving as a bait, with a bunch of feathers fastened to the head or tail. They make their hooks of bone, mother-of-pearl, or wood, pointed and barbed with little bones or tortoise-shells. Those with which they fish for sharks, are very large, being, in general, of the length of six or eight inches. Considering the materials of which these hooks are composed, their neatness and strength are amazing; and, indeed, upon trial, we found them superior to our own.

Of the bark of the touta, or cloth-tree, neatly twisted, they form the line which they use for [Page 319] fishing, for making nets, and for some other purposes. It is of different degrees of fineness, and may be continued to any length. They have also a finer sort, which they make of the bark of a shrub, named areemah; and the finest is composed of human hair: this last, however, is chiefly made use of for matters of ornament.

They likewise make cordage of a stronger kind, from cocoa-nut fibres for the rigging of their canoes. Some of this, which was purchased by us for our own use, was found to be well calculated for the smaller kinds of running rigging. They also manufacture another sort of cordage, which is flat, and extremely strong, and is principally used for the purpose of lashing the roofs of their houses. This last is not twisted after the manner of the former sorts, but is formed of the fibrous strings of the coat of the cocoa-nut, plaited with the fingers, in the same mode which is practised by our seamen in making their points for the reefing of sails.

They apply their gourds to various domestic purposes. These grow to such an enormous magnitude, that some of them will contain from ten to a dozen gallons. In order to adapt them the better to their respective uses, they take care to give them different shapes, by fastening bandages round them during their growth. Thus, some of them are in the form of a dish, serving to hold their puddings, vegetables, salted provisions, [Page 320] salt, &c. Others are of a long cylindrical form, and serve to contain their fishing-tackle, which two sorts are furnished with neat close covers, made also of the gourd. Others are in the shape of a long-necked bottle; and, in these, water is kept. They frequently score them with a heated instrument, so as to communicate to them the appearance of being painted, in a great variety of elegant designs.

Their pans, in which they make salt, are made of earth, lined with clay; and are in general, six or eight feet square, and about two-thirds of a foot in depth. They are elevated on a bank of stones near the high-water mark, whence the salt water is conducted to the bottom of them, in trenches out of which they are all filled; and, in a short time, the sun performs the process of evaporation. The salt we met with at Oneeheow and Atooi, during our first visit, was brownish and rather dirty; but that which we afterwards procured at Karakakooa Bay, was white, and of an excellent quality; and we obtained an ample supply of it, insomuch that, besides the quantity used by us in salting pork, we filled all our empty casks with it.

The warlike weapons of these people are daggers, which they call by the name pahooa; spears, slings, and clubs. The pahooa is made of a black heavy wood, that resembles ebony. It is commonly from one to two feet in length; and has [Page 321] a string passing through the handle, by which it is suspended to the arm. The blade is somewhat rounded in the middle; the sides are sharp, and terminate in a point. This instrument is intended for close engagements; and, in the hands of the natives, is a very destructive one.

Their spears are of two kinds, and are formed of a hard wood, which, in its appearace, is not unlike mahogany. One sort is from six to eight feet in length, well polished, and increasing gradually in thickness from the extremity till within the distance of six or seven inches from the point, which tapers suddenly, and has five or six rows of barbs. It is probable, that these are used in the way of javelins. The other sort, with which the warriors we saw at Atooi and Owhyhee were chiefly armed, are from twelve to fifteen feet in length; and, instead of being barbed, terminate towards the point in the manner of their daggers.

Their slings are the same with our common slings, except in this respect, that the stone is lodging on matting instead of leather. Their clubs are formed indifferently of several kinds of wood: they are of various sizes and shapes, and of rude workmanship.

[Page 322]

CHAP. VIII.

Continuation of the Account of the Sandwich Islands—Division of the People into three classes—Superior Power of the Eree-taboo—Genealogical Account of the Kings of Owhyhee and Mowee—Authority of the Erees—Tyranny of Pareea, exercised on an inferior Chief—Punishment of Offences — Account of their Religion — Society of Priests—The Orono—Idols—Eatooas of deceased Chiefs—Religious Ceremonies, Chantings, &c. previous to the drinking of Ava—Human Sacrifices very frequent among them—Religious Custom of knocking out the Fore-Teeth—Their ideas of a future State—Particular Explanation of the Word Taboo—Marriages—Remarkable Instance of Jealousy—Funeral Ceremonies at the Death of an old Chief, &c.

IN the Sandwich Islands, the inhabitants are divided into three classes. The Erees, or chiefs of each district, are the first; and one of these is superior to the rest, who is called, at Owhyhee, Eree-taboo, and Eree Moee; the first name expressing his authority, and the latter signifying that, in his presence, all must prostrate themselves. Those of the second class appear to enjoy a right of property, but have no authority. Those who compose the third class, are called [Page 323] towtows, or servants, and have not either rank or property.

The superior power and distinction of Terreeoboo, the Eree-taboo of Owhyhee, was sufficiently evident from his reception at Karakakooa, on his first arrival. The inhabitants all prostrated themselves at the entrance of their houses; and the canoes were tabooed, till he discharged the interdict. He was then just returned from Mowee, an island he was contending for, in behalf of his son Tewarro, whose wife was the only child of the king of that place, against Taheeterree, his surviving brother. In this expedition, he was attended by many of his warriors; but we could never learn whether they served him as volunteers, or whether they held their rank and property by that tenure.

That the subordinate chiefs are tributary to him, is evidently proved in the instance of Kaoo, which has been already related. It has also been observed, that the two most powerful chiefs of the Sandwich Islands, are Terreeoboo, and Perreeoranne; the former being chief of Owhyhee, and the latter of Woahoo; all the smaller isles being governed by one of these sovereigns; Mowee was at this time, claimed by Terreeoboo, for his son and intended successor; Atooi and Oneehow being in the possession of the grandsons of Perreeorannee.

[Page 324]Without entering into the genealogy of the kings of Owhyhee and Mowee, it may be necessary to mention, that when we were first off Mowee, Terreeoboo and his warriors were there to support the claims made by his wife, his son, and his daughter-in-law; and a battle had then been fought with the opposite party, in which Terreeoboo had been victorious. Matters, however, were afterwards compromised; Taheeterree was to have possession of the three neighbouring islands, during his life; Teewarro to be acknowledged the Chief of Mowee, and to succeed to Owhyhee, on the death of Terreeoboo; together with the three islands contiguous to Mowee, after the decease of Taheeterre. If Teewarro, who has lately married his half sister, should die, and leave no issue behind him, those islands descend to Maiha-maiha, whom we have frequently mentioned, he being the son of Terreeoboo's deceased brother: and should he die without issue it is doubtful who would be the successor, for Terreeoboo's two youngest sons, being born of a mother who had no rank, would be debarred all right of succession. We did not see Queen Rora-rora, whom Terreeoboo had left at Mowee; but we had an opportunity of seeing Kanee Kaberaia, the mother of the two youths of whom he was so extremely fond.

From what has been already mentioned, it appears pretty clearly that their government is [Page 325] hereditary; whence it appears probable, that the inferior titles as well as property, descend in the same course. Respecting Perreorannee, we only discovered that he is an Eree-taboo; that he was, on some pretence, invading the possession of Taheeterree, and that the islands to leeward were governed by his grandsons.

The Erees appear to have unlimited power over the inferior classes of people; many instances of which occurred daily whilst we continued among them. On the other hand, the people are implicitly obedient. It is remarkable, however, that we never saw the chiefs exercise any acts of cruelty, injustice, or insolence towards them; though they put in practice their power over each other, in a most tyrannical degree: which is fully proved by the two following instances.

One of the lower order of chiefs, having shewn great civility to the master of the ship, on his examination of Karakakooa Bay; Mr. King, some time afterwards, took him on board the Resolution, and introduced him to Captain Cook, who engaged him to dine with us. While we remained at table, Pareea entered, whose countenance manifested the highest indignation at seeing our guest so honourably entertained. He seized him by the hair of the head, and would have dragged him out of the cabin, if the Captain had not interfered. After much altercation, we could obtain no other indulgence (without quarrelling [Page 326] with Pareea) than that our guest should be permitted to remain in the cabin, on condition that he seated himself on the floor, while Pareea occupied his place at the table. An instance somewhat similar, happened when Terreeoboo came first on board the Resolution; when Maiha-maiha, who attended him, seeing Pareea upon deck, turned him most ignominiously out of the ship; even though we knew Pareea to be a man of the first consequence.

Whether the lower class have their property secured, from the rapacity of the great chiefs, we cannot certainly say, but it appears to be well protected against theft and depredation. All their plantations, their houses, their hogs, and their cloth, are left unguarded, without fear or apprehension. In the plain country, they separate their possessions by walls; and, in the woods where horse plantains grow, they use white flags to discriminate property, in the same manner as they do bunches of leaves at Otaheite. These circumstances strongly indicate, that, where property is concerned, the power of the chiefs is not arbitrary; but so far limited, as to afford encouragement to the inferior orders to cultivate the soil, which they occupy distinct from each other.

The information we could obtain, respecting their administration of justice, is exceedingly imperfect. If a quarrel arose among the lower class of people, the matter was referred to the [Page 327] decision of some chief. If an inferior chief had offended one of superior rank, his punishment was dictated by the feelings of the superior at that moment. If he should fortunately escape the first transports of his rage, he, perhaps, found means, through the mediation of others, to compound for his offence, by all, or a part of his effects.

Their religion resembles that of the Society and Friendly Islands. In common with each other, they have all their Morais, their Whattas their sacred songs, and their sacrifices. These are convincing proofs that their religious opinions are derived from the same source. The ceremonies here are, indeed, longer and more numerous than in the islands above-mentioned. And though in all these places, the care and performance of their religious rights, is committed to a particular class of people; yet we have never found a regular society of priests, till we arrived at Kakooa, in Karakakooa Bay. Orono was the title given to the principal of this order; a title which seemed to imply something highly sacred, and which almost received adoration in the person of Omeeah. The privilege of holding the principal offices in this order, is doubtless limited to certain families. Omeeah, the Orono, was Kaoo's son, and Kaireekeea's nephew. Kaireekeea presided in all religious ceremonies at the morai, in the absence of his grandfather. It was observed, likewise, that [Page 328] the son of Omeeah, an infant of about the age of five years, had always a number of attendants, and such other marks of attention and esteem were shewn him, as we never observed in any similar instance. Hence we concluded, that his life was an object of much consequence, and that he would eventually succeed to the high dignity of his father.

The title of Orono, we have already observed, was bestowed upon Captain Cook; and it is very certain that they considered us as a race of beings superior to themselves; frequently repeating, that great Eatooa lived in our country. The favourite little idol (which has been already described) on the morai, in Karakakooa Bay, is called Koonoorackaiee, and is said to be Terreoboo's god, who also resided amongst us.

Infinite variety of these images were to be seen, both on the morai, and about their houses, on which they bestow different names; but they certainly were held in very little estimation, from their contemptuous expressions of them, and from their exposing them to sale for trifles; though they generally had one particular figure in high favour, to which, whilst it continued a favourite, all their adoration was addressed. They arrayed it in red cloth, beat their drums, and sang hymns before it; placed bunches of red feathers, and different vegetables at its feet; and frequently [Page 329] exposed a pig, or a dog, to rot on the Whatta, near which it was placed.

A party of us were conducted to a large house, in a bay to the southward of Karakakooa, in which we beheld the black figure of a man, resting on his toes and fingers, and his head was inclined backwards; the limbs were well proportioned, and the whole was beautifully polished. This figure was called Maee; round which thirteen others were placed, with shapes rude and distorted. These, we were told, were the Eatooas of deceased chiefs, whose names they repeated. Plenty of Whattas were seen within the place, with the remains of offerings on many of them. They also admit into their houses, many ludicrous and obscene idols, not unlike the Priapus of the ancients.

Former voyagers have remarked, that the Society and Friendly Islanders, pay adoration to particular birds; and it seems to be a custom that is prevalent in these islands. Ravens are perhaps the object of it here; for Mr. King saw two of these birds perfectly tame, at the village of Kakooa, and was told they were Eatooas; he offered several articles for them, which were all refused; and he was particularly cautioned not to hurt or offend them.

The prayers and offerings, made by the priests before their meals, may be classed among their religious ceremonies. As they always drink ava [Page 330] before they begin their repast, whilst that is chewing, the superior in rank begins a sort of hymn, in which he is soon after joined by one or more of the company; the bodies of the others are put in motion, and their hands are gently clapped together in concert with the singers. The ava being ready, cups of it are presented to those who do not join in the hymn, which are held in their hands till it is concluded; when, with united voice, they make a loud response, and drink their ava. The performers are then served with some of it which they drink, after the same ceremony has been repeated. And, if any person of a very superior rank should be present, a cup is presented to him last of all. After chanting for a short time, and hearing a responsive chant from the others, he pours a small quantity on the ground, and drinks the rest. A piece of the flesh, which has been dressed, is then cut off, and, together with some of the vegetables, is placed at the foot of the figure of the Eatooa; and after another hymn has been chanted, they begin their meal. A ceremony, in many respects resembling this, is also performed by the chiefs, when they drink ava between their regular meals.

According to the accounts given by the natives, human sacrifices are more common here, than in any of the islands we have visited. They have recourse to these horrid rites on the commencement [Page 331] of a war and previous to every great battle, or other signal enterprize. The death of a chief demands a sacrifice of one or more towtows, according to the rank he bears; and we were informed that no less than ten were doomed to suffer, on the death of Terreeoboo. This practice, however, is the less horrible, as the unhappy victims are totally unacquainted with their fate. Those who are destined to fall, are attacked with large clubs, wherever they may happen to be; and after they are dead, are conveyed to the place where the subsequent rites are to be performed. This brings to our remembrance the skulls of those who had been sacrificed on the decease of some principal chief, and were fixed to the morai at Kakooa. At the village of Kowrowa, we received further information upon this subject; where we were shewn a small piece of ground, within a stone fence, which we were told was an Heree-eere, or burying place of a chief. The person who gave us this information, pointing to one of the corners added,—and there lie the tangata and waheene-taboo, or the man and woman who became sacrifices at his funeral.

The knocking out their fore-teeth may be, with propriety, classed among their religious customs. Most of the common people, and many of the chiefs, had lost one or more of them; and this we understood was considered as a propitiatory sacrifice to the Eatooa, to avert his [Page 332] anger; and not like the cutting off a part of the finger at the Friendly Islands, to express the violence of their grief at the decease of a friend.

Of their opinions, with respect to a future state, we had very defective information. On enquiring of them, whither the dead were gone? We were told that the breath, which they seemed to consider as the immortal part, was fled to the Eatooa. They seemed also to give a description of some place, which they suppose to be the abode of the dead; but we could not learn that they had any idea of rewards or punishments.

An explanation of the word taboo, may not, in this place, be improperly introduced. On asking the reason of the intercourse being in [...]erdicted, between us and the Islanders, the day preceding Terreeoboo's arrival, we were informed, that the bay was tabooed. The same interdiction took place, by our desire, when we interred the remains of Captain Cook. The most implicit obedience, in these two instances, was rendered by the natives; but whether on religious principles, or in deference to civil authority, we cannot pretend to determine.

The ground on which our observatories were fixed, and the place where our masts were deposited, were tabooed, and the operation was equally efficacious. This consecration was performed only by the priests; and yet, at our request, the men ventured on the spot which was tabooed; [Page 333] whence it should seem they entertained no religious apprehensions, their obedience being limited merely to our refusal. No inducements could bring the women near us; on account, it is presumed, of the morai adjoining; which they are, at all times, prohibited from approaching; not only here, but in all the islands of these seas.

Women, it has been observed, are always tabooed, or forbidden to eat certain articles of food. We have seen many of them, at their meals, have their meat put into their mouths by others; and, on our requesting to know the reason of it, we were informed, that they were tabooed, and not permitted to feed themselves. This prohibition was always the consequence of assisting at any funeral, touching a dead body, and many other occasions. The word taboo is indifferently applied, either to persons or things; as, the natives are tabooed, the bay is tabooed, &c. This word is also expressive of any thing sacred, devoted or eminent. The king of Owhyhee was called Eree-taboo, and a human victim, tangata taboo: and, among the Friendly Islanders, Tonga, where the king resides, is called Tongataboo.

Very little can be said respecting their marriages, except that such a compact seems to exist among them. It has already been mentioned, that, when Terreeoboo had left his queen Rora-rora at Mowee, another woman cohabited with him, by whom he had children, and seemed particularly [Page 334] attached to her; but, whether polygamy is allowed, or whether it is mixed with concubinage, either among the principal or inferior orders, we saw too little of, to warrant any conclusions. From what we saw of the domestic concerns of the lower class of people, one man and one woman seemed to have the direction of the house, and the children were subordinate to them, as in civilized countries.

The following is the only instance of any thing like jealousy, which we have seen among them; and which shews, that among married women of rand not only fidelity, but even a degree of reserve is required.

At one of their boxing matches, Omeah rose two or three times from his place, and approached his wife with strong marks of displeasure, commanding her, as we supposed, to withdraw. Whether he thought her beauty engaged too much of our attention, or whatever might be his motives, there certainly existed no real cause of jealousy. She, however, continued in her place, and, at the conclusion of the entertainment, joined our party; and even solicited some trifling presents. She was informed that we had not any about us; but that, if she would accompany us to the tent, she should be welcome to make a choice of what she liked. She was accordingly, proceeding with us; which being observed by Omeah, he followed in great rage, seized her [Page 335] by the hair, and, with his fists, began to inflict severe corporal punishment. Having been the innocent cause of this extraordinary treatment, we were exceedingly concerned at it; though we understood it would be highly improper for us to interfere, between husband and wife of such superior rank. The natives, however, at length, interposed; and the next day, we had the satisfaction of meeting them together, perfectly satisfied with each other; and, what was extremely singular, the lady would not permit us to rally the husband on his behaviour; which we had an inclination to do; plainly telling us, that he had acted very properly.

At Karakakooa Bay, we had twice an opportunity of seeing a part of their funeral rites. Hearing of the death of an old chief, not far from our observatories, some of us repaired to the place, where we beheld a number of people assembled. They were seated round an area, fronting the house where the deceased lay; and a man, having on a red feathered cap, came to the door, constantly putting out his head, and making a most lamentable howl, accompanied with horrid grimaces, and violent distortions of the face. A large mat was afterwards spread upon the area, and thirteen women and two men, who came out of the house, sat down upon it in three equal rows; three of the women, and the two men, being in front. The women had feathered [Page 336] ruffs on their necks and hands; and their shoulders were decorated with broad green leaves, curiously scolloped. Near a small hut, at one corner of this area, half a dozen boys were placed, waving small white banners, and taboo sticks, who would not suffer us to approach them. Hence we imagined, that the dead body was deposited in the [...]ut, but we were afterwards informed that it remained in the house, where the tricks were playing at the door, by the manin the red cap. The company, seated on the mat, sung a melancholy tune, accompanied with a gentle motion of the arms and body. This having continued some time, they put themselves in a posture between kneeling and sitting, and their arms and bodies into a most rapid motion, keeping pace at the same time with the music. These last exertions being too violent to continue, at intervals they had slower motions. An hour having passed in these ceremonies, more mats were spread upon the area, when the dead chief's widow, and three or four other elderly women, came out of the house with slow and solemn pace; and seated themselves before the company, began to wail most bitterly, in which they were joined by the three rows of women behind them; the two men appearing melancholy and pensive. They continued thus, with little variation, till late in the evening, when we left them; and, at day-light in the morning, the people [Page 337] were dispersed, and every thing appeared perfectly quiet. We were then given to understand, that the body was removed; but we could not learn how it was disposed of. While we were directing our enquiries to this object, we were approached by three women of rank, who signified to us, that our presence interrupted the performance of some necessary rites. Soon after we had left them, we heard their cries and lamentations; and when we met them a few hours afterwards, the lower part of their faces were painted perfectly black.

We had also an opportunity of observing the ceremonies on the funeral of one of the ordinary class. Hearing some mournful cries, issuing from a miserable hut, we entered it, and discovered two women, which we supposed to be mother and daughter, weeping over the body of a man who had that moment expired. They first covered the body with a cloth; then, lying down by it, they spread the cloth over themselves, beginning a melancholy kind of song, often repeating, Aweb medoaah! Aweb tanee! O my father! Oh my husband! In one corner of the house, a young daughter lay prostrate on the ground, having some black cloth spread over her, and repeating the same expressions. On our quitting this melancholy scene, we found many of their neighbours, collected together at the door, who were all perfectly silent, and attentive to their [Page 338] lamentations. Mr. King was willing to have embraced this opportunity of knowing in what manner the body would be disposed of; and therefore, after being convinced that it was not removed when he went to bed, he ordered the sentries to walk before the house, and if there were any appearances of removing the body, to acquaint him with it. The sentries, however, were remiss in the performance of their duty, for, before the morning, the body was taken away. On asking how it had been disposed of, they pointed towards the sea, perhaps thereby indicating, that it had been deposited in the deep, or that it had been conveyed to some burying-ground beyond the bay. The place of interment for the chiefs, is the morai, or heree erees, and those who are sacrificed on the occasion, are buried by the side of them. The morai in which the chief was interred, who, after making a spirited resistance, was killed in the cave, has a hanging of red cloth round it.

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A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

CHAP. I.

Quit Oneeheow—Unsuccessful Attempt to discover Modoopapappa—Steer for Awatska Bay— See vast Quantities of oceanic Birds—Prepare for a cold Climate—Seamen require directing like Children —Sudden change of Climate—The leaking of the Resolution occasions great Distress—See the coast of Kamtschatka—Continued Showers of Sleet, and great Severity of Weather—Lose Sight of the Discovery—The Resolution enters Awatska Bay—With some Difficulty discover the Town of St. Peter and St. Paul—Party sent ashore—Avoided by Inhabitants on a Sledge—Their Reception by the Commander of the Port—Dispatches to the Commander at Bolcheretsk—Arrival of the Discovery in the Bay—Return of the Messenger— Curious Mode of Travelling—Visit from a Russian Merchant, and a German Servant.

WE weighed anchor on the 15th of March, at seven o'clock in the morning, and stood to the south-west, in expectation of falling [Page 340] in with the island of Modoopapappa; the native [...] having assured us that it lay in that direction, within five hours sail of Tahoora. About four in the afternoon, a large canoe overtook us, in which were ten persons, who were inhabitants of Oneeheow, and were proceeding to Tahoora to catch birds; particularly tropic and man-of-war birds, which are said to be very numerous in that place. It has already been observed, that the feathers of these birds are held in great esteem, being principally used in the ornamental part of their dress.

Not having seen the island at eight in the evening, we hauled to the northward till midnight, when we tacked and stood to the south-east till day-break the next morning; when Tahoora bore east-north-east, distant about five or six leagues. We then steered west-southwest, making a signal for the Discovery to spread four miles upon our starboard beam. We stood on till five, and then made a signal for the Discovery to come under our stern, having given over all hopes of seeing Modoopapappa. We supposed it might lie more southerly from Tahoora, than the direction which we had taken; though it is very possible that we might have passed it in the night, it having been described to us as a very small island, and almost even with the sea.

On the 17th, we steered west, Captain Clerke meaning to keep nearly in the same parallel of [Page 341] latitude, till we made the longitude of Awatska Bay; and then to steer north for the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, which was also fixed on as our rendezvous, if we should happen to separate. This track was chosen, because we supposed it to be yet unexplored, and we might probably meet with some new islands in our passage.

From the time of our losing sight of Tahoora, till the afternoon of the 18th, we had hardly seen a bird: we then saw several boobies, and man-of-war birds, which induced us to look out sharply for land. The wind lessened towards the evening; and the heavy swell, which made the ships labour exceedingly on the 16th and 17th, was considerably abated. No land appeared the next day; and at noon we steered west by south, in expectation of finding the trade winds (which generally blew from the east by north) fresher as we advanced. It is remarkable, that, though no birds appeared in the forenoon, we had a multitude of boobies and man-of-war birds about us in the evening; whence we supposed that we had passed the land, not far distant from where the former flights appeared, and where approaching some other island.

We had fine weather and a moderate wind, till the 23d, when it increased to a strong gale, and continued about twelve hours. Afterwards it became more moderate, and remained so till [Page 342] noon on the 25th; at which time we had only a very light air.

In the morning of the 26th, we imagined we saw land to the west-south-west; but we discovered our mistake, after sailing sixteen leagues in that direction; and, night approaching, we again steered west. We pursued this course, without much alteration in the wind, till the 29th, when it shifted about, and was in the west for a few hours in the night; the weather being cloudy, accompanied with a great deal of rain. For some days past, we had met with several turtles, one of which was so remarkably small, as not to exceed three inches in length. We were again visited by man-of-war birds and an uncommon kind of boobies. They were entirely white, except a black spot at the tip of each wing, and had a strong resemblance of gannets, at first sight.

The continuation of the light winds, with the very unsettled state of the weather, and the little expectation we had of any change for the better, induced Captain Clerke to give up his plan of keeping within the tropical latitudes. In consequence of which, we began, at six o'clock this evening, to steer north-west by north. The light winds almost constantly prevailed, after our departure from the Sandwich Islands; during which time the air was hot and sultry; the thermometer being generally from 80° to 83°. We had [Page 343] also a considerable swell from the north-east, in which the ships were strained exceedingly.

On the first of April, in the morning, the wind changed to the north-east by east, and continued to blow a fresh breeze till the 4th, in the morning, when it altered two points. At noon it blew a strong gale, which continued till the 5th, in the afternoon. It then changed its direction to the south-east, and blew moderate, with much rain. We kept steering, all this time, to the north-west, against a slow current from that quarter. On the 4th, when our latitude was 26° 17′, and our longitude 173° 30′, we saw great numbers of what are called (by the sailors) Portuguese men-of-war, holothuria physalis. Vast quantities of oceanic birds likewise attended us, among which we discovered the sheer-water and albatross.

About noon on the 6th, we lost the trade-wind. We were then in the latitude of 29° 50′, and the longitude of 170° 1′. Our old running ropes having been continually breaking in the late gales; we reeved all the new ones we had left, and made other necessary preparations for the different climate we were shortly to encounter. The fine weather which we experienced between the tropics, had not been misemployed. The carpenters were sufficiently engaged in repairing the boats. Our best bower cable having received so much injury in Karakakooa Bay, and off Oneheow, as [Page 344] to occasion forty fathoms to be cut from it; we converted that, together with some other old cordage into spun-yarn, and applied it to various purposes. By which means, many of our people were kept wholly employed by the boatswain. Besides, it was now become a troublesome and laborious part of our duty, to air the sails, &c. which were continually growing wet, from the leakness of the sides and deck of the vessels.

There were other cares, which had the preservation of the health of the crews for their object; and these continually occupied a great number of our hands. Captain Cook's established orders of airing the beds, having fires between decks, smoking them with gunpowder, and washing them with vinegar, were invariably observed. Even the mending of the sailors old jackets was now become a duty of importance. Those who are acquainted with the habits and disposition of seamen, require to be informed, that they are so accustomed to be directed by their officers, respecting the care of themselves, that they contract the thoughtlessness of infants. It is very certain, that had our people been suffered to act according to their own discretion, the whole crew would have been naked, before half the completion of the voyage. It might naturally be supposed, from their having experienced a voyage to the north the last year, that they would be thoroughly sensible of the necessity of paying attention [Page 345] to these matters; but these reflections never operated upon them; for as soon as we returned to the tropical climates, their fur jackets, and other articles calculated for cold climates, were kicked about the decks as useless and insignificant; though every one among us knew we were to make another voyage towards the Pole. They were, however, taken up and put into casks, by the officers, and, about this time, restored to their proper owners.

We perceived in the afternoon some of the sheathing floated by the ship; and discovered, upon examination, that about fourteen feet had been washed off under the lar-board bow; where the leak was supposed to have been, which had kept the people employed at the pumps, ever since our departure from the Sandwich Islands; making twelve inches water an hour. A number of small crabs, of a pale blue colour, we had this day a sight of; and were again accompanied by sheer-waters of albatrosses. In the night-time, the thermometer sunk eleven degrees; and, though it was then as high as 69°, we endured much from the cold; our feelings not being yet reconciled to that degree of temperature.

We had a fresh wind from the north, till Thursday the 8th, in the morning: it then became more moderate, and was accompanied with fair weather. Afterwards it changed its direction to the east, and then to the south.

[Page 346]About noon, on the 9th, we were in the latitude of 32° 16′, and in the longitude of 166° 40′. On the 10th, we crossed the track by which the Spanish galleons pass from the Manillas to Acapulco, and expected to have seen the island of Rica de Plata; who, according to De Lisle's chart, which points out the route of those ships, ought to have appeared. Its latitude is there mentioned to be 34° 30′ north, and its longitude 166° east. Though so far advanced to the northward, we this day saw a tropic bird; and several other kinds of oceanic birds; such as sheer-waters, albatrosses, puffins, and sea-parrots.

At noon, on the 11th, our latitude was 35° 30′. and our longitude 165° 45′. We this day saw plenty of sea-birds, and several bunches of sea-weed. The Discovery also passed a log of wood; but no other signs of land appeared.

On the 12th, the wind veered to the east, and blew so strong a gale as to oblige us to strike our top-gallant yards. We happened, unfortunately, to be upon the most disadvantageous tack for our leak. But, having always kept it under with the hand-pumps, it gave us but little concern till Tuesday the 13th, at six in the afternoon, when a sudden inundation deluged the whole space between decks, and alarmed us much. The water, which had made its way into the coal-hole, not finding a passage into the well, had forced up the platforms over it, and instantaneously set every [Page 347] thing afloat. Our situation was the more distressing, as we could not immediately discover any means of relieving ourselves. It could be of no service to place a pump through the upperdecks into the coal-hole; and it was become impracticable to bale the water out with buckets. We had, therefore, no other expedient left, than to cut a hole through the bulk-head, which separated the coal-hole from the fore-hold, and thus form a passage for the water into the well. Before this could be effected, however, the casks of dry provisions were to be got out of the fore-hold, which took us the remainder of the night; the carpenters, therefore, could not get at the partition till the next morning. The passage being made, the principal part of the water ran into the well, when we were enabled to get out the rest with buckets. The leak was now greatly increased, insomuch that half of our people were constantly employed in pumping and baleing, till the 15th, at noon. Our men submitted chearfully to this excessive fatigue; and, to add to their sufferings, they had not a dry place to sleep in: but, in order to make them some amends, they were permitted to have their full allowance of grog.

As the weather grew more moderate, and the swell abated, we cleared away the rest of the casks from the fore-hold, and made a proper passage for the water to the pumps. We saw a piece of [Page 348] drift wood, of a greenish hue; and sounded, bu [...] sound no bottom with a hundred and fifty fathoms of line. At noon, this day, we were in the latitude of 41° 52′, and in the longitude of 161° 15′.

At noon, on the 16th, our latitude was 42° 12′, and our longitude 160° 5′; and, being near the situation where De Gama is said to have seen a great extent of land, we were glad of an opportunity of contributing to remove the doubts, if any yet remained, respecting this pretended discovery. It is somewhat remarkable that it cannot be discovered who this John De Gama was, when he lived, or at what time he made this discovery.

Muller relates, that the first account of it was in a chart published by Texeira, in 1649; who places it between the latitude of 44° and 45′, and calls it "land seen by John De Gama, in a voyage from China to New Spain." Why the French geographers have removed it five degrees to the eastward, we cannot comprehend; unless we suppose it to have been to make room for another fresh discovery made by the Dutch, called Company's land.

The wind was very unsettled the whole day, and blew in fresh gusts, which were succeeded by dead calms. Though these were not unpromising appearances, yet, after standing off and on the whole day, without perceiving land, we steered to the northward; not chusing to lose much time [Page 349] in search of an object, the existence of which was universally disbelieved. The whole of the 16th, our people were employed in drying their wet things, and in airing the ships below.

The increasing inclemency of the northern climate was now severely felt. On the 18th, in the morning, we were in the latitude of 45° 40′, and the longitude of 160° 25′. We had snow, sleet, and strong gales from the south-west. Considering the season of the year, and the quarter from which the wind came, this is rather a remarkable circumstance. In the day-time of the 19th, the thermometer remained at the freezing point, and fell to 29° at four in the morning. On comparing the degree of heat, during the sultry weather at the beginning of this month, with the extreme cold which we now endured, some idea may be formed of our sufferings upon so rapid a change.

The gale which we had on the 18th, had split most of the sails we had bent; and as these were our second suit, we were obliged to have recourse to our last and best set. Captain Clerke's difficulties were augmented by the sea being generally so rough, and the ships so extremely leaky, that there was no place to repair the sails in, except his apartments, which was a serious inconvenience to him, in his declining state of health.

At noon on the 20th, our latitude was 40° 45′ north, and our longitude 161° 15′ east, and we [Page 350] earnestly expected to fall in with the coast of Asia; when the wind shifted to the north, where it continued the day following. Though our progress was thus retarded, we were considerably refreshed by the fair weather it produced. On the 21st, in the forenoon, we had the sight of a whale, and a land bird; and, as the water appeared muddy, we founded in the afternoon, but could not find ground with an hundred and forty fathoms of line. In the course of the three preceding days, we saw a large quantity of wild-fowl, somewhat resembling ducks. This usually indicates the vicinity of land, but no other signs of it had been seen since the 16th, in which time we had sailed an hundred and fifty leagues and upwards.

The wind shifted to the north-east, on the 22d, and was attended with misty weather. The cold was so intense, and the ropes frozen to such a degree, that it was a business of great difficulty to force them through the blocks. On comparing our present position with the southern parts of Kamtschatka, as given in the Russian charts, Captain Clerke thought it might be dangerous to run on towards the land all night. We therefore tacked at ten, sounded, and had ground with seventy fathoms of line.

At six in the morning of the 23d, the fog clearing away we saw mountains covered with snow, and a high conical rock, at the distance of about three or four leagues. soon after we had taken [Page 351] this imperfect view, a thick fog again appeared. According to our maps, we were now but eight leagues from the entrance of Awatska Bay; therefore, when the weather cleared up, we stood in to take a nearer survey of the country; when a most dismal and dreary prospect presented itself. The coast is straight and uniform, without bays, or inlets; from the shore, the ground rises in moderate hills, and behind them are ranges of mountains, whose summits penetrate the clouds. The whole was covered with snow, except the sides of some cliffs, which rose too perpendicularly from the sea, to permit the snow to lie upon them.

The wind blew strong from the north-east, with hazy weather and fleet, from the 24th to the 28th; the thermometer, during that time, being never higher than 30 ½°. The ship resembled a complete mass of ice; the shrouds being so incrusted with it, as to double their dimensions: and, indeed, the oldest seaman among us had never experienced such continued showers of fleet, and that extremity of cold, which we had now to encounter. The inclemency of the weather, the difficulty of working our ships, and the incessant duty required at the pumps, rendered the service intolerable to many of our crew; some of whom were much frost-bitten, and others were confined with colds. We continued standing four hours on each tack, having soundings of sixty [Page 352] fathoms, when within three leagues of the land▪ but no sounding at double that distance.

We had, on the 25th. an imperfect glance of the entrance of Awatska Bay, but could not presume to venture into it, in the present condition of the weather. We again stood off, when we lost sight of the Discovery, which gave us little concern, being now almost arrived at the place of rendezvous.

In the morning of the 28th, the weather cleared up, with a light breeze continuing from the same quarter. Having a fine warm day we were in expectation of a thaw, and therefore the men were busied in taking the ice from the rigging, sails, &c. that it might not fall upon our heads. At noon, when our latitude was 52° 44′, and our longitude 159°, the entrance of Awatska Bay bore north-west, at the distance of about three or four leagues; and, at three in the afternoon, we stood in with a fair wind from the southward, having soundings from twenty-two to seven fathoms.

The mouth of Awatska Bay opens in the direction of north north-west. On the south side, the land is moderately high: it rises, to the northward, into a bluff-head. Three remarkable rocks lie in the channel between them, not far from the north-east side; and, on the opposite side, a single rock of a considerable size. There is a look-out house on the north-head, which is used as a lighthouse [Page 353] when any of the Russian ships are expected upon the coast. It had a flag-staff in it; but there did not appear to be any person there.

Passing the mouth of the bay, which extends about four miles in length, a circular bason presents itself, of about twenty-five miles in circumference; in which, at about four o'clock, we anchored in six fathom water; fearing to run foul of a shoal mentioned by Muller to lie in the channel. Great quantities of loose ice drifted with the tide in the middle of the bay; but the shores were wholly blocked up with it. Plenty of wild-fowl, of various kinds, were seen; also large flights of Greenland pigeons; together with ravens and eagles. We looked at every corner of the bay, to see if we could discern the town of St. Peter and St. Paul, which, from the accounts we had received at Oonalashka, we supposed to be a place of strength and consequence. At last we perceived to the north-east, some miserable log-houses, and a few conical huts, amounting, in the whole to about thirty; which, from their situation we concluded to be Petropaulowska. In justice, however, to the hospitable treatment we found here, it may not be amiss to anticipate the reader's curiosity, by assuring him, that our disappointment proved in the end, a matter of entertainment to us. In this wretched extremity of the earth, beyond conception barbarous and inhospitable, out of the reach of civilization, bound [Page 354] and barricadoed with ice, and covered with summer snow, we experienced the tenderest feelings of humanity, joined to a nobleness of mind, and elevation of sentiment, which would have done honour to any clime or nation.

In the morning of the 29th, at day-light, Mr. King was sent with the boats to examine the bay, and to present the letters to the Russian commander, which we had brought from Oonalashka. We proceeded towards the village just mentioned, and, having advanced as far as we could with the boats, we got upon the ice, which reached about half a mile from the shore. Mr. King was attended by Mr. Webber, and two of the seamen, whilst the master went to finish the survey; the jolly boat being left to carry us back.

Probably the inhabitants had not, by this time, seen either the ships or the boats; for, even on the ice, no appearance of a living creature could be seen in the town. When farther advanced on the ice, a few men were seen hurrying backwards and forwards; and afterwards a sledge with one person in it, and drawn by dogs, approached us.

Struck with the unusual sight, and admiring the civility of this stranger, who we supposed was coming to our assistance, we were astonished to see him turn short round, and direct his course towards the ostrog. We were equally chagrined and disappointed at this abrupt departure; especially [Page 355] as our journey over the ice began to be both difficult and dangerous. At every step we took, we sunk almost knee-deep in the snow; and, though there was tolerable footing at the bottom, the weak parts of the ice were not discoverable, and we were continually exposed to the risk of breaking through it. Indeed this accident actually happened to Mr. King; but, by the assistance of a boat-hook, he was enabled to get upon firm ice again.

The nearer we approached the shore, we found the ice still more broken. The sight of another sledge advancing towards us, however, afforded us some comfort. But, instead of coming, to relieve us, the driver stopt short, and called out to us. Mr. King immediately held up Ismyloff's letters. In consequence of which, he turned about, and went full speed back again; followed with the execrations of some of our party. Unable to draw any conclusion from this unaccountable behaviour, we still proceeded towards the ostrog, with the greatest circumspection; and, when at the distance of about a quarter of a mile from it, we observed a body of armed men advancing towards us. To avoid giving them any alarm, and to preserve the most peaceable appearance, Mr. King and Mr. Webber marched in front, and the men, who had boat-hooks in their hands, were ordered in the rear. The armed party consisted of about thirty soldiers, preceded [Page 356] by a person with a cane in his hand. Within a few paces of us, he halted, and drew up his men in a martial order. Mr. King presented Ismaloff's letters to him, and vainly endeavoured to make him understand that we were English, and had brought these dispatches from Oonalashka.

Having attentively examined us, he conducted us towards the village in solemn silence, frequently halting his men, and making them perform different parts of their manual exercise; in order to shew us, perhaps, that if we should presume to offer any violence, we should have to deal with those who knew what they were about.

During the whole of this time, Mr. King was in his wet clothes, shivering with cold; yet he could not avoid being diverted with this military parade, though it was attended by an unseasonable delay. Arriving, at length, at the habitation of the commanding officer of the party, we were ushered in; and, after giving orders to the military without doors, our host appeared, accompanied by the secretary of the port. One of the letters from Imyloff was now opened, and the other sent express to Bolcheretsk, a town on the west side of Kamtschatka, and the place of residence of the Russian commander of this province.

It appears extraordinary, that the natives had not seen the Resolution the preceding day, when we anchored in the bay; nor this morning till our [Page]

A VIEW of the TOWN and [...] of ST PETER and ST PAUL in KAMTSCHATKA.

[Page 357] boats approach the ice. The first sight of the ship, we understood, had struck them with a considerable panic. The garrison was instantly put under arms; two field-pieces were placed before the commander's house; and powder, shot, and lighted matches were all in readiness.

The officer, who had conducted us to his house, was a serjeant; and also the commander of the ostrog. After he had recovered from the alarm which our arrival had produced, the kindness and hospitality of his behaviour was astonishing. His house, indeed, was intolerably hot, but remarkably neat and clean. After Mr. King had changed his clothes, by putting on a complete suit of the serjeant's, at his earnest request; we were requested to partake of a dinner, which was doubtless the best he could procure; and, considering our visit was unexpected, was ingeniously conducted. To have prepared soup and bouillit, would have required some time; instead of which, we had some cold beef sliced, with boiling water poured over it. After that we were regaled with a large roasted bird, the taste of which was most delicious, though we were unacquainted with its species. Having eaten a part of this, it was removed, and fish were served up, dressed in two different methods. Soon after which the bird appeared again in savoury and sweet pates. Our liquor was such as the Russians distinguished by the name of quass, and was the most indifferent [Page 358] part of our entertainment. The serjeant's wife served up several of the dishes, and was not permitted to sit down at table with us.

Our repast being finished, during which our conversation was limited to a few bows, and other personal tokens of mutual respect, we strove to explain to our host, the occasion of our visit to this port. Probably Ismaloff had written to them on this subject, in the letters we had delivered, as we made him readily conceive our meaning; but, as there was not a person in the place, who knew any other language than Russian or Kamtschadale, we found it extremely difficult to comprehend what he endeavoured to communicate to us. After much time spent in our attempts to understand each other, the sum of the intelligence we had received appeared to be, that, though we could not be supplied with provisions or stores at this place, yet those articles were to be procured, in great plenty, at Bolcheretsk. That he doubted not, but the commander would readily supply us with what we wanted; but that, till he had received his orders, neither he, nor any of the natives, could even venture on board the vessel.

It being now time for us to depart, and as Mr. King's clothes were not yet dry, he again had recourse to the serjeant's benevolence for his leave to carry those on board which he had borrowed of him. This request was chearfully complied [Page 359] with; and a sledge, with five dogs, and a driver, was instantly provided for each of our party. This mode of conveyance afforded high entertainment for the sailors; and they were delighted still more, when they found that the two boat-hooks had a sledge appropriated solely to themselves. These sledges are so light, and so admirably constructed for the purposes they are intended, that they went safely and expeditiously over the ice, which we should have found extremely difficult to have passed on foot.

The boats, on our return, were towing the Resolution towards the village; and, at seven, we moored close to the ice; the entrance of the bay bearing south by east, and the ostreg north, at the distance of one mile and a half.

On the morning of the 30th, the casks and cables were taken to the quarter-deck, to lighten the vessel forward; and the carpenters proceeded to stop the leak, which had occasioned us so much trouble. It appeared to have been occasioned by some sheathing falling off from the larboard-bow, and the oakum having been washed out from between the planks. We had such warm weather in the middle of the day, that the ice began to break away very fast, and almost choaked up the entrance of the bay. Several of our officers waited upon the serjeant, who received them with great civility; and Captain Clerke made him a present of two bottles of rum, thinking [Page 360] he could not send him any thing more acceptable. In our return, he received twenty fine trouts, and some excellent fouls of the grouse kind. Though the bay swarmed with ducks and Greenland pigeons, our sportsmen had no success, for they were so exceedingly shy as not to come within shot.

On the first of May, in the morning, we saw the Discovery standing in the bay; a boat was dispatched to her assistance, and she was moored, in the afternoon, close by the Resolution. We were then informed, that, after the weather became clear on the 28th, (the day she parted company) they were to leeward of the bay; and the following day, when they got abreast of it, seeing the entrance choaked up with ice, they fired guns and stood off, supposing we could not be here; but afterwards, perceiving it was only drift ice, they ventured to come in.

On Sunday the 2d, we had heavy showers of snow, and the weather was so exceedingly unsettled, that the carpenters could not proceed in their business. In the evening the thermometer stood at 28°, and the frost in the night was remarkably severe.

Two sledges being observed to drive into the village, on the morning of the 3d, Mr. King was ordered on shore, to learn whether any answer was arrived from the commander of Kamtschatka, which the serjeant informed us might be [Page 361] reasonably expected about this time. The distance from Bolcheretsk to St. Peter and St. Paul's, is one hundred and thirty-five English miles. The dogs were sent off with our dispatches, on the 29th at noon; and returned with an answer, as we were afterwards informed, early this morning: so that they performed a journey of two hundred and seventy miles, in a little more than three days and a half.

For the present, however, the return of the commander's answer was concealed from us; and, on Mr. King's arrival at the serjeant's, he was informed that he should hear from him the next day. While Mr. King was on shore, the boat in which he came, and another belonging to the Discovery, were bound fast by the ice. In this situation, the Discovery's launch was sent to their assistance, which soon partook of the same fate; and, shortly after, they were surrounded with ice to a great extent. Thus situated, we were obliged to continue on shore till the evening; when, giving over the thoughts of getting the boats off at that time, some of us were conveyed in sledges to the edge of the ice, where the boats from the ship took us off, and the rest continued all night on shore.

It froze extremely hard during the night; but, in the morning of the 4th, the floating ice was drifted away by a change of wind; and the boats [Page 362] were set at liberty without sustaining the smallest damage.

At ten in the forenoon, several sledges arriving at the edge of the ice, a boat was sent from the ship to conduct those who were in them on board. One of them proved to be a Russian merchant from Bolcheretsk, whose name was Fedositsch; and the other a German, named Port, with dispatches from Major Behm, commander of Kamtschatka, to Captain Clerke.

Arriving at the edge of the ice, and seeing distinctly the magnitude of the ships, which were then within two hundred yards of them, they were exceedingly alarmed; and before they ventured to embark, stipulated that two of our boat's crew should remain on shore, as hostages for their safety. It afterwards appeared, that Ismyloff, in the epistle he had written to the commander, (for reasons which we cannot comprehend) had mentioned our vessels as two small trading boats; and that the serjeant, having seen the ships but at a distance, had not rectified that mistake.

After they were come on board, we perceived by their timorous and cautious behaviour, that they entertained some very extraordinary apprehensions. They were greatly elated, however, when the German found a person among us, with whom he could enter into conversation. Mr. Webber spoke that language fluently, and convinced them, though not without difficulty, that [Page 363] we were Englishmen and friends. Mr. Port was introduced to Captain Clerke, to whom he delivered the commander's letter. It was written in the German language, and merely complimental, giving him and his officers an invitation to Bolcheretsk. Mr. Port also told Captain Clerke, that the Major had been misinformed, respecting the size of the ships, and the service in which we were engaged; Ismyloff having called our two vessels English packet-boats, and warned him to be cautious; intimating, as he supposed, that he suspected we were pirates. This letter, he said, had given birth to various conjectures about us at Bolcheretsk; that the Major apprehended we might be on a trading plan, and therefore had sent a merchant to us; but that the officer next in command, imagined we were French, arrived with some hostile intentions, and that measures ought to be pursued accordingly. He added, that the Major had been obliged to exert all his authority to prevent the inhabitants from quitting the town, so much were they alarmed, from the apprehension of our being French.

These alarms were principally occasioned by some circumstances in an insurrection which had happened at Bolcheretsk, not many years ago, in which the commander was killed. We were told, that Beniowski, an exiled Polish officer, seeing the town in great confusion, took that opportunity of seizing upon a galliot, lying at the [Page 364] entrance of the Bolchoireeka, and forced a sufficient number of Russian sailors on board to navigate her; that part of the crew were put on shore at the Kourile Islands, and Ismyloff among the rest; who, as we have already observed, puzzled us exceedingly with a narrative of this transaction at Oonalashka; though we then found it difficult to understand all the circumstances attending it: that he had a view of Japan; made Luconia, where he was instructed how to steer to Canton; that arriving there, he got a passage to France in one of the French India ships; most of the Russians having also returned to Europe in French ships; and afterwards proceeded to Petersburgh. We gathered the circumstances of the above story, from three of Beniowski's crew, whom we met with in the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul.

We received a farther corroboration of these facts, on our arrival at Canton, from the gentlemen belonging to the English factory there; who informed us, that a person in a Russian galliot had arrived there, who told them he came from Kamtschatka, and that the French factory had furnished him with a passage to Europe.

We were much diverted with the fears and apprehensions of these people; and especially with an account, given by Mr. Port, of the serjeant's extreme caution the day before. On seeing Mr. King and some other gentlemen come on shore, [Page 365] he concealed him and the Russian merchant in the kitchen, to give them an opportunity of listening to our conversation with each other, in order to discover, whether we were Englishmen or not.

Imagining, from the appearance of Mr. Port, that he might probably be the commander's secretary, we was considered in that light, and was invited, with the Russian merchant, to dine with Captain Clerke. Soon, however, we began to suspect, from the behaviour of the merchant, that Mr. Port was no more than a common servant; but, not choosing to sacrifice our little comforts at our pride, we avoided an explanation, by not permitting such a question to be proposed to him; he therefore continued upon a footing of equality with us, and we, in return, reaped the advantage of his abilities as a linguist.

[Page 366]

CHAP. II.

Stores and Provisions extremely scarce at St. Peter and St. Paul—Exorbitant Demands of a Merchant—A party dispatched to Bolcheretsk in pursuit of Stores and Provisions—Proceed up the River Awatska—Pass the night in a Marquée on the River-side—Civility and Hospitality of the Town of Karatchin—Dresses of the Kamtschadales—Prosecute our Journey on Sledges—Curious account of that Mode of Travelling—Arrive at Natcheenki—Remarkable hot Spring there—Embark on the Bolchoireka River—Arrival at the Capital—Formal Procession into that town—Generosity and Hospitality of Major Behm, Commander of the Garrison—Bolcheretsk described— Presents received from the Major—Entertainments of Dancing—Very affecting Departure from Bolcheretsk—Return to the Ships—Remarkable Instance of Generosity in the Sailors—Major Behm carries Dispatches to Petersburgh—His Departure, and extraordinary Character,

BY the assistance of our interpreter, we were now enabled to converse with the Russians, with some degree of facility; and the first objects of our enquiries, were the means of procuring fresh provisions and naval stores; particularly the latter, for the want of which we had been long [Page 367] in great distress. It appeared, upon enquiry, that the whole country about the bay, could furnish no other live cattle than two heifers; and these the serjeant engaged to procure for us. Our next applications were made to the merchant, whose terms for serving us were so exorbitant, that Captain Clerke thought it expedient to send an officer to the commander at Bolcheretsk, to learn the price of stores at that place. This determination being communicated to Mr. Port, he sent an express to the commander to acquaint him with our intentions, and to remove the suspicions that were entertained, respecting the purposes of our voyage.

Captain Clerke fixed upon Mr. King for this s [...]vice, and ordered him to prepare for setting out the next day, together with Mr. Webber, who was to accompany him as interpreter. That day and the next, however, proved too stormy for beginning a journey through so desolate and wild a country; but on the 7th of May, the weather became more favourable, and we set out in the ship's boats, early in the morning, in order to arrive at the entrance of the Awatska at high water, on account of the shoals at the mouth of that river. The country boats were to meet us here, to conduct us up the stream. Captain Core was also added to our party; and we were accompanied by Mr. Port and the Russian merchant, with two cossacks, having been previously [Page 368] furnished with warm furred clothing; a very necessary precaution, as it began to snow briskly immediately after our setting out. About eight o'clock, we were stopped by shoal water, within a mile of the mouth of the river, when some Kamtschadales took us and our baggage, in some small canoes, and conveyed us over a bank of sand, which the rapidity of the river had thrown up, and which, we are informed, was continually shifting. Having passed this shoal, the water again deepened, and we were furnished with a commodious boat, resembling a Norway yawl, to convey us up the river; together with canoes for the reception of our baggage.

The breadth of the mouth of the Awatska is about a quarter of a mile, but it gradually narrowed as we advanced. Having proceeded a few miles, we passed several branches; many of which we were told, emptied themselves into other parts of the bay; and that some of those, on the left, ran into the Paratounca river. For the first ten miles, the general direction of the river, from the bay, is to the north; and afterwards it turns to the westward. Except this bend, it chiefly preserves a straight course; and flows through a low flat country, to the distance of thirty miles from the sea, which is subject to frequent inundations. Six men were employed in pushing us on with long poles, three of them being at each end of the boat; and proceeded against the stream, at [Page 369] the rate of about three miles an hour. Our conductors endured this seve [...] labour for ten hours; stopping only once, and that for a short space of time, to take a little refreshment.

Being told, at our first setting out, that we could easily reach Karatchin that night, we were greatly disappointed to find ourselves fifteen miles from that place at sun-set. This was attributed to the delay in passing the shoals, both at the entrance of the river, and in many other places.

Our men being exceedingly fatigued, and as the difficulty of navigating the river would have increased by the darkness of the night, we declined all thoughts of proceeding on our journey that evening: we therefore fixed upon a place that was tolerably well sheltered, and, clearing it of the snow, erected a small marquée, which we had providentially taken with us; and, with the assistance of a good fire, and some excellent punch, passed the night agreeably. Our principal inconvenience was the being obliged to keep at a considerable distance from the fire; for, as soon as it was lighted, it thawed every part round it into an absolute puddle. The Kamtschadales were extremely alert and expeditious in erecting our marquée, and cooking our provisions; but we were much surprized at finding they had brought with them their utensils for making tea, considering it as a most intolerable hardship if they cannot, [Page 370] two or three times a day, regale themselves with drinking tea.

As soon as it was light, in the morning, we proceeded on our journey, and, before we had made much progress, were met by the Toion, or chief of Karatchin, who, being apprized of our coming, had provided canoes that were better accommodated for navigating the higher parts of the river. A commodious vessel (made by lashing two canoes together) furnished with fur cloaks, and lined with bear-skins, was also procured for us. We now proceeded rapidly, the Toion's people being remarkably expert in this kind of business. At ten we arrived at the ostrog, named Karatchin, and the seat of his command; where we were received by the Kamtschadale men and women, and some Russian servants belonging to the merchant, Fedositch. They were all attired in their best habilments; those of the women being gay and pleasing, and consisting of a loose robe of white nankeen, gathered close round the neck, and fastened with a silk collar. A short jacket, without sleeves, was worn over this, consisting of different coloured nankeens; and they had petticoats made of a slight Chinese silk. Their shifts, which were also made of silk, had sleeves extending to the wrists; and their heads were bound with coloured silk handkerchiefs, which entirely concealed the hair of the married women; but the unmarried ones placed the handkerchief under [Page 371] the hair, permitting it to flow loosely down the shoulders.

Karatchin was pleasantly situated on the side of the river, and was composed of three log-houses, nineteen balagans, or summer habitations, and three jourts, which are houses under ground. The Toion, to whose dwellings we were then conducted, was a plain decent man, sprung from a Russian mother, and a Kamtschadale father. His house, like all others in this country, consisted of only two apartments. All the furniture in the outer room, was a long narrow table, with a bench round it; and the inner apartment, which was the kitchen, was also very scantily furnished. But the hearty welcome, and kind attention of our host, amply compensated for the poverty of his habitation.

The wife of the Toion was an excellent cook, and served us with various sorts of fish and game, and different kinds of heath-berries, which had been preserved since the last year. Whilst we were dining in this miserable hut, the guests of absolutely strangers, and at the extremity of the habitable globe, a solitary half-worn pewter spoon attracted our attention. Its form was familiar to us, and the word London was stamped upon the back of it. It is impossible to express the anxious hopes and tender remembrances, this circumstance excited in us. Those who have been long absent from their native country, will readily [Page 372] conceived what inexpressible pleasure such trifling incidents can give.

Having now quitted the river, the next part of our journey was to be performed on sledges; but the thaw had been so great in the day-time, as not to permit us to set out, till the snow was become hard and firm by the coldness of the evening. This furnished us with an opportunity of walking about the village, which was the only place in this country, that we had seen free from snow. It was situated on a flat, of about a mile and an half in circuit. The leaves of the trees were just budding, and the verdure was strongly contrasted with the surrounding hills, which remained covered with snow. The soil appeared to be capable of producing common vegetables, we were surprized to find that not a spot of it was cultivated. Neither were the inhabitants possessed of cattle of any sort. In short, their situation, during the winter months, must be wretched beyond conception. They were now removing from their jourts to their balagans, which gave us an opportunity of observing both these sorts of habitations. The people invited us, very civilly, into their houses; chearfulness and content were visible in every countenance, to which the approaching change of season might perhaps contribute.

On returning to our host's, supper was prepared for us, consisting of the same articles which composed our former repast. When we had finished [Page 373] our meal, we entertained the Toion and his wife with punch made of some of our spirits; and Captain Gore, with his wonted generosity, made them some valuable presents: after which, they retired to the kitchen, leaving us in the other room; on the benches of which we spread our bear-skins, and sought a little repose; having first settled with our conductors, to proceed on our journey, when the ground was judged to be in a suitable condition.

The melancholy howlings of the dogs awakened us about nine the same evening. During the whole time our baggage was lashing upon the sledges, their horrid noise continued; but, when they were yoked, and prepared for travelling, a chearful yelping succeeded, which ceased the instant they marched off.

The annexed engraving will shew the figure of the sledges: it was taken from one brought over by Mr. King, and now in the possession of Sir Ashton Lever. The length of the body is about four feet and an half, and the breadth one foot. It is made in the form of a crescent, of light tough wood, fastened together with wicker work; and, among the principal people, is elegantly stained with red and blue; the seat being covered with furs or bear-skins. It has four legs, about two feet in height, resting on two long flat pieces of wood, of the breadth of five or six inches, extending a foot beyond the body of the sledge, at [Page 374] each end. These run up before, somewhat like a skait, and are shod with the bone of some sea-animal. The carriage is ornamented, at the fore part with tassels off coloured cloth, and leather thongs. It has a cross bar, to which the harness is joined; and links of iron, or small bells, are hanging to it, which, by the jingling, is supposed to encourage the dogs. They seldom carry more than one person at a time, who sits a side, with his feet on the lower part of the sledge, having his baggage and provisions, in a bundle behind him. The usual number of dogs employed in drawing this carriage, is five; four of them yoked two and two, and the other acting as leader. The reins being fastened to the collar, instead of the head, have no great command; and are therefore usually hung upon the sledge; the driver depending principally on their obedience to his voice. Great care and attention are consequently used in training up the leader, which frequently becomes very valuable on account of his steadiness and docility; the sum of forty rubles (or ten pounds) being no unusual price for one of them. The rider has also a crooked stick, answering the purpose both of whip and reins; with which, by striking in the snow, he can regulate the speed of the dogs, or even stop them at pleasure. When they are inattentive to their duty, he often chastises them by throwing it at them. The dexterity of the riders, in picking [Page 375] this stick up again, is very remarkable, and is the most difficult manoeuvre in the exercise of their profession: nor is it, indeed, surprizing that they should be skilful in a practice in which they are so materially interested; for, they assured us, that if a driver should happen to lose his stick, the dogs immediately discover it; and, unless their leader is both steady and resolute, they will instantly set off full speed, and never stop till their strength is exhausted; or till the carriage is overturned and dashed to pieces, or hurried down a precipice, when all were buried in the snow. The accounts of the speed of these animals, and of the hardships and fatigues they suffer, would have appeared incredible, had they not been supported by the greatest authority. We ourselves were witnesses of the extraordinary expedition with which the messenger returned, who had been dispatched to Bolcheretsk with the news of our arrival at St. Peter and St. Paul's, though the snow was exceedingly soft. The Governor of Kamtschatka assured us, that this journey was usually performed in two days and an half; and that he had once received an express from that harbour in twenty-three hours

During the winter, the dogs are fed on the offals of dried and stinking fish; and, even this miserable food is withheld from them, a day before they set out on a journey; and they are not permitted to eat a morsel of any thing till they [Page 376] arrive at the end of it. They are frequently kept fasting for two entire days, in which time they will perform a journey of great extent. The shape of these resembles that of the Pomeranian breed, but they are considerably larger.

Not chusing to rely upon our own skill, we had each of us a man to conduct the sledge, which, in the condition the roads then, were proved a very laborious business: for, as the thaw had been prevalent in the vallies, through which was our regular road, we were obliged to travel along the sides of the hills; our guides being under the necessity of supporting the sledges, on the lower sides, with their shoulders, for many miles together. Mr. King was attended by a goodnatured Cossack, who was so imperfect in his business, that he was continually overturned, which afforded entertainment to his companions. The party consisted of ten sledges in the whole. That which conducted Captain Gore, was formed of two lashed together, and was plentifully furnished with furs and bear-skins. It was drawn by ten dogs, yoked four abreast; and those which were laden with heavy baggage, were drawn by the same number.

We had proceeded about four miles on our journey, when it began to rain, which, together with the darkness of the night, threw us into some confusion. It was, after some little consultation, agreed, that we should continue where [Page 377] we were till day-light; we therefore secured our sledges, wrapped ourselves up in furs, and waited patiently for the morning. At three o'clock we were summoned to proceed; our guides expressing their apprehensions, that if we waited any longer, the thaw would perhaps stop us, and prevent our advancing or returning. Though we had many difficulties to encounter, owing principally to the bad condition of the road, we got safe to an ostrog about two in the afternoon. It is called Natcheekin, and is situated on a small stream, which falls into the Belchoireka, at some distance below the town. It is twenty-five miles from Karatchin; which, by their account, we could have compassed in four hours, had the frost continued; but the snow was so soft that the poor animals sunk up to their bellies at almost every step; and it was indeed surprizing that they should be able to support themselves under so fatiguing a journey.

This inconsiderable ostrog consists of one loghouse, the residence of the Toion, one jourt, and sive balagans. We were received here with the same civility and hospitality as at Karatchin; and, in the afternoon, were conducted to a remarkable hot spring, at a small distance from this village. Before we came very near it, we saw a rising steam from it, as from a boiling caldron; and, when we approached it, we perceived a strong sulphureous effluvia. A bason of about, three feet in [Page 378] diameter, is formed by the main spring; besides which, there are several lesser springs, of equal heat, in the adjacent ground; by which means the whole spot, consisting of about an acre, was so very hot that we could not remain two minutes in the same place. The water issuing from these springs, supplies a small bathing pond, and afterwards a little rivulet, which conducts it into the river, at the distance of about an hundred and fifty yards. Great cures they informed us, had been effected by this bath, in rheumatisms, scorbutic ulcers, swelled and contracted joints, and many other disorders. Where these springs flow, the ground is on a gentle ascent; have a green hill of a moderate size behind it. Some plants seemed to thrive here with great luxuriance, among which we observed the wild garlick.

On the morning of the 10th, we embarked on the Bolchoireeka; and going with the stream, expected to arrive at our journey's end the following day. Th [...]gh Bolcheretsk is eighty miles from Natcheekin, we were informed, that, in the summer, when the melting of snow on the mountains has rendered the river full and rapid, the canoes have often gone there in a single day: but now they told us we should be much longer, the ice having broken up only three days before our arrival, and our's being the first boat that had attempted to pass. There was but too much truth in this intelligence; for we were greatly impeded [Page 379] by the shallows; and, though the stream was rapid in many places, we frequently had ripplings and shoals, and were under the necessity of hauling the boats over them. On each side of the river, the country was romantic, but not diversified: the course of it being between craggy mountains, of a most dreary and barren aspect; with nothing to vary the scene, except now and then the sight of a bear, or a flock of wild fowl. This and the following night, we slept under our marquée, on the banks of the river, and suffered greatly from the severity of the weather.

On the 12th, at day-light, we had passed the mountains, and were proceeding through a low extensive plain, on which were a number of shrubby trees. At nine in the morning, we reached an ostrog, called Opatchin, of about the same magnitude as Karatchin, and supposed to be fifty miles from Natcheekin. A serjeant and four Russian soldiers had been here two day [...], waiting for our arrival; who instantly dispatched a light boat to Bolcheretsk to give intelligence of our approach. A magnificent canoe, plentifully furnished with skins and furs, was prepared for our reception, and we were very commodiously equipped; but our fellow-travellers were excluded. It gave us some concern to be separated from our old companion Mr. Port, who daily grew more shy and distant, as we drew nearer to the completion of our journey. He acknowledged, [Page 380] indeed, before we set out, that he was not entitled to the respect we had shewn him; but, finding him discreet, and not presuming, we had insisted on his faring as we did, throughout the journey. We performed the remainder of our passage, with the utmost ease and expedition; for, as we descended, the river grew more rapid, and had very few obstructions.

On our approaching Kamtschatka, we judged, from an appearance of great stir and bustle, that our reception was to be in form. This circumstance was disagreeable to us; as decent clothing had long been scarce among us; and our travelling habits formed a strange assemblage of the modes of India, Europe, and Kamtschatka. To make a parade through the metropolis in this motley trim, we thought would appear ridiculous; and, as we observed a crowd of people collected on the banks of the river, and were informed that the commander would receive us at the water-side, we stopped at the house of a soldier, about a quarter of a mile before we came to the town. Here we dispatch Mr. Port with a message to his excellency, acquainting him, that, as soon as we had put off our travelling dresses, we would attend him at his own house, to pay our respects to him; and entreated him not to think of waiting to conduct us. He persisted, however, in his resolution of paying us this compliment, and we immediately proceeded to join him [Page 381] at the entrance of the capital. We were all remarkably aukward and defective in making our first salutations; not having been accustomed to bowing and scraping, for at least two years and an half. The commander received us in a most engaging manner; but we had the mortification to discover, that he had almost wholly forgot the French language; so that only Mr. Webber had the satisfaction of conversing with him, as he spoke the German, which was his native tongue.

Major Behm was accompanied by Captain Shmelaff, the next in command, and another officer; the whole body of merchants attended also. We were conducted to the commander's house, where we were politely and respectfully received by his lady; who had prepared tea and other refreshments for us. The first compliments being over, Captain [...]ore desired Mr. Webber to acquaint the Major, that we were distressed for want of naval stores, fresh provisions, flour, and other necessaries; and that we were convinced we could not receive much assistance from him, in the country about Awatska Bay, from what we had already seen and heard; that the impossibility of conveying heavy stores over the peninsula, at that season, we were but too sensible of, from the difficulties we had encountered in our journey; and that we could not delay the prosecution of our voyage, to wait for any material change. Here the Major interrupted Mr. Webber, [Page 382] by observing, that he knew not what they were capable of doing; that he should not bestow a thought upon the difficulties of supplying our wants; he only wished to know what articles we stood in need of, and the time he could be allowed for procuring them. After expressing our acknowledgments for his obliging condescension, we presented him an account of the naval stores, cattle, and flour, we were directed to purchase; and informed him, that we intended to prosecute our voyage about the 5th of June.

After this the conversation became more general, and it might naturally be supposed, that we were anxious to obtain some information resqecting our native country. Having been three years absent, we entertained the most flattering expectations, of receiving some interesting intelligence from Major Behm: but we were greatly disappointed, when he assured us, that he could not communicate any intelligence of a much later date than that of our quitting▪ England. The commander, supposing we might be fatigued, and desirous of repose, begged leave to conduct us to our lodgings, at about seven o'clock. It was useless to protest against a compliment, to which we had no other title than that of being strangers. That alone, with this generous Livonian, was sufficient to counterbalance every other consideration. In going along, we passed two guard-houses, where the men were [Page 383] under arms in compliment to Captain Gore, and w [...]re conducted to a neat decent house, which the Major had appointed for our residence, while we continued at Kamtschatka. We had two sentinels posted at our door, and a serjeant's guard in an adjoining house. Having disposed of us in our apartments, the Major took his leave, promising to visit us the next day. We were now at leisure to discover the conveniences which he had amply provided for us. Our fellow-traveller, Mr. Port, and a soldier, of a rank between that of a serjeant and a corporal, (called a pulpropersckaek) were fixed upon to be our male domestics. We had also a housekeeper, and a cook, who were ordered to obey Mr. Port's directions in dressing us a supper, after the English mode of cookery. In the course of the evening, we were favoured with a number of civil messages, from the principal inhabitants of the town, politely observing, that their attending to pay their respects to us at that time, would add to our fatigues, but they would do themselves that honour the next morning. Such attention and politeness, in so uncultivated and desolate a country, formed a contrast highly in favour of its inhabitants; and, in addition to their civility, at sunset, the serjeant brought the report of his guard to Captain Gore.

In the morning of the 13th, compliments were sent us by the Major, Captain Shmelaff, and the [Page 384] most respectable people of the town, from all whom we were honoured with visits soon after. The two former having, after we had retired to rest, enquired of Mr. Port what articles we stood in the greatest need of on board the ships; they insisted on our sharing with their garrison, in the small stock of provisions they had then remaining; lamenting, at the same time, that our arrival, should happen to be in that season of the year, when scarcity reigned universally among them; the sloops from Okotsk not being yet arrived with their annual supply.

We thankfully accepted the liberal offer of these hospitable strangers; on condition, however, that we should be made acquainted with the price of the articles we received from them, that Captain Clerke might draw upon the Victualling Office, in London, for the amount. This was refused, in the most positive terms; and, though repeatedly urged, the Major always stopped us short, by saying, that his mistress would be highly gratified at his rendering every assistance in his power to the English, who are her good friends and allies; and that it would give her a peculiar satisfaction to find, that, in such remote regions, her dominions had afforded any relief to vessels engaged in such important services. He added, that he could not, therefore, act so contrary to the principles of his Empress, as to think of receiving any bills; but if we [Page 385] insisted on it, we might give him a bare certificate of the articles he might supply us with, which he would transmit to the court of Russia, as evidence of having performed his duty.. All farther acknowledgments, continued he, must be submitted to the two courts, but you must excuse me from acceding to your proposal.

This matter being adjusted, he requested to be informed respecting our private wants, saying he should consider it as offering him an affront, if we applied to any of the merchants, or had dealing with any other person except himself.

Not being able to make an adequate return for such singular generosity, he had only our thanks and admiration. At this moment, Mr. King recollected, that Captain Clerke had sent by him a set of the engravings to Captain Cook's second voyage, desiring him to present it, in his name, to the commander. Nothing could have been more acceptable to him than this present, the Major being an enthusiast in all matters relative to discoveries. Captain Clerke had also given Mr. King a discretionary power, of permitting the commander to see a chart of the discoveries made in the present voyage; and judging from his situation and disposition of mind, that he would be highly gratified by such a communication; though, from motives of delicacy, he had only asked a few general questions on the subject▪ [Page 386] Mr. King reposed in him that confidence, which his whole conduct so justly merited.

He felt this compliment as it was intended he should; and was struck at beholding, in one view, the whole of that coast on the side of Asia and America, which his countrymen had been so long employed in acquiring an imperfect knowledge of.

Except this mark of confidence, and the set of copper-plates already mentioned, we had nothing with us deserving of his acceptance; for it was hardly worth noticing, that Mr. King prevailed on his son (who was quite a youth) to accept of a silver watch; and contributed to his little daugter's happiness, by presenting her with two pair of ear-rings, of French paste. He also gave Captain Shmaleff the thermometer which he had used on his journey, when he engaged to keep a register of the temperature of the air for one whole year, and to transmit it to Mr. Muller, with whom he was acquainted.

This day we dined at the commander's, who, ever studious to gratify our curiosity, had prepared a variety of dishes dressed after the Russian and Kamtschadale manner, besides a number of others in the English style. In the afternoon, we took a survey of the town, and the adjacent country. The situation of Bolcheretsk is in a low swampy plain, extending to the sea of Okotsk, being about forty miles in length, and of a considerable breadth. It lies north of the Bolchoi-reka (or [Page 387] great river) and on a peninsula, which has been separated from the continent by a large canal, under the directions of the present commander; which has added strength to it as a fortress, and rendered it much less subject to inundations. The depth of the river, below the town, is from six to eight feet, and the breadth about a quarter of a mile. At the distance of twenty-two miles, it empties itself into the sea of Okotsk; where it is capable of admitting pretty large vessels. No corn, of any kind, is cultivated in this part of the country; and the Major assured us, that his was the only garden that had been planted. In general, the earth was covered with snow: the parts which were free from it, were full of black turfy hillocks. We saw about twenty or thirty cows; and the commander had six good horses. These, and their dogs, are there only tame animals: being obliged to keep a great number of the latter, they can rear only such cattle as are a match for them in strength and size. For, during the whole of the summer season, the dogs are turned loose, to provide entirely for themselves; and are sometimes so ravenous, that they will even venture to attack the bullocks.

The buildings in Bolcheretsk are all in the same style; they consist of logs of wood, and are thatched. The Major's house is considerably larger than the rest, and has there capacious rooms neatly papered; but the talc, which covered [Page 388] the windows, gave them a disagreeable and mean appearance. The town consist of low buildings, in rows of five or six habitations each, connected together by a passage extending the whole length of them; having the kitchen and store-house on one side, and the dwelling apartments on the other. There are also barracks for the Russian soldiers and Cossacks; a tolerable church; a court-room; and, at the end of the town, a number of Balagans. The number of the inhabitants is between five or six hundred. A handsome entertainment was given by the Major, in the evening, to which were invited all the respectable inhabitants of both sexes.

We made a private application, the next day, to Fedositch, the merchant, in order to purchase some tobacco; the sailors having been without that favourite commodity for upwards of a year. This however, like other similar transactions, came immediately to the knowledge of the commander; and, in a very short time after, we were surprised to find four bags of tobacco in our house, each containing upwards of a hundred pounds; which the Major requested might be presented to our sailors, in his name, and that of the garrison under his command. By the same conveyance, we received twenty loaves of sugar, and as many pounds of tea, which they requested the officers to accept of; as they understood that we were almost destitute of those articles. A [Page 389] present was also sent by Madame Behm, for Captain Clerke, which consisted of honey, butter, figs, rice, and other articles; accompanied with her best wishes, that in his infirm state, they might prove serviceable to him. We strenuously endeavoured to oppose this profusion of bounty, and were extremely anxious to restrain it; fully convinced that they were giving us almost the whole stock of their garrison. But the answer we received from the Major, on these occasions, generally was, That he had been in distress himself, and he was sensible that we must now be in that situation. The length of time, indeed, since we had touched at any known port, appeared to them almost incredible, and seemed to require the evidence of our maps, and other concurrent circumstances, to obtain their credit. Among the latter, we shall mention a curious fact, which Major Behm related to us this morning, and which he said he should not have known how to account for, but for our arrival.

Among the people of the north of Asia, it is well known, that the Tschutski only have maintained their independence, and resisted all the efforts of the Russians to reduce them. The last attempt was in 1750, and after variety of temporary advantages on each side, the Russian forces retreated, after having lost their commanding officer. The Russians afterwards removed their frontier frotress, from the Anadyr to the Ingiga [Page 390] a river which runs into the northern extremity of the sea of Okotsk, and gives its name to a gulph, west of that of Penshinsk. On the day of our arrival at Bolecheretsk, the Major had received dispatches from this fort, acquainting him, that a party of the Tschutski had arrived there, with voluntary offers of friendship and a tribute. That, on asking the cause of so unexpected an alteration in their sentiments, they had acquainted his people, that two large Russian boats had visited them, towards the end of the preceding summer: that they had been shewn the greatest kindness by the people who were in them, and had entered into a league of amity with them; and that, in consequence of this, they came to the Russian fort, in order to settle a treaty upon terms agreeable to both nations. This remakable tale had given rise to much speculation, both at Ingiginsk and Bolcheretsk; and must have remained utterly unintelligible, had it not been elucidated by us. It was no small satisfaction to us, to have thus shewn the Russians, even by accident, the best method of collecting tribute, and extending their dominions; in hopes that the good understanding, which this event has produced, may rescue a brave people from such powerful invaders.

We were this day engaged to dine with Captain Shmaleff, who in order to vary our amusements, entertained us with an exhibition of dancing, in the Russian and Kamtschadale style. It [Page 391] is impossible to convey an adequate idea of this uncouth exhibition. The figure of the Russian dance, resembled those of our hornpipes, and consisted of one, two, or four performers at a time. Their steps were exceedingly short and quick, their feet being raised but a very little way from the ground; their arms were hung down close to the sides, the body being kept, the whole time, erect and immoveable, except when the performers passed each other, when the hand was suddenly raised with an awkward motion. But, if the Russian dance was unmeaning and ridiculous, the Kamtschadale was infinitely more so. The principle aim, in their performances, is to represent the clumsy gestures of the bear, which the inhabitants of this country have frequent opportunities of observing in various situations. To describe the awkward postures, exhibited on these occasions, would appear tedious and uninteresting. In general, however, the body was bowed, and the knees bent, whilst the arms were employed in imitating the motions of that awkward animal.

Having spent much time in our journey to Bolcheretsk, and being informed that our return might, perhaps, be more difficult and tedious we were obliged to acquaint the Major, this evening with our intention of departing the next day. We could not think of leaving our new acquaintance without regret; and were agreeably surprised, [Page 392] when the Major promised to accompany us, if we would stay but one day longer. He told us, that he had made up his dispatches, and resigned the command of Kamtschatka to Captain Shmaleff; having made the necessary preparations for his departure to Okotsk, which was shortly to take place; but that he should be happy in postponing his journey, and at [...]nding us to St. Peter and St. Paul's, in order to be satisfied, that nothing which could be done to serve us, should be omitted.

For the articles which Mr. King had given to the Major's children, he received, the next morning, a most magnificent Kamtschadale dress, such as the principal Toions wear on the most solemn occasions. This habit, as we are informed by Fedositch, must have cost, at least, one hundred and twenty roubles. He also at the same time, was presented with a handsome sable muff, as a present from his daughter.

We dined this day (the 15th) with the commander, who, willing to give us an opportunity of seeing as much as we could of the manners and customs of the country, invited all the principal inhabitants of the town, to his house this evening. The dresses of the women were splendid after the Kamtschadale manner. Captain Shmaleff's lady, and the wives of the other officers of the garrison, were dressed in a pretty taste, partly in the Siberian, and partly in the European mode. Madame Behm, in particular, appeared in a grand [Page 393] European dress. The richness and variety of the silks worn by the women, as well as the singularity of their dress, was very striking: and the whole had the air of some enchanted scene, in the midst of the most desert and dreary country in the universe. The entertainments of this night were dancing and singing.

As we had fixed upon the next morning for our departure, we retired early to our apartments, where three travelling dresses presented themselves to our view, made after the Kamtschadale mode, which had been provided for us by the commander. He came to us himself soon after, to see that proper care was taken in packing up our things. We had, indeed, no inconsiderable load of baggage; for exclusive of his liberal presents, Captain Shmaleff, and several other individuals, shewed us many instances of kindness and generosity.

On Sunday, the 16th, early in the morning, we were preparing for our departure, when we were invited to take our leave of Madame Behm, in our passage to the boats. Already impressed with sentiments of the warmest gratitude, for the benevolent and generous treatment we had received at Bolcheretsk, they were much heightened by the effecting scene which followed. On quiting our apartments, we saw all the soldiers and cossacks of the garrison drawn up on one side, and, on the other, were all the male inhabitants [Page 394] of the town, in their best clothing; the whole body of the people joining in a melancholy song, which, we were informed, it was usual to sing on the departure of friends. Thus we marched till we arrived at the commander's house, preceded by the drums and music belonging to the garrison. Here we were received by Madame Behm, accompanied by several ladies, habited in long silk cloaks, lined with furs of various colours: forming a most splendid appearance. Having partook of some refreshment which had been provided for us, we proceeded to the water-side, attended by the ladies, who joined with the rest of the people in the song; and, having taken leave of Madame Behm, after assuring her that the sense of the hospitality of Bolcheretsk, would be indelible in our hearts, we were two much affected not to hasten into the boats. At putting off, we received three cheers, which we immediately returned; and, on doubling a point, where we last beheld our friendly entertainers, they still added to our feelings, by a farewell cheer!

On our return, the stream was so exceedingly rapid, that, notwithstanding the utmost exertions of our conductors, we did not arrive at the first village, Opatchin, till the 17th in the evening, which did not exceed the rate of twenty miles a day. On the 19th, we reached Natcheekin, and crossed the plain to Karatchin on the 20th. The road was in much better order than when [Page 395] we passed it before, as it froze smartly in the night of the 19th. We proceeded down the Awatska river on the 21st, and passed over the shoals, at the entrance of the bay, before it was dark. During the whole of our journey, we were highly pleased with the willingness and alacrity, with which the Toions and their Kamtschadales assisted us at the different ostrogs. On seeing the Major, joy appeared in every countenance; and they were much affected upon being informed that he would shortly leave them.

A messenger had been dispatched from Bolcheretsk to Captain Clerke, acquainting him with the nature of our reception; and that the Major intended to accompany us on our return; apprizing him, at the same time, of the day he might expect us. We observed, with pleasure, as we approached the harbour, all our boats coming towards us. The men were all clean, and the officers as well arrayed as their wardrobes would then permit them to be. The Major was struck at the healthly appearance of our sailors, and was surprized to see that many of them had no other covering than a shirt and trowsers, though it actually snowed at that very instant.

Major Behm had expressed an inclination to visit the ships before he landed; but, being informed that Captain Clerke was extremely ill, he thought it would be improper to disturb him at [Page 396] so late an hour; it being then after nine o'clock. Mr. King therefore attended him to the serjeant's house, and afterwards went on board to communicate to Captain Clerke what had happened at Bolcheretsk. He was much concerned to find that, during his absence, that officer's health was considerably impaired; instead of growing better, as we flattered ourselves it might, from undisturbed repose in the harbour, and a milk and vegetable diet.

The next morning, Mr. King conducted the Major to the ships; where he was received with every possible mark of distinction, and saluted with thirteen guns. He was attended by the commander of a Russian galliot, two merchants from Bolcheretsk, a master of a sloop, and the priest of the village of Paratounca.

Having visited the captain, and taken a view of the two ships, he returned to dine on board the Resolution. In the course of the afternoon, the curiosities which we had collected were shewn him, and an assortment of each article presented to him by Captain Clerke. Here we cannot suppress an instance of great generosity and gratitude in our sailors; who, being informed of the handsome present which had been made them by the Major, voluntarily requested that their grog might be withheld, and their allowance of spirits presented to the garrison of Bolcheretsk; saying they knew brandy was extremely scarce in that [Page 397] country, the soldiers on shore having offered four roubles a bottle for it. We could not but admire this extraordinary sacrifice, knowing how much the sailors felt, when abridged or deprived of their grog. Indeed, they never had that article withheld from them but in warm weather, that they might enjoy a greater proportion when it was most necessary; but this generous proposal would deprive them of it, even in the inclement season we had naturally to expect in our northern expedition. The officers, however, would not permit them to suffer by their generosity, and substituted, in the room of the small quantity of brandy, which the Major consented to accept, an equal quantity of rum. A dozen or two of Cape wine for Madame Behm, and some other trifling presents which we were enabled to make, were accepted with great politeness. The tobacco was distributed the next morning, among the crews of both vessels; every man that chewed or smoked tobacco being allowed three pounds, and the others only one.

It has been observed that the Major had resigned the command of Kamtschatka, and was speedily to repair to Petersburgh; and he now expressed his willingness to convey any dispatches we might chuse to commit to his care. Such an opportunity was not to be neglected; and Captain Clerke requested him to take the charge of some papers relative to our voyage, to the British [Page 398] Ambassador at the Russian court. At first, we intended to transmit only a concise journal of our proceedings; but, after mature consideration, Captain Clerke was of opinion, that the whole account of our discoveries might safely be committed to the care of a man, who had given the strongest proofs of probity and virtue. Considering also, that a very hazardous part of the voyage was still to be performed, he resolved to send, by him, the whole of Captain Cook's journal; together with his own, from the death of that commander, till our arrival at Kamtschatka; and also a chart of our discoveries. Mr. Bayly and Mr. King also determined to send an account of our proceedings to the board of longitude. From these precautions, had any accident befallen us, the Admiralty would have become possessed of the principal facts of our voyage. It was farther resolved, that a smaller packet should be dispatched from Okotsk, which the Major supposed would reach Petersburgh by December; and that he expected to arrive there himself in February or March.

The Major was entertained alternately in the two ships, as well as we were able, the three following days. He departed on the 25th, and was saluted with thirteen guns; the sailors, at their own request, expressing their regard for him by three cheers. Mr. King and Mr. Webber attended him, the next morning, some few miles up [Page 399] the Awatska river, where the Russian priest and his family were waiting to bid a last adieu to their commander.

On taking our leave of the Major, it is difficult to say, whether the worthy priest and his family or ourselves were most affected. Though our acquaintance had been of short duration, his behaviour had inspired us with the highest esteem for him; and we could not part (perhaps for ever) with one, to whom we were under such infinite obligations, without indulging the most tender feelings. Exclusive of the stores, which might probably be carried to a public account, the value of the private presents he bestowed on us, must have amounted to upwards of two hundred pounds. But, however extraordinary this generosity may appear, it was exceeded by his delicacy in conferring favours, and his ingenious endeavours to prevent our feeling the weight of obligations, which he knew we were unable to requite. In supporting a public character, and maintaining the honour of his sovereign, he is still more entitled to our admiration, as he was actuated by sentiments the most noble and enlarged. The service in which we were engaged, he told us, was for the general benefit of mankind; and entitled us to the offices of humanity, and the privileges of citizens, in whatever country we might be driven. That by affording us such relief as was in his power, he was certain that he was acting [Page 400] agreeably to the wishes of his empress; and that h [...] could not so entirely forget her character, or his own honour, as to barter for the performance of a duty. Among other things, he said, he made a particular point of setting a good example to the Kamtschadales, who were just emerging from a state of barbarism; that they considered the Russians as their patterns, in every respect; and that he hoped, they would in future, think it a duty incumbent on them to render strangers every assistance in their power, and believe it to be the universal practice of all polished and civilized nations.

The Major, having so far as he was capable, relieved our present distresses, he was not unmindful of our future wants; and imagining we should not be able to discover the passage we were in search of, and that we should return to Kamtschatka; he procured from Captain Clerke, the particulars of what flour and cordage he should want, promising to send them from Okotsk, to wait our arrival. He also presented the Captain with a written paper, enjoining every Russian subject to assist us to the utmost of their abilities.

THE END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.

[Page]

LIFE OF CAPTAIN JAMES COOK.

WITH AN ELEGANT PORTRAIT.

CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, eminently distinguished as a navigator, was born at Marton, a small village in the North Riding of Yorkshire, distant about six miles from Stockton upon Tees, on the 27th of October 1728. His father, whose name was also James, and who, from his dialect, was supposed to be a Northumbrian, lived in the humble station of a farmer's servant; he married a woman of the same rank with himself, and they were both noted in their neighbourhood for their honesty, sobriety and industry. Young Cook received the first rudiments of his education at the place in which he was born, from the schoolmistress of the village; but his father in consequence of the character he had obtained for diligence and skill in his profession, having been appointed bailiff, on a farm belonging to the late [Page 2] Thomas Scottow, Esq. called Airy Holme, he removed thither with his family, and his son James, being then about eight years of age, was, at Mr. Scottow's expence, put to a day school in Ayton, where he was instructed in writing and the principles of arithmetic.

Before he had attained to the age of thirteen, he was bound apprentice to a shopkeeper at Staiths, a fishing town, ten miles north of Whitby; but as he had a strong inclination for a sea-faring life, and as his passion for it was, perhaps, strengthened by the opportunities he had of frequenting the company of those employed in that line, on some quarrel between him and his master, he obtained his discharge, and soon after bound himself, for seven years, to Messrs. J. and H. Walker of Whitby, who were Quakers, and principal owners of two ships constantly employed in the coal trade. After the expiration of his time, he continued to serve, in the coal and other branches of trade, as a common sailor, till he was at length promoted to be mate of one of Mr. J. Walker's ships. During this period, nothing very striking appeared either in his character or conduct; nor did he exhibit any marks of those superior abilities, which have done so much honour to the British nation, which give him a title to be ranked amongst the most celebrated navigators, and which will render his name immortal.

[Page 3]In the spring of the year 1755, hostilities commenced between Great Britain and France. As an order had been issued from the Admiralty for impressing seamen, Mr. Cook, who was then in the river with his ship, afraid of being pressed, resolved if possible to conceal himself, but considering afterwards, that this might be difficult, if not impossible, he thought it would be best to enter voluntarily into his Majesty's service, and to try his fortune in the Royal Navy. In pursuance of this design, he repaired to a house of rendezvous at Wapping, and entered with an officer belonging to the Eagle, a ship of sixty guns, at that time commanded by Captain Hamer. To this ship, Captain, now Sir Hugh Palliser, being appointed in the month of October 1755, Cook's d [...]ligence, and his attention to the duties of his profession, did not escape his notice; he soon distinguished him to be an able and active seaman, and as all the officers were unanimous i [...] opinion respecting him, and spoke highly in his favor, the Captain gave him every encouragement which he possibly could.

Some time after this period, Mr. Osbaldeston, then Member of Parliament for Scarborough, having been solicited by some of his neighbours, who had heard of Cook's merit, and the notice taken of him by his Captain and officers, wrote a lette [...] in his favor to Captain Palliser, requesting he would point out in what manner they could contribute [Page 4] towards his promotion. The Captain, in his reply, did full justice to Cook's character, but he informed Mr. Osbaldeston, that as he had been only a short while in the Navy, he could not be appointed a commissioned officer; adding that a Master's warrant, might, perhaps, be procured for him, by which he would be placed in a situation suited to his talents, and in which he had no doubt, he would discharge his duty with credit to himself, and with honour to those who patronised him.

On the 10th of May, 1759, he obtained a Master's Warrant for the Grampus sloop; but this appointment did not take place, as the proper Master of that vessel unexpectedly returned. Four days after, he was made Master of the Garland; but here again he was disappointed, for, upon enquiry, it was found, that he could not join the ship, as she had failed some days before: however, on the 15th of May, he was appointed to the Mercury, which was destined for North-America, to join the fleet under the command of Sir Charles Saunders, who, in conjunction with General Wolf, was then engaged in the siege of Quebec. During that memorable siege, it was found necessary to take soundings in the channel of the river St. Lawrence, directly opposite to the French camp at Montmorency and Beauport, in order that the [...]dmiral might be enabled to lay his ships before the enemies batteries, and to cover the British army, in an attack which the General intended to make [Page 5] on the French camp. As this was a dangerous and difficult service, and as Cook's sagacity and resolution were now well known, Captain Pallise [...] recommended him as a proper person to undertake it, and in this choice he was not disappointed; for Cook performed it in the completest manner, and to the full satisfaction of his employers. He did not, however, effect his purpose without great risk: having been engaged in this business during night, for several nights successively, he was at length discovered by the enemy, who sent a number of canoes filled with Indians, to surround him, and he had no alternative, but to make for shore on the island of Orleans, near the guard of the English hospital, to which he was so closely pursued, that he had scarcely leaped from the bow of the boat, which belonging to one of the ships of war when the Indians entered it by the stern, and having taken possession of it, carried it off in triumph. There is reason to believe, that before this period, Cook had scarcely used a pencil, and was entirely unacquainted with drawing; but such were the powers of his mind, and his aptitude for acquiring knowledge, that he soon made himself master of every object to which he applied, and notwithstanding the disadvantages under which he labored, he furnished the Admiral with as complete a draught of the channel and soundings as could have been made by the most expert surveyor in the time of profound peace.

[Page 6]Another important service which our navigator performed while on the American station, does no less honour to his memory, and deserves also to be mentioned. The navigation of the river St. Lawrence is both difficult and dangerous, and was particularly so then to the English, who were not well acquainted with that part of North America, and who had no chart, on the correctness of which they could depend. The Admiral, therefore, who had received so favorable a specimen of Mr. Cook's abilities, appointed him to survey those parts of the river below Quebec which navigators accounted to be most dangerous, and this business he executed with the same diligence, activity and skill, as he had displayed on the former occasion. When he had completed his chart of the river it was published, with soundings and directions for sailing in it, and so great was its accuracy, that it hath never since been found necessary to publish another.

After the expedition to Quebec, Mr. Cook, by a warrant from Lord Colvill, was appointed Master of the Northumberland, on the 22d of September 1759. In this ship his lordship staid the following winter, as Commodore, at Hali [...]ax, and Cook's behavior in his new station did not fail to gain him the friendship and esteem of his commander. Sensible that he was now in the road to promotion, he spent the leisure hours which the winter season gave him, in acquiring such branches [Page 7] of knowledge as might qualify him for future service. At Halifax he first read Euclid, and studied astronomy. The books he was able to procure were indeed few, but application and industry supplied many deficiencies, and enabled him to make a progress superior to what could be expected from the advantages he enjoyed.

While Mr. Cook was Master of the Northumberland, under Lord Colvill, that ship came to Newfoundland in September, 1762, to assist in the recapture of the island. After that object was accomplished, the English fleet remained some days at Placentia, in order to put it in a better state of defence. During this time Mr. Cook had again an opportunity of displaying his diligence, and manifesting his zeal for the good of his Majesty's service; he surveyed the harbour and heights of that place, and by this attracted the notice of Captain, afterwards Admiral Graves, who was at that time commander of the Antelope, and Governor of Newfoundland. The Governor, from this circumstance, having been induced to ask him a number of questions, his answers were so satisfactory, that he thence conceived a very favorable opinion of his abilities and nautical knowledge, and this was still farther increased by a longer acquaintance with him. Possessed of an active genius, stimulated, perhaps, by the success which had attended his past labors, and the hopes of promotion, Cook continued to display the most unremitting assiduity, [Page 8] in order to make himself acquainted with the American coast, and to facilitate its navigation, while the esteem which Captain Graves entertain for him was greatly heightened by the repeated testimonies of his good behaviour, given by all the officers under whom he had served.

In the latter end of the year 1762, Mr. Cook returned to England, and on the 21st of December he married, at Barking in Essex, a young lady of the name of Batts, whom he tenderly loved and who had every claim to his warmest regard and affection; but his situation in life, and the high and important services to which he was called, did not suffer him long to enjoy matrimonial felicity without interruption.

Peace being concluded in 1763 between England, France, and Spain, Captain Graves was again sent out as Governor of Newfoundland. As this country was considered to be of great value in a commercial view, and as it had been the principal object of contention between the English and the French, the Governor obtained, though with some difficulty, an establishment for the survey of its coasts; and Mr. Cook, on the recommendation of Captain Graves, was appointed to carry this plan into execution. He, therefore, went out with that gentleman, and having surveyed the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, which, by treaty, had been ceded to the French, and which they were suffered to take [Page 9] possession of, after the business was finished, he returned to England, towards the conclusion of the season.

In the beginning of the year following, he accompanied his friend and patron Sir Hugh Palliser, who was appointed Commodore and Governor of Labradore and Newfoundland, in the same station in which he had been under Captain Graves. For this employment Mr. Cook was well qualified, and the c [...]rts of his surveys, which he afterwards published, reflected the highest credit on his abilities. He explored the inland part of the island of Newfoundland, in a much more accurate manner than had ever been done before, and by penetrating into the heart of the country discovered several large lakes, the position of which is distinctly marked out in the general chart. It appears, that Mr. Cook was occasionally engaged in this service, returning to England for the winter season, till the year 1767, which was the latest period of his being employed as Marine Surveyor of Newfoundland. That he had by this time made a considerable knowledge in practical astronomy is evident, from a short paper written by him, which was inserted in the fifty-seventh volume of the Philosophical Transactions, entitled An ohservation of an Eclipse of the sun at the island of Newfoundland, August the 5th, 1766, with the longitude of the place of observation deduced from it. This observation was made at one of the Burgeo islands, near Cape Ray, in lat. 47° 36′ 19″, on the south-west [Page 10] extremity of Newfoundland, and Mr. Cook's paper having been communicated to Mr▪ Witchell, he compared it with an observation made on the same eclipse by the Reverend Mr. Hornsby, and thence computed the difference of longitude of the places of observation making proper allowance for parallax, and the prolate spheroidal figure of the earth. It appears from the Philosophical Transactions, that Cook was at this time accounted an able mathematician.

Though many discoveries have been made at different periods, by British navigators, it was reserved for the present reign to carry the spirit of enterprize to its utmost extent, and to direct it for the accomplishment of the noblest purposes. Soon after peace was concluded in 1763, two voyages round the world were undertaken, under the patronage of his present Majesty, which were performed by Captains Byron, Wallis, and Cartaret, and before the two latter returned another was resolved upon, the principal object of which was the improvement of astronomy. It having been calculated, that the planet Venus would pass over the Sun's disk in 1769, it was judged that the best place for observing this phenomenon, would be either at the Marquesas, or at one of those islands which Tasman called Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Middleburgh, and which are now better known by the appellation of the Friendly Isles. This being a matter of the greatest importance to astronomy, the Royal Society, with a laudable zeal [Page 11] for the advancement of that science, presented a memorial to his Majesty, requesting among other things, that a vessel might be fitted out at the expence of government, to convey proper persons to observe the transit of Venus at one of the above mentioned places. This petition was readily complied with, and orders having been sent to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to provide a vessel for that purpose, on the 3d of April Mr. Stephens informed the Society, that a bark had been taken up, and would be got ready with all convenient speed.

The person originally fixed upon to conduct this expedition was Mr. Dalrymple, an eminent Member of the Royal Society, who had distinguished himself by his enquiries respecting the geography of the southern ocean. Though this gentleman had not been regularly bred to the sea, he insisted upon having a brevet commission, as Captain of the vessel, before he should set out. Sir Edward Hawke, who was then at the head of the Admiralty, violently opposed this measure, and being pressed on the subject, declared, he would rather suffer his right hand to be cut off than sign such a commission. Both parties were inflexible; it was therefore found necessary to look out for some other person to conduct the expedition, and Mr. Stephens, Secretary to the Admiralty, having recommended Mr. Cook, and this recommendation being strengthened by the testimony of Sir Hugh Palliser, who was well acquainted with his abilities and merit, he was appointed [Page 12] to this important service by the Lords Commissioners, and promoted to the rank of Lieutenant in the Royal Navy, on the 25th of May 1768.

As soon as this appointment had taken place, Sir Hugh Palliser was ordered to provide a vessel suited for such a voyage. He examined a great many of those which were then lying in the Thames, and with Mr. Cook's assistance of whose judgment he entertained the highest opinion, he at length, fixed upon one of three hundred and seventy tons burthen, which was afterwards named the Endeavour.

Captain Wallis having returned from his voyage round the world while preparations were making for Cook's expedition, and that gentleman having signified to the Royal Society, that Port Royal harbour, in King George's Island, which he discovered, and which is now known by the name of Otaheite, would be the most convenient situation for observing the transit, Captain Wallis's opinion was adopted, and orders were given to the observers to repair thither. Mr. Charles Green, who had been under Dr. Bradley, at the Royal Observatory, at Greenwich, was appointed to assist Mr. Cook, in conducting the astronomical part of the voyage. He was accompanied also by Joseph Banks, Esq. now Sir Joseph Banks, Bart. and Dr. Solander, the former of whom, at an early period of life, and at a great expence to himself, embarked in this tedious and hazardous enterprize, with the noblest of all views, that of promoting the cause [Page 13] of science, and enlarging the knowledge of mankind. Though the principal intention of this voyage was to observe the transit of Venus, it was thought proper, to make it comprehend other objects also; Mr. Cook, therefore, was directed, after he had accomplished his main business, to proceed in making further discoveries in the great Southern Seas. The complement of the Endeavour consisted, besides the Commander, of eighty-four persons. She was victualled for eighteen months, and ten carriage and twelve swivel guns were sent on board of her, together with abundance of ammunition and all necessary stores.

The Endeavour being completely fitted for sea, Mr. Cook sailed from Deptford, on the 30th of July 1768, and on the 13th of August anchored in Plymouth Sound, from which, after a few days stay, he proceeded to sea, and reached Madeira on the 13th of September. Having laid in a fresh stock of beef, water and wine at this island, our navigator pursued his voyage; but on the 7th of November, finding that several articles of the ship's provisions were likely to fall short, he determined to touch at Rio de Janeiro, where he had no doubt of meeting with a friendly reception. In this, however, he was disappointed; and though he received a supply of water, and such other necessaries as in like circumstances, the people of one civilized nation would scarcely refuse to those of an other, he could not make the Viceroy, who appears to have been jealous of the designs of the English, [Page 14] and who besides, was not celebrated for his knowledge, comprehend the true intent of the expedition.

On the 7th of December, the Endeavour got under sail, and on the 14th of January, 1769, Mr. Cook entered the Strait of Le Maire, and next day anchored in the Bay of Good Success, where the following remarkable adventure happened to Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and some others who accompanied them in a botanical excursion. Having ascended a mountain in search of plants, they were exposed to such an intense degree of cold, that Dr. Solander was seized with a torper, which had nearly put a period to his existence. Two black servants who attended our adventurers, actually died, and this event took place in the midst of summer, in that part of the world, and at the close of a day, the beginning of which was as mild and warm as the month of May usually is in England.

After doubling Cape Horn, and discovering several islands, most of which appeared to be inhabited, and to be clothed with the most beautiful verdure, Mr. Cook arrived in sight of Otaheite, on the 11th of April, and on the 13th the Endeavour came to anchor in Port Royal Bay, which by the natives is called Matavai. The first object which engaged our navigator's attention upon his arrival here, does the highest honor to his good sense and humanity. As he was sensible that his stay at the island was not likely to be long, and that much depended [Page 15] upon the manner in which the English behaved towards the natives, he drew up a set of regulations for the conduct of his people, and gave express orders that they should be strictly observed. These orders were as follows: First, "To endeavor by every fair means to cultivate a friendship with the natives; and to treat them with all imaginable humanity. Secondly, a proper person or persons will be appointed to trade with the natives for all manner of provisions, fruit, and other productions of the earth, and no officer or seaman, or other person belonging to the ship, except such as are so appointed, shall trade, or offer to trade for any sort of provision fruit, or other productions of the earth, unless they have leave to do so. Thirdly, every person employed on shore, or on any duty whatsoever, is strictly to attend to the same, and if by any neglect, he loseth any of his arms or working tools, or suffers them to be stolen, the full value thereof will be charged against his pay, according to the custom of the navy in such cases, and he shall receive such farther punishment as the nature of the offence may deserve. Fourthly, the same penalty will be inflicted on every person who is found to embezzel, trade, or offer to trade with any part of the ship's stores, of whatsoever nature they may be. And lastly, no sort of iron, or any thing that is made of iron, or any sort of cloth, or other useful or necessary articles, are to be given in exchange for any thing but provision."

Having accomplished the grand object of his expedition, a particular account of which may be [Page 16] seen in the sixty-first volume of the Philosophical Transactions, our navigator began to think of pursuing his voyage, in obedience to the orders which he had received from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. Having therefore, got every thing in readiness for his departure, and having taken on board a native of the country, named Tupia, who brought with him a boy of 13 years of age, and earnestly entreated that he might be allowed to accompany the English, he weighed anchor on the 13th of July, after a stay of three months. To give a particular account of all the places visited by Mr. Cook, in the course of this voyage, would be tedious; let it therefore be sufficient to say, that, after ascertaining New-Zealand to be two islands, and after spending six months in exploring their coasts, he made for New-Holland, where he anchored, in Botany Bay, on the 28th of April, 1770. Great part of the coasts of this extensive country Mr. Cook examined also, and finding on his arrival at Batavia, to which he had directed his course, that it would be dangerous to proceed to Europe, without inspecting the Endeavour's bottom, he requested leave from the Governor to heave her down, which was readily complied with. Before the vessel was refitted, the dreadful effects of that unhealthy climate were severely felt. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, were attacked by fevers, and in a little time almost every person both on board and on shore, was sick. This circumstance occasioned a great delay, and though several of the gentlemen [Page 17] were considerably better by the time the ship was ready for sea, yet the number of sick even then amounted to forty, and the rest of the company were in a very feeble condition. What may appear rather singular is, that the sailmaker, an old man, between seventy and eighty years of age, and who got drunk every day during the time he resided at Batavia, was the only person who continued in full health. Three seaman, and Mr. Green's servant died, together with the surgeon, Tupia and his companion [...]ayeto. The former did not entirely fall a sacrifice to the unwholesomeness of the climate: having been accustomed to seed principally upon vegetables, he soon contracted those disorders which are incident to a sea life, and in all probability would have sunk under them, even if the English had not been obliged to go to Batavia.

On the 27th of December Mr. Cook departed from Batavia, and having taken in a fresh supply of wood and water, together with some refreshments, at Prince's Island, he directed his course for the Cape of Good Hope; but before he reached that place, the seeds of disease which had been received at Batavia appeared with alarming symptoms, and reduced the ship's crew to the most melancholy situation. Mr. Banks' life was almost despaired of, and so dreadful was the ravage of the distemper, that scarcely a night passed but some dead body was committed to the deep. In the course of six weeks, Mr. Sporing, one of Mr. [Page 18] Banks' assistants, Mr. Parkinson, his natural history painter, Mr. Green, the astronomer, the boatswain, the carpenter, and his mate, Mr. Monk-house, the midshipman, another midshipman, the old sailmaker and his assistant, the ship's cook, the corporal of the marines, two of the carpenter's crew, and nine of the seamen, all shared the same fate. The loss in all amounted to twenty-three persons, besides the seven who died at Batavia.

The evident proofs which Mr. Cook exhibited of his sagacity, resolution and activity, during this perilous enterprize, in which he had encountered many dangers and difficulties, gave him a just claim to the protection of government, and to the favour of his sovereign. He was, therefore, soon after his arrival, promoted to be a commander in his Majesty's navy, by commission bearing date August 29th, 1771. On this occasion, he wished to have been appointed a Post Captain; but Lord Sandwich, who was now at the head of the Admiralty, though he had the greatest esteem for our navigator, would not comply with his request, because it would have been inconsistent with the established order of the naval service.

Though Captain Cook had fully accomplished the main object of his voyage, and though he had afterwards traversed great part of the Pacific Ocean, and explored the coasts of New-Zealand and New Holland, he had not, however, been able to determine the grand question, respecting a Terra Australis Incognita, or southern continent, which had long amused Europe. The first person who [Page 19] seems to have entertained any notion of this kind, was the famous Quiros, who was sent out for the express purpose of discovering it; but he did not succeed, and all those who made the same attempt afterwards were equally unsuccessful. To determine, therefore, this point, of so much importance to geography and navigation, a second expedition was planned out, at the desire of his Majesty, whose patronage of literature and science has been eminently conspicuous; and no person appeared better qualified to undertake it than Captain Cook.

When this design was fully resolved upon, two vessels, which had been both built at Whitby, by the same person who had built the Endeavour, were purchased of Captain William Hammond, of Hull. The largest, which was about four hundred and sixty-two tons burthen, was called the Resolution, and the other, which was considerably less, was named the Adventure. On the 28th of November, 1771, Captain Cook was appointed to the command of the former, and about the same time Mr. Tobias Furneaux to that of the latter. In the equipment of these vessels, every possible attention was bestowed; they were supplied with the best stores and provisions, and every article suited to the nature of the expedition was put on board of them, besides abundance of antiscorbutics, such as malt, sour krout, salted cabbage, portable broth, saloup, mustard, marmalade of carrots, and inspissated juice of wort and beer.

The advancement of science was equally consulted. Mr. Wm. Hodges, an eminent landscape [Page 20] painter, was engaged to make drawings of such objects as could not be so well comprehended from descriptions; Mr. John Reinhold Foster, and his son, were appointed to explore the natural history of the countries they might visit, and Mr. Wm. Wales, and Mr. Wm. Bayley, were chosen on purpose to make astronomical observations.

On the 9th of April 1772, Captain Cook sailed from Deptford, and on the 3d of July, joined the Adventure in Plymouth Sound. From Plymouth, he departed on the 13th of the same month, and having touched at Madeira, to obtain a supply of water, wine and other necessaries, proceeded on his voyage, but finding that his water would not last to the Cape of Good Hope, without putting his men to short allowance, he resolved to touch at St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verd Islands, in order to get a fresh stock. On the 10th of August he arrived at Port Praya, in that island, and having procured a sufficiency of water and other refreshments, put to sea again, on the 14th, and on the 30th of October, came to anchor in Table Bay, at the Cape of Good Hope, where he was received with the greatest politeness by the Governor, and promised every assistance that the place could afford. From the Cape our commander departed on the 22d of November, in search of a southern continent, and having got clear of the land, directed his course for Cape Circumcision; but a dreadful gale of wind coming on about the 6th of December, which at times was so furious, that the ships could carry no sail, they were driven so far to the eastward of [Page 21] their course, that no hopes were left of reaching the intended spot.

On the 10th of December, our navigators began to meet with islands of ice, one of which was so concealed by the haziness of the weather, that they were almost close upon it before it was observed. Captain Cook judged, that it might be about fifty feet high, and half a mile in circumference. It was flat on the top, and its sides rose in a perpendicular direction, against which the sea broke with amazing fury, and was dashed up to a great height. By the 17th of January 1773, he had reached the latitude of 67° 15′, where he found the ice entirely closed, and on the 17th of March, after two months longer navigation amidst mountains and islands of ice, which seemed to threaten destruction on every side, considering that it would be very improper to continue longer in high southern latitudes, he resolved to quit them, and to proceed to New-Zealand, with a view of looking for the Adventure, which had parted from him on the 8th of February, and that he might have an opportunity of procuring some refreshments for his people. He therefore, steered his course for that island, and came to anchor in Dusky Bay, on the 26th of March, from which he proceeded to Queen Charlotte's Sound, where he had the satisfaction of meeting with the Adventure, after an absence of fourteen weeks.

Quitting New-Zealand, in company with the Adventure, Captain Cook paid a visit to his old friends at Otaheite, the Society and Friendly Isles, [Page 22] and having examined a space of more than forty degrees of longitude, between the tropicks, returned to Queen Charlotte's Sound. Here he changed the rigging of his ship for such as might be able to withstand storms and the severity of high southern latitudes; and again set sail on the 27th of November, to explore the unknown parts of the Pacific Ocean. In this perilous navigation, he was exposed to dangers which none but a man possessed of the greatest resolution could have encountered; yet such was his strength of mind, and so great was his skill in navigation, that though often interrupted by islands of ice, among which he was sometimes as it were inclosed, and though his vessel was almost every moment in hazard of being dashed to pieces, by large masses, which floated around, he advanced amidst all these obstacles till nature set bounds to his course. Many of these ice-islands were two and three hundred feet in height, and between two and three miles in circuit, with perpendicular sides or cliffs, that could not be beheld without astonishment.

On the 26th of January, 1774, our navigators passed the Antarctic circle for the third time in 109 degrees of west longitude, where they found the mildest sun-shine they had ever experienced in the frigid zone. This circumstance induced them to hope, that they should be able to penetrate as far towards the south as others had done towards the north; but the next day, they discovered a solid field of ice before them, which extended from east to west farther than the eye could reach. Within [Page 23] this [...] ninety-seven islands were counted, besides those on the outside, many of which were large, and had the appearance of a ridge of mountains, rising one above another, till they were lost in the clouds. The outer, or northern edge of this immense field, was composed of loose or broken ice, packed so closely together, that there was no possibility of entering it; but Captain Cook was of opinion, that there must be land to the south behind it. "If there is," says he, "it can afford no better retreat for birds, or any other animals than the ice itself, with which it must be entirely covered." He then adds, "I, who was ambitious not only of going farther than any body had gone before, but as far as it was possible for man to go, was not sorry at meeting with this interruption, as it in some measure relieved us, and shortened the dangers and hardships inseparable from the navigation of the southern polar regions. Since then, we could not proceed farther to the south, no other reason need be assigned for my tacking and standing back to the north, being at this time in the latitude of 70° 10′ south and longitude 106° 54′ west."

Our navigator next went in quest of land said to have been discovered by Juan Fernandez, no vestiges of which he could find. He then proceeded to the Marquesas, discovered in 1565, and visited for the second time during this voyage the island of Otaheite, where having procured some refreshments, he sailed for the New-Hebrides which though discovered as early as 1606, by Quitos, [Page 24] had never been sufficiently explored. Besides ascertaining the extent and situation of these islands, which had been barely seen by others, he acquired a knowledge of several before unknown, which entitled him to give the whole that appellation by which they are now distinguished.

Captain Cook continued surveying these islands during the month of August, 1774, and having set sail on the 1st of August, discovered a large track of land, to which he gave the name of New-Caledonia. The coasts of this he explored also, and found it to be the most considerable of all the tropical islands in those parts, and except New-Holland and New-Zealand, the largest that has been seen in the South Pacific Ocean. On leaving New-Caledonia, he fell in with an uninhabited island, on the 10th of October, which he named Norfolk Isle, in honor of the noble family of Howard, and finding that provisions were now beginning to run short, he determined to sail again for New-Zealand, where he came to anchor on the 18th of October. Here he continued till the 10th of November, when he again set out, in pursuit of his great object, the determination of the question concerning the existence of a southern continent; but having sailed till the 27th, in different degrees of latitude, extending from 43° to 55° 48′ south without success, he gave up all hopes of finding it, and resolved to steer directly for the west entrance of the straits of Maghalhaens, with a view of coasting the south side of Terra del Fuego, round Cape Horn to the strait Le Maire.

[Page 25]During the rest of the voyage very little remarkable occured. After leaving Terra del Fuego, our navigator proceeded round Cape Horn, passed through Strait Le Mair, to Staten Island, and having explored part of the neighbouring seas, directed his course to the Cape of Good Hope, from which he sailed to England, where he arrived on the 19th of July, 1775, having been absent from it three years and eighteen days.

Though the question respecting the existence of a southern continent was now fully determined, there remained still another important object to be investigated, the practicability of a northern passage to the Pacific Ocean. It had long been a favorite scheme with navigators, and particularly the English, to discover a shorter and more commodious course [...]o the East Indies, than that by the Cape of Good Hope. Several attempts were made for this purpose, both by our own countrymen, and the Dutch; but with so little success, that it ceased for many years to be an object of pursuit. In the beginning of the present century it was again revived by Mr. Dobbs, and Captain Middleton was sent out by government in 1741, and Captain Smith and Captain Moore in 1746; but though an act of parliament had been passed, which secured a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the discoverer, the accomplishment of this favorite object continued at as great a distance as ever.

To ascertain whether this matter, of so much importance to geography and navigation, could be carried into execution, was reserved for the glory of the present reign. The idea was very warmly espoused by the First Lord of the Admiralty, and it was resolved that a voyage should be undertaken for that purpose. For the conduct of this enterprize, it was evident that great skill and ability [Page 26] were requisite, and though no one was so well qualified for it as Captain Cook, yet none of his friends, not even Lord Sandwich, presumed to solicit him on the subject. The service he had rendered to science and navigation was so great, the labors he had sustained, and the dangers he had encountered were so many, and so various, that it was deemed not reasonable to ask him to engage in fresh perils. His advice, however, was requested, respecting the properest person for undertaking the voyage, and in order to determine this point, the Captain, Sir Hugh Palliser, and Mr. Stephens, were invited to dinner at Lord Sandwich's house. In the course of the conversation, while they were discoursing on the importance of the design, and the consequences that were likely to result from it to science and navigation, Cook's mind was so fired with the magnitude of the object, that he suddenly started up and declared, that he himself would undertake the direction of it. No proposal could be received with more pleasure. Lord Sandwich immediately laid the affair before his Majesty, and Capt. Cook was appointed to the expedition, on the 10th of February, 1776.

When the command of the enterprise was thus settled, much to the satisfaction of those who had set it on foot, it was considered as a matter of great importance to determine what might be the best course to be pursued in the voyage. All former navigators round the globe had returned by the Cape of Good Hope; but to Capt. Cook was assigned the arduous task of attempting the same thing, by reaching the high northern latitudes, between Asia and America; and it appears, that this plan was adopted in consequence of his own suggestions. He was, therefore, ordered to proceed to the Pacific Ocean, through that chain of islands which he had before visited, in the tropical regions of the south, [Page 27] and thence, if practicable, to make his way into the Atlantic. To give every possible encouragement to the prosecution of this great design, motives of interest were added to the ob [...]igations of duty. In the act of parliament passed in 1745, the reward of twenty thousand pounds was offered only to vessels belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects: ships belonging to government being thus excluded. Besides this, the reward was entirely confined to such as should discover a passage through Hudson's Bay, but by a new act, which passed in 1776, it was declared, that if any ship belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects or to his Majesty ▪ should find and sail through any passage by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northern hemisphere, to the northward of the fifty-second degree of northern latitude, the owners of such ships, if belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects, or the commander, officers and seaman of such ship, if belonging to his Majesty, should receive as a reward for such discovery the sum of twenty thousand pounds.

The vessels fixed upon by government for this service, were the Resolution and the Discovery. The command of the former was given to Captain Cook, and that of the latter to Capt. Clerk, who had been our navigator's second lieutenant in his second voyage. Nearly the same complement of men and officers was assigned to each as before, and the utmost attention was employed by the Admiralty Board to have them equipped in the compleatest manner. Every article that could tend to preserve the health of the seamen was provided in abundance; and that the inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the South Seas where the English had been treated with so much hospitality, might be benefited by the expedition, his Majesty [Page 28] was graciously pleased to order an assortment of useful animals to be put on board, and to be left in those countries. Besides these, the Captain was furnished with a quantity of European garden-seeds, and the Board of Admiralty added such articles of commerce as were most likely to promote a friendly intercourse with the natives of the other hemisphere, and to induce them to carry on a profitable traffic with the English. Additional clothing, suited to the severities of a cold climate, was likewise ordered for the crews of the two ships, and nothing was denied our navigators that could contribute to l [...]ssen the hardships of the expedition, or to render their situation comfortable.

As the ships were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Isles, it had been determined to send back by this opportunity Omai, a native of that country, whom Capt. Furneaux brought with him to England the former voyage. He therefore left London on the 24th of June, 1776, in company with the Captain, and every preparation being completed, they sailed for Plymouth, where they were joined by the Discovery. From Plymouth our navigators directed their course to Teneriff, to procure a fresh supply of corn and hay, for the subsistence of their live stock. They then proceeded to the Cape, where they staid from the 18th of October till the 30th of November, and having touched at Kerguelen's Island, and Van Diemen's Land, discovered by Tasman in 1642, arrived at Queen Charlotte's Sound, in New-Zealand, on the 12th of February, 1777.

At New-Zealand they staid about two weeks, during which time they acquired much additional knowledge respecting its productions, and the manners and customs of its inhabitants. They then paid a visit to the Friendly Isles, where they remained some time, and where Captain Cook neglected [Page 29] no opportunity of making such observations as might be serviceable to navigation and astronomy. From the information which he then received, it appears, that this Archipelago is very extensive; above one hundred and fifty islands were reckoned up by the natives, who made use of bits of leaves to ascertain their number; and Mr. Anderson, with his usual diligence, procured all their names. Sixty-one of these isles have their proper places and names marked out upon the chart of the Friendly Isles, and the sketch of the harbour of Tongataboo, which are given in the account published of this expedition.

On the 17th of July Capt. Cook took his final leave of the Friendly Isles, and, resuming his voyage, reached Otaheite on the 12th of August. From Otaheite he proceeded to some other of the Society Isles, and having disposed of Omai, agreeable to his wishes, and distributed part of his live stock, in such a manner as he thought would best answer the proposed end, he determined to pursue his course to the northward. Setting sail, therefore, from Bolabola, on the 8th of December, he crossed the line about the 24th, and on the 18th of January, 1778, discovered an island, which he, however, could not reach. Soon after another appeared, on which he went on shore, and in the course of a few days, a whole group was seen which Capt. Cook, in honor of Lord Sandwich, distinguished by the name of the Sandwich Islands. Those which he saw were situated between the latitude of 20° 30′, and 22° 15′ north, and between the longitude of 199° 29′, and 201° 30′ east.

On quitting these islands, Captain Cook proceeded to range along the western side of America, and after giving names to several capes and headlands, which appeared in sight, came to anchor in an inlet, where the country presented a very different [Page 30] aspect from what he had seen before. The summits of the mountains were clothed in sheets of snow, while the valleys between them and the grounds on the sea coast, both high and low, were covered to a considerable breadth, with tall streight trees, which formed a most beautiful prospect, as of one immense forest. On his first arrival in this inlet, he had honored it with the name of King George's Sound; but he afterwards found that it was called Nootka by the natives. Having staid nearly a month here, to complete the necessary repairs of the ships, our navigators proceeded northward, and entered another inlet, from which great things were expected, as they entertained the strongest hopes, that it would be found to communicate either with the sea to the north, or with Baffi [...]'s or Hudson's bay to the east. On this account, therefore, it was traced as high as the latitude of 60° 30′, and the longitude of 210°, being seventy leagues from its entrance, but without success; for after several fruitless attempts to discover a passage through it, this idea was abandoned, and Captain Cook named it River Turnagain. Lord Sandwich has since distinguished it by the appellation of Cook's River.

Indefatigable in pursuit of his favorite object, Captain Cook continued his researches, and arrived on the 27th of June, 1778, at the island of Oona [...]s [...]a, the inhabitants of which behaved with a degree of friendship and politeness very uncommon to savage tribes. He then [...]eered towards the American coast, and having advanced as far as the latitude of 70° 44′, found his progress stopped by the ice, which was as compact as a wall, and at least ten or twelve feet in height; still farther north it appeared to be much higher; its surface was extremely rugged, and in different places it was covered with pools of water. A prodigious number [Page 31] of sea-horses lay upon it, some of which were procured for food, as at this time there was a great want of fresh provisions, and though many of the sailors were disappointed, having at first concluded that these animals were sea-cows, yet such was the general anxiety for a change of diet, that our voyagers lived on them as long as they lasted.

From the 26th of April, the time that Capt. Cook left Nootka, to the 29th of July, many important discoverie [...] were made, which it is impossible to particularize here. They form a valuable addition to those made in the course of his two former voyages, and, in point of extent, surpass all that the Russians had accomplished in a long series of years, though in parts belonging or contiguous to their own empire. He had previous to the last mentioned period, traversed the Icy Sea beyond Beering's Strait, in various directions, and through numberless difficulties and obstructions; but he never abandoned the pursuit of his favorite object till the ice increased so much, as to preclude all hopes of attaining it, at least during that year. The season being far advanced, and the time when the frost was expected to set in being fast approaching, he thought it imprudent to make any farther attempts to find a passage into the Atlantic, till the next summer. He, therefore, began now to look out for a place where he might, besides procuring wood and water, conveniently pass the winter, and as none seemed better adapted for that purpose than some of the Sandwich Isles, he determined to direct his course thither.

Hitherto this expedition, though attended with many dangers and difficulties, had been marked with no peculiar disaster, and our illustrious commander was no doubt flattering himself with the hopes of being more successful in his researches the next summer; but little did he think that the Sandwich Isles, which he considered as the most important discovery [Page 32] of all that had been made by Europeans in the Pacific Ocean, would in the result prove fatal, and that he should there fall by the murdering dagger of a barbarian. To relate an event of this kind must ever be a painful task to a feeling mind; but it must be doubly so, when it appears that the unhappy sufferer became a victim to his own humanity.

In Captain Cook's former visit to this group of islands, he had observed five of them situated between the latitude of 20° 30′, and 22° 15′ north, and between the longitude of 199° 30′, and 201° 30′ east, the names of which were Woahoo, Atooi, Oneeheow, Oreehoua and Tahoora; but on his return southward, with an intent of passing the winter, he discovered on the 26th of November, when he came to the latitude of 20° 55′, a sixth, named Mowee, and on the 30th, another, which the natives distinguished by the appellation of Owhyhee. As this island appeared to be of greater extent and importance that any of the rest, our navigator spent nearly seven weeks in sailing round it, and in examining its coasts. Whilst he was employed in this business, the inhabitants came off from time to time in great numbers with their canoes, and readily engaged in traffic. On this occasion their behaviour was open and unreserved, and afforded much less cause for suspicion than that of any other people among whom our navigators had ever been. It was even remarked, that the people of Otaheite itself with whom he had been so intimately connected, had never displayed such unbounded confidence in the integrity and good treatment of the English.

On the 17th of January, 1779, our navigators came to anchor in the Bay of Karakakooa, which is situated on the west side of [...]he island of Owhyhee, and extends about a mile in depth. It is bounded by two points of land, bearing south-east and north-west from each other, at the distance of half a league: [Page 33] on the northernmost of which is situated a village called Kowrowa. A more considerable village stands in the bottom of the Bay, near a stately grove of cocoa-nut trees, and a high rocky cliff, inaccessible from the sea shore, runs between them. Near the coast on the south side, the land has a rugged appearance, but farther inland the country gradually rises, and abounds with cultivated enclosures and groves of cocoa trees.

While Capt. Cook remained here, the islanders behaved with the greatest friendship, and seemed very much disposed to render him every assistance in their power. Several of their chiefs paid him a visit, and when he himself went on shore, he was received with very extraordinary ceremonies, which fell little short of adoration. He had likewise an interview with Terreeoboo, the king of the island, whom he carried on board the Resolution, where he was treated with every mark of respect, and in return for a beautiful feathered cloak which he had bestowed on our navigator, the Captain put a linen shirt on his Majesty, and girt his own hanger round him. In short, during the intercourse which was kept up between the natives and the English, the greatest harmony prevailed, and the quiet, inoffensive behavior of the former banished every apprehension of danger from the breasts of our voyagers. The islanders, however, began at length to be very inquisitive about the time of their departure; but this is not much to be wondered at, when it is considered, that during sixteen days, which they had been in the harbour of Karakakooa, they had made an enormous consumption both of hogs and vegetables. It afterwards appeared, that these enquiries were made with no other view than that they might provide a sufficient quantity of provisions for them when they quitted the island; for it was observed, [Page 34] that the King, on being informed that they were about to depart in a few days, made a kind of proclamation throughout the villages, requiring the people to bring in their hogs and vegetables, that his Majesty might present them to the Orono ^*, before he took his leave of the country. A circumstance which seems to prove the affectionate regard which the people of Owhyhee had for our voyagers is, that their prince strongly solicited Mr. King to remain among them, and waited upon Capt. Cook whose son he supposed him to be, with a formal request that he might be left.

On the 4th of February, Captain Cook quitted Karakakooa Bay, with an intention of finishing the survey of Owhyhee, and of proceeding afterwards to the rest of the islands, in quest of some road which might afford better shelter to the vessels; but a gale of wind arising, in the course of a few days the Resolution had the misfortune to spring the head of her foremast, in such a dangerous manner, that it was found necessary to return to Karakakooa, in order to have it repaired. It does not sufficiently appear from the accounts given of Capt. Cook's death, whether the natives were displeased or not with this second visit. Captain King says, "That our voyagers, upon coming to anchor, were surprised to find their reception very different from what it had been on their first arrival; but Mr. Samwell, whose veracity seems unquestionable, asserts, that he saw nothing which could induce him to believe, that there was any change in the disposition or behavior of the inhabitants. However this may be, it is certain, that some acts of theft committed by the islanders, and the attempts of the English to punish them, and to recover their property, were the preludes to that unhappy commotion, which deprived the British navy of one of [Page 35] its brightest ornaments, and our illustrious navigator of his life.

These people it seems had a strong propensity to thieving, and one of them having been detected in carrying of the amourer's tongs from the forge, was punished with a pretty severe flogging, and sent out of the ship. This example, however, did not deter another, who, having snatched the tongs and chissel from the same place, jumped overboard with them, and swam for the shore. The master and a midshipman were instantly dispatched after him in the small cutter, upon which the Indian made for a canoe, where he was taken on board by one of his countrymen, and though several muskets were fired at them, they soon got out of gun shot, and escaped. Pareah, one of their chiefs, afterwards brought back the stolen articles, but on his return, being met by the Resolution's pinnace, with five men in her, who insisted upon having the thief delivered up, or the canoe which had taken him in, a scuffle ensued, and the natives began to pelt the English with stones. This commotion was, however, quelled by the interference of Pareah; but another circumstance of the same kind soon after occured, which widened the breach between them. Some of the islanders found means in the night time to take away the Discovery's large cutter, which lay swamped at the buoy of one of her anchors, and she was not missed till the next morning, Sunday, February the 14th. When Captain Clerke had informed Captain Cook of this event, he returned on board, with orders for the launch and small cutter to go, under the command of the second lieutenant, and to lie off the east side of the Bay, in order to intercept all canoes that might attempt to get out; and if he found it necessary, to fire upon them. At the same time, the third [Page 36] lieutenant of the Resolution, with the launch and small cutter, was sent out on the same service, to the opposite side of the Bay, and the master was dispatched in the large cutter, in pursuit of a double canoe already under sail, and making the best of her way out of the harbor.

As it had been Capt. Cook's usual custom in all the islands of the South Seas, when any thing of consequence had been stolen, to secure the person of the King, or of some of the principal Erees, and to detain them as hostages, until the property was restored, he resolved to adopt this method on the present occasion. He therefore left the ship about seven o'clock, attended by the lieutenant of marines, a serjeant, a corporal, and seven private men, and the pinnace's crew were also armed, under the command of Mr. Roberts. As they rowed towards the shore, Captain Cook ordered the launch to leave her station at the west point of the Bay, in order to assist his own boat, which clearly shews that he was not unapprehensive of meeting with resistance, and that he was desirous of making necessary preparations for the defence of himself and his people. When he landed, the natives flocked round him in great crowds, shewed him the usual marks of respect, by prostrating themselves before him, and being ignorant of his intention in coming ashore, frequently asked him if he wanted [...]ogs or provisions. As soon as he had found the King, who came out of a house without any h [...]sitation, where he had been asleep, the Captain took him by the hand, and invited him in a friendly manner to go on board, to which he readily consented. Thus far matters appeared in a favorable train, but in a little time the islanders were observed to be busy in arming themselves with long spears, clubs, and daggers, and in putting on thick mats, which [Page 37] they used as armor. This hostile appearance encreased, and became more alarming on the arrival of two men in a canoe, from the opposite side of the Bay, with the news of a chief having been killed by one of the Discovery's boats. The Captain, who by this time, was surrounded by a great crowd, thinking his situation rather hazardous, ordered the lieutenant of marines to march his small party to the water side, where the boats lay, within a few yards of the shore, and the Indians readily made a line for them to pass, without offering them the least molestation. The distance they had to go might be about fifty or sixty yards, and Capt. Cook followed, having hold of the King's hand, who was attended by his wife, two sons, and several chiefs, and who accompanied him without reluctance. When they had reached the pinnace, the younger son immediately stepped in, expecting his father to follow; but just as he arrived at the water side, his wife threw her arms round his neck, and with the assistance of two chiefs, forced him to sit down by the side of a double canoe. Capt. Cook expostulated with them on this behavior; but they would not suffer the King to proceed, telling him, that he would be put to death if he went on board the ship.

One of the chiefs having been seen lurking near, with a dagger partly concealed, and another of the natives having made an attempt to wrench a musquet from the serjeant of marines, Capt. Cook observed, that as the Indians were becoming more daring and tumultuous, he could not take the King off by force without sacrificing the lives of many of his people, he therefore resolved to act only on the defensive, and to secure a safe embarkation for his small party, who were now closely pressed by a body of several thousand people; one man attempted [Page 38] to dart his spear at Capt. Cook, who was thereupon forced to fire in his own defence; but he missed the person he aimed at, and happened to kill another close to him, who was equally forward in the tumult. The serjeant observing to him that he had missed the man he aimed at, received orders to fire at him, which he immediately did, and killed him. The impetuosity of the islanders was by this time somewhat repressed, they fell back seemingly in confusion, but being pushed on by those behind, returned to the charge, and poured a volley of stones among the marines, who, without waiting for orders, returned it with a general discharge of musquetry, which was instantly followed by a fire from the boats.

At this Captain Cook was heard to express his astonishment; he waved his hand to the boats, called to them to cease firing, and bade them come nearer in to receive the marines.—What followed after this seems to have been a scene of confusion. After the marines had fired, the Indians rushed among them, and forced them into the water, where four of them were killed. Their lieutenant was wounded, but fortunately escaped, and was taken up by the pinnace. "Captain Cook, who was then the only one remaining on the rock, was observed making for the pinnace, holding his left hand against the back of his head, to guard it from the stones, and carrying his musquet under the other arm. An Indian who had followed him, but with caution and timidity, at last advanced upon him unawares, and with a large club^* or stake, gave him a blow on the back of the head, and then [Page 39] precipitately retreated. By this stroke, Captain Cook seemed to be stunned, he staggered a few paces, then fell on his hand and one knee, and dropped his musquet. As he was rising, and before he could recover his feet, another Indian stabbed him in the back of the neck with an iron dagger. He then fell in a bite of water about knee deep, where others crowded upon him, and endeavoured to keep him under; but struggling very strongly with them, he got his head up, and casting his look towards the pinnace, seemed to solicit assistance. Though the boat was not above five or six yards from him, yet from the crowded and confused state of the crew, it seems it was not in their power to save him.— The Indians got him under again, but in deeper water; he was, however, able to get his head up once more, and being almost spent in the struggle, he naturally turned to the rock, and was endeavouring to support himself by it, when a savage gave him a blow with a club, and he was seen alive no more.—They hauled him lifeless upon the rocks, where they seemed to take a savage pleasure in using every barbarity to his dead body, snatching the daggers out of each others hands, to have the horrid satisfaction of piercing the fallen victim of their barbarous rage."

Thus perished, in the fifty-first year of his age, this truly eminent and valuable man, equally distinguished for his skill as a navigator, and for the heroic constancy and firmness of his mind. In whatever point of view we consider his character, we shall find just subject for admiration. Cool and deliberate in judging, sagacious in determining, active in executing, and persevering in his enterprizes, he supported labors, overcame difficulties, and encountered dangers, which seldom [Page 40] fall to the lot of one man. Though rigid in discipline, he was mild, just and humane; and his people, to whom he was a father, were obedient to him, rather from motives of affection than fear. —His constitution was strong, and his mode of living temperate. He was modest, and rather reserved in company; but among those with whom he was acquainted, he was found to be a lively, sensible and intelligent companion. His person was about six feet high, and though a good looking man, he was plain both in address and appearance. His head was small; his hair, which was dark brown, he wore tied behind. His face was full of expression, his nose exceedingly well shaped, his eyes, which were small, and of a brown cast, were quick and piercing, and his eyebrows were prominent, which gave his countenance altogether an air of austerity.

THE END.

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SUBSCRIBERS NAMES.

THOMAS Allen N. Y.
James Allen
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[Page]

DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER FOR PLACING THE PLATES.

VOL. I.

The Head of Cook to face the title
Christmas Harbour PAGE 33
Man and Woman of Van Diemens Island PAGE 57
A Man of Mangea, &c. PAGE 98
A view in Anamooka PAGE 140
Reception of Captain Cook in Happaee PAGE 161
Boxing Match PAGE 162
Night dance of Women in Happaee PAGE 167
Night dance of Men in Happaee PAGE 168
Poulaho, King of the Friendly Isles PAGE 177
— Drinking Kava PAGE 190
Fiatooka or Morai in Tongataboo PAGE 223
The Natche a ceremony PAGE 240
Human sacrifice in a Morai PAGE 349
Dance in Otaheite PAGE 356
The Body of Tee, a Chief PAGE 361
A young Woman of Otaheite bringing presents PAGE 363

VOL. II.

A view of Huahine PAGE 31
Inhabitants of Norton's Sound PAGE 73
A Morai in Atooi PAGE 140
An inland view in Atooi PAGE 163
A Man of the Sandwich Islands dancing PAGE 176
An offering before Captain Cook PAGE 177
A canoe of the Sandwich Islands, the rowers masked PAGE 184
Sea Otter PAGE 235
[Page]A Man [...] Woman of Nootka Sound PAGE 240
A view of the habitations in Nootka Sound PAGE 253
The inside of a house in Nootka Sound PAGE 255
A view of Snug Corner PAGE 299
A Man and Woman of Prince William's Sound PAGE 300
Canoes of Oonalashka PAGE 357
A Man and Woman of Oonalashka PAGE 358
Inside of a house in Oonalashka PAGE 359

VOL. III.

The Tschutschis and their Habitations PAGE 33
Sea Horses PAGE 41
Natives of Oonaleshaka and their Habitations PAGE 108
View of Karakakooa PAGE 147
Chart of different Islands PAGE 148
King of Owhyhee bringing presents PAGE 164
Death of Captain Cook PAGE 199
Town and Harbour of St. Peter PAGE 355
A view at Bolchertzkoi PAGE 387

VOL. IV.

White Bear PAGE 32
A Man of Kamtschatka travelling in winter PAGE 133
A Man and Woman of Kamtschatka PAGE 145
Summer and Winter habitations in Kamtschatka PAGE 159
The inside of a Winter habitation in Kamtschatka PAGE 160

A VOYAGE TO THE PACI …

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A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN FOR MAKING DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTHERN HEMISPHERE: PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF Captains COOK, CLERKE, and GORE, In the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, 1780.

BY Captain JAMES COOK, F. R. S. AND Captain JAMES KING, LL. D. and F. R. S. ILLUSTRATED WITH ELEGANT PLATES, AND A LARGE CHART.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. IV.

NEW YORK: Printed by TIEBOUT and O'BRIEN: FOR BENJAMIN & JACOB JOHNSON, No. 147, HIGH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.—1796.

[Page]

CONTENTS.
BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

CHAP. III. Transactions at Petropaulowska—Abundant Supply of Fish—Death of the Carpenter's Mate—The Russian Hospital put under the Care of our Surgeons—Supply of Rye Flour—Celebration of his Majesty's Birth-Day—Twenty Head of Cattle sent us—Difficulties in sailing out of the Bay—Ruins of large Villages—Eruption of a Volcano—Appearance of the Country—Cheepoonshoi Noss—Kronotskoi Noss —Kamtschatskoi Noss—Account of the Arctic Gull—Olutorskoi Noss—St. Thadeus's Noss—Tschukotskoi Noss—Isle of St. Laurence—The East Cape of Asia described—Sight of the two Coasts of Asia and America at the same instant—Obstructions from the Ice—Some Sea-Horses killed—Fruitless Attempts to discover a Passage on the American Side—Captain Clerke's future Designs. Page 1
[Page vi] CHAP. IV. Attempt to pass the Ice to the North-West—Critical Situation of the Discovery—Sea Horses killed— Greatly obstructed by the Ice—Damages sustained by the Discovery—Captain Clerke resolves to proceed to the Southward—The Crews rejoice greatly on that Occasion—Pass Serdze Kamen—Through Beering's Straits—Observations on the Extent of the North-East Coast of Asia—Reasons for rejecting Muller's Map—Impracticability of a North-East or North-West Passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean—The Progress made in 1778, compared with that made in 1779—Observations on the Sea, Sea Coasts, &c. North of Beering's Straits—Resume the History of the Voyage—The Island of St. Lawrence—Island of Medoni—Death of Captain Clerke—Enumeration of his Services.
CHAP. V. Return to St. Peter and St. Paul—The Serjeant brings a Present of Berries on Board for Captain Clerke—Several Officers promoted—Funeral of Captain Clerke, and the Solemnities attending it —Repaired the Damages which the Discovery sustained by the Ice—Various Occupations of the Ships Crews—Letter from the Commander of Bolcheretsk [Page vii] to Captain Gore—Supply of Flour, Pitch, Tar, &c. from a Russian Galliot, which brought a Reinforcement of Russian Soldiers—Account of a very remarkable Exile—Bear-hunting and fishing—The Serjeant disgraced—The King's Coronation Day celebrated—Visited by the Commander —The Serjeant's Restoration—Promotion of a Russian Soldier at our Request—Discipline of the Russian Army—Church at Paratounca described —Manner of Bear-hunting—Curious Particulars of the Bears and Kamtschadales—Inscription to Captain Clerke's Memory—Supply of Cattle received—Entertainments in Honour of the Empress's Name-Day—Present from the Commander —A Marine attempts to desert—Awatska-Bay nautically and geographically described.
CHAP. VI. Geographical Description of Kamtschatka—Account of the Rivers Bolchoireka, Kamtschatka, Awatska, &c—Soil—Severity of the Climate—Several Volcanoes—Remarkable hot Spring at Natcheekin— Productions—Vegetables: particularly the Sarana, and sweet Grass—Animals in general—Foxes —Sables—Bears—Wolves, &c.—Birds—Sea-Otters, and other amphibious Animals—Fish the staple Article of Food at Kamtschatka—Whales —Salmon Fishery—Method of catching Salmon —Lakes abounding with Fish.
[Page viii] CHAP. VII. Continuation of the general Account of Kamtschatka —Its Inhabitants consist of three Sorts—Conjectures on their Origin and Descent—Kamtschadales discovered by the Russian [...]—Atlassoff makes the inhabitants tributary—He is disgraced, and afterwards restored—The Kamtschadales revolt— Great Havo [...]k made among them by the Small-Pox —The Russian Government established in this Country mild and equitable—No Offence punishable with death—The Russian Commerce in Kamtschatka—Habitations—Dress—Account of the Kurile Islands, &c. Page 143
CHAP. VIII. Plan of further operations—The ships, on quitting Awatska Bay, sail along the Coast—Achachinskoi Bay—Cape Lopatka—The Island of Shoomska— The Isle of Paramousir—Observations relative to the Land of Jeso, Staten Island, and the Company's Land—Many Birds observed—A violent Storm—Position of Zellany, Kunashir, and the Three Sisters—De Gama's Land—Ineffectual Attempts to make the Land—The Ships sail for Japan—Various Parts of the Japanese Coast described—Cape Nambu—Two Japanese Vessels observed—Description of one of them—Boisterous [Page ix] Weather—Cape de Kennis—Boomtje's Point— Low Point—White Point—Sanddown Point—Prosecution of our Voyage to China—Violent Currents—Quantities of Pumice-Stone—Three Islands discovered—Sulphur Island described—Steer for the Bashee Isles—Fruitless Search for them—The Island of Prata—The Prata Shoal—Some Chinese Fishing-boats seen—The Lema Islands—Signal for a Chinese Pilot—The Grand Ladrone Island —Journals and other Papers of the Officers and Men, relating to the History of the Voyage, delivered up. Page 170
CHAP. IX. Ignorance of the Chinese Pilot—The ships approach Macao—Account of the Isle of Potoe—A Chinese Comprador comes on board—Captain King dispatched to Macao to visit the Portuguese Governor—Dependent State of the Portuguese at Macao —Effects of the Intelligence we received respecting European Affairs—Alarms occasioned at Canton— Our ships anchor in the Typa—Captain King, his second Lieutenant, &c. proceed to Canton—Bocca Tigris—Wompu—A Sampane, or Chinese Boat, described—Mr. King's Reception at the English Factory at Canton—An Instance of the suspicious Character of the Chinese—Their Method [Page x] of trading exemplified—Observations relative to the City of Canton—Its Population—Number of Sampanes—Military Force of the province of Quantong—Streets and Houses of Canton described—Of the English Supercargoes—Captain King visits a Chinese of the first Distinction at Canton—His Return to Macao—Great Demand for the Sea-Otter Skins—Earnest Desire of our Seamen to return to Cook's River for Skins— Plan of a Voyage for opening a Fur Trade on the Western Coast of North America, and making further Discoveries in the Neighbourhood of China and Japan—Nautical Observations—Price of Provisions at Canton. Page 220
CHAP. X. The ships rendered more defensible—Orders of the French Court relative to Captain Cook—Quit the Typa—Strike Soundings on the Macclesfield Bank —Pulo Sapata described—Steer for Pulo Condore —Cast Anchor in a Harbour of that Island—The Captains Gore and King land there—Captain King's Journey to the principal Town—Description of the Town—Of the Habitation of the Chief —Ineffectual search for the remains of an English Fort—Copy of a French Certificate—A Mandarin, named Luco, visits the Ships—Information [Page xi] received from him—The Launches dispatched to bring away some Buffaloes—Singular Gentleness of these Animals towards Children—Supplies of Wood and Water—Pulo Condore described—Account of the Harhour—Animal and Vegetable Producc of the Island—Persons and Disposition of the Inhabitants—Presents to the Mandarin and the Bishop of Adran—Astronomical and Nautical Observations. Page 253
CHAP XI. Departure of the Ships from Pulo Condore—See Pulo Timoan—Pulo Puissang—Pulo Aor—Pulo Panjang—Islands called Domiuis—Pulo Tya— Enter the Straits of Banca—Island of Lusepara —Description of the Country that borders on the Straits of Banca—The Sisters described—See the Island of Java—Enter the Straits of Sunda— Mr. Williamson sent on board a Dutch Ship to procure Intelligence—Anchor at Cracatoa—Description of that Island—Proceed to the Prince's Island—Supplies obtained there—Situation of the Watering-Place there—Unhealthy Effects of the Climate of Java—The Crew of the Resolution in a more sickly State than that of the Discovery—A sudden Storm—Steer for the Cape of Good Hope—Anchor in Simon's Bay—The two Captains [Page xii] visit the Governor of the Cape—Description of False Bay—Of Simon's Bay—Noah's Ark—Seal Island —Fruitless Attempts to get into Port Galway in Ireland—Steer to the North of Lewis Island—Anchor at Stromness—Concluding Remarks. Page 278

[Page]

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

CHAP. III.

Transactions at Petropaulowska—Abundant Supply of Fish—Death of the Carpenter's Mate—The Russian Hospital put under the Care of our Surgeons —Supply of Rye Flour—Celebration of his Majesty's Birth-Day—Twenty Head of Cattle sent us—Difficulties in sailing out of the Bay—Ruins of large Villages—Eruption of a Volcano—Appearance of the Country—Chepoonskoi Noss—Kronotskoi Noss—Kamtschatskoi Noss—Account of the Arctic Gull—Olutorskoi Noss—St. Thadeu [...]'s Noss—Tschukotskoi Noss—Isle of St. Laurence—The East Cape of Asia described—Sight of the two Coasts of Asia and America at the same Instant—Obstructions from the Ice—Some Sea-Horses killed—Fruitless Attempts to discover a Passage on the American Side—Captain Clerke's future Designs

THE preceding chapter having terminated with a narrative of the return of our party from Bolchertsk, and of the departure of Major [Page 2] Behm, who had accompanied them to our ships; we shall now recount the transactions which passed at Petropaulowska during their absence.

On the 7th of May, not long after they had quitted the bay of Awatska, a great piece of ice drove against the Resolution, and brought home the small bower anchor; in consequence of which the other anchor was weighed, and the ship was moored again. The carpenters, who were occupied in stopping the leak, were under the necessity of taking off great part of the sheathing from the bows; and many of the trunnels were found to be so loose and rotten, that they were drawn out easily with the fingers. On Tuesday the 11th, heavy gales blew from the north-east, which obliged both our vessels to strike their yards and top-masts; but the weather becoming more moderate in the afternoon and the ice having drifted away as far as the mouth of the harbour of Petropaulowska, we warped close to the shore for the greater convenience of procuring wood and water, and again moored, as before; the mouth of the bay shut in by the most southerly point of Rakowina harbour, bearing south, and the town north half west, at the distance of half a mile.

On the 12th, a party was detached on shore to cut wood, but made little progress in that service, on account of the snow, which still covered the ground. A convenient spot, abreast of the ships, was cleared, where there was a good run [Page 3] of water; and a tent being pitched for the cooper, our empty casks were landed, and the sail-makers sent ashore.

On Saturday the 15th, as the beach was then clear of ice, a party was sent to haul the seine, and caught a plentiful supply of fine flat fish for the companies of both ships. From this time, indeed, till we quitted the harbour, we were even overpowered with the great quantities of fish which came in from every quarter. The Toions, both of this town, and of Paratounca, a neighbouring village, had received orders from Major Bemh to employ, in our service, all the Kamtschadales; so that it frequently happened, that we could not take into the ships the presents which were sent us. They generally consisted of herrings, trout, flat fish, and cod. The former, which were in their highest perfection, and of a delicious flavour, were in extreme plenty in this bay. The people of the Discovery, at one time surrounded such an amazing quantity in their seine, that they were obliged to throw over a very considerable number, lest the net should be broken to pieces; and the cargo they landed was still so abundant, that, besides having a sufficient stock for immediate use, they filled as many casks as they could conveniently spare for salting; and, after sending on board the Resolution a tolerable quantity for the same purpose, they left behind several bushels upon the beach.

[Page 4]The ice and snow now began rapidly to disappear, and plenty of nettle-tops, celery, and wild garlick were gathered for the use of the crews; which being boiled with portable soup and wheat, furnished them with an excellent and salutary breakfast; and with this they were every morning supplied. The birch-trees were also tapped, and the sweet juice, of which they produced great quantities, was constantly mixed with the brandy allowed to the men.

On the 16th, a small bullock was killed, which the serjeant had procured for the ship's companies. Its weight was two hundred and seventytwo pounds. It was served out to both the crews for their Sunday's dinner, and was the first fresh beef which they had tasted since the departure of our vessels from the Cape of Good Hope in December 1776; a period of almost two years and a half.

John Macintosh, the carpenter's mate, expired this evening, after having been afflicted with a dysentery ever since we had left the Sandwich Isles. He was a peaceable and industrious man, and greatly regretted by his mess-mates. Though he was the fourth person that we had lost by sickness during our voyage, he was the first who, from his age and constitution, could be said to have had, on our setting out, an equal chance of life with the rest of his companions. Watman was supposed by us to be about sixty years old; [Page 5] and Roberts, and Mr. Anderson from the decline which had manifestly commenced before our departure from England, most probably could not, under any circumstances, have lived to a later period than they did.

Captain Clerke's health continued daily to decline, notwithstanding the salutary change of diet which Kamtschatka afforded him, the priest of Paratounca, as soon as he was informed of the weak state he was in, supplied him every day with milk, bread, fowls, and fresh butter, though his habitation was sixteen miles from the harbour where our ships were stationed.

The Russian hospital, near the town of St. Peter and St. Paul, was, at our first arrival, in a very deplorable state. All the soldiers were in a greater or lesser degree, afflicted with the scurvy, many being in the last stage of that disorder. The rest of the Russian inhabitants were likewise in a similar condition; and we observed, that our friend the serjeant, by drinking too freely of the spirits he had received from us, had brought on himself, in the course of a few days, several of the most alarming symptoms of that disease. Captain Clerke, desirous of relieving them from this lamentable state, put them all under the care of our surgeons, and gave orders, that a supply of sour krout, and malt, for wort, should be furnished for their use. A surprising alteration soon took place in the figures of most of them; and [Page 6] their speedy recovery was chiefly attributed to the effects of the sweet wort.

On Tuesday the first of June, two hundred and fifty poods or nine thousand pounds weight of rye flour, were brought on board the Resolution; and the Discovery received a proportional quantity. We were supplied with this flour from the stores of Petropaulowska. The men were now put on their full allowance of bread, which, from the time of our leaving the Cape of Good Hope, they had not been indulged in. The same day, we completed our stock of water, sixty-five tons having been conveyed on board.

We had fresh breezes, and heavy rains, on the 4th of June, so that we were disappointed in our design of dressing the ships, and obliged to content ourselves with firing one and twenty guns, in honour of his Majesty's birth-day, and celebrating it, in other respects, in the best manner we could. Port, who on account of his skill in languages, was left with us, partook, as well as the serjeants (in the capacity of commandant of the place) of the entertainment of the day. The worthy priest of Paratounca, having been informed that it was the anniversary of our sovereign's birth-day, gave likewise a sumptuous feast, at which several of our gentlemen were present, who were highly pleased with their entertainment, of which dancing formed a part.

[Page 7]On Sunday the 6th, twenty head of cattle arrived, having been sent us, by the directions of the commander, from the Verchni ostrog, which stands on the river Kamtschatka, at the distance of almost a hundred miles from this place. These cattle were of a moderate size; and though the Kamtschadales had been seventeen days in driving them down to the harbour, were in good condition when they arrived. The four succeeding days were employed in making preparations for putting to sea; and on Friday the 11th, about two o'clock in the morning, we began to unmoor. Before, however, we had got up one anchor, so violent a gale sprung up from the north-east, that we thought proper to moor again, supposing, from the position of the entrance of the bay, that the current of wind would, in all probability, set up the channel. The pinnace was dispatched to examine the passage, and returned with intelligence, that the wind blew violently from the south-east, with a great swell, setting into the bay; so that any attempt to get out to sea would have been attended with considerable risque.

Port now took his leave of us, carrying with him the box containing the journals of our voyage, which Major Behm was to take charge of, and the packet that was to be forwarded by express. On the 12th, the gale having abated, we began unmooring again; but, after having broken the [Page 8] messenger, and reeved a running purchase with a six inch hawser, which likewise broke three times, we were, at last, under the necessity of heaving a strain at low water, and waiting for the flowing of the tide to raise the anchor. This measure succeeded, though not without damaging the cable. About three o'clock in the afternoon, the best bower was weighed, and we set sail; but, at eight, the tide making against us, and the wind being inconsiderable, we anchored again in ten fathoms water, off the mouth of Rakowina harbour: the ostrog being at the distance of between two and three miles, bearing north by east half east; the elevated rock, on the western side of the passage, bearing south; and the needle rocks, on the eastern side of the passage, south-south-east half east.

The next morning, at four o'clock, we got under way with the tide of ebb; and, as there was a perfect calm, the boats were dispatched a-head for the purpose of towing the ships. About ten, a south-easterly wind springing up, and the tide having turned, we were obliged to let go our anchors again, in seven fathoms; the ostrog bearing north half east, at the distance of a mile from the land that was nearest to us; and the three needle rocks being in the direction of south half east.

Captain Gore and Lieutenant King landed in the afternoon on the east side of the passage. [Page 9] where they observed, in two different places, the remains of spacious villages; and, on the side of a hill, they saw an old ruined parapet, with four or five embrasures. It had guns mounted on it in Beering's time, as that navigator himself informs us; and commanded the passage up the mouth of the bay. Not far from this spot, were the ruins of some subterraneous caverns, which our two gentlemen conjectured to have been magazines.

We weighed anchor, with the ebb tide, about six o'clock in the afternoon, and turned to windward; but, two hours after, a thick fog coming on, we were under the necessity of bringing to, our soundings not affording us a sufficient direction for steering between several sunken [...]ocks, situated on each side of the passage we were to make. The next morning (Monday the 14th) the fog in some degree dispersing, we weighed as soon as the tide began to ebb; and, there being little wind, the boats were sent a-head to tow; but, about ten o'clock, both the wind and tide set in so strong from the sea, that we were once more obliged to cast anchor, in thirteen fathoms water, the high rock being at the distance of six furlongs, in the direction of west one quarter south. We continued, during the remainder of the day, in this situation, the wind blowing fresh into the mouth of the bay. Towards [Page 10] the evening, the weather was extremely dark and cloudy with an unsettled wind.

We were surprized, before day-light, on the 15th, with a rumbling noise, that resembled distant thunder; and, when the day appeared, we found that the sides and decks of our ships were covered, near an inch thick, with a fine dust like emery. The air was at the same time loaded and obscured with this substance; and, towards the volcano mountain, which stands to the northward of the harbour, it was exceeding thick and black, insomuch that we were unable to distinguish the body of the hill. About twelve o'clock, and during the afternoon, the loudness of the explosions increased; and they were succeeded by showers of cinders, which in general were of the size of peas, though many of those that were picked up from the deck were larger than a hazel nut. Several small stones, which had undergone no alteration from the action of the fire, fell with the cinders. In the evening we had dreadful claps of thunder and vivid flashes of lightning, which, with the darkness of the sky, and the sulphureous smell of the air, produced a very awful and tremendous effect. Our distance from the foot of the mountain was, at this time, about eight leagues.

At day-break on the 16th, we got up our anchors, and stood out of the bay; but the wind falling, and the tide of ebb setting across the passage [Page 11] on the eastern shore, we were driven very near the three needle rocks, situated on that side of the entrance, and were under the necessity of hoisting out the boats, for the purpose of towing the ships clear of them. At twelve o'clock, we were at the distance of six miles from the land; and our depth of water was forty three fathoms, over a bottom of small stones, of the same kind with those which had fallen upon our decks, after the late eruption of the volcano.

The country had now a very different appearance from what it had on our first arrival. The snow, except what remained on the summits of some very lofty mountains, had vanished; and the sides of the hills, which abounded with wood in many parts, were covered with a beautiful verdure.

It being the intention of Captain Clerke to keep in sight of the coast of Kamtschatka, as much as the weather would allow, in order to ascertain its position, we continued to steer towards the north-north-east, with variable light winds, till the 18th. The volcano was still observed to throw up immense volumes of smoke; and we did not strike ground with one hundred and fifty fathoms of line, at the distance of twelve miles from the shore.

The wind blew fresh from the south on the 18th and the weather became so thick and hazy, that it was imprudent to make any further attempts at [Page 12] present to keep in sight of the land. However, that we might be ready, whenever the fog should clear up, to assume our survey, we ran on in the direction of the coast, (as represented in the Russian charts) and fired signal guns for the Discovery to proceed on the same course. At eleven o'clock, just before we lost sight of land, Cheepoonskoi Noss, so denominated by the Russians, was at the distance of seven or eight leagues, bearing north-north-east.

At three o'clock in the morning of the 20th, the weather becoming clearer, we stood in towards the land, and, in the space of an hour afterwards, saw it a-head, extending from north-west to north-north-east, at the distance of about five leagues. The northern part we conjectured to be Kronotskoi Noss; its position in the Russian charts, nearly agreeing with our reckoning in respect to its latitude, which was 54° 42′ north; though, in point of longitude, we differed considerably from them; for they place it 1° 48′ east of Awatska; whereas our computation makes it 3° 34′ east of that place, or 162° 17′ east of Greenwich. The land about this cape is very elevated, and the inland mountains were at this time covered with snow. There is no appearance of inlets or bays in the coast; and the shore breaks off in steep cliffs.

We had not long been gratified with this view of the land, when the wind freshened from the [Page 13] south-west, bringing on a thick fog, which obliged us to stand off in the direction of north-east by east.

The fog dispersing about noon, we again steered for the land, expecting to fall in with Kamschatskoi Noss, and gained a sight of it at daybreak on the 21st. The south-west wind being soon after succeeded by a light breeze that blew off the land, we were prevented from approaching the coast sufficiently near to determine its direction, or describe its aspect. At twelve o'clock, our longitude was 163° 50′, and our latitude 55° 52′; the extremes of the land bore north-west by west▪ ¾ west, and north by west ¾ west; and the nearest part was at the distance of about twenty-four miles.

At nine in the evening, when we had approached about six miles nearer the coast, it appeared to form a projecting peninsula, and to extend eleven or twelve leagues in the direction nearly of north and south. It is level, and of a moderate elevation; the southern extreme terminates in a low sloping point; that to the northward forms a steep bluff head; and between them, ten or twelve miles to the south of the northern cape, there is a considerable break in the land. On both sides of this break, the land is low. A remarkable hill, resembling a saddle, rises beyond the opening; and a chain of lofty mountains capped with snow, extends along the back of the whole peninsula.

[Page 14]The coast running in an even direction, we were uncertain with respect to the position of Kamtschatskoi Noss, which, according to Mr. Muller, forms a projecting point towards the middle of the peninsula; but we afterwards found, that, in a late Russian map, that appellation is given to the southern cape. The latitude of this from several accurate observations, was 56° 3′; and its longitude, 163° 20′. To the south of this peninsula, the greater river Kamtschatska runs into the sea.

The season being too far advanced for us to make an accurate survey of the coast of Kamtschatka, it was the design of Captain Clerke, in our course to Beering's Straights, to ascertain chiefly the respective situations of the projecting points of the coast. We therefore steered across a spacious bay, laid down between Kamtschatskoi Noss and Olutorskoi Noss, with a view of making the latter; which is represented by the Russian geographers, as terminating the peninsula of Kamtschatka, and as being the southern limit of the country of the Koriacs.

On Tuesday the 22d, we passed a dead whale, which emitted a most horrible smell, perceivable at the distance of three or four miles. It was covered with a very considerable number of gulls, petrels, and other oceanic birds, which were regaling themselves upon it. On the 24th, the wind, which had shifted about during the three [Page 15] preceding days, settled at south-west, bringing on clear weather, with which we proceeded towards the north-east by north, across the bay, having no land in sight. In the course of this day we observed a great number of gulls, and were disgusted with the indelicate manner of feeding of the arctic gull, which has procured it the appellation of the parasite. This bird, which is rather larger than the common gull, pursues the latter species whenever it meets them; the gull after flying about for some time, with loud screams and manifest indications of extreme terror, drops its excrement, which its pursuer instantly darts at, and catches in its beak before it falls into the sea.

At one o'clock in the afternoon of the 25th, when we were in the latitude of 59° 12′, and in the longitude of 168° 35′, a very thick fog came on, about the time we expected to obtain a view of Olutorskoi Noss, which (if Muller's position of it, in the latitude 59° 30′, and in the longitude of 167° 36′, is right) could then have been only a dozen leagues from us; at which distance we might easily have discerned land of a moderate height. Our depth of water, at present, was so great, that we had no ground with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line.

The fog still continuing, prevented us from making a nearer approach to the land, and we steered east by north at five o'clock, which is a little more easterly than the Russian charts represent [Page 16] the trending of the coast from Olutorskoi Noss. The next day, a fresh gale blew from the south-west, which lasted till noon on the 27th, when the weather clearing up, we steered to the north, with an intention of making the land. Our latitude, at this time, was 59° 49′, and our longitude 175° 43′. Though we saw some shags in the morning, which are imagined never to fly far from land, yet there was no appearance of it during the whole day. However, the next morning, about six o'clock, we had sight of it towards the north-west. The coast appeared in hills of moderate elevation; but, inland, others were observed considerably higher. The snow lying in patches, and no wood being perceived, the land had a very barren aspect.

At nine o'clock, we were ten or eleven miles from the shore, the southern extreme bearing west by south, about six leagues distant, beyond which the coast seemed to incline to the west. This point being in the longitude of 174° 48′, and in the latitude 61° 48′, is situated, according to the Russian charts, near the mouth of the river Opuka. The northern extremity, at the same time bore north by west; between which, and a hill bearing north-west by west west, the coast appeared to bend towards the west, and form a deep bay.

At the distance of about eight miles from the land, we observed a strong rippling; and being [Page 17] under apprehensions of meeting with foul ground, we made sail to the north-east, along the coast. On heaving the lead, we found the depth of water to be twenty-four fathoms, over a bottom of gravel. We therefore concluded, that the appearance above-mentioned, was occasioned by a tide, then running to the southward. At noon, the extremes of the land bearing west-south-west and north-north-east, we were abreast of the low land, which, we now observed, joined the two points, where we had before expected to discover a deep bay. The coast bends a little towards the west, and has a small inlet, which is, perhaps, the mouth of some inconsiderable river. Our longitude was now 175° 43′, and our latitude 61° 36′.

During the afternoon, we continued our course along the coast, at the distance of four or five leagues, with a breeze from the west, having regular soundings from twenty-eight to thirty-six fathoms. The coast exhibited an appearance of sterility, and the hills rose to a considerable elevation inland, but the clouds on their tops prevented us from determining their height. About eight o'clock in the evening, some of our people thought they saw land to the east by north; upon which we stood to the southward of east; but it proved to be nothing more than a fog bank. At midnight, the extreme point bearing north-east east, we conjectured that it was St. Thadeus's [Page 18] Noss; to the south of which the land inclines towards the west, forming a deep bight, wherein the river Katirka, according to the charts published by the Russians, is situate.

The weather, on the 29th, was unsettled, with the wind at the north-east point. The next day, at twelve o'clock, our longitude was 180°, and our latitude 61° 48′. At this time, St. Thadeus's Noss bore north-north-west, at the distance of twenty-three leagues; and beyond it we perceived the coast extending almost directly north. The easternmost point of the Noss is in the latitude 62° 50′, and in the longitude of 179°. The land about it, from its being discerned at so great a distance, may justly be supposed to be of a considerable height. During this and the preceding day, we saw numbers of sea-horses, whales, and seals; also albatrosses, gulls, sea-parrots, guillemots, &c. Taking the advantage of a little calm weather, several of our people employed themselves in fishing, and caught plenty of excellent cod. Our soundings were from sixty-five to seventy-five fathoms.

At noon, on Thursday the first of July, Mr. Bligh, Master of the Resolution, having moored a small keg with the deep sea lead, in seventy-five fathoms water, found that the ship made a course to the north by east, about half a mile in an hour: this was attributed by him to the effect of a southerly swell, rather than to that of any [Page 19] current. The wind, towards the evening, freshening from the south-east, we steered to north-east by east, for the point that Beering calls Tschukotskoi Noss, which we had observed on the 4th of September the preceding year, at the same time that we perceived, towards the south-east, the Isle of St. Lawrence. This cape, and St. Thadeus's Noss, from the north-eastern and south-western extremes of the extensive Gulph of Anadir, into the bottom of which the river of that name discharges itself, separating, as it passes, the country of the Tschutski from that of the Koriacs.

On the 3d of July, at twelve o'clock, our latitude was 63° 33′, and our longitude 186° 45′. Between twelve and one, we descried the Tschukotskoi Noss, bearing north half west, at the distance of thirteen or fourteen leagues. At five in the afternoon, we saw the island of St. Lawrence, in the direction of east three-quarters north; and also another island, which we imagined was between St. Lawrence and Anderson's Island, about eighteen miles east-south-east of the former. As we had no certain knowledge of this island, Captain Clerke was inclined to have a nearer view of it, and immediately hauled the wind towards it: but it unfortunately happened, that we were unable to weather the Isle of St. Lawrence, and were therefore obliged to bear up again, and pass them all to the leeward.

[Page 20]The latitude of the Island of St. Lawrence, according to the most accurate observations, is 63° 47′; and its longitude is 188° 15′. This island, if its boundaries were at present within our view, is about three leagues in circumference. The northern part of it may be discerned at the distance of ten or a dozen leagues. As it has some low land to the south-east, the extent of which we could not perceive, some of us supposed, that it might perhaps be joined to the land to the eastward of it: we were, however, prevented by the haziness of the weather, from ascertaining this circumstance. These islands, as well as the land adjoining to the Tschukotskoi Noss, were covered with snow, and presented a most dismal aspect. About midnight, the Isle of St. Lawrence was five or six miles distant, bearing south-south-east; and our soundings were eighteen fathoms. We were accompanied with sea fowl of various sorts, and observed some guillemots and small crested hawks.

As the weather continued to thicken, we lost sight of land till Monday the 5th, when we had a view of it both to the north-east and north-west. Our longitude, at this time, was 189° 14′, and our latitude 65° 24′. As the islands of St. Diomede, which are situated in Beering's Straight, between the two continents of Asia and America, were determined by us the preceeding year to be in the latitude of 95° 48′, we were at a loss how [Page 21] to reconcile the land towards the north-east, with the position of those islands. We therefore stood for the land till three o'clock in the afternoon, when we were within the distance of four miles from it, and discovering it to be two islands, were pretty well convinced of their being the same; but the haziness of the weather still continuing, we, in order to be certain, with respect to our situation, stood over to the Asiatic coast, till about seven o'clock in the evening; at which time we had approached within two or three leagues of the eastern cape of that continent.

This cape is an elevated round head of land, and extends about five miles from north to south. It forms a peninsula, which is connected with the continent by a narrow isthmus of low land. It has a bold shore; and three lofty, detached, spiral rocks, are seen off its north part. It was at present covered with snow, and the beach encompassed with ice. We were now convinced of our having been under the influence of a strong current setting to the northward, which had occasioned an error of twenty miles in our computation of the latitude at noon. At the time of our passing this Straight the last year, we had experienced a similar effect.

Being now certain with regard to our position, we steered north by east. At ten o'clock in the evening, the weather clearing up, we saw, at the same instant, the remarkable peaked hill near [Page 22] Cape Prince of Wales, on the North American coast, and the East Cape of Asia, with the two islands of St. Diomede between them.

In the course of this day, we saw several large white gulls, and great numbers of very small birds of the hawk kind. The beak of the latter was compressed, and large in proportion to the body of the bird; the colour was dark brown, or rather black, the breast whitish, and towards the abdomen a reddish brown hue was visible.

On the 6th, at twelve o'clock, our latitude was 67°, and our longitude 191° 6′. Having already passed many large masses of ice, and observed that it adhered, in several places, to the shore of the Asiatic continent, we were not greatly surprised when we fell in, about three o'clock, with an extensive body of it, stretching towards the west. This appearance considerably discouraged our hopes of proceeding much further to the north this year, than we had done the preceding. There being little wind in the afternoon, the boats were hoisted out in pursuit of the sea-horses, great numbers of which were seen on the detached pieces of ice; but they returned without success: these animals being extremely shy, and, before our people could come within gun-shot of them, always retreated into the water.

Having hoisted in the boats at seven o'clock in the evening, we stood on to the north-east-ward, [Page 23] with a fresh southerly breeze, intending to explore the American continent, between the latitudes of 68° and 69°, which, on account of the foggy weather, we had not an opportunity of examining the last year. In this attempt we were partly disappointed again: for, on the 7th, about six o'clock in the morning, we were stopped by a large body of ice, stretching from north-west to south-east; but, not long afterwards, the horrizon becoming clear, we had a view of the American coast, at the distance of about ten leagues, extending from north-east by east to east, and lying between 68° and 68° 20′ of northern latitude. The ice not being high, we were enabled by the clearness of the weather to see over a great extent of it. The whole exhibited a compact solid surface, not in the least thawed; and seemed also to adhere to the land.

The weather becoming hazy soon after, we lost sight of the land; and it being impossible to approach nearer to it, we steered to the north-north-west, keeping the ice close on board; and having, by noon, got round its western extremity, we found that it trended nearly north. Our longitude, at this time, was 192° 34′, and our latitude 68° 22′. We proceeded along the edge of the ice, to the north-north-east, during the remainder of the day, passing through many loose pieces which had been separated from the main body, and against which our vessels were [Page 24] driven with great violence, notwithstanding our utmost caution. About eight in the evening, we passed some drift-wood: at midnight the wind veered to the north-west; and there were continued showers of snow and sleet. The thermometer had now fallen from 38° to 31°.

The next morning, at five o'clock, the wind shifting more to the northward, we could continue no longer on the same tack, by reason of the ice, but were under the necessity of standing towards the west. Our depth of water, at this time was nineteen fathoms; from which, upon comparing it with our remarks on the soundings in the preceding year, we inferred, that our present distance from the coast of America did not exceed six or seven leagues; but our view was circumscribed within a much narrower compass, by a heavy fall of snow. Our latitude, at twelve o'clock, was 69° 21′, and our longitude 192° 42′.

At two in the afternoon, the weather became clearer, and we sound ourselves close to an expanse of ice, which from the mast-head, was discovered to consist of very large compact bodies, united towards the exterior edge, but, in the interior parts, some pieces were observed floating in vacant spaces of the water: it extended from west-south-west to north-east by north. We bore away towards the south, along the edge of it, endeavouring to get into clearer water; for the [Page 25] strong northerly winds had drifted down such numbers of loose pieces, that we had been encompassed with them for some time, and were unable to prevent the ships from striking against several of them.

On Friday the 9th, a fresh gale blew from the north-north-west, accompanied with violent showers of snow and sleet. The thermometer, at noon, was at 30°. We steered west-south-west, and kept as near the main body of ice as we could; but had the misfortune to damage the cut-water against the drift pieces, and rub off some of the sheathing from the bows. The shocks, indeed, which our ships received, were frequently very severe, and were attended with considerable hazard. Our latitude, at noon, was 69° 12′, and our longitude 188° 5′.

Having now sailed almost forty leagues to the west, along the edge of the ice, without perceiving any opening, or a clear sea. beyond it towards the north, we had no prospect of making further progress to the northward at present. Captain Clerke, therefore, determined to bear away to the south by east, the only quarter which was clear, and to wait till the season was somewhat more advanced, before he made any further attempts, to penetrate through the ice. He proposed to employ the intermediate time in surveying the bay of St. Lawrence, and the coast situate to the south of it, as it would be a great satisfaction [Page 26] to have a harbour so near, in case of future damage from the quantity of ice, in these parts. We were also desirous of paying another visit to the Tschutski; and more particular since the acconuts we had heard of them from Major Behm.

In consequence of this determination, we made sail to the southward, till the 10th at noon, when we passed considerable quantities of drift ice, and a perfect calm ensued. The latitude, at this time, was 68° 1′, and the longitude, 188° 30′. This morning we saw several whales, and in the afternoon, there being great numbers of sea-horses on the pieces of ice that surrounded us, we hoisted out the boats, and dispatched them in pursuit of those animals. Our people had more success on this occasion, than they had on the 6th; for they returned with three large ones, and a young one, besides having killed or wounded some others. They were witnesses of several striking instances of parental affection in these animals. All of them, on the approach of the boats towards the ice, took their young ones under their fins, and attempted to escape with them into the sea. Some, whose cubs were killed or wounded, and left floating upon the surface of the water, rose again, and carried them down, sometimes just as our men were on the point of taking them into the boat; and could be traced bearing them to a considerable distance through the [Page 27] water, which was stained with their blood. They were afterwards observed bringing them, at intervals, above the surface, as if for air, and again plunging under it, with a horrid bellowing. The female, in particular, whose young one had been, killed, and taken into the boat, became so furious, that she even struck her two tusks through the bottom of the cutter.

About eight o'clock in the evening, an easterly breeze sprung up, with which we continued to steer to the southward; and, at midnight, fell in with many extensive bodies of ice. We attempted to push through them under an easy sail, that the ships might sustain no damage; and when we had proceeded a little further towards the south, nothing was visible but a very large and compact mass of ice, extending to the north-east, south-west, and south-east, as far as the eye could reach. This formidable obstacle prevented our visiting the Tschutski; for no space remained open, except back again to the northward. We therefore tacked, at three o'clock in the morning of the 11th, and stood to that quarter. The latitude, at noon, was 67° 49′, and the longitude 188° 47′.

On Monday the 12th, we had light winds and hazy weather. On examining the current, we found it set towards the north-west, at the rate of half a mile an hour. We continued our northerly course, with a breeze from the south, and fair weather, till ten o'clock in the morning of the [Page 28] 13th, when we again found ourselves close in with a solid mass of ice, to which we could perceive no limits from the mast-head. This was an effectual discouragement to all our hopes of penetrating further; which had been greatly raised, by our having now advanced almost ten leagues, through a space, which, on the 9th, had been found to be occupied by impenetrable ice. Our situation, at this time, was nearly in the middle of the channel, betwixt the two continents; our latitude was 69° 37′; and the main body of the ice extended from west-south-west to east-north-east.

As, in that part of the sea where we now were, there was no probability of getting further to the north, Captain Clerke determined to make a final attempt on the coast of America, for Baffin's Bay, since we had found it practicable to advance the furtherest on this side, in the preceding year. We accordingly, during the remainder of the day, worked to the windward, with a fresh breeze from the east. We observed several fulmars and arctic gulls, and passed two trees, both of which seemed to have lain a loner time in the water. The larger one was, in length, ten or eleven feet, and in circumference, about three, without either the bark or branches.

We proceeded to the eastward on the 14th, with thick foggy weather. The next day, the wind blowing fresh from the west, and having, [Page 29] in some measure, dispersed the fog, we immediately steered to the north, in order to have a nearer view of the ice; and we were soon close in with it. It extended from north-north-west to north-east, and was solid and compact; the exterior parts were ragged, and of various heights; the inner surface was even: and, as we supposed, from eight to ten feet above the level of the sea. The weather becoming moderate during the rest of the day, we shaped our course according to the trending of the ice, which, in several places, formed deep bays.

The wind freshened in the morning of the 16th, and was accompanied with frequent and thick showers of snow. At eight o'clock in the forenoon, we had a strong gale from the west-south-west, which brought us under double-reefed top-sails; when, the weather in some degree clearing up, we found ourselves, as it were, embayed; the ice having suddenly taken a turn to the south-eastward, and encompassing us, in one compact body, on all sides but the south. In consequence of this, we hauled our wind to the southward, being, at that time, in twenty-six fathoms water, and in the latitude of 70° 8′ north; and, as we imagined, at the distance of about five-and-twenty leagues from the American coast.

At four in the afternoon, the gale increasing, we got the top-gallant-yards down upon the deck, surled the mizen top-sail, and close-reefed the [Page 30] fore and main-top-sails. About eight o'clock, finding that our soundings had decreased to twenty-two fathoms, which we considered as an indication of our near approach to the coast of America, we tacked and steered to the north-ward. In the night we had boisterous weather, attended with snow: but, the next morning, it was clear and moderate; and, at eight o'clock, we got the top-gallant-yards across, and bore away, with the wind still at west-south-west. Our latitude, at noon, was 69° 55′, and our longitude, 194° 30′. The wind slackened in the evening, and, about midnight, we had a calm.

A light breeze arising from the east-north-east, at five in the morning of the 18th, we continued our progress towards the north, with a view of regaining the ice as soon as possible. We saw numbers of sea-parrots, and small ice-birds, and also many whales; and passed several logs of drift-wood. The latitude, at twelve o'clock, was 70° 26′, and the longitude 194° 54′. Our soundings, at the same time, were three-and-twenty fathoms; and the ice extended from north to east-north-east, being about one league distant.

At one o'clock in the afternoon, observing, that we were close in with a firm united mass of ice, stretching from east to west-north-west, we tacked, and, the wind veering to the westward, stood to the east, along the edge of [...]t, till eleven in the evening. A very thick fog then coming [Page 31] on, and the depth of water decreasing to nineteen fathoms, we hauled our wind to the southward.

Though we perceived no sea-horses on the body of ice, yet, on the detached fragments of it, they were seen in herds, and in greater numbers than we had ever before observed. About nine o'clock in the evening, a white bear swam close by the Discovery; it afterwards went towards the ice, on which were likewise two others.

The weather clearing up at one in the morning of the 19th, we bore away to the north-east till two o'clock, when we were again so completely embayed by the ice, that no opening remained, except to the southward; to which quarter we therefore directed our course, and returned through a very smooth water, with favourable weather, by the same way we had come in. We were unable to penetrate further towards the north than at this time, when our latitude was 70° 33′, which was about five leagues short of the point to which we had advanced the preceding summer. We stood to the south-south-west, with light winds from the north-west, near the edge of the main body of ice, which was situated on our left hand, extending between us and the American coast. At noon, our latitude was 70° 11′, and our longitude 196° 15′; and our soundings were sixteen fathoms. We supposed, from this circumstance, that the Icy Cape was at the distance of only seven or eight leagues from us: but, though the weather [Page 32] was, in general, pretty clear, there was, at the same time, a hasiness in the horizon so that we could not expect to have an opportunity of seeing the cape.

Two white bears appearing in the water during the afternoon, some of our people immediately pursued them in the jolly boat, and were so fortunate as to kill them both. The larger one, which was, in all probability, the dam of the younger, being shot first, the other would not leave it, though it might have escaped with ease on the ice, while the men were re-loading their musquets; but continued swimming about, till, after having been several times fired upon, it was shot dead. The length of the larger one, from the snout to the end of the tail, was seven feet two inches; its circumference, near the fore-legs, was four feet ten inches; the height of the shoulder was four feet three inches; and the breadth of the sore-paw was ten inches. The weight of its four quarters was four hundred and thirty six pounds. The four quarters of the smallest weighed two hundred and fifty-six pounds.

These animals furnished us with some good meals of fresh meat. Their flesh, indeed, had a strong fishy taste, but was infinitely superior to that of the sea-horse; which, however, our people were again persuaded, with no great difficulty, to prefer to their salted provisions.

[Page 33]On Tuesday the 20th, at six in the morning, a thick fog arising, we lost sight of the ice for the space of two hours; but, when the weather became clearer, we again had a view of the main body to the south-south-east; and immediately hauled our wind, which was easterly, towards it, expecting to make the American coast to the south-east, which we effected between ten and eleven o'clock. The latitude, at noon, was 69° 33′, and the longitude 194° 53′. Our depth of water, at the same time, was nineteen fathoms. The land was at the distance of eight or ten leagues, extending from south by east to south-south-west, half west, being the same we had seen the preceding year; but it was at present, much more covered with snow than at that time; and the ice seemed to adhere to the shore.

We continued to sail in the afternoon, through a sea of loose ice, and to steer towards the land, as near as the wind, which blew from east-south-east, would permit. A thick fog came on at eight o'clock in the evening, and the wind abated. Observing a rippling in the water, we tried the current, and found it set to the east-north-east, at the rate of a mile in an hour: we therefore resolved to steer before the wind, during the night, in order to stem it, and oppose the large pieces of loose ice, which were setting us on towards the [...]. Our soundings, at midnight, were twenty f [...]thoms.

[Page 34]The next morning, at eight o'clock, the wind freshening, and the fog dispersing, we again had sight of the coast of America to the south-eastward, at the distance of nine or ten leagues, and hauled in for it; but the ice in a short time effectually stopped our further progress on that side, and we were obliged to bear away towards the west, along the edge of it. Our latitude, at twelve, was 69° 34′; our longitude was 193°, and our soundings were twenty-four fathoms.

A connected solid field of ice, thus baffling all our efforts to make a nearer approach to the land and (as we had some reason to imagine) adhering to it, we relinquished all hopes of a north-east passage to Great-Britain.

Captain Clerke now finding it impossible to advance further to the northward of the American coast, and deeming it equally improbable, that such a prodigious quantity of ice should be dissolved by the few remaining weeks that would terminate the summer, considered it as the best step that could be taken, to trace the sea over to the coast of Asia and endeavour to find some opening that would admit him further north, or see what more could be done upon that coast, where we hoped to meet with better success.

[Page 35]

CHAP. IV.

Attempt to pass the Ice to the North-West—Critical Situation of the Discovery—Sea Horses killed—Greatly obstructed by the Ice—Damages sustained by the Discovery—Captain Clerke resolves to proceed to the Southward—The Crews rejoice greatly on that Occasion—Pass Serdze Kamen—Through Beering's Straits—Observations on the Extent of the North-East Coast of Asia—Reasons for rejecting Muller's Map—Impracticability of a North-East or North-West Passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean—The Progress made in 1778, compared with that made in 1779—Observations on the Sea, Sea Coasts, &c. North of Beering's Straits—Resume the History of the Voyage—The Island of St. Lawrence—Island of Medoni—Death of Captain Clerke—Enumeration of his Services.

IN consequence of Captain Clerke's determination to relinquish all attempts on the American coast, and to make his final efforts, in search of a passage, on the coast of the Asiatic continent, we steered west-north-west▪ during the afternoon of the 21st of July, through a great quantity of loose ice. About ten o'clock in the evening, discovering the main body of ice through the fog, right a-head, and very near us, and being [Page 36] unwilling to stand to the southward, so long as we could possibly avoid it; we hauled our wind, which was easterly, and made sail to the north; but in the space of an hour afterwards, finding that the weather became clearer, and that we were surrounded by a compact field of ice on all sides, except to the south-south-west, we tacked, and steered in that direction, for the purpose of getting clear of it. On the 22d at noon, our latitude was 69° 30′, and our longitude 187° 30′. In the afternoon, we again came up with the ice, which extending to the north-west, and south-west, obliged us to proceed to the southward, in order to weather it.

It may not be improper to remark, that, since the 8th of July, we had twice traversed this sea, in lines almost parallel with the run we had just now made; that we were unable in the first of those traverses, to penetrate so far north, by eight or ten leagues, as in the second; and that in the last we had again met with a connected mass of ice, generally about five leagues to the southward of its position in the preceding run. This makes it evident, that the large compact fields of ice, observed by us, were moveable, or diminishing▪ but, at the same time, it does not authorise any expectation of advancing much farther, even in the most favourable seasons.

About seven o'clock in the evening, the weather being hazy, and no ice visible, we made sail [Page 37] to the westward; but, between eight and nine, the haze dispersing, we found ourselves in the midst of loose ice, and very near the main body, we therefore stood upon a wind, which was still easterly, and continued to beat to windward during the night, hoping to weather the loose pieces, which the wind drove down upon us in such quantities, that we were in great danger of being blocked up by them.

The next morning, the clear water, in which we steered to and fro, did not exceed a mile and a half, and was lessening every moment. At length, after exerting our most strenuous endeavours to clear the loose ice, we were under the necessity of forcing a passage to the south, which we accomplished between seven and eight, though not without subjecting the ship to some very severe shocks. The Discovery was not so successful, for, about eleven o'clock, when she had almost got clear out, she became so entangled by several large pieces, that her progress was stopped, and she immediately dropped to leeward, and fell broadside foremost, on the edge of a considerably body of ice; and there being an open sea to windward, the surf occasioned her to strike with violence upon it. This mass, at length, either so far broke, or moved, as to give the crew an opportunity of making another effort to escape; but it unfortunately happened, that, before the ship gathered way enough to be under [Page 38] command, she fell to leeward a second time, on another fragment, and the swell rendering it unsafe to lie to windward, and finding no prospect of getting clear, they pushed into a small opening, furled their sails, and made the vessel fast with ice hooks.

We saw them in this dangerous situation at noon, at the distance of about three miles from us, in a north-west direction; a fresh gale from the south-east driving more ice towards the north-west, and augmenting the body that lay between us. Our latitude at this time was 69° 8′; our longitude 187°; and our soundings were twenty-eight fathoms. To add to the apprehensions which began to force themselves on our minds, between four and five in the afternoon, the weather becoming thick and hazy, we lost sight of the Discovery. However, that we might be in a situation to afford her every possible assistance, we stood on close by the edge of the ice. About six o'clock the wind shifting to the north, gave us some hopes, that the ice might drift away, and release her from her danger; and in that case, as it was uncertain in what condition she might come out, we continued, every half hour, to fire a gun, with a view of preventing a separation. Our fears for her safety did not cease till nine, when we heard her guns fired in answer to ours; and not long afterwards, being hailed by her, we were informed, that, upon the change of [Page 39] wind, the ice began to separate; and that her people, setting all the sails, forced a passage through it. We also learned, that while they were surrounded by it, they found the ship drift with the main body towards the north-east, at the rate of half a mile an hour. We found, that she had rubbed off much of the sheathing from her bows, and was become very leaky, from the violent blows she had received when she fell upon the edge of the ice.

On Saturday the 24th, we had fresh breezes from the south-west, with hazy weather, and steered to the south-east till eleven o'clock in the forenoon, when our course was again obstructed by a large body of loose ice, which extended from north-north-east to south-south-east; and to which we could discover no end. We therefore kept working to windward, and at twelve o'clock our latitude was 68° 53′, and longitude 188°. About four in the afternoon, it became calm, and the boats were hoisted out in pursuit of the sea-horses, which appeared in prodigious he [...] on each side of us. Ten of them were killed by our people, which were as many as could be made use of by us for eating, or for converting into lamp oil. We kept it on with a south westerly wind, along the edge of the ice, which extended in a direction nearly east and west, till four in the morning of the 25th, when perceiving a clear sea beyond it, to the south eastward, we steered that [Page 40] way, with an intention of forcing through it. We [...]d cleared it by six, and continued, during the remaining part of the day, to run towards the south-east, with no ice in sight.

At noon, our latitude was 68° 38′, our longitude 189° 9′, and our soundings thirty fathoms. We tacked at midnight, and stood to the west, with a fresh southerly gale; and the next morning, at ten, the ice again made its appearance, extending from north-west to south. It was loose, and drifted by the force of the wind towards the north. At twelve, our latitude was 68°, longitude 88° 10′, and our depth of water was twenty-eight fathoms. For the remainder of the day, and till noon on the 27th, we stood backwards and forwards, to clear ourselves of different pieces of ice. The latitude at noon was 67° 47′, and the longitude 181°.

At two in the afternoon, we had sight of the continent to the south by east; and at four, having run, since noon, to the south-west, we were encompassed by loose masses of ice, with the main body of it in view, stretching in the direction of north by west, and south by east, as far as the eye could reach, beyond which we descried the Asiatic coast, bearing south, and south by east.

It being now necessary to come to some determination respecting the course we were next to steer, Captain Clerke dispatched a boat, with the carpenters, on board the Discovery, to make inquiry [Page 41] into the particulars of the damage she had lately received. They returned, in the evening, with the report of Captain Gore, and of the carpenters of both vessels, that the damages sustained were such as would require three weeks to repair; and that it would be requisite, for that purpose, to make the best of their way to some port.

Thus, finding our farther progress to the north, as well as our nearer approach to either continent, obstructed by immence bodies of ice, we considered it as not only injurious to the service, by endangering the safety of the ships, but likewise fruitless with respect to the design of our voyage to make any farther attempts for the discovery of a passage. This, therefore, added to Captain Gore's representations, determined Captain Clerke to lose no more time in what he concluded to be an unattainable object, but to proceed [...]o the bay of Awatska, to repair our damages there, and, before the winter should set in, to take a survey of the coast of Japan.

Great was the joy that appeared on the countenance of every individual, as soon as Captain Clerke's resolutions were made known. We were all completely weary of a navigation full of danger, and in which the greatest perseverance had not been rewarded with the smallest prospect of success. We therefore turned our faces towards home, after an absence of three years, with extreme [Page 42] delight and satisfaction, notwithstanding the very long voyage we had still to make.

We worked to windward on the 28th, with a fresh breeze from the south-east, being still in sight of the coast of Asia. At four in the morning, Cape Serdze Kamen bore south-south-west, at the distance of six or seven leagues. We observed, in different places, upon the summits of the hills, which rise inland on each side of this Cape, protuberances of a considerable height, which had the appearance of pillows of stone, or great rocks.

The next day, the wind being still unfavourable, we made but slow progress to the southward. About midnight, we had foggy weather, attended with a breeze from the north-north-west, with which we steered to the south-south-east, through the straits, and had no land in our view till seven in the evening of the 30th, when the fog dispersing, we saw Cape Prince of Wales, bearing south by east, at the distance of about six leagues; and the island of St. Diornede south-west by west. We now stood to the west, and at eight made the East Cape, which at midnight, was four leagues distant, bearing west by north.

During the night we steered to the south-south-west, with a fresh breeze from the west north-west, and on the 31st, at four in the morning, the East Cape bore north-north-east and the north-east part of the Bay of St. Lawrence, [Page 43] (where our ships anchored the preceding year) west by south, its distance being twelve miles. As we could not have worked up to windward, without a greater consumption of time, than the object seemed to deserve, we ran across the bay regretting the loss of this opportunity of paying another visit to the Tuschutski. At twelve o'clock our latitude was 65° 6′, and longitude 189°. The south point of the bay of St. Lawrence was seven or eight leagues distant, bearing north by west one quarter west.

Having now passed Beering's Straits, and finally quitted the north-east coast of Asia, it may not, perhaps, be improper, on this occasion, to state our reasons for adopting two general conclusions relative to its extent, in opposition to the sentiments of Mr. Muller. The first is, that the promontory called East Cape is actually the most easterly point of that quarter of the globe; or, in other words, that no part of that continent extends in longitude beyond 190° 22′ east. The second is, that the latitude of the north easternmost extreme is somewhat to the southward of 70° north. With regard to the former, if such land really exists, it must certainly be to the north of the 69th degree of latitude, where the discoveries made in our present voyage terminate. We shall therefore, in the first place, endeavour to investigate the probable direction of the coast beyond this point.

[Page 44]Russia being the only nation, that has hitherto navigated this part of the ocean, all our information respecting the position of the coast to the northward of Cape North, is derived from the journals and charts of the persons who have been engaged, at different times, in determining the bounds of that extensive empire; and these are, in general, so confined, contradictory, and imperfect, that we cannot easily form a distinct idea of their pretended, much less collect the particulars of their real discoveries. On this account, the extent and figure of the peninsula, inhabited by the Tschutski, still remains a point, on which the Russian geographers are greatly divided in their opinions. Mr. Muller, in the map which he published in 1754 supposes that this country extends towards the north-east, as far as the latitude of 75°, and the longitude of 190° east of Greenwich; and that it ends, in a round cape, which he denominates Tschukotskoi Noss. To the south of this cape, the coast, as he imagines, forms a bay to the west, bounded in the latitude of 67° 18′ by Serdze Kamen, the most northerly point observed by Beering in his expedition in 1728. The map published in 1776 by the academy of St. Petersburg, gives a new form to the whole peninsula, placing its north-easternmost extreme in the latitude 73°, longitude 178° 30′, and the most easterly point in latitude 65° 30′, longitude 189° 30′. All the other maps we have [Page 45] seen, both manuscript and printed, vary between these two, apparently more according to the fancy and conjectures of the compiler, than on any grounds of more accurate intelligence. The only particular in which there is a general coincidence, with very little variation, is the position of the East Cape in the latitude of 66°. The form of the coast, both to the north and south or the East Cape, in the map of the academy is extremely erroneous, and may be entirely disregarded. In Mr. Muller's map, the coast towards the north has some degree of resemblance to our survey, as far as the latter extends, except that he does not make it trend sufficiently to the west, but makes it recede only about 5° of longitude, between the latitude of 66° and 69°; whereas it actually recedes near ten. Between the latitude of 69° and 74°, the coast, according to him, bends round to the north and north-east, and forms a large promontory. On what authority he has thus represented the coast, is next to be examined.

The ingenious Mr. Coxe, whose accurate researches in this subject, give great weight to his sentiments, is of opinion, that the extremity of the Noss in question, was never passed except by Deshneff and his party, who sailed in the year 1648, from the river Kovyma, and are imagined to have got round it into the Anadyr. As the narrative of this expedition, the substance of which has been given by Mr. Coxe, in his account of [Page 46] Russian discoveries, comprehends no geographical delineations of the coast along which they sailed, our conjectures respecting its position must be derived from incidental circumstances; and from these it evidently appears, that the Tschukotskoi Noss of Deshneff, is, in reality, the promontory named by Captain Cook, the East Cape. Speaking of the Noss, he says, that a person may sail from the isthmus to the Anadyr, with a favourable wind, in three days, and three nights. This perfectly agrees with the situation of the East Cape, which is about one hundred and twenty leagues from the mouth of the river Anadyr; and there being no other isthmus to the north between that and the latitude of 69°, it seems evident, that, by this description he certainly means either the Cape in question, or some other situated to the south of it. He says, in another place, that, opposite to the isthmus, there are two islands in the sea, upon which were observed some of the Tschutski nation, in whose lips pieces of the teeth of the sea-horses were fixed. This exactly coincides with the two islands that lie to the south-east of the East Cape. We observed, indeed, no inhabitants upon them; but it is by no means improbable, that a party of Americans from the opposite continent, whom this description suits, might have accidentally been there at that time, and he might easily mi [...]take them for a tribe of the Tschutski.

[Page 47]These two circumstances seem to us to be conclusive on the point of the Tschukotskoi Noss, though there are others of a more dubious nature from the same authority, and which now remain to be investigated. Deshneff, in another account, says, that in going from the Kovyma to the Anadyr, a great promontory which projects very far into the sea, must be doubled; and that this promontory extends between north and north-east. It was, perhaps, from these expressions, that Muller was induced to represent the country of the Tschutski, in the form we find in his map; but, if he had been acquainted with the position of the East Cape, as determined by Captain Cook, and the striking agreement between that and the promontory or isthmus (for it must be remarked, that Deshneff still appears to be speaking of the same thing), in the circumstances above-mentioned, we are confident that he would not have thought those expressions of sufficient weight to authorise his extending the north-eastern extreme of Asia, either so far to the north or to the east. For these words of Deshneff may be reconciled with the opinion we have adopted, if we suppose that navigator to have taken these bearings from the small bight lying to the west of the cape.

The next authority, on which Muller has proceeded, seems to have been the deposition of the Cossac Popoff, taken at the Anadirskoi ostrog, in [Page 48] 1711. This Cossac was sent by land, in company with several others, to demand tribute from the independent Tschutski tribes, who inhabited the parts about the Noss. The first circumstance, in the narative of this journey, that can tend to lead to the situation of Tschukotskoi Noss, is its distance from Anadirsk; and this is represented as a journey of ten weeks, with loaded rein-deer; for which reason, it is added, their day's journey was very inconsiderable. We cannot, indeed, conclude much from so vague an account, but as the distance between the East Cape and the ostrog exceeds two hundred leagues in a direct line, and consequently may be supposed to allow twelve or fourteen miles a day, its situation is not incompatible with Popoff's calculation.

Another circumstance stated in this deposition is, that their rout lay at the foot of a rock named Matkol, situate at the bottom of a spacious gulph. This gulf Muller conjectures to be the bay he had [...]aid down between the latitudes of 66° and 72° and he accordingly places the rock Matkol in the center of it; but it appears to be more probable, that it might be a part of the Gulf of Anadyr, which they would doubtless touch upon in their journey from the ostrog to the East Cap.

What seems, however, to put this point beyond all dispute, and to prove that the Cape which Popoff visited cannot be the northward of the latitude of 69°, is that part of his deposition, [Page 49] which relates to an island lying off the Noss, from whence the opposite continent might be discerned. For, as the two continents, in the latitude of 69°, diverge so far as to be upwards of one hundred leagues distant, it is certainly very improbable, that the coast of Asia should again trend in such a manner to the east, as to come almost within sight of the American coast.

Should these arguments be thought conclusive against the form and extent of the peninsula of the Tschutski, as represented by Mr. Muller, it will follow, that the East Cape is the Tschukotskoi Noss of the earlier Russian navigators^*; and, consequently, that the undescribed coast, extending from the latitude of 69° to the mouth of the Kovyma, must consequently trend more or less towards the west. As an additional proof of this, we may observe, that Tschukotskoi Noss is constantly laid down as dividing the sea of Kovyma from that of Anadyr, which (we are of opinion) could not possibly be, if any large cape had projected to the north-east in the more advanced latitudes.

Another question arising on this point, is, to what degree of northern latitude this coast extends, [Page 50] before it inclines more immediately to the west. If the position of the mouth of the Kovyma, both with regard to its latitude and longitude, were accurately ascertained, it might perhaps be easy to form a plausible conjecture upon this head. Captain Cook was always strongly induced to believe, that the northern coast of Asia, from the Indigirka eastward, has hitherto been usually laid down above two degrees to the northward of its true situation; and he has therefore, on the authority of a map that was in his possession, and on the intelligence which he received at Oonalashka, placed the mouth of the Kovyma, in his chart of the north-east coast of Asia, and the north-west coast of America, in the latitude of 68°. Should the Captain be right in this conjecture, it is probable, for the [...]easons which we have already stated, that the coast of Asia does not, in any part, exceed 70° before it trends towards the west, and consequently, that we were within one degree of its north-eastern extremity. For if the continent be imagined to extend any where to the north of Shelatskoi Noss it can scarcely be supposed that such an interesting circumstance would have been omitted by the Russian Navigators, who mention no remarkable promontory between the Anadyr and the Kovyma except the East Cape. Another particular, which Deshneff relates, may, perhaps, be deemed a farther confirmation of this opinion, [Page 51] namely, that he met with no obstruction from ice in sailing round the north-eastern extremity of Asia; though he adds that this sea is not at all times so free from it; as indeed evidently appears from his not succeeding in his first expedition, and, since that, from the failure of Shalauroff, as well as from the interruptions and impediments we met with, in two successive years, in our present voyage.

That part of the continent, which is between Cape North, and the mouth of the Kovyma, is one hundred and twenty-five leagues in longitudinal extent. About a third of this distance from the Kovyma eastward, was explored in 1723, by Fedot Amossoff, a Sinbojarskoi of Jakutz, who informed Mr. Muller, that its direction was easterly. It has since that time been surveyed, with some degree of accuracy, by Shalauroff, whose chart makes it trend to the north-east by east, as far as Shelatskoi Noss, which he places at the distance of about forty-three leagues to the east of the Kovyma. The space, therefore, between the Noss and Cape North, upwards of eighty leagues, is the only part of the Russian dominions now remaining unascertained.

If the Kovyma, however, be erroneously laid down, in point of longitude as well as latitude, (a supposition by no means improbable) the extent of the unexplored coast will diminish in proportion. The reasons which incline us to imagine, [Page 52] that in the Russian charts, the mouth of the river is placed considerably too far to the west, are the following: first, because the accounts that have been given of the navigation of the Frozen Ocean, from that river, round the North-Eastern extreme of Asia, to the gulf of Anadyr, do not agree with the supposed distance between those places; secondly, because the distance from the Anadyr to the Kovyma, over land, is represented by former Russian travellers as a journey of no very great length, and easily performed: thirdly, because the coast from the Shelatskoi Noss of Shalauroff appears to trend directly south-east towards the East Cape. If this be really the case, it may be inferred, that as we were, in all probability, not more than one degree to the southward of Shelatskoi Noss, only sixty miles of the coast of Asia are unascertained.

It is highly probable, that a north [...]west passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean does not exist to the southward of the fifty-sixth degree of latitude. If, therefore, a passage really exists, it must certainly be either through Baffin's-bay, or by the north of Greenland, in the western hemisphere; or in the eastern, through the Frozen Sea, to the north of Siberia; and on whichever side it is situated, the navigator must pass through the straits distinguished by the name of Beering's Straits. The impracticability of penetrating into the Atlantic Ocean on either side, through these [Page 53] straits, is therefore all that now remains to be offered to the reader's consideration.

The sea to the northward of Beering's Straits, was found by us to be more free from ice in August than in July, and perhaps in some part of September it may be still more clear of it. But, after the autumnal equinox, the length of the days diminishes so fast, that no farther thaw can be expected; and we cannot reasonably attribute so great an effect to the warm weather in the last fortnight in the month of September, as to imagine it capable of dispersing the ice, from the most northern parts of the coast of America. Admitting this, however, to be possible, it must at least be allowed, that it would be highly absurd to attempt to avoid the Icy Cape by running to the known parts of Baffin's Bay, (a distance of about twelve hundred and sixty miles) in so short a space of time as that passage can be supposed to remain open.

There appears, on the side of Asia, still less probability of success, not only from what came to our own knowledge, relative to the state of the sea to the southward of Cape North, but likewise from what we have gathered from the experience of the Lieutenants under the direction of Beering, and the journal of Shalauroff, respecting that on the north of Siberia.

The possibility of sailing round the north-eastern extremity of Asia, is undoubtedly proved [Page 54] by the voyage of Deshneff, if its truth be admitted; but when we reflect, that, since the time of that navigator, near a century and a half has elapsed, during which, in an age of curiosity and enterprize, no person has yet been able to follow him, we can entertain no very sanguine expectations of the public benefits which can be derived from it. But even on the supposition, that, in some remarkably favourable season, a vessel might find a clear passage round the coast of Siberia, and arrive in safety at the mouth of the Lena, still there remains the Cape of Taimura, extending to the seventy-eighth degree of latitude, which no navigator has hitherto had the good fortune to double.

Some, however, contend, that there are strong reasons for believing, that the nearer approach we make to the Pole, the sea is more clear of ice; and that all the ice we observed in the lower latitudes, had originally been formed in the great rivers of Siberia and America, from the breaking up of which the intermediate sea had been filled. But even if that supposition be true, it is no less certain that there can be no access to those open seas, unless this prodigious mass of ice is so far dissolved in the summer, as to admit of a ship's making its way through it. If this be the real fact, we made choice of an improper time of the year for attempting to discover this passage, which should have been explored in the months of [Page 55] April and May, before the rivers were broken up. But several reasons may be alledged against such a supposition. Our experience at Petropaulowska, gave us an opportunity of judging what might be expected farther northward; and upon that ground, we had some reason to entertain a doubt, whether the two continents might not, during the winter, be even joined by the ice: and this coincided with the accounts we heard in Kamtschatska, that, on the coast of Siberia, the inhabitants, in the winter, go out from the shore, upon the ice, to distances that exceed the breath of the sea, in some parts, from one continent to the other.

The following remarkable particular is mentioned in the deposition above referred to. Speaking of the land seen from the Tschutski Noss, it is said, that, during the summer, they sail in one day to the land in baidares, a kind of vessel formed of whale-bone, and covered with the skins of seals; and, in the winter, as they go swift with rein-deer, the journey may also be performed in a day. A satisfactory proof, that the two countries were generally connected by the ice.

Muller's account of one of the expeditions undertaken for the purpose of discovering a supposed island in the Frozen Ocean, is still more remarkable. His narrative is to the following purport. In 1714, a new expedition was prepared from Jakntzk, under the conduct of Alexei [Page 56] Markoff, who was to set sail from the mouth of the Jana; and if the Schitiki were not well adapted for sea voyages, he was to build, at a convenient place, proper vessels for prosecuting the discoveries without any great risque. Upon his arrival at Ust-janskoe Simovie, the port where he was to embark, he dispatched an account, dated the 2d of February, 1515, to the Chancery of Jakutzka, intimating that it was impracticable to navigate the sea, as it was constantly frozen both in winter and summer; and that, consequently, the expedition could only be prosecuted with sledges drawn by dogs. He accordingly set out in this manner, accompanied with nine persons, the 10th of March, in the same year, and returned to Ust-janskoe Simovie on the 3d of the succeeding month. The account of his journey is as follows; that, for the space of seven days, he travelled with as much expedition as his dogs could draw, (which, in good tracks, and favourable weather, is from eighty to a hundred wersts in a day) directly to the northward, upon the ice, without observing any island: that he was prevented from proceeding farther, by the ice, which rose like mountains in that part of the sea: that he had ascended some of the hills of ice, whence he could see to a great distance around him, but could discern no land: and that, at length, provisions for his dogs being deficient, [Page 57] many of them died, which reduced him to the necessity of returning.

Besides the above-mentioned arguments, which proceed upon an admission of the hypothesis, that the ice in this ocean comes from the rivers, others may be adduced, which afford good reason for suspecting the truth of the hypothesis itself. Captain Cook, whose opinion, with regard to the formation of ice, had originally coincided with that of the theorists we are now endeavouring to confute, found sufficient grounds, in the present voyage, for changing his sentiments. We observed, that the coasts of both continents were low, that the depth of water gradually decreased towards them, and that a striking resemblance prevailed between the two; from which circumstances, as well as from the description given by Mr. Hearne of the copper-mine river, we have room for conjecturing, that, whatever rivers may discharge themselves into the Frozen Ocean, from the continent of America are of a similar nature with those on the Asiatic side; which are said to be so shallow at their entrance, as to admit only vessels of inconsiderable magnitude; whereas, the ice seen by us, rises above the level of the sea, to a height that equals the depth of those rivers; so that its entire altitude must be, at least, ten times greater.

Another circumstance will naturally offer itself, in this place, to our consideration, which seems [Page 58] to be very incompatible with the opinion of those who suppose that land is necessary for the formation of ice; we mean, the different state of the sea about Spitsbergen, and of that which is to the northward of Beering's Straits. It is incumbent on those philosophers to explain how it happens, that in the former quarter, and in the neighbourhood of much known land, navigators annually penetrate to near eighty degrees of northern latitude; whereas, on the other side, no voyager has been able, with his utmost efforts, to proceed beyond the seventy-first degree; where, moreover, the continents diverge nearly in the direction of east and west, and where there is no land yet known to exist in the vicinity of the pole. For the farther satisfaction of our readers on this subject, we refer them to Dr. Forster's " Observations round the World," where they will find the question, of the formation of the ice, discussed in a full and satisfactory manner, and the probability of open polar seas, disproved by many forcible arguments.

To these remarks, we shall subjoin a comparative view of the progress made by us to the northward, at the two different seasons in which we were occupied in that pursuit; together with some general observations respecting the sea, and the coasts of the two continents, which lie to the north of Beering's Straits.

[Page 59]In the year 1778, we did not discover the ice, till we advanced to the latitude of 70°, on the 17th of August; and we then found it in compact bodies, which extend as far as the eye could discern, and of which the whole, or a part was moveable; since, by its drifting down upon our ships, we were almost hemmed in between that and the land. After we had experienced, both how fruitless and dangerous it would be, to attempt to penetrate farther to the northward, between the land and the ice, we stood over towards the side of Asia, between the latitudes of 69° and 70°; after encountering in this tract very large fields of ice, and through the fogs, and thickness of the weather, prevented us from entirely tracing a connected line of it across, yet we were certain of meeting with it before it reached the latitude of 70°, whenever we made any attempts to stand to the north.

On the 26th of August, in the latitude of 69° ¾ and the longitude of 184°, we were obstructed by it in such quantities, that we could not pass either to the north or west; and were under the necessity of running along the edge of it to the south-south-west, till we perceived land which proved to be the Asiatic coast. With the season thus far advanced, the weather setting in with snow and sleet, and other indications of the approach of winter, we relinquished our enterprize for that time.

[Page 60]In our second attempt, we did little more than confirm the remarks made by us in the first; for we never had an opportunity of approaching the continent of Asia higher than 67° of latitude, nor that of America in any parts, except a few leagues between the latitude of 68° and 68° 20′, that we had not seen in the preceding year. We now met with obstruction from ice 3° over; and our efforts to make farther progress to the northward, were chiefly confined to the middle space between the two coasts. We penetrated near 3° farther on the side of America, than that of Asia, coming up with the ice both years sooner, and in more considerable quantities, on the latter coast. As we advanced in our northerly course, we found the ice more solid and compact; however, as in our different traverses from one side to the other, we passed over spaces which had before been covered with it, we imagined, that the greatest part of what we saw was moveable. Its height, on a medium, we estimated at eight or ten feet, and that of the highest at sixteen or eighteen. We again examined the currents twice, and found that they were unequal, though they never exceeded one mile an hour. We likewise found the currents to set different ways, but more from the south-west than any other quarter; yet, whatever their direction might be, their effect was so inconsiderable, that on conclusions, with respect [Page 61] to the existence of any passage towards the north, could possibly be drawn from them.

We found July infinitely colder than August. The thermometer, in the first of these months, was once at 28°, and very frequently at 30°; whereas, during the last year, it was very uncommon in August, to have it so low as the freezing point. In both seasons, we experienced some high winds, all of which blew from the south-west. Whenever the wind was moderate from any quarter, we were subject to fogs; but they were observed to attend southerly winds more constantly than others.

The straits, between the American and Asiatic continents, at their nearest approach, in the latitude of 66°, were ascertained by us to be thirteen leagues, beyond which they diverge to north-east by east, and west-north-west; and in the latitude of 69°, their distance from each other is about three hundred miles. In the aspect of the two countries to the north of the straits, a great resemblance is observable. Both of them are destitute of wood. The shores are low, with mountains further inland, rising to a great height. The soundings, in the mid-way between them, were twenty-nine and thirty fathoms, gradually decreasing as we approached either continent; with this difference, however, that the water was somewhat shallower on the coast of America than on that of Asia, at an equal distance from land. The [Page 62] bottom, towards the middle, was a soft slimy mud; and near either shore, it was a brownish sand, intermixed with a few shells, and small fragments of bones. We found but little tide or current, and that little came from the west.

We will now resume the narrative of our voyage, which was continued till the 31st of July; on which day we had proceeded, at noon, eighteen leagues to the southward of the east cape. We had light airs from the south-west till the first of August, at noon, when our latitude was 64° 23′, and our longitude 189° 15′; the Asiatic coast extending from north-west by west, to west half south, at the distance of about twelve leagues, and the land to the eastward of St. Lawrence bearing south half west.

On Monday the second, the weather being clear, we perceived the same land at noon, extending from west-south-west half west to south-east, and forming many elevated hummocks, which bore the appearance of separate islands. The latitude, at this time, was 64° 3′, the longitude 189° 28′, and our soundings were seventeen fathoms. We were not near enough to this land to ascertain whether it was a group of islands, or only a single one. We had passed its most westerly point in the evening of the third of July, which we then supposed to be the isle of St. Lawrence; the easternmost we sailed close by in September the preceding year, and this we denominated [Page 63] Clerke's Island; and found it composed of a number of lofty cliffs, connected by very low land. Though these cliffs, the last year, were mistaken by us for separate islands, till we made a very near approach to the shore, we are still inclined to conjecture, that the isle of St. Lawrence is distinct from Clerke's Island, as there appeared betwixt them a considerable space, where we did not observe the least appearance of rising ground. In the afternoon, we likewise saw what had the appearance of a small island, to the north-east of the land that we had seen at noon, and which, from the thickness of the weather, we only had sight of once. We supposed its distance to be nineteen leagues from the island of St. Lawrence, in the direction of north-east by east half east.

We had light variable winds on the 3d, and steered round the north-west point of the isle of St. Lawrence. The next day, at noon, our latitude was 64° 8′, longitude 188°; the island of St. Lawrence bearing south one quarter east, at the distance of seven leagues.

In the afternoon, a fresh breeze arising from the east, we steered to the south-south-west, and quickly lost sight of St. Lawrence. On Saturday the seventh, at twelve o'clock, the latitude was 59° 38′ and the longitude 183°. We had a calm in the afternoon, and caught a great number of cod, in seventy-eight fathoms of water. From [Page 64] this period to the 17th, we were making the best of our way towards the south, without any remarkable occurence, except that the wind blowing from the west, forced us more to the eastward than we wished, it being our intention to make Beering's Island.

On Thursday the 17th, between four and five in the morning, we descried land to the north-west, which we could not approach, as the wind blew from that quarter. Ac mid-day, the latitude was 53° 49′, and the longitude 168° 5′. The land in view bore north by west, at the distance of twelve or fourteen leagues. This land we imagine to be the island Mednoi, which is placed in the Russian charts to the south-east of Beering's Island. It is elevated land, and was at this time apparently free from snow. We reckon it to be in the latitude of 54° 28′, and the longitude of 167° 52′. We did not strike ground with one hundred and fifty fathoms of line.

Captain Clerke being now no longer able to get out of his bed, signified his desire, that the officers would receive their orders from Mr. King; and directed that we should repair, with all convenient speed, to the bay of Awatska. The wind continuing westerly, we steered a southerly course, till early in the morning of the 19th; when, after rain of a few hours continuance, it blew from the east, and increased to a strong gale. We made the most of it while it lasted, [Page 65] by standing towards the west, with all the sail we could bear. The next day, the wind varying to the south-west, we steered a west-north-west course. The latitude, at noon, was 53° 7′, and the longitude 162° 49′. On the 21st, between five and six in the morning, we perceived a very lofty peaked mountain on the coast of Kamtschatka, known by the name of Chepoonskoi Mountain, bearing north-west-by-north, at the distance of between twenty-five and thirty leagues. At noon the coast was observed to extend from north-by-east to west, with a very great haziness upon it; and it was about twelve leagues distant. We had light airs during the remainder of this, as well as the following day, and found no ground within one hundred and forty fathoms of line.

At nine o'clock in the morning, on Sunday the 22d of August, Capt. Charles Clerke expired, in the thirty-eighth year of his age. His death was occasioned by a consumption, which had manifestly commenced before his departure from England, and of which he had lingered, during the whole continuance of the voyage. His very gradual decay, had for a long time rendered him a melancholy object to his friends; but the firmness and equanimity with which he bore it, the constant flow of good spirits, which he retained even to the last hour, and a chearful resignation to his fate, furnished them with some consolation. It was impossible, not to feel an uncommon degree [Page 66] of compassion for a gentleman, who had experienced a series of those difficulties and hardships, which must be the inevitable lot of every seamen, and under which he at last sunk. He was bred to the navy from his youth, and had been in many engagements during the war which began in the year 1756. In the action between the Bellona and Courageux, he was stationed in the mizentop, and was carried overboard with the mast; but was afterwards taken up, without having received the least injury. He was midshipman on board the Dolphin, commanded by Commodore Byron, when she first sailed round the world; and was afterwards on the American station. In the year 1768, he engaged in a second voyage round the world, in the situation of master's mate of the Endeavour; and, during the expedition, succeeded to a lieutenancy. In the Resolution he made a third voyage round the world, in the capacity of second lieutenant: and in a short time after his return, in 1775, he was appointed master and commander. In the present expedition, he was appointed captain of the Discovery, and to accompany Captain Cook. By the calamitous death of the other, he naturally succeeded, as has been already related, to the chief command.

It would savour of injustice and ingratitude to his memory, not to mention, that, during the short time he commanded the expedition, he was most remarkably zealous for its success. When [Page 67] the principal command devolved upon him, his health began rapidly to decline; and he was unequal in every respect, to encounter the severity of a high northern climate. The vigour of his mind, however, was not, in the least, impaired by the decay of his body: and though he was perfectly sensible, that his delaying to return to a warmer climate, was depriving himself of the only chance of recovery; yet, so attentive was he to his duty, that he was determined not to suffer his own situation to bias his judgment to the prejudice of the service▪ he therefore persevered in the search of a passage, till every officer in the expedition, declared they were of opinion it was impracticable, and that any farther attempts would be equally hazardous and ineffectual.

[Page 68]

CHAP. V.

Return to St. Peter and St. Paul—The Serjeant brings a Present of Berries on Board for Captain Clerke—Several Officers promoted—Funeral of Captain Clerke, and the Solemnities attending it —Repaired the Damages which the Discovery sustained by the Ice—Various Occupations of the Ships Crews—Letter from the Commander of Bolcheretsk to Captain Gore—Supply of Flour, Pitch, Tar, &c. from a Russian Galliot, which brought a Reinforcement of Russian Soldiers—Account of a very remarkable Exile—Bear-hunting and fishing—The Serjeant disgraced—The King's Coronation Day celebrated—Visited by the Commander—The Serjeant's Restoration—Promotion of a Russian Soldier at our Request—Discipline of the Russian Army—Church at Paratounca described—Manner of Bear-hunting—Curious Particulars of the Bears and Kamtschadales—Inscription to Captain Clerke's Memory—Supply of Cattle received—Entertainments in Honour of the Empress's Name-Day—Present from the Commander—A Marine attempts to desert —Awatska-Bay nautically and geographically described.

CAPTAIN King sent a messenger to Captain Gore, to acquaint him with the death of Captain Clerke, who brought a letter from Captain [Page 69] Gore, containing an order for Captain King to exert his utmost endeavours to keep in company with the Discovery, and, if a separation should happen, to repair, as soon as possible to St. Peter and St. Paul. Our latitude, at noon, was 53° 8′ north, and our longitude 160° 40′ east; Cheepoonskoi Noss then bearing west. In the afternoon, we had light airs, which continued till noon on the 23d; when, a fresh breeze springing up from the east, we steered for the entrance of Awatska-bay; which we saw about six in the evening, bearing west-north-west, distant about five leagues. At eight, the light-house, which now furnished a good light, was about three miles distant, and bore north-west-by-west. It was now a perfect calm; but, as the tide was favourable, the boats were sent a-head, and towed beyond the narrow parts of the entrance. On the 24th, at one in the morning, we dropped anchor, the ebb tide then setting against us.

We weighed about nine o'clock, and went up the bay with light airs, which being afterwards succeeded by a light breeze, we anchored before three in the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul; having up our ensign half staff, as the body of our late Captain was in the vessel; and the Discovery followed us in a very short time.

Soon after we had anchored, we were visited by our old friend, the Serjeant, (still the commanding officer of the place) who brought with him [Page 70] a present of berries, intended for Captain Clerke. He was much affected at hearing of his death, and seeing the coffin wherein his body was deposited. As the deceased Captain had particularly requested to be buried on shore, and gave the preference to the church at Paratounca, we embraced this opportunity of consulting with the Serjeant, about the necessary steps to be pursued upon the occasion.

After much conversation on this subject, which was very imperfectly carried on, for want of an interpreter, we gathered intelligence that de L'Isle, and some other Russian gentlemen, who had died here, were buried near the barracks, at the ostrog of St. Peter and St. Paul; and that this place would certainly be more eligible than Paratounca, as the church was shortly to be removed thither. We, therefore, determined to wait the arrival of the Priest of Paratounca, who was immediately to be sent for, as being the person best qualified to give us any information we required upon the subject. The Serjeant, at the same time, expressed his intentions of sending an express to the commander of Bolcheretsk, with intelligence of our arrival; when Captain Gore begged to avail himself of that opportunity of conveying a letter to him, wherein he requested that sixteen head of black cattle might be sent with all possible dispatch. And, as the commander was unacquainted with any language except his [Page 71] own, the particulars of our request were communicated to the Serjeant, who not only undertook to send the letter, but also an explanation of its contents.

It was a general remark among us that, though the face of the country had improved in its appearance since we had left it, the Russians looked even worse than they did then. They made the very same observation with respect to us; and, as neither party seemed pleased with the discovery, we mutually consoled ourselves by casting the blame upon the country, whose verdant and lively complexion, had occasioned an appearance of sallowness on our own.

Though the eruption of the volcano was so extremely violent when we quitted the bay, we were informed that no damage had been received from it here. Several stones, however, that were as large as a goose's egg, had fallen at the ostrog. This was the principal news we had to enquire after, and all the intelligence they had to communicate to us, excepting that of Soposnicoff's arrival from Oonalashka, who took charge of the pacquet sent by Captain Cook to the Admiralty, and which, we had the pleasure to find, had been forwarded.

On the 25th of August, in the morning, Captain Gore, in consequence of the death of Captain Clerke, made out the new commissions. He appointed himself to the command of the Resolution, [Page 72] and Mr. King to that of the Discovery▪ Mr. Lanyan, who was master's mate of the Resolution, and who had been in that capacity in the former voyage, on board the Adventure, was appointed to the vacant lieutenancy. The following arrangements were the consequence of these promotions. Lieutenants Burney and Rickman (from the Discovery) were appointed first and second Lieutenants of the Resolution; and Lieutenant Williamson, first Lieutenant of the Discovery. Captain King, by the permission of Captain Gore, took in four midshipmen, who had rendered themselves useful to him in astronomical calculations; and whose assistance was become the more necessary, as we had not an ephemeris for the present year. And, that astronomical observations might not be neglected to be made in either ship, Mr. Bayly took Captain King's place in the Resolution.

On the same day, we were attended by the worthy Priest of Paratounca. His expressions of sorrow, at the death of Captain Clerke, did honour to his feelings. He confirmed what the Serjeant had related with regard to the intended removal of the Church, and assured us the timber was actually preparing; but submitted the choice of either place entirely to Captain Gore.

As the Discovery had suffered great injury from the ice, especially on the 23d of July, and had continued exceedingly leaky ever since, it was [Page 73] apprehended that some of her timbers might have started; the carpenters of the Resolution were therefore sent to assist those of the Discovery in repairing her; and they accordingly began to rip the damaged sheathing from the larboard bow. It was discovered, by this operation, that three feet of third strake were staved, and the timbers started. To accommodate those who were to be employed on shore, a tent was erected, and a party was sent into the country, north of the harbour, to fell timber. The observatories were placed at the west end of the village, near which was erected a tent, as an abode for the Captains Gore and King.

As we proceeded to remove the sheathing, the decayed state of the ship's hull became more and more apparent. Eight feet of a plank in the wale were so exceedingly rotton, that we were obliged to shift it the next morning. We were now totally at a stand, as nothing could be found to replace it in either ship, without cutting up a top-mast; which ought to be the last expedient to have recourse to. In the afternoon, the carpenters were dispatched in search of a tree of a proper size for the purpose. Fortunately they discovered a birch, which was probably the only one of sufficient magnitude in the whole neighbourhood of the bay, and which we had sawed down when we were last here; consequently it had the advantage of being a little seasoned. This was [Page 74] prepared on the spot, and taken on board the Discovery the next morning.

The season being now far advanced, Captain King was unwilling that any hindrance or delay should happen through him, to Captain Gore's farther views of discovery, and therefore ordered the carpenters to rip off no more of the sheathing than should be found absolutely necessary for repairing the damages occasioned by the ice. He was apprehensive of their meeting with more decayed planks, which he thought had better remain in that state, than have their places supplied with green birch, even supposing it could be procured.

All hands were now fully employed in their separate departments, that we might be perfectly ready for sea, by the time the carpenters had completed their busineis. Four men were set apart to haul the seine for salmon, which were caught in immense quantities, and were of a most excellent quality. After the wants of both ships were sufficiently supplied, we daily salted down almost a hogshead. We had four invalids, who were employed in gathering greens, and cooking for those who were on shore. We also landed our powder in order to have it dried; and the blubber of the sea-horses, with which both ships had completely furnished themselves in our passage to the north, was now boiled down for oil, and was become a very necessary article, having [Page 75] long since expended all our candles. The cooper was also employed in his department.

Both ships companies were thus fully engaged till Saturday afternoon, which was given up to every man (except the carpenters) to enable them to wash their linen, and get their clothes in tolerable order, that they might appear decently on the Sunday.

On Sunday the 29th, in the afternoon, we performed the last sad offices to Captain Clerke. The officers and crew of the two vessels attended him in procession to the grave; the ships, at the same time, firing minute guns; and, at the conclusion of the service, three vollies were fired by the marines. The body was interred under a tree, which stands on a little eminence in the valley north of the harbour, where the store-houses and hospital are situated; this being, as Captain Gore supposed, such a situation as was most consonant to the wishes of the deceased. The Priest of Paratounca also recommended this spot, imagining it would be very near the centre of the new church. This worthy pastor joined in the procession, walking with the gentleman who read the service. All the Russians in the garrison assembled on the occasion, and respectfully assisted in the solemnity.

On Monday the 30th, the several parties reassumed their respective employments, as particularly mentioned in the course of the preceding [Page 76] week; and on the 2d of September, the carpenters proceeded to rip off such of the sheathing as had been injured by the ice, from the starboard-side; having first shifted the damaged planks, and repaired and caulked the sheathing of the larboard bow. Four feet of a plank were discovered in the third strake under the wale, so much shaken as to require to be replaced; which was accordingly done; and on the 3d, the sheathing was repaired.

In the afternoon of the 3d, we got some ballast on board; after which we unhung the rudder, and caused it to be conveyed on shore, the lead of the pintles being much worn, and a considerable part of the sheathing rubbed off. The carpenters of the Resolution not being immediately wanted, this was put in proper order the next day; but finding the rudder immoderately heavy, (heavier indeed than that of the Resolution) we let it remain on shore to dry, and consequently to become lighter.

An ensign arrived this day from Bolcheretsk, with a letter from the commander of that place to Captain Gore; which we requested the Serjeant to peruse, and, by his assistance, we at length understood, that proper orders had been given respecting the cattle; and that in a few days we might expect to see them; and that Captain Shmaleff, who succeeded Major Behm in his command, would pay us a visit immediately on [Page 77] the arrival of a sloop which he expected from Okotsk. The bearer of the letter was the son of Captain Lieutenant Synd, who, about eleven years ago, was appointed to the command of an expedition of discovery between Asia and America, and now resided at Okotsk. He told us he was appointed to receive our directions, and to supply us with every thing that our service might require. That he should remain with us, till it was convenient for the commander to leave Bolcheretsk; and then he was to return, or the garrison would be without an officer.

The Russians, in Kamtschatka, could not furnish us with a better account of Synd than Mr. Coxe has given us; though they seemed entirely disposed to communicate what they really knew. Major Behm could only give us this general information, that the expedition had miscarried, and that the commander had been much censured. It was evident that he had been on the coast of Africa, south of Cape Prince of Wales; and, as he was too far north to meet with sea-otters, which the Russians seem to have in view in all their attempts at discoveries, it is probable, that his return without having made any, from whence commercial advantages might be reaped, was the cause of his disgrace, and on that account his voyage is spoken of with contempt by all the Russians.

[Page 78]But, to proceed; on the 5th of September, all the parties that were on shore returned to the ship, and were employed in scrubbing her bottom, and getting in some shingle ballast. Two of our guns, which had been stowed in the fore-hold, we now got up, and mounted them on the deck, as we were shortly to visit those nations, where our reception would probably be regulated by the respectability of our appearance. On the 8th, the Resolution hauled on shore, in order to repair some damages she had received from the ice in her cut-water; and our carpenters, in their turn, were ordered to assist her.

We began, about this time, to make a strong decoction from a species of dwarf pine, which is very plentiful in this country, judging it would hereafter be useful in making beer, and that we might perhaps be able to procure sugar, or a substitute for it, to ferment with it, at Canton. We knew, however, it would be an admirable medicine for the scurvy, and therefore were particularly desirous of procuring a considerable supply; as most of the preventatives with which we had furnished ourselves, were either consumed, or had lost their efficacy through long keeping. When we had prepared about a hogshead of it, the ship's copper was found to be remarkably thin, and that in many places, it was even cracked. This obliged us to desist, [Page 79] and orders were given that, for the future, it should be used as sparingly as possible.

Those who may hereafter be engaged in long voyages, would act judiciously if they provided themselves with a spare copper; or, at least, they should be fully convinced that the copper, usually furnished, should be remarkably strong and durable. These necessary utensils are employed in so many extra-services, particularly in that important one of brewing antiscorbutic decoctions, that some such provision seems absolutely necessary; and the former appears the more eligible, because a much greater quantity of fuel would be consumed in heating coppers that were very thick.

On Friday the 10th, the boats from both the ships were ordered to tow a Russian galliot into the harbour, which had just arrived from Okotsk. She had been no less than thirty-five days on her passage, and, from the light-house, had been observed a fortnight before, beating up towards the mouth of the bay. The crew had, at that time, dispatched their only boat on shore, in order to procure water, which they were much in need of; but, the wind increasing, the boat was lost; the galliot was again driven to sea, and those on board suffered inconceivable hardships.

On board this galliot there were fifty soldiers, their wives and children, they had also several passengers, and their crew consisted of twenty-five; [Page 80] making, in the whole, upwards of an hundred persons; which, for a vessel of eighty tons, was a great number, especially as she was heavily laden with stores and provisions. This galliot, and the sloop which we saw here in May, are built in the manner of the Dutch doggers.

Soon after the vessel had come to anchor, we were visited by a Pul-parouchich, or Sub-lieutenant, who arrived in her, and who was sent to take the command of this place. Some of the soldiers, we were informed, were intended to reinforce the garrison; and two pieces of cannon were brought on shore, to serve as an additional defence of the town. From these circumstances, it is pretty apparent that the Russian commanders in Siberia, had, from our visiting this place, been induced to attend to the defenceless situation of it; and the honest Serjeant shrewdly observed, that, as we had found the way thither, others might do the same, who might not be so welcome as ourselves.

Having repaired the damages which the Resolution had suffered by the ice, she hauled off from the shore the next morning; and, in the course of the day, we got some pitch, tar, cordage, and twine from the galliot. Their scanty store rendered them unable to supply us with canvass, and they could not comply with our application for that article. She furnished us, however, with an hundred and forty skins of flour, amounting [Page 81] to 13, 782 English pounds. Till this day, we had a continual course of dry weather, but now a heavy rain succeeded, attended with strong squalls of wind, which occasioned us to strike our yards and top-masts.

Sunday the 12th, was a day of rest: but, as the weather continued foul, our men could not employ themselves in gathering the berries which grew in such vast quantities about the coast, or amuse themselves by any other pastime on shore. Ensign Synd left us this day to return to Bolcheretsk, with the remainder of the soldiers who had arrived in the galliot. While he remained here, he had been our constant guest; and, on his father's account, we thought him in some degree belonging to us; and, as one of the family of discoverers, entitled to a share of our esteem.

The Serjeant, as being commander of the place, had hitherto been admitted to our tables; and his company was additionally welcome to us, because he was sensible and quick in his conceptions; and comprehended, better than any other person, the few Russian words that we had acquired. Whilst Ensign Synd remained, among us, he very politely suffered him to enjoy the same privileges; but, when the new commander arrived from Okotsk, the Serjeant, for what cause we did not understand, fell into disgrace, and was no longer permitted to sit in the company of his own officers. Our endeavours to obtain indulgence [Page 82] for him, we perceived would have been ineffectual; for, though it would have been highly agreeable to us, it was, perhaps, incompatible with their discipline.

On the 14th we had completed the stowage of the holds, got our wood and water on board, and were ready for sea at a day's notice. But, it should be observed, that, though every thing on board was in this degree of readiness, we could not think of taking our departure, because the cattle were not yet arrived from Verchnei; and fresh provisions were now become the most important article of our wants, and essentially necessary for preserving the health of our people. As there was a prospect of fine weather, this was considered as a favourable opportunity of engaging in some amusement on shore, and acquiring some little knowledge of the country. A party of bear hunting was therefore proposed by Captain Gore, and the proposal was readily acceded to.

On Friday the 17th, we set out on this expedetion; which was deferred till that day, in order to give a little rest to the Hospodin Ivaskin, a new acquaintance who had arrived here on Wednesday, and who was to be of our party. Major Behm had desired this gentleman, who usually resides at Verchnei, to attend us on our return to the harbour, and assist us as an interpreter; and, from what we had heard of him before his arrival, our curiosity to see him was much excited.

[Page 83]He is allied to a considerable family in Russia, and his father was a general in the service of the empress. He received his education partly in Germany, and partly in France; he had been page to the empress Elizabeth, and bore an ensign's commission in her guards. At sixteen years of age he was knowted, had his nose slit, and was banished to Siberia. He was afterwards transported to Kamtschatka, and had then resided there thirty-one years. His person was tall and thin, and his visage furrowed with deep wrinkles. Old age was strongly depicted in his whole figure, though he had hardly entered his fifty-fourth year.

Great was our disappointment when we discovered, that he had so totally forgotten the French and German languages as not to be able to speak a single sentence, nor readily to comprehend any thing that was said to him in either of those languages. Thus were we unfortunately deprived of what we expected would have furnished a favourable opportunity of acquiring further information respecting this country. We also promised ourselves much satisfaction in hearing the history of this extraordinary man, which he might, perhaps, be induced to relate to strangers who could probably be serviceable to him, but who could not be supposed to take advantage from what he might say, to his prejudice.

[Page 84]The cause of his banishment remained a secret to every one in this country, but it was generally supposed he had been guilty of some atrocious offence; especially as several of the commanders of Kamtschatka have exerted their interest to get him recalled, in the reign of the present empress; but, so far from getting him recalled, they were not able to obtain a change of his place of banishment. He assured us that, for twenty years, he had not tasted a morsel of bread, nor had been allowed any kind of subsistence; but had lived, all that time with the Kamtschadales, on what he had procured from the chace by his own activity and toil. Afterwards a small pension was allowed him, and his situation has been rendered much less intolerable, since Major Behm was appointed to the command. Being taken notice of by so respectable a character, who often invited him to become his guest, others were induced to follow his example. The Major had also occasioned his pension to be increased to a hundred roubles a year, which is an ensign's pay in every other part of the empress's dominions, but, in this province, all the officers have double pay. Major Behm informed us that he had obtained permission for him to go to Okotsk, where he was to reside in future; but that, at present, he should leave him behind, as he might probably be useful to us as an interpreter, on our return to

[Page 85]Orders having been given to the first lieutenants of both ships, that the rigging should be repaired as far as the late supply of stores would permit, we proceeded on our hunting party, conducted by the corporal of the Kamtschadales; but, previous to our looking out for game, we proceeded to the head of Behm's Harbour, which is an inlet on the west side of the bay. This having been a favourite place of Major Behm's, we had named it after that officer, though by the natives it is called Tareinska.

As we advanced towards this harbour, we saw the Toion of St. Peter and St. Paul, in a canoe having with him his wife and two children, and another inhabitant of Kamtschatka. He had just killed two seals on an island in the entrance of the harbour, and was returning home with them, as well as with a large quantity of berries which he had gathered. The wind having veered to the south-west, in pursuance of his advice we now changed our route, and, instead of proceeding up the harbour, took a northerly course towards a pool of water, at a small distance from the mouth of the river Paratounca, which was much frequented by the bears.

As soon as we had landed, the wind unfortunately veered to the eastward, and once more destroyed our hopes of meeting with any game; the Kamtschadales having often assured us, that there was no probability of finding any bears, [Page 86] as we were to the windward; those animals being possessed of extraordinary acuteness in scenting their pursuers, which, under such circumstances, enabled them to avoid danger. We therefore returned to the boat, and, having provided a tent for that purpose, passed the night upon the beach. The next day, being governed by the opinion of our guides, we crossed the bay, and proceeded to the head of Rokoweena Harbour; where we secured our boats, and afterwards went on foot with all our baggage.

Having walked about five or six miles, we arrived at the sea-side, three miles north of the light-house head. From hence, a continued narrow border of level ground adjoining to the sea, extended itself towards Chepoonskoi Noss as far as we could see. It is entirely covered with heath, and produces berries in great abundance, especially those which are called crow and partridge berries.

We were told, that there was almost a certainty of finding a number of bears, feeding upon these berries; but, as the weather was showery, it was unfavourable to us. Accordingly, however, we pursued our course along the plain; and, though several bears were seen at a distance, we could not by any means, get within shot of them. This diversion was therefore changed to that of spearing salmon, which we saw in throngs, driving through the surf into a small river. Here [Page 87] we could not help remarking the inferiority of the Kamtschadales, at this kind of fishing, to the natives of Oonalashka; neither were their instruments, though pointed with iron, near so well adapted to the purpose, nor fabricated with that neatness, which those of the Americans were, though only pointed with bone. On asking the cause of this inferiority, we were informed by the corporal, who had long resided among the Americans, that formerly the natives of Kamtschatka used such darts and spears as those of the Americans, and, like theirs, headed and barbed with bone, and were as dexterous as the latter in the management of them. We could not sufficiently understand each other to discover the real cause of this change, but suppose it may be the effect of an imperfect state of improvement. Fortunately, however, the water afforded us a little provision; for ill success had not only attended us in the chace by land, but we had failed in our expectations of shooting wild-fowl, after having almost depended upon a supply of them for our subsistence; and, on its failure, began to think it almost time to return to our head-quarters.

The Kamtschadales who attended us, at length discovered, that our not meeting with game was occasioned by our going in too large a party, and by the unavoidable noise that was the natural consequence of it. This judicious remark induced us to separate; Captain King, Ivaskin, and [Page 88] the corporal, forming one party; the other consisting of Captain Gore, and the rest of the company. We passed the night under our tent, and, on the morning of the 19th, set out by different routs, in order to make a kind of circuit round the country, and meet at St. Peter and St. Paul.

Captain King, and his party, took the course of the river, at whose mouth he had fished for the salmon; and, after being completely soaked with heavy rains the whole morning, they took sheller, about three in the afternoon, in some old balagans, which were the remains of a Kamtschadale village, without having seen a single bear in their long and tedious journey.

At first we seemed inclined to continue here all night, that we might resume the chase early in the morning; but, as the weather began to clear, and a fresh breeze sprung up from a quarter hostile to our designs, the Hospodin, whom former severities had rendered unable to endure fatigue, and who was now more particularly distressed from having his snuff-box exhausted of its contents, grew very importunate with us to return home. The old corporal was extremely unwilling to consent, alledging, that we were at a considerable distance from the harbour, and that the badness of the way would probably hinder us from compleating our journey, before night had overtaken us. Ivaskin's entreaties, however, at length prevailed, and the corporal conducted us [Page 89] by the side of several small lakes, which are pretty numerous in the flat part of this country. They are from half a mile to two miles long, and generally about half a mile in breadth. The water in them is very clear and fresh, and they abound with red-coloured fish, not unlike a small salmon, both in shape and size. The margins of these lakes were usually covered with half-eaten fish, being fragments left by the bears, which occasioned a most intolerable stench. We frequently arrived at places which had just been quitted by the bears, but were never able to come within reach of them.

At night we reached the ships, after having been full twelve hours upon our legs. Poor Ivaskin seemed perfectly overcome with fatigue, and was probably the more sensibly affected by it, for want of a supply of snuff; for, almost at every [...]ep, his hand sunk mechanically into his pocket, and instantly rose again with his huge empty box. Just as we arrived at the tent, the weather became exceedingly rough and wet, and we congratulated ourselves on our not having staid another day from our general rendezvous. The Hospodin's box was immediately replenished, and, regaling upon a good supper, we forgot the fatigues and disappointments of our journey.

The next day (Monday the 20th) we received the disagreeable intelligence, that our friend, the serjeant, had suffered corporal punishment, which [Page 90] had been inflicted on him by command of the old Put-parouchick. None of us could learn the cause of his displeasure; but it was supposed to have arisen from some little jealousy, which had been excited by our civility to the former. Imagining, however, that the offence, whatever it might be, could not merit a chastisement so disgraceful, we were both sorry and angry at what had happened. The friendly and familiar terms on which we had lived with him, and the esteem we were known to entertain for him, made the affront appear personal to ourselves. For we had consulted the worthy Major Behm, who was likewise the serjeant's friend, how we could render him some service, for the excellent order he had preserved in the ostrog during our stay, and for his extreme readiness to oblige us, upon every occasion that presented itself. The Major said, a letter of recommendation to the Governor General, would probably have a good effect; Captain Clerke accordingly had given him one, which, together with his own representations, he fully expected would get the serjeant advanced in his profession.

We were unwilling to remonstrate on this subject, till Captain Shmaleff should arrive. Indeed, our very imperfect knowledge of the language, would not permit us to enter into any discussion upon this business. But, when we were [Page 91] next visited by the Put-parouchick, the coolness of our reception must fully have testified our chagrin.

On Wednesday, the 22d of September, being the anniversary of the coronation of George the Third, we fired twenty-one guns; and, in honour of the day, prepared as elegant a feast as our situation would allow of. The arrival of Captain Shmaleff was announced the very moment we were sitting down to dinner. We were equally pleased and surprized at this intelligence. First, because he came so opportunely to take a share in the festivity of the day; and, in the next place, having lately been informed that the effects of a severe illness had rendered him unequal to the journey. We had the satisfaction to hear that this had been merely an excuse; that, knowing we were distressed for tea, sugar, &c. he was hurt at the idea of coming empty-handed, and therefore had deferred his setting out, impatiently waiting for the arrival of a sloop from Okotsk; but hearing no intelligence of her, and fearing we should sail before he had visited us, he was resolved to prosecute the journey, though he had nothing to present to us but apologies for the poverty of Bolcheretsk.

He told us, at the same time, that the reason of our not having received the black cattle, which we had requested to be sent down, was, that the heavy rains at Verchnei, had absolutely prevented their setting out. So much politeness [Page 92] and generosity demanded the best answer we were capable of making; and he was, the next day, saluted with eleven guns, on coming on board the Resolution: samples and specimens of our curiosities were then presented to him; to which Captain Gore added a gold watch, and a fowling-piece. He was entertained on board the Discovery the next day, and on the 25th, he returned to Bolcheretsk.

No entreaties could prevail on him to extend his visit, having, as he assured us, some expectations that the sub-governor-general would arrive in the sloop which he expected from Okotsk, as he was then on a tour through all the provinces of the governor-general of Jakutsk. Without any application from us, he re-instated the serjeant in his command, before his departure, having resolved to take the Put-parouchick with him. We also understood, that he was much offended with him for punishing the serjeant, as there did not appear to be the slightest grounds for inflicting such chastisement.

Encouraged by the Captain's great readiness to oblige us, we ventured to request a small favour for another inhabitant of Kamtschatka. It was to requite an honest old soldier, who kept a kind of open house for the inferior officers, and who had done a thousand good offices, both for them and the whole crew. The Captain obligingly complied with our wishes, and dubbed him [Page 93] instantly a corporal; telling him, at the same time, to thank the English officers for his very great promotion.

It may not here be unnecessary to remark, that the lower class of officers in the Russian army, have a greater pre-eminence above the private men than those in the British service can possibly conceive. It was, indeed, a matter of astonishment to us, to see a serjeant assume all the state, and exact as much homage from those beneath him, as though he had been a field officer. Besides, there are several gradations of rank amongst them, of which other countries are wholly ignorant; there being no less than four intermediate steps between a serjeant and a private soldier; and many considerable advantages may probably arise from this system. Subordinate ranks in the sea service, are known to produce the most salutary effects, by creating emulation; and the officers of superior rank are thereby enabled to bestow an adequate reward on almost every possible degree of merit.

The discipline of the Russian army, though so extremely remote from the seat of government, is remarkable for its strictness and severity; not exempting even the commissioned officers. Imprisonment, and bread and water diet, is the punishment of the latter for inconsiderable offences. A good friend of ours, who was as an ensign in this place, informed us, that the punishment he [Page 94] received for having been concerned in a drunken frolic, was three months imprisonment in the black hole, with bread and water only for his subsistence; which so affected his whole nervous system, that he has never since enjoyed a sufficient flow of spirits to qualify him for a convivial meeting.

Captain King attended Captain Shmaleff as far as the entrance of Awatska river, and having taken leave of him, embraced that opportunity of visiting the priest of Paratounca. He attended him to church on Sunday the 26th, when his whole congregation consisted of his own family, three men, and the same number of boys, who assisted in the singing; and the whole of the service was performed with great solemnity and devotion.

Though the church is built of wood, it is much superior to any building either in this town, or in that of St. Peter and St. Paul. Among the several paintings with which it is ornamented, are two pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul, which were presented by Beering; and which might vie with the first European performances in the intrinsic riches of its drapery; the principal parts of it being composed of thick plates of real solid silver, so fashioned as to imitate the foldings of the robes which decorate the figures, and fixed upon the canvass.

[Page 95]Another hunting party was set on foot the next day, when Captain King submitted himself to the direction of the parish clerk, who had acquired great reputation as a bear-hunter. About sun-set they arrived at one of the larger lakes, where it was deemed necessary to conceal themselves as much as possible: this was easily effected among some long grass and brush-wood, of which there was great plenty near the water's edge. We had not been long in this situation, before our ears were agreeably saluted with the growling of bears, in almost every quarter round about us; and we soon had the pleasure of beholding one of them in the water, swimming in a direct course to where we lay concealed. At this time the moon shone so as to afford a considerable light; and, as the animal advanced towards us, three of us fired at it almost at the same instant. Immediately the beast turned short upon one side, and set up a most horrible noise; which was neither yelling, growling, nor roaring, but a very extraordinary mixture of the whole three.

We could easily perceive that the animal was severely wounded, and that it reached the bank with difficulty; whence it retreated to some thick bushes not far distant, still continuing to make that dreadful noise. The Kamtschadales supposed it to be mortally wounded, and that it could proceed no farther; but judged it an act of imprudence to attempt to rouse it again immediately. [Page 96] It was then after nine o'clock; and, as the night became over-cast [...] a change of weather was to be apprehended, we thought it adviseable to return home, and wait till morning for the gratification of our curiosity; when we accordingly repaired to the spot, and found the bear dead from the wounds it had received. It was a female and larger than the ordinary size. But, as this account of our hunting party may convey a wrong idea of the method usually pursued in this sport, a few words may be necessary to be added on this subject.

The natives generally contrive to reach the ground, frequented by the bears; about sun-set. Their first business when they arrive there, is to look out for their tracks, and to attend particularly to the freshest of them; always paying a regard to the situation with respect to concealment, and taking aim at the animal as it passes by, or as it advances or goes from them. These tracks are numerous between the woods and the lakes, and are often found among the long sedgy grass and brakes on the margin of the water. Having determined upon a convenient spot for concealment, the hunters fix their crutches in the ground, on which they rest their firelocks, pointing them in a proper direction. They afterwards kneel or lie down, as the circumstances of their situations may require; and, having their [Page 97] bear-spears in readiness by their side, wait the arrival of their game.

These precautions are extremely necessary, on many accounts, that the hunters may make sure of their mark: for the price of ammunition is so high at Kamtschatka, that the value of a bear will not purchase more of it than will load a musquet four or five times. It is much more material on another consideration; for, if the first shot should not render the animal incapable of pursuit, fatal consequences too frequently ensue. The enraged beast makes immedi [...]ly towards the place from whence the sound and smoke issue, and furiously attacks his adversaries. They have not sufficient time to re-load their pieces, as the bear is seldom sired at till he comes within the distance of fifteen yards; therefore, if he should not happen to fall, they immediately prepare to receive him upon their spears; their safety depending, in a great measure, on their giving him a mortal stab as he advances towards them. Should he parry the thrust, (which these animals are sometimes enabled to do, by the strength and agility of their paws) and break in upon his opponents, the conflict becomes dreadful, and it is seldom that the loss of a single life will satisfy the beast's revenge.

The business or diversion of bear-hunting, is particularly dangerous at two seasons of the year: in the spring, when they first issue from their [Page 98] caves, after having subsisted the whole winter (as it is here positively asserted) solely on sucking their paws; and especially if the frost should continue to be severe, and the ice in the lakes is not broken up; as they cannot then have recourse to their customary and expected food. Thus becoming exceedingly famished, they grow fierce and savage in proportion; pursuing the inhabitants by the cent; and, prowling about at a distance from their usual tracks, dart upon them unawares. Under these circumstances, as the natives have no idea of shooting flying, or even running, or in any manner without resting their piece, they often fall a sacrifice to their rapacity. The time of their copulation, is the other dangerous season to meet with them; and that is usually about this time of the year.

We have already mentioned a remarkable instance of natural affection in these animals. Many of a similar nature, and equally affecting, are frequently related by the Kamtschadales; who, from this circumstance, derive considerable advantage in hunting. They never presume to sire at a young bear, if the dam is upon the spot; for, if the cub should happen to be killed, she becomes enraged to an immoderate degree; and, if she can only obtain a sight of the offender, she is sure to be revenged of him, or die in the attempt. On the other hand, if the mother should be shot, the cubs continue by her side after she has been [Page 99] a long time dead; exhibiting, by the most affecting gestures and motions, the most poignant affliction. The hunters, instead of commiserating their distresses, embrace these opportunities of destroying them. If the veracity of the Kamtschadales is to be depended on, the sagacity of the bears is as extraordinary as their natural affection.

Innumerable are the stories which they relate to this effect. One remarkable instance, however, we cannot avoid mentioning, as it is admitted among the natives as a well-attested fact. It is the stratagem they put in practice to catch the bareins, which run too swift for them to expect success in pursuing them. These animals herd together in great numbers, and their usual haunts are low grounds, at the feet of rocks and precipices, where they delight in browsing. The bear pursues them by the scent, till he obtains a view of them; and then advances warily, keeping in a situation above them; at the same time concealing himself among the rocks as he approaches, till he is almost immedietely over them, and near enough to carry his purpose into execution. Then, with his paws, he pushes down large pieces of the rock amongst the herd below. If he perceives that he has succeeded in maiming any of the flock, he immediately pursues them, and according to the injury the poor bareins have received, he either proves successful in overtaking [Page 100] them, or they escape by the rapidity of their [...]light.

The Kamtschadales acknowledge infinite obligations to the bears, for all the little progress they have hitherto made, as well in the science as the polite arts. They confess themselves indebted wholly to those animals for all their knowledge in physic and surgery; that, by observing what herbs they have applied to the wounds they have received, and what methods they have pursued when they were languid and out of order, they have acquired a knowledge of most of those simples which they have now recourse to, either as external or internal applications. But, the most singular circumstance of all is, that they admit the bears to be their dancing-masters; though the evidence of our own senses places this matter beyond all dispute; for, in the bear-dance of the Kamtschadales, every gesture and attitude peculiar to that animal, was faithfully exhibited. All their other dances are similar to this in many particulars, and those attitudes are thought to come the nearest to perfection, which most resemble the motions of the bear.

On the 28th of September, Captain King returned to the ships, not a little pleased with his excursion, as it gave him an opportunity of seeing a part of the country, and of observing the actions of the Kamtschadales when they were under [Page 101] no restraint, which evidently was not the case when they were in the company of the Russians.

Nothing worth mentioning occurred till the 30th, when Captain Gore went to Paratounca, in order to have an escutcheon put up in the church, which had been prepaired by Mr. Webber. It had an inscription on it, mentioning Captain Clerke's age and rank, and the nature of the expedition which he commanded at the time of his decease. To the tree, under which he was interred, a board was affixed with a similar inscription on it.

Captain Gore, before his departure, ordered Captain King to get the ships out of the harbour, that they might be in readiness to sail. This, however, was prevented, by a violent gale of wind on the 1st of October, which continued the whole day; but, on the 2d, both the vessels warped out of the harbour, and anchored in seven fathoms water, about a quarter of a mile from the ostrog. The day before we quitted the harbour the cattle from Verchnei arrived; and, that the men might have the full enjoyment of this seasonable supply, by eating it whilst it was fresh, Captain Gore determined to stay in the same station five or six days longer.

This time was far from being misapplied, for the pumps, sails, and rigging of each ship received an additional repair. Captain King, having obtained permission to use the copper belonging [Page 102] to the Resolution, and being supplied with molasses by Captain Gore, was enabled to brew a sufficient quantity of beer to last the crew a fortnight, and to make ten additional puncheons of strong spruce essence. This supply was the more acceptable, as our last cask of spirits was now serving out, except a small quantity reserved for cases of emergency.

As the 3d of October was the name-day of the Empress of Russia, we were perfectly inclined to shew it every possible respect. The priest of Paratounca, Ivaskin, and the serjeant, were invited to dine with us; and an entertainment was prepared for the two Toions of Paratounca, and St. Peter and St. Paul; as well as for the inferior officers of the garrison, and the most respectable of the Kamtschadale inhabitants. All the other natives were invited to partake in common with the ships companies; a pound of excellent beef being served out to every man, and the remainder of our spirits was made into grog, and distributed amongst them. Twenty-one guns were fired upon the occasion; and, considering we were in a very remote part of the Empress's dominions, the whole was conducted in a manner not unworthy so illustrious a character.

On the 5th of October, we received a fresh supply of tea, sugar, and tobacco, from Bolcheretsk. Captain Shmaleff having met this present on his return, he sent a letter with it, informing [Page 103] us that the sloop from Okotsk had arrived in his absence, and that Madame Shmaleff had instantly dispatched a courier with these few presents, requesting our acceptance of them.

On the 6th and 7th of October, the appearance of foul weather prevented our unmooring; but on the 8th, we sailed towards the mouth of the bay, and all the boats were hoisted in; but our progress was stopped by the wind veering to the south, which obliged us to drop anchor, the ostrog bearing north, at the distance of half a league. The wind blowing from the same quarter, and the weather being foggy all the forenoon on the 9th, we continued in our station.

At four in the afternoon of the same day, we again unmoored; but, whilst we were raising our last anchor, we were informed that the drummer of marines had fled from the boat, which had just left the village, and that he had been lately seen with a Kamtschadale woman, to whom he was known to have been much attached, and who had frequently importuned him to stay behind. This man was entirely useless to us, having been rendered lame by a swelling in his knee; and, on that very account, Captain King was the more unwilling to leave him behind, lest he should become a miserable burthen to himself, as well as to the Russians. He therefore applied to the serjeant to send parties of his men in pursuit of him; and, in the mean time, the sailors visited a well-known [Page 104] haunt of his in the neighbourhood, where the drummer and his woman were found together. On the return of our deserter, we weighed anchor, and immediately followed the Resolution.

As we have now taken our leave of St. Peter and St. Paul, a particular account of Awatska bay, and the adjoining coast, may not be unacceptable to the reader; as it is perhaps the safest, and most extensive harbour that has ever been discovered; and the only one, in this part of the world, that can admit vessels of considerable burthen. The term bay, properly speaking, is rather inapplicable to a place so completely sheltered as Awatska; but when it is considered how loose and vague some navigators have been, in their denominations of certain situations of sea and land, as harbours, bays, roads, sounds, &c. we are not sufficiently warranted to exchange a popular name, for one that may perhaps seem more consistent with propriety.

The entrance into Awatska bay is in the latitude of 52° 51′ north, and the longitude of 158° 48′ east. It lies in the bight of another exterior bay, formed by Cape Gavareea to the south, and Cheepooskoi Noss to the north. The latter of these head-lands bears from the former, north-east by north, and is thirty-two leagues distant. From Cape Gavareea to the entrance of Awatska Bay, the coast takes a northerly direction, and extends about eleven leagues. It consists of a [Page 105] chain of ragged cliffs and rocks, and, in many parts, presents an appearance of bays or inlets; but on a nearer view, low ground was seen that connected the head-lands.

From the entrance of Awatska bay, Cheepoonskoi Noss bears east-north-east, distant seventeen leagues. The shore, on this side, is flat and low, with hills behind, gradually rising to a considerable height. The latitude of Cape Gavareea is 52° 21′.

This remarkable difference of the land on the sides of Awatska Bay, together with their different bearings, are very proper guides to steer for it, in coming from the southward; and when it is approached from the northward, Cheepoonskoi Noss becomes very conspicuous; it being a high projecting head-land, and is united to the continent, by a large extent of level ground, lower than the Noss. Whether viewed from the north or south, it presents the same appearance.

We have been rather particular in describing this coast, having experienced the want of such a description; for, if we had possessed a tolerably good account of the form of the coast on both sides of Awatska Bay, we should, when we first visited it, have arrived there two days sooner then we did, and consequently have avoided part of the tempestuous weather, which we experienced in plying off the mouth of the harbour. Besides as the fogs are so prevalent in these seas, it often [Page 106] happens that an observation for ascertaining the latitude cannot be taken. It should also be considered, that land makes a very deceptive appearance when covered with snow, or when viewed through an hazy atmosphere; both which circumstances prevail here for a considerable part of the year, and render it necessary for every mariner to be acquainted with as many discriminating objects as possible.

If the weather should happen to be sufficiently clear to admit a view of the mountains, both on the coast and its neighbourhood, the situation of Awatska bay may be precisely known, by the two high mountains to the south of it. That nearest the bay is in the form of a sugar-loaf; the other, which is more inland, is flat at the top, and not quite so high. There are three very conspicuous mountains the north of the bay: that farthest to the west, appears to be highest; the next, which is a volcano mountain, may readily be known by the smoke issuing from its top. The third is the most northerly, and might, with some propriety, be called a cluster of mountains, as it presents several flat tops to our view.

When we got within the capes, and into the eastward bay, a light-house on a perpendicular head-land, will point out the entrance of the bay of Awatska to the north. Many sunken rocks lie to the eastward of this head-land, stretching two or three miles into the sea; and which, [Page 107] with a moderate sea or swell, will always shew themselves. A small round island lies four miles to the south of the entrance, principally composed of high pointed rocks, one of which is strikingly remarkable, as being larger and more perpendicular than the rest.

The entrance into the bay is, at first, about three miles wide, and one mile and an half in the narrowest part; the length is four miles, in a north-north-west direction. A noble bason, of about twenty-five miles in circumference, lies within the mouth; in which are the harbours of Rakoweena to the east, Tarcinska to the west, and St. Peter and St. Paul to the north.

The breadth of Tarcinska harbour is three miles, and the length about twelve. A narrow neck of land separates it from the sea at the bottom, and it stretches to the east-south-east. As far as we surveyed, we never found less that seven fathoms water; but the ice hindered us from getting to the bottom of the harbour.

The entrance of the harbour of Rakoweena is impeded by a shoal in the middle of the channel, which, in general, makes it necessary to warp in unless there should happen to be a leading wind. Were it not for this circumstance, this harbour would be preferable to the other two. Its breadth is from one mile to half a mile, and its length three miles, running in a south-east [Page 108] and easterly direction. It is from thirteen to three fathoms in depth.

One of the most convenient little harbours we have seen, is St. Peter and St. Paul. Half a dozen ships may be commodiously moored in it, head and stern; and it is, in every respect, convenient for giving them any kind of repairs. The south side of this harbour is formed by a low, narrow, sandy neck, on which the ostrog is built. The mid-channel is only two hundred and seventy feet across, in which there is six fathoms and an half water; the deepest water within is seven fathoms; and all over a muddy bottom. Some inconvenience was, however, occasioned by the toughness of the ground, which often broke the messenger, and made it troublesome to get the anchors up. At the head of this harbour there is a watering place.

There is a shoal lying off the eastern harbour, and a spit within the entrance, stretching from the south-west shore, having only three fathoms water over it. To steer clear of the latter, a small island, or rather a large detached rock, on the west shore of the enterance, must be shut in with the land to the south of it. In order to steer clear of the former, the three needle-rocks, near the light-house head, on the east shore of the entrance, must be kept open with the head-lands to the northward of the first small bending on the east side of the entrance. In entering the harbour [Page 109] of St. Peter and St. Paul, and approaching the village, it is very necessary to keep near the eastern shore, to avoid a spit which stretches from the head-land, to the south-west of the ostrog.

The time-keeper on board the Resolution, which was exactly copied from Mr. Harrison's, by Mr. Kendal, stopped on the 27th of April, a few days before our first arrived in Awatska Bay. During the voyage, it had always been carefully attended to, not having been trusted, even for a moment, into any other hands than those of Captain Cook and Captain King. No accident, therefore, could possibly have happened to it, to which its stopping could be attributed; nor could it proceed from the operation of intense cold, the thermometer being but very little below the freezing point.

When the failure of the time-piece was first discovered, the Captains Clerke and King, consulted what measures they should pursue; whether they should suffer it to remain in a useless state, for the satisfaction of the curious at home, where it would certainly be examined by proper judges; or submit it to the inspection of a seaman on board, who had been regularly bred a watch-maker, in London, and who had given many satisfactory proofs of his skill in that profession, in repairing several watches upon the voyage.

Having experienced the accuracy of this time-piece, we were extremely unwilling to be deprived [Page 110] of its advantages during the remaining part of the voyage; and that object appeared to us of more importance, than the small degree of probability of deriving any material knowledge with regard to its mechanism, by deferring the inspection of it till our return. Besides, it should be considered, that the watch had already been sufficiently tried to ascertain its utility, as well in the former voyage, as during the three years we had now had it on board the Resolution. Therefore, on the first clear day after we arrived in Awatska bay, the time-piece was opened, in the presence of Captain Clerke and Captain King. No part of the watch appeared to be broken; but, as the watch-maker was not able to make it go, he took off the cock and balance, and cleaned the pivot-holes, which were extremely foul. The other parts of the work were also dirty. He then took off the dial-plate, and found a piece of dirt between two teeth of the wheel which carries the second hand, and attributed its stopping principally to this cause. After putting the work together, and oiling it very sparingly, the watch seemed to go with freedom and regularity.

Captain King having orders to go the next day to Bolcheretsk, the time-keeper was left with Mr. Baily, in order to get its rate by comparing it with his watch and clock; who informed him, on his return, that it had gone very regularly for some days, never losing more than seventeen [Page 111] seconds a day, and afterwards stopped again. Upon its being a second time opened, its stopping seemed to be occasioned by its having been badly put together on the first opening of it. When it was again abjusted, it gained above a minute a day and the watch-maker broke the balance-spring in attempting to alter that and the regulator. He then made a new spring, but the watch went so irregularly afterwards, that we could make no farther use of it. The honest man was as much ch [...]grined as we were at our ill success, which we were convinced was not so much owing to his want of skill, as to the miserable tools he had to work with, and the stiffness his hands had contracted from his occupation as a seaman.

At the full and change of the moon, it was high water at thirty-six minutes after four; and five feet eight inches was the greatest rise. The tides were regular every twelve hours.

[Page 112]

CHAP. VI.

Geographical Description of Kam [...]schatka—Account of the Rivers Bolchoireka, Kamtschatka, Awatska, &c—Soil—Severity of the Climate—Several Volcanoes—Remarkable hot Spring at Natcheekin— Productions—Vegetables: particularly the Sarana, and sweet Grass—Animals in general—Foxes —Sables—Bears—Wolves, &c.—Birds—Sea-Otters, and other amphibious Animals—Fish the staple Article of Food at Kamtschatka—Whales —Salmon Fishery—Method of catching Salmon— Lakes abounding with Fish.

THE peninsula of Kamtschatka, is situated on the eastern coast of Asia, and extends from 52° to 61° north latitude; the longitude of its extremity to the south being 156° 45′ east. The isthmus, joining it to the continent on the north, lies between the gulphs of Olutorsk and Penshinsk. Its extremity to the south, is Cape Lopatka; so called from its resembling the blade-bone of a man, which is the signification of that word. The whole peninsula is somewhat in the form of a shoe; and its greatest breadth is two hundred and thirty-six computed miles, being from the mouth of a river Tigil to that of the river Kamtschatka; and, towards each extremity, it gradually becomes narrower.

[Page 113]On the north, it is bounded by the country of the Koriacks; by the north Pacific Ocean to the south and east; and by the sea of Okotsk to the west. A chain of high mountains, from north to south, extend the whole length of the peninsula, and almost equally divide it; whence several rivers take their rise, and make their course into the Pacific Ocean, and the sea of Okotsk.

The three principal rivers, are the Bolchoireka, or great river; the river Kamtschatka; and the river Awatska. The first discharges itself into the sea of Okotsk, and is navigable for the Russian galliots, five leagues from its mouth, or within three leagues of Bolcheretsk, which is situated at the conflux of the two rivers, Goltsoffka and the Bistraia, which are here lost in the Bolchoireka. The source of the Bistraia, which is no inconsiderable river, is derived from the same mountain as the river Kamtschatka, but takes quite a contrary course; by which means, the Kamtschadales are enabled to transport their goods by water, almost across the peninsula.— The river Kamtschatka continues about three hundred miles, in the direction of south to north; and, after winding round to the eastward, is received by the ocean, a little to the southward of Kamtschatkoi Noss. To the north-west of the mouth of the Kamtschatka, lies the great lake Nerpitsch; from nerpi, a seal; that lake abounding with those animals. A fort, called Nishnei [Page 114] Kamtschatka ostrog, is situated about twenty miles up the river, where an hospital and barracks have been built by the Russians; and this place, we understood, is now become the principal mart in the country.

The source of the Awatska river, is from the mountains between the Bolchoireka and the Bistraia. After running two hundred miles, from north-west to the south-east, it falls into Awatska bay. The Tigil is likewise a considerable river; it rises amidst some high mountains, parallel with Kamtschatkoi Noss, and empties itself into the sea of Okotsk. The other rivers of this peninsula, which are very numerous, are too inconsiderable to be particularly mentioned.

If we may judge of its soil form its vegetable productions, it appears to be barren in the extreme. Neither about the bay, nor in our journey to Bolcheretsk, nor in any of our hunting exhibitions, did we ever perceive the smallest spot of ground, that had the appearance of a good green turf, or that seemed capable of improvement by cultivation. Stunted trees were thinly scattered over the whole face of the country, whose bottoms were moffy, with a mixture of low heath, the whole resembling Newfoundland in a most striking degree.

It must be admitted, however, that we saw at Paratounca, three or four stacks of most excellent hay; and Major Behm assured us, that the banks [Page 115] of the Kamtschatka, and the Bistraia, as well as many other parts of the peninsula, produce a quantity of grass of great strength and height, which is mowed twice in every summer; and that the hay is particularly adapted to the fattening of cattle, being of a very succulent quality. It appeared, indeed, from the size and fatness of the thirty-six which we received from the Verchnei ostrog, that they must have had the advantage of good grass and hay; for when we were supplied with the first twenty, it was just the close of the winter, the snow still remaining on the ground; and probably they had fed only on hay for the seven preceding months. This agrees with Krascheninicoff's account, who relates, that the country which borders on the river Kamtschatka, is much superior, in point of fertility, to that of either the north or south. Repeated experiments, he says, have been made, in different quarters near this river, in the culture of barley, rye, and oats, which seldom failed of success; and he supposes, that wheat would grow in many parts, especially near the source of the Bistraia and Kamtschatka, as well as in most countries situated in the same latitude. The fertility of this part of the country may, perhaps, be occasioned by its lying in the widest part of the peninsula, and, consequently, at the farthest distance from the sea on each side: as chilling fogs and drizzling weather generally prevail along the coast, and [Page 116] cannot fail to render the parts adjacent incapable of improvement by agriculture.

The severity of the climate, it may naturally be supposed, must be in proportion to the sterility of the soil, of which it is perhaps the cause. We first saw this country in the beginning of May, 1779, when it was covered with snow, from six to eight feet in depth. On the 6th of May we had snow, with the wind from north-east. At noon, on the 8th, the thermometer stood at 32°; and some of our men were on that day ordered on shore, to endeavour to cut wood; but their attempts were fruitless, the snow still lying so deep upon the ground. Nor could they proceed in this necessary business, though tne party consisted of stout and able fellows, till the 12th; when the thaw gradually advanced. In some places, the sides of the hills were now free from snow; and it was principally melted on the low land by the beginning of June. On the 15th of that month, we sailed out of the harbour: during our stay, the winds generally blew from the eastward, and the south-east was the most prevalent.

On this 24th of August, when we returned, the foliage of the trees, and vegatation in general, appeared to be in the height of profection. The weather, during the remainder of that month, and the whole of September, was very changeable, but not severe. At the beginning of the [Page 117] month, the winds were, in general, easterly; but afterwards got round to the west. The thermometer's greatest height was 65°, the lowest 40°. The greatest height of the barometer 30°, the lowest 29° 3′. So that all the month of September, a moderate degree of temperature prevailed. But when October began, the new fallen snow again covered the tops of the hills, and the wind continued westerly.

In computing the seasons here, spring should certainly be omitted. Summer may be said to extend from t [...] middle of June, till the middle of September; October may be considered as autumn; from which period to the middle of June, it is all dreary winter.

The climate, in the country adjacent to the river Kamtschatka, is said to be as serene and temperate, as in many parts of Siberia under the same latitude. This, probably, originates from the same causes, to which the fertility of the soil in that part of the country, has been already attributed. The sterility of the ground, however, is not the only consequence of the unfavourable temperature of the climate. The inhabitants are sometimes prevented, by the uncertainty of the summer season, from providing a sufficient stock of dried fish, for their food in the winter; and the moisture of the air occasions worms to breed in them, which frequently destroy, or spoil, the greatest part.

[Page 118]We had neither thunder nor lightning during our stay at Kamtschatka, excepting on the night of the eruption of the volcano; and we were told by the inhabitants, that they were not often troubled with either, and never but in a slight degree. The severity of winter, and the dreadful hurricanes of wind and snow which attend it, oblige the natives to retire to their subteraneous habitations, both for their security and warmth. We were informed by Major Behm, that the inclemency of the winter of 1779, was so great, that all intercourse was stopped [...]tween the inhabitants for several weeks, no one daring to stir from one habitation to another, so fearful were they of being frost-bitten. The extreme rigour of climate, in so low a latitude, may be attributed to its being situated to the east of an immense uncultivated country, and to the prevalence of the westerly winds over so extensive and cold a continent. The impetuosity of the winds, may be attributed to the subteraneous fires, and sulphureous exhalations.

Volcanos are numerous in this peninsula; only three of which have lately been subject to eruptions. That in the neighbourhood or Awatska we have already mentioned; and there are others equally remarkable, according to Krascheninicoff.

The volcano of Tolbatchick is situated between the river Kamtschatka and Tolbatchick, on a neck of land. The eruptions proceed from the [Page 119] summit of a high mountain, which terminates in pointed rocks. A whirlwind of flames issued from it in the beginning of 1739, which reduced the forests of the neighbouring mountains to ashes. A cloud of smoke succeeded this, which spread darkness over the whole country, but was dissipated by a shower of cinders, which covered the earth to the extent of thirty miles. Mr. Krascheni [...]icoff, who was then travelling from Bolchoireka to the Kamtschatka ostrog, and not far from the mountain, says, the eruption was preceded by an alarming sound in the woods, which, he thought, portended some dreadful storm or hurricane; till three successive shocks of an earthquake, with only a minute's interval between each, fully convinced him of its real cause; but that he was hindered, by the falling of the cinders, from approaching nearer the mountain, or from proceeding on his journey.

On the top of the mountain, of Kamtschatka, supposed to be by far the highest in the peninsula, is the third volcano. A thick smoke incessantly ascends from its summit, and it often has eruptions of the most dreadful kind; some of which were fresh in the memories of the natives, and were frequently spoken of.

Springs of hot water are said to abound in this country. We have seen only that at Natcheekin ostrog, which has already been described. Several others are mentioned by Krascheninicoff, who [Page 120] also taken notice of two pits or wells, at the bottom of which, the water boils with great impetuosity; a dreadful noise issuing from them at the same time, and so thick a vapour, that objects cannot be discerned through it.

Among the principal trees which fell under our notice, are the birch, the poplar, the alder, several small pieces of the willow, and two sorts of dwarfish cedars. One of these sorts grows upon the coast, seldom exceeding two feet in height, and creeping upon the ground. Of this our essence for beer was made, and proved to be very proper for the purpose: the other, which grows much higher, is found on the mountains, and bears a kind of nut or apple. The old Toion at St. Peter and St. Paul informed us, that when Beering lay in that harbour, he taught them the use of the decoction of these cedars; which proved an admirable remedy for the scurvy; but, either from the scarcity of sugar, or some other cause it is no longer used amongst them.

Of the birch, which appears to be the most common tree, we remarked three sorts. Two of them were large, and fit for timber, and differed from each other only in the colour and texture of the bark. The third is of a dwarfish kind. The natives apply this tree to a variety of uses. When tapped, it yields a liquor in great abundance, which they drink without mixture, or any kind of preparation, as we frequently observed [Page 121] in our journey to Bolcheretsk. We drank some of it ourselves, and found it pleasant and refreshing, though somewhat purgative. They convert the bark into vessels for their domestic purposes; and, and from the wood of this tree, are made their sledges and canoes. Not only the birch, but every other kind of tree in the neighbourhood of the bay, were stunted and very small; the natives are therefore obliged to go to a considerable distance up the country, to get wood of a proper size for their canoes, their balagans, and many other purposes.

Krascheninicoff also mentions the larch, a tree which grows only on the banks of the river Kamtschatka; and those which it receives. He also says, there are firs near the river Berezowa. Likewise the service-tree, and two species of the white thorn.

This peninsula produces great abundance of the shrub kind, as mountain ash, junipers, rasberry bushes, and wild rose-trees. Also a variety of berries, as partridge-berries, blew-berries. These are gathered at proper seasons, and preserved by mashing them into a thick jam. They constitute a considerable part of their winter provisions, serving as a general sauce to their dried fish. They also eat them in puddings, and in various other modes; and make decoctions of them for their common beverage.

[Page 122]We found great quantities of wholesome vegetables in a wild state, such as chervil, garlic, onions, angelica, and wild celery. We also met with some excellent turnips, and turnip-radishes, upon a few spots of ground in the vallies. This was the utmost extent of their garden cultivation; but, it is probable, that many of the hardy sorts of vegetables will thrive here (particularly those whose roots descend as carrots, parsnips, &c. Major Behm told us, that many other sorts of kitchen vegetables had been tried, but without effect; that those of the cabbage or lettuce kind would not head; and that, though beans and peas would grow vigorously, and flower and pod, yet the pods would never fill. He also told us, that in experiments he made in different sorts of farinaceous grain, a strong high blade sprung up, and even produced ears; but the latter never yielded flour.

This account of vegetables only relates to such parts of the country, as fell within our observation; near the river Kamtschatka, where, as we have already observed, both the soil and climate is the best in the peninsula, garden culture is attended to, and perhaps with success; for, with the second drove of cattle which we received from Verchnei, we also received a present of cucumbers, celery, some very large turnips, and other garden vegetables.

[Page 123]Two plants are produced in this peninsula, which deserve particular attention. The first is called sarana, by the natives, and Li [...]ium Kamtskatiense store atro rubende, by botanists. The stem grows to the height of about five inches, and is not larger than that of a tulip; towards the bottom, it is of a purple colour, and green higher up. Two tier of leaves issue from it, of an oval figure; the lower consisting of three leaves, and the uppermost of four. A single flower, of a dark red colour, which resembles that of the narcissus in shape, grows from the top of the stalk. It has a bulbous root, like that of garlic, and, like that, has several cloves hanging together. The plant grows wild, and in great quantities: about the beginning of August, many women are employed in collecting the roots; which, after being dryed in the sun, are preserved for use. When we arrived the second time, it was at the conclusion of this harvest, which we understood had fallen short of its usual produce. It is a maxim with the Kamtschadales, that providence never deserts them, for the seasons that are prejudicial to the sarana, are always favourable for fishing; and, on the contrary, an unsuccessful fishing month is always amply compensated by an exuberant sarana harvest. This article is variously employed in cookery. When roasted in embers, it is a better substitute for bread than any thing the country produces. [Page 124] When baked in an oven, and pounded, it supplies the place of flour and meal, and is mixed in all their soups, and many of their other dishes. It is extremely nourishing, has a pleasant bitter flavour, and may be eaten daily without cloying. We partook of these roots, boiled in the manner of potatoes, and found them very wholesome and agreeable. This plant is also produced at Oonalashka, where the roots of it, in like manner, constitute a considerable part of their food.

Sweet grass is the name of the other plant alluded to; the botanical description of which is, Heracleum Sibericum foliis pinnatis, foliolis quinis, intermediis senssilibus, corollulis uniformibus. HORT. UPSAL. 65. It was in the month of May that we took particular notice of it, when it was about eighteen inches in height, strongly resembled sedge, and was covered with a kind of white down not unlike the hoar-frost hanging upon it, and which might easily be rubbed off. The taste of it is as sweet as that of sugar, though very hot and pungent. It has a hollow stalk, which consists of three or four joints, with large leaves, issuing from each. When this plant attains its full growth, it is about six feet in height. This plant was formerly a principal ingredient in cookery, amongst the Kamtschadales; but, since the country has been in the possession of the Russians, it has been chiefly appropriated to the purpose of distilation. It is gathered, prepared, and distilled, [Page 125] in the following manner. Having cut the stalk which have leaves growing on them, and scraped the downy substance from their surface, they are placed in small heaps till they begin to heat and smell. When dry, they are put into sacks of matting, where they remain a few days, and are then gradually covered with a sweet saccharine powder, which exfudes from the hollow of the stalk. Only a quarter of a pound of powder is obtained from thirty-six pounds of the plant, in this state. The women who conduct this business, find it necessary to defend their hands, with gloves, whilst they are scraping the stalks, the rind being of so acrid a quality, as even to ulcerate the part it touches.

In this state, the spirit is drawn from the plant, by the following process. Bundles of it are steeped in hot water, and its fermentation promoted in a small vessel, with berries of the gimolost, or of the golubitsa; care being taken to close the mouth of the vessel, and to keep it in a warm place whilst it continues to ferment; which is often to so violent a degree, as to agitate the vessel which contains it, and occasion a considerable noise. When this first liquor is drawn off, more hot water is poured on, and a second made in the same manner. Both liquor and herbs are then put into a copper still, and the spirit is drawn off in the usual method. The liquor, thus prepared, is called by the natives raka, and has the strength [Page 126] of brandy. Seventy-two pounds of the plant, generally produce twenty-five pints of raka. According to Steller, the spirit distilled from this plant unscraped, is very pernicious to health, and produces sudden nervous disorders.

Krascheninicoff mentions several other plants, from which decoctions are prepared; and which, when properly intermingled with their fish, make palatable dishes. Such is the kipri, with which a pleasant beverage is brewed; and, when this plant and the sweet-herb are boiled together, in the proportion of one to five of the latter, and properly fermented, a strong and excellent vinegar is obtained. The leaves are substituted for tea; and the pith, when dried, is introduced in many of their dishes. He also mentions the morkovai, which is not unlike angelica; the kotkorica, the root of which is eaten green or dried; the ikoum, the utchichlei, and several others.

Before the Kamtschadales were acquainted with fire arms, it is said, they poisoned their spears and arrows with a juice extracted from the root of the zgate; and that death was inevitable to every animal who had received a wound from them. The Tschutski are now reported to use the same drug, and for the very same purpose.

The materials of all the manufactures of Kamtschatka, according to Krascheninicoff, are furnished by three plants. One of them is the triticum, radice perenni spiculis binis lanuginosis, [Page 127] which is exceedingly plentiful along the coast. A strong kind of matting is fabricated from the straw of this grass; which is used to cover their floors, as well as for bed-clothes, curtains, sacks, and many other domestic purposes. Little bags and baskets are also made of the same materials, and are applied to various uses.

The bolotnaia grows in the marshes, and resembles cyperoides. It is gathered in the autumn, and is carded in the same manner as wool, with an instrument made of the bones of the sea-swallow. With this manufacture their new-born infants are swathed, and it is used for a covering next the skin, after they cease to be infants. A kind of wadding is also formed of it, which is used to give additional warmth to different parts of their clothing.

A vulgar well-known plant remains to be taken notice of, as being more essential to their subsistence than all which have been mentioned. It is the nettle; which, as neither hemp nor flax are produced in Kamtschatka, supplies materials for their fishing nets; and on which their existence principally depends. For this purpose, nettles are usually cut down in August, and, after being hung in bundles under their balagans the remainder of the summer, they are manufactured like hemp. It is then spun into thread with their fingers, and twisted round a spindle; after which [Page 128] several threads may be twined together, if the purposes for which it is designed requires it.

Many parts of this peninsula would probably admit of such cultivation, as might contribute to the comfort and convenience of the inhabitants; yet, the number of wild animals it produces, must always be considered as its real riches; and no labour can be so productive of advantage, as what is employed upon their furrieries. And next to these, the animals that supply them are to be considered. These are the fox, the zibeline, or sable; the stoat, or ermine; the isatis, or arctic fox; the earless marmot; the varying hare; the weasel; the glutton or wolverene; the wild sheep; rein-deer; bears; wolves; dogs.

The most general object of the chace are foxes, with which this country abounds, and among which are a variety of colours. The most common species is the same as the European, but their colours are more vivid and shining. Some are of a dark, chesnut, others have dark-coloured stripes; the bellies of some are black, when the other part of the body is of a light chesnut. Some are a black; others of a dark brown; others of a stone-colour; and some few are entirely white; the last, however, are very scarce. The quality of their fur is much superior to that of the same animals in Siberia or America. Many artifices are put in practice by the hunters to destroy them. Traps of various kinds are prepared; [Page 129] some to fall upon them, others to secure them by the feet, and others to catch them by the head. These are the most common methods of taking them; but they have many ingenious contrivances for catching them in nets. Poisoned baits are also used, the nux vomica being generally employed for that purpose. Still, however, the animal preserves his character for craftiness and cunning, in all climates, and upon all occasions.

Before the Kamtschadales had any knowledge of the Russians, who instructed them in the use of fire-arms, they carried bows and arrows to the chace; but, since that period, almost every man amongst them is provided with a rifle-barrel gun; and, though he cannot use it with any extraordinary dexterity, he readily acknowledges its superiority to the former instruments.

The Kamtschatka sables are much larger than those of Siberia, and their fur is thicker and brighter; but those in the neighbourhood of the rivers Olekma and Vitime, are of a finer black. The sables of the Tigil and Ouka, are said to be the best in Kamtschatka, a pair of these being frequently sold for five pounds sterling. The worst are found in the southern extremity.

A rifle-barrel gun, of a very small bore, a net and a few bricks, are the whole apparatus of the sable hunters. With the first, they sometimes shoot them, when they are seen on the trees; the net is used in surrounding the hollow trees; in [Page 130] which they usually take refuge when pursued; and the bricks are put hot into the cavaties, in order to drive them out with the smoke.

For an account of the isatis, or arctic fox, we must refer the reader to Mr. Pennant's Arctic Zoology; the skin of this animal is of little value. The varying hare is neglected on that account. They are very numerous, and always become perfectly white during the winter. In the beginning of May, we observed several of this colour, but they were so extremely shy, as not to suffer us to come within gun-shot.

The earless marmot, or mountain rat, is a beautiful creature, much smaller than a squirrel; and, like that animal, feeds upon roots and berries; sitting upon its hind legs whilst it eats, and holding the food to its mouth with the paws. [...] skin is in high estimation among the Kamtschadales; being warm, light, and of a bright shining hue. Like the plumage of some birds, when it is viewed in different lights, it appears to be of various colours.

The ermine, or stoat, is little regarded here, and consequently not much attended to by the hunters, its fur being of a very ordinary kind. We observed several of these little creatures running about, and we purchased some of their skins which were of a dirty yellow towards the belly, and the other parts were of a cloudy white. The weasel is also neglected, and on the same account.

[Page 131]The skin of the wolverene, or glutton, on the contrary, is in the highest repute; a Kamtschadale looking upon himself as most splendidly attired, when a small quantity of this fur appears upon his garment. The women embellish their hair with its white pats, which is considered as the most superlative piece of finery. In short, a superstitious opinion obtains amongst them, that the angels are clad with the skins of those animals. This creature, it is said, may be easily tamed, and instructed in a variety of entertaining tricks.

All the bears which we had an opportunity of seeing, were of a dun brown colour; they generally appear in a company of four or five together, and are frequently seen in the season when the fish quit the sea, and push, in great quantities, up the rivers. Fish is indeed their principal food. In the winter months they are seldom visible. Of the skins of bears, warm mattresses and coverings for beds are made; together with comfortable bonnets, and gloves, and harness for the sledges. The flesh, especially the fat, is held in great estimation.

The wolves appear only in the winter, when they are said to prowl about in large companies, in pursuit of prey

Rein-deer, both wild and tame, are found in many parts of the peninsula, but none in the neighbourhood of Awatska. It is remarkable, [Page 132] that the rein-deer have not been used, in this nation, for the purposes of carriage, as they are by their neighbours to the north and east. The demands of the natives, in their present state, are indeed sufficiently supplied by their dogs; and the breed of Russian horses will probably supply any future necessaries of the country. But as the use of dogs, in a great degree, precludes them from the advantage of rearing other domestic animals, it appears very extraordinary that they should not have preferred an animal so much more powerful and gentle.

The wild mountain sheep, or argali, is in great plenty here; an animal unknown in Europe, except in Corsica and Sardinia. Its skin resembles that of the deer's, but it nearer approaches the goat, in its gait and general appearance. Its head is adorned with two large twisted horns, which, when the animal is at full growth, sometimes weigh from twenty-five to thirty pounds; and are rested on the creature's back when it is running. These animals are remarkably swift and active, frequent only the most craggy and mountainous parts, and traverse the steepest rocks with an astonishing agility. Of their horns, spoons, cups, and platters, are fabricated by the natives, who often have one of the latter hanging to a be [...]t, serving them to drink out of, when on their hunting expeditions. This is a gregarious [...]nimal. [Page 133] It is extremely beautiful, and its flesh is sweet and delicately flavoured.

The dogs of this country, as already observed, resemble the Pomeranian in mien and figure; but they are larger, and the hair is considerably coarser. Their colours are various but that which most prevails is a light dun, or a pale dirty yellow. The poor animals are all turned loose, about the latter end of May and are obliged to shift for themselves till the ensuing winter; but never fail to return to their respective homes, when the snow begins to make its appearance. In the winter, their food consists wholly of the head, back-bones, and entrails of salmon; which are preserved and dried for that purpose; and, even with this food, they are very scantily supplied. The dogs must certainly be very numerous, no less than five being yoked to a single sledge, and only one person carried in each sledge. In our journey to Bolcheretsk, we had occasion for one hundred and thirty-nine, at the two stages of Karatchin and Natcheekin. It is observable too, that bitches are never employed in this business, nor dogs that have been castrated. The whelps are trained to the draft, by being fastened to stakes with leathern thongs, which are elastic, and having their food placed beyond their reach; and thus, by continually pulling and labouring to obtain a repast, they acquire strength, and a [Page 134] habit of drawing, both of which are essentially necessary for their destined occupation.

Almost every kind of northern sea-fowl, frequent the coast and bays of Kamtschatka: and, among others, the sea-eagles, but not in great plenty, as at Oonalashka. The inland rivers are plentifully stored with various species of wild ducks; one of which, called by the natives aangitche, has a most beautiful plumage. Its cry is equally singular and agreeable.

Another species is called the mountain-duck, which according to Steller, is peculiar to Kamtschatka. The plumage of the drake is singularly beautiful. A variety of other water fowl were seen, which, from their magnitude, appeared to be of the wild goose kind.

We observed, in passing through the woods, some eagles of a prodigious size, but of what species we could not possibly determine. There are said to be three different kinds. The first is the black eagle, with a white head, tail, and legs; the eaglets of which are perfectly white. The second is improperly called the white eagle, though in reality, it is of a light grey. The third is the stone-coloured eagle, which is a very common sort. There are great numbers of the hawk, falcon, and bustard kind, in this peninsula.

Woodcocks, snipes, and grouse, are also found here. Swans are very numerous, and generally make a part of the repast at all public entertainments. [Page 135] The vast abundence of wild fowl, in this country, was sufficiently manifest from the many presents we received, consisting frequently of twenty brace at a time.

We saw no amphibious animals on the coast, except seals, which were in extreme plenty about the bay of Awatska. The others were, at that time, pursuing the salmon, that were ascending the rivers in large shoals. Some of them, it is said, follow the fish into fresh water, and frequent all the lakes which have a communication with the sea.

The sea-otters found here and those which we met with at Nootka Sound, are exactly the same, and have already been particularly described. They were formerly in great abundance here; but since the Russians have opened a trade with the Chinese for their skins, where they bear a price superior to any other kind of fur, the hunters have been induced to be so indefatigable in the pursuit of them, that very few remain in the country. They are still found amongst the Kurile Islands, though the number is inconsiderable; but they are superior in quality to those of Kamtschaka or Nootka Sound. It is said, that hardly a sea otter is now to be found on Mednoi and Beering's Island; though Muller informs us that they were exceedingly plentiful in his time.

A great variety of amphibious sea-animals, are mentioned by the Russian voyages as frequenters [Page 136] of these coasts; but as we saw no other kinds, this was probably the season of their migration.

Fish is certainly the staple article of food among the inhabitants of this peninsula; who cannot possibly derive any considerable part of their sustenance either from agriculture or cattle. The soil, indeed, affords some wholesome roots, and every part of the country produces great quantities of berries; but these alone could not possibly support the inhabitants; though they are extremely salutary, as being proper correctives of the putrescent quality of their principal diet, dried fish. In short, fish may here be called the staff of life, with more propriety than bread in any other country; for neither the inhabitants, nor their domestic animals of the canine species, could possibly exist without it.

Whales are frequently seen in this country, and, when taken, serve for a variety of uses. Of the skins, the inhabitants make the soles of their shoes, and belts and straps for many other purposes. The flesh is eaten, and the fat is preserved for culinary uses, and feeding their lamps. The whiskers are highly serviceable for sewing the seams of their canoes; nets are also made of them for the larger kind of fish, and they shoe their sledges with the under jaw-bones. Knives are formed from many of their bones; and the chains, which fasten the dogs together, were formerly made of the same materials, though iron [Page 157] ones are now generally used. After cleaning their intestines, drying them, and blowing them like bladders, they deposit their oil and grease in them; and they make excellent snares of their nerves and veins; in short, there is no part of the whale that is not used in this peninsula.

We caught abundance of fine flat fish, trout, and herrings, from about the middle of May, till the 24th of June, the time of our departure. At one hawl, on the 15th of May, we dragged out upwards of three hundred flat fish, besides a considerable quantity of sea-trout. The former are firm and well-flavoured, studded with prickly knobs upon the back, like turbot, with dark brown streaks, extending from the head towards the tail. The first herring season commences about the latter end of May. They visit the coast in large shoals, but continue there no considerable time. They quitted the bay before we sailed out of it the first time, but were returning in October. It has already been remarked, that the herrings here were excellent, and that many of our empty casks were filled with them. Large quantities of extremely fine cod were taken, some of which were also salted: and we caught, at different times, considerable quantities of small fish, which had the appearance of smelts.

But notwithstanding this abundance of fish above-mentioned, it is on the salmon fishery alone that the inhabitants depend for their winter sustenance. [Page 138] On this coast, all the species of these that are known to exist, are said to be found; and which were formerly characterized by the different times of their ascending the rivers. It is also reported that, though shoals of different sorts are seen floating up the rivers at the same time, they avoid mixing with each other; that they never fail to return to the river in which they were bred, but not till the third summer; that they never live to regain the sea; that particular species frequent certain rivers, and are not to be found in others, though the sea receives them nearly at the same place.

About the middle of May, the first shoals of salmon enter the mouth of the Awatska. This kind is called tchavitsi, by the Kamtschadales, and is the largest and most esteemed. Three feet and a half is their usual length; and they are more than proportionally deep; their average weight being from thirty to forty pounds. The back is of a dark blue colour, with black spots, and the tail is perfectly straight. In all other respects, they resemble our common salmon. They swim with such velocity along the river, that the water is greatly agitated by their motion; and the natives, who are ever on the watch for them at their accustomed time, are convinced of their approach by this circumstance, and drop their nets immediately before them. One of the first that was taken was presented to us, but not without acquainting [Page 139] us that it was the highest compliment they could possibly confer upon us. We are informed, by Krascheninicoff, that it was formerly the custom, among the Kamtschadales, to eat the first fish they caught, in the midst of great rejoicings, accompanied with many superstitious ceremonies; and that, after they became subjects of Russia, it was long a matter of contention between them who should be entitled to the first. Their fishing season, for this species, begins about the middle of May, and continues till the end of [...]une.

There is a smaller sort of salmon, weighing from about eight to fifteen pounds, known by the name of the red fish, which assemble in the bays, and at the mouths of the rivers, early in the month of June. From this time till towards the end of September, vast quantities of them are taken upon the eastern and western coasts, where the sea receives any fresh water; and also up the rivers, almost to their very source. Their method of catching them in the bay of Awatska, is as follows: One end of the net is fastened to a large stone at the side of the water, after which they push off about twenty yards in a canoe, dropping their net as they proceed; then they turn, and extend the other part of the net in a line parallel on the shore. Thus prepared, they carefully conceal themselves in the boat, looking earnestly for the fish, which usually hover ab [...]t [Page 140] the shore, and whose approach is known by a rippling in the water, till they have proceeded beyond the boat. At that instant, they shoot the canoe to shore, and are almost certain of inclosing their prey. One of these nets is generally hawled by two men, with as much facility as our seines are managed by a dozen, though our's are much smaller. We had very indifferent success with our own method of hawling; but after receiving some friendly instructions from the Kamtschadales, we were as successful as they were. Their mode of fishing in the rivers, is to shoot one net across and haul another to it down the current.

All the lakes which communicate with the sea, abound with fish which have much the appearance of salmon, and usually weigh about five or six pounds. The natives, we understand, did not think it worth their labour to catch them. These lakes being generally shallow, the fish become an easy prey to the bears and dogs, in the summer season; and, from the quantities of bones appearing upon the banks, vast numbers of them seem to have been devoured.

The natives dry the principal part of their salmon, and salt but very little of it. They cut a fish into three pieces; they take off the belly-piece first, and then a slice along each side of the back-bone. The belly-piece, which is esteemed the best, is dried and smoked; the other slices are dried in the air, and either eaten whole as a [Page 141] substitute for bread, or pulverized for paste and cakes. The head, tail, and bones, are dried and preserved for their dogs.

ANIMALS FOUND IN KAMTSCHATKA.

Argal [...], ibex, rein, wolf, dog, Arctic fox, European fox, polar bear, in the frozen sea only, bear, wolverene, common weasel, stoat, sable, common otter, sea otter, varying hare, alpine hare, earless marmot, bobak marmot, water rat, common mouse, oeconomic mouse, red mouse, ichelag mouse, foetid shrew, walrus, common seal, great seal, leporine seal, harp seal, rubbon seal, ursine seal, leonine seal, whale tailed manati. Kamtschatka had no domestic animals till the Russians introduced them.

BIRDS FOUND IN KAMTSCHATKA.

Land Birds.

Sea eagle, cinereous eagle, white-headed eagle, crying eagle, osprey, peregrine falcon, goshawk, eagle owl, snowy owl, raven, magpie, nutcracker, cuckoo, wrynech, nuthatch, white grous, wood grous, water ouzel, fieldfare, redwing thrush, Kamtschatkan, green-finch, golden bunting, lesser red-headed linnet, dun fly-catcher, sky-lark, wood-lark, white wagtail, yellow wagtail, Tschutski wagtail, yellow wren, redstart long-billed stayzina, Awatska, marsh titmouse, chimney-swallow, martin, sand-martin, European goat-sucker.

Water Fowl.

Cloven-footed Water Fowl.: Great tern, Kamtschatkan, black-headed gull, kittiwake gull, ivory gull, arctic gull, tarrock, red-legged, fulmar petrel, stormy petrel, kurile petrel, blue petrel, goosander merganser, smew whistling swan, great goose, Chinese goose, snow goose, brent goose, eider duck, black duck, velvet duck, shoveler, golden eye, harlequin, mallard, pintail, long-tailed, mouillon, shield-rake, tufted, falcated, garganey, teal, corvorant, red-faced corvoran [...], crane, curlew, whimbrel, common sand-piper, gambet, golden plover, pied oyster-catcher.
Fowls with pinnated Feet.: Plain phalarope.
Fowl with webbed Feet.: Wandering albatross, razor-bill auk, puffin, antient, pigmy, tufted parroquet crested dusky, foolish guillemot, black guillemot, imber diver, speckled diver, red-throated diver.

[Page 143]

CHAP. VII.

Continuation of the general Account of Kamtschatka —Its Inhabitants consist of three Sorts—Conjectures on their Origin and Descent—Kamtschadales discovered by the Russians—Atlassoff makes the inhabitants tributary—He is disgraced, and afterwards restored—The Kamtschadales revolt— Great Havock made among them by the Small-Pox —The Russian Government established in this Country mild and equitable—No Offence punishable with death—The Russian Commerce in Kamtschatka—Habitations—Dress—Account of the Kurile Islands, &c.

THE inhabitants of Kamtschatka may be said to consist of three sorts. The Kamtschadales; the Russians, and Cossacks; and a mixture produced by their intermarriages. We are informed by Mr. Steller, who was long resident in this country, and who was indefatigable in endeavouring to acquire knowledge on this subject, that the Kamtschadales are people of remote antiquity, and have inhabited this peninsula for many ages; and that they doubtless descended from the Mungalians: though some have imagined they sprang from the Tongusian Tartars, and others from the Japanese.

He endeavours to support these opinions by the following arguments: That they have no tradition [Page 144] among them of their having migrated from any other country; that they believe they were created on this particular spot, by their great god Koutkou, who prefers them to all his other creatures: that they are the happiest of beings; and that their country far surpasses any other; affording means of gratification which cannot be obtained in other regions. Further to support his opinions, he says that they are perfectly acquainted with all the plants which the peninsula produces, their qualities and their several uses; a species of knowledge of too extensive a nature to be acquired in a short time: that their instruments and utensils are totally different from those of any other nation; and are made so inimitably neat and dexterous, as to be a satisfactory demonstration that they were invented by themselves, and must have been long in arriving at such a pitch of perfection: that before the Russians and Cossacks came amongst them they had not the most distant knowledge of any people, except the Koreki: that till very lately, they had not the smallest intercourse with the Kuriles, and still later that they had any knowledge of the Japanese; that being acquired by means of a vessel which was shipwrecked on their coast: and he further adds, that when the Russians first got a footing in the country, they found it extremely populous.

[Page 145]He supposes them to be descended from the Mungalians, from the words in their language having similar terminations to those of the Mungalian Chinese; and that, in both languages, the same principle of derivation is preserved: that they are generally short, their complexions swarthy, the face broad, the nose short and flat, the eyes small and sunk, the legs small, and they have many other peculiarities which are to be observed among the Munlgalians. He therefore concludes, that they fled to this peninsula for safety from the rapacity of the eastern conquerors, as the Laplanders and others retreated to the extremities of the north, from the advances of the Europeans.

The Russians, having made themselves masters of that vast extent of coast of the frozen sea, established posts and colonies, and appointed commissaries to explore and subject the countries still farther to the east. They soon discovered that the wandering Koriacs inhabited part of the coast of the sea of Okotsk, and they found no difficulty in making them tributary. These being at no great distance from the Kamtschadales, with whom they had frequent intercourse, a knowledge of Kamtschatka must naturally follow.

To Feodot Alexeieff, a merchant, the honour of the first discovery is attributed, about the year 1648. That, being separated from seven other vessels by a storm, he was driven upon the coast of Kamtschatka, where he and his companions [Page 146] remained a whole winter, but they were afterwards cut off by the Koriacs. This was corroborated, in some degree, by Simeon Deshneff, who was commander of one of the seven vessels, and was driven on shore near the mouth of the Anidir. But, as these discoverers (if they really were so) did not live to relate what they had discovered, a cossac, named Volodimir Atlassoff, is the first acknowledged discoverer of Kamtschatka.

He was sent, in 1697, in the capacity of commissary, from fort Jakutsk to the Anadirsk, with directions to call in the Koriacs to his assistance, in order to discover, and make tributary, the countries beyond theirs. With sixty Russian soldiers, and as many cossacks, he penetrated, in the year 1699, into the heart of the peninsula, and gained the Tigil. In his progress he levied a tribute upon furs, and proceeded to the river Kamtschatka on which he built an ostrog, now called Verchnei; and, leaving a garrison of sixteen cossacks, returned, in the year 1700, to Jakutsk with vast quantities of valuable tributary furs. These he very judiciously accompanied to Moscow, and was rewarded for his services by the appointment of commander of the fort of Jakutsk; at the same time, received orders to return to Kamtschatka, with a reinforcement of a hundred cossacks, ammunition, and whatever might conduce to the completion and settlement [Page 147] of his new discoveries. Proceeding with his force towards the Anadirsk, he perceived a bark on the river Tunguska, which proved to be laden with Chinese merchandize. He immediately pillaged the vessel, in consequence of which the owners remonstrated to the Russian court; he was seized on at Jakutsk, and conducted to a prison.

All this time Potop Serioukoff, whom Atlassoff had left, enjoyed the quiet possession of the garrison of Verchnei; and, though his corps was too inconsiderable to enforce the payment of a tribute from the inhabitants, yet he had the address and management to traffic with them as a merchant, on very advantageous terms. His conciliating disposition so far gained him the esteem of the natives of Kamtschatka, that they lamented his departure, when he set off to return to the Anadirsk. He and his party were, however, attacked by the Koriacs, and unfortunately cut off in the year 1703. Several other commissaries were successively sent in to Kamtschatka, during the disgrace and trial of Atlassoff.

Atlassoff was restored to his command in 1706, and entrusted with the management of a second expedition into Kamtschatka, after having received instructions to ingratiate himself into the favour of the natives by all peaceable and amicable means; but, on no consideration, to have recourse to compulsive measures; but, so far from [Page 148] paying any attention to these instructions, he rendered the natives extremely hostile to their new governors, by repeated acts of cruelty and injustice; and even alienated the affections of his, own people, insomuch that it created a mutiny of the cossacks, who demanded a new commander.

The cossacks, having succeeded in displacing Atlassoff, took possession of his effects; and having tasted the sweets of plunder, and living without discipline or controul, his successors were unable to reduce them to order and subjection. No less than three successive commanders were assassinated. From that period, to the grand revolt of the Kamtschadales in 1731, the history of this country presents an unvaried detail of revolts, massacres, and murders, in every part of the peninsula.

This revolt was principally occasioned by the discovery of a passage from Okotsk, to the river Bo [...]choireka, made by Cosmo So [...]oloff. The Russians, before this period, could enter this country only on the side of the Anadirsk; which afforded frequent opportunities to the natives of plundering the tribute, as it was conveyed out of the peninsula by so long a journey. But, when this communication was discovered, the tribute could be exported with speed and safety; and troops and military stores might now be imported into the very heart of the country. The natives [Page 149] were convinced that this circumstance would give the Russians so great an advantage over them, as must very shortly confirm their dominion; and therefore they immediately resolved to make one grand effort for their liberty.

Beering had, at this time, a small squadron on the coast, and had dispatched what troops could be spared from the country, to join Powlo [...]tski, in an expedition against the Tschutski. The time determined on, therefore, for carrying their plan into execution, was when Beering should have set sail. This was certainly a well-chosen opportunity; and it is matter of astonishment, that, notwithstaning this conspiracy was so general that every native is said to have had his share in it, the whole was conducted with such secrecy, that the Russians had no suspicion that any hostile measures were meditating against them.

They were equally judicious in planning their other operations. A strong body was in readiness to prevent any communication with the fort Anadirsk, and detached parties were scattered on the eastein coast, in order to seize any Russians that might accidentally arrive from Okotsk. Things were thus situated, when Cheekhaerdin, (who was then commissary) was escorted by the troops of the fort, with his tribute, from Verchnei to the mouth of the river Kamtscha [...]ka, where a [Page 150] vessel was to remove it, and convey it to the Anadir.

It was further resoved on, that the revolt should not commence, till this vessel should be out at sea; and such resolution was communicated to the different chiefs. In consequence of which the moment she disappeared, a most dreadful massacre began. Every Russian and Cossack that could be found, was immediately put to death, and their habitations were reduced to ashes. A large party of them ascended the river Kamtschatka, took possession of the fort and ostrog, which had just been quitted by the commissary, and slew all that were in it; and all the buildings were consumed by fire, the fort and church only excepted. Here they received information that the Russian vessel which had got the commissary on board, was still remaining on the coast, and therefore resolved to defend themselves in the fort.

Fortunately the vessel was drived back to the harbour; for, had she prosecuted her voyage, the utter extirpation of the Russians must have ensued. The Cossacks, on their landing, finding that their wives and children had been murdered, and their habitations consumed by fire, were enraged almost to madness. They proceeded immediately to the fort, and attacked it most furiously; the natives defending it with equal resolution. The powder magazins at length took [Page 151] fire, the fort was blown up, and, with it, almost every man that was in it. Various rencounters and assassinations succeeded this event; till, at length, two of the leaders being slain, and another (first dispatching his wife and children) having put a period to his own existence, peace was again established. From that period, no particular disturbances happened till 1740, when a few Russians were slain in a tumult, but no farther consequences ensued; and every thing has since gone on very peaceably, excepting the insurrection at Bolceretsk, which has been already mentioned.

Though a great many of the inhabitants were lost, in quelling the rebellion of 1731, the country had afterwards recovered itself, and was become as populous as ever in 1767; when the small-pox was, for the first time, introduced among them, by a soldier from Okotsk. It broke out with much fury, and was as dreadful in its progress as the plague; seeming almost to threaten their entire extirpation. Twenty thousand were supposed to have died by this filthy disorder in Kamtschatka, the Kurile islands, and the Koreki country. The inhabitants of whole villages were sometimes swept away; of which sufficient proof rem [...]ins. There are eight ostrogs about the bay of Awatska, which we were told had been completely inhabited, but now they are all become desolate, except St. Peter and St. Paul; and only seven Kamtschadales, [Page 152] who are tributary, reside in that. At the ostrog of Paratounca, no more than thirty-six native inhabitants remain, including men, women, and children; though it contained three hundred and sixty before it was visited by the small-pox. We passed no less than four extensive ostrogs, in our journey to Bolcheretsk, which had not a single inhabitant in either of them. The number of the natives is now so much diminished, and so many Russians and Cossacks are continually pouring in upon them, and intermixing with them by marriage, that, it is probable, very few of them will be left in less than half a century. We were informed by Major Behm, that those who at this time pay tribute, do not exceed three thousand, including the Kurile islanders.

The number of military in the five forts of Nichnei, Verchnei, Tigil, Bolcheretsk, and St. Peter and St. Paul, are about four hundred, including Russians and Cossacks. Nearly the same number are said to be at Ingiga; which, though in the north of the peninsula, is under the commander of Kamtschatka. The Russian traders and emigrants are not very considerable.

The government established over this country by the Russians, considered as a military one, is remarkably mild and equitable. The natives are suffered to elect their own magistrates in their own mode, who exercise the same powers they have ever been accustomed to. One of these, [Page 153] called a Toion, presides over each ostrog, to whom all differences are referred; and who awards fines and punishments for all offences and misdemeanors; referring to the governor of Kamtschatka, those who are the most intricate and enormous, not choosing to decide upon them himself. The Toion also appoints a civil officer under him, called a corporal, who assists him in his duty, and officiates for him in his absence.

An edict has been issued by the empress of Russia, that no offence shall be punishable with death. But we were told, that, in cases of murder (which rarely happens here) the knout is inflicted with such severity, that the offender seldom survives the punishment.

In some districts, the only tribute that is exacted, is a fox's skin; in others, a sable's; and, in the Kurile isles, a sea otter's; but, as the latter is considerably more valuable, the tribute of several persons is paid with a single skin. The tribute is collected by the Toions, in the different districts, and is so inconsiderable, as hardly to be considered in any other light, than as an acknowledgment of the Russian dominion over them.

The Russians are not only to be commended for the mildness of their government, but are also entitled to applause for their successful endeavour in converting the natives to Christianity; there being now but very few idolaters remaining among them. If we form a judgment of the [Page 154] other missionaries, from the benevolent pastor of Paratounca, more suitable persons could not possibly be engaged in this business. It may be necessary to observe, that the religion inculcated here, is that of the Greek Church. In many of the ostrogs, free-schools are established, for the instruction of the natives and Cossacks in the Russian language.

The articles exported from this country, consist entirely of furs, and this business is principally conducted by a company of merchants, appointed by the empress. Twelve was the number of them originally, but three have since been added to them. Besides certain privileges allowed them, they are distinguished by wearing a gold medal, expressive of the empress's protection of the fur trade. There are other inferior traders, chiefly Cossacks, in different parts of the country. Whilst the principal merchants remain here, they reside either at Bolcheretsk, or the Nishnei ostrog; the trade centering entirely in those two places. This business was formerly carried on wholly in the way of barter, but every article is at present purchased with ready money, no inconsiderable quantity of specie being circulated in that wretched country. The furs produce a high price; and the natives, from their mode of life, require few articles in return. Our sailors brought a quantity of furs from the coast of America, and were both pleased and astonished on receiving [Page 155] such a quantity of silver for them from the merchants; but as they could not purchase gin or tobacco with it, or any thing else that would afford them any degree of entertainment, the roubles were soon considered as troublesome companions, and they were frequently employed in kicking them about the deck. Our men received thirty roubles of a merchant, for a sea-otter's skin, and in the same proportion for others; but, understanding they had great quantities to dispose of, and perceiving that they were unacquainted with traffic, he afterwards procured them at a much cheaper rate.

European articles are the principal that are imported, but they are not solely confined to Russian manufactures. They come from England, Holland, Siberia, Bucharia, the Calmucks, and China. They chiefly consist of coarse woollen and linen cloths, stockings, bonnets, and gloves; thin Persian silks, pieces of nankeen, cottons, hankerchiefs, both of silk and cotton; iron stoves, brass and copper pans, files, guns, powder and shot; hatchets, knives, looking-glasses, sugar, flour, boots, &c. We saw many of these articles in the possession of one of the merchants, who came from Okotsk in the empress's galliot. These commodities, we observed, sold for three times the sum- they might have been purchased for in England. And, notwithstanding the merchants have so extravagant a profit upon these imported goods, [Page 156] they receive still a greater advantage from the sale of the furs at Kiachta, a considerable market for them on the frontiers of China. In Kamtschatka, the best sea-otter skins usually produce about thirty roubles a-piece; at Kiachta, the Chinese merchant gives more than double that price, and disposes of them again at Pekin, for a much greater sum; after which, an aditional profit is made of many of them at Japan. If, then, the original value of a skin at Kamtschatka is thirty roubles, and it is afterwards trasported to Okotsk, thence by land thirteen hundred and sixty-four miles to Kiachta, thence seven hundred and sixty miles to Pekin, and after that to be transported to Japan, what a lucrative trade might be established between Kamtschatka and Japan, which is not above three weeks sail from it, at the utmost?

Furs of all kinds, exported from Kamtschatka across the sea of Okotsk, pay ten per cent. duty, and sables twelve. And merchandise of all denominations, imported from Okotsk, pay a duty of half a rouble for every pood, which is thirty-six Fnglish pounds.

The export and import duties are paid at Okotsk; but the tribute which is collected at Bolcheretsk, amounts to the annual sum of ten thousand roubles, as we were informed by Major Behm.

[Page 157]Six vessels, of the burthen of forty or fifty to [...]s, are employed by the empress of Russia, between Okotsk and Bolcheretsk; five of them are occupied in transporting stores, &c. from Okotsk to Bolcheretsk, except that some of them go to Awatska and the Kamtschatka river, once in the space of two or three years; the sixth answers the purpose of a packet-boat, and is always equipped and in readiness to convey dispatches. About fourteen vessels are also employed by the merchants in the fur trade, among the islands to the east. In the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, we saw one of these froxen up, which was to sail to Oonalashka when the season would permit.

It may be necessary to observe, that the principal and most valuable part the fur trade, lies among the islands between Kamschatka and America. Beering first discovered these in 1741, and as they were found to abound with sea-otters, the Russian merchants sought anxiously for the other islands seen by that navigator, south-east of Kamtschatka, named in Muller's map, the islands of St. Abraham, Seduction, &c. They fell in with no less than three groups of islands, in these expeditions. The first, about fifteen degrees east of Kamtschatka; another, twelve degrees east of the former; and a third, Oonalashka, and the neighbouring islands.

These mercantile adventurers also proceeded as far as Shumagin's Islands, of which Kodiak is the [Page 158] largest. But here they met with so warm a reception, for attempting to compel the payment of a tribute, that they never ventured so far again. The three groups before-mentioned, however, were made tributary. The whole sea between Kamtschatka and America is, according to the Russian charts, covered with islands; for, as those who were engaged in these expeditions, frequently fell in with land, which they supposed did not tally with the situation laid down by preceding adventurers, they immediately supposed it to be a new discovery, and reported it accordingly on their return; and, as these vessels were usually out three or four years, and sometimes longer, such mistakes could not immediately be rectified. It is pretty certain, however, that only those islands which have been enumerated, have been discovered in that sea, by the Russians, south of 6° latitude.

The sea-otter skins which are certainly the most valuable article in the fur trade, are principally drawn from these islands; which being now under the Russian dominion, the merchants have factors residing in settlements there, for the sole purpose of bartering with the natives. To extend this trade, an expedition was fitted out by the admiralty of Okotsk, to make discoveries to the north and north-east of the above mentioned islands, and the command of it given to Lieutenant Synd. But as this gentleman directed his course too far [Page]

SUMMER and WINTER HABITATIONS in KAMTSCHATKA.

[Page 159] north he did not succeed in the object of his voyage; for, as we never found a sea-otter north of Bristol bay, they perhaps, avoid tho [...] latitudes were large amphibious sea-animals are numerous. The Russians have not since undertaken any expedition for making discoveries to the eastward; but they will, probably, make an advantageous use of our discovery of Cook's river. Notwithstanding the general intercourse between the natives, the Russians, and Cossacks, the former are as much distinguished from the latter by their habits and disposition, as by their features and general figure.

The persons of the natives having already been described, we shall only add, that, in their stature, they are below the common height, which Major Behm attributes to their marrying so very early; both sexes usually engage in the conjugal state, at thirteen or fourteen years of age. They are exceedingly industrious, and may he properly contrasted with the Russians and Cossacks, who frequently intermarry with them, apparently for no other reason, but that they may be supported in laziness and sloth. To this inactivity, may be attributed those scorbutic complaints, which most of them are dreadfully afflicted with; whilst the natives, who exercise in the open air, entirely escape them.

Their habitations consist of three distinct sorts; their jourts, balagons, and log-houses, which are [Page 160] here called isbas; they inhabit the first in the winter, and the second in the summer; the third are introduced by the Russians, wherein only the wealthier people reside. The jourts are thus constructed. A kind of oblong square is dug about six feet deep in the earth; the dimensions must be proportioned to the numbers who are to inhabit it, for it is usual for several to live together in the same jourt. Strong wooden posts, or pillars, are fastened in the ground, at equal distances from each other, on which the beams intended to support the roof, are extended; which is formed by joists, one end of which rest upon the ground, and the other on the beams. Between the joists, the inte [...]stices are filled up with wicker work, and turf is spread over the whole. The external appearance of a jourt, resembles a round squat hillock. A hole, serving for a chimney, window, and door, is left in the center, and the inhabitants go in and out by the assistance of a long pole, having notches deep enough to afford a little security for the toe. On the side, and even with the ground, there is another entrance, appropriated to the use of the women; but if a man passes in or out of this door, he becomes as much an object of ridicule, as a sailor who descends through lubber's hole.

A jourt consists of one apartment, forming an oblong square. Broad platforms, made of boards are extended along the sides, at the height of [Page 161] about six inches from the ground; which serve them for sitting on, and on which they reposed; first taking care to cover them with mats and skins. The fire-place is on one side, and, on the other, their provisions and culinary utensils ar [...] stowed. When they make entertainments, th [...] compliment is considered in proportion to th [...] heat of the jourts; the hotter they are made, th [...] more gracious is the reception of the guests considered. We always found them so extremely hot as to be intolerable. They generally retire to their jourts about the middle of October, and continue in them till the month of May is more than half expired.

To erect a balagan, nine posts are fixed into the earth, in three regular rows, at equal distances from each other, to the height of about twelve or thirteen feet from the surface. About ten feet from the ground, rafters are laid from post to post, and securely fastened by strong ropes. The joists are laid upon these rafters, and a turf covering completes the platform or floor of the balagan. A roof of a conical figure is raised upon this, by means of long poles, which are fastened to the rafters at one end, and meet together in a point at the top. The whole is covered, or rather thatched, with a coarse kind of grass. These summer habitations have two doors, placed directly opposite to each other, to which they ascend by the same kind of ladders that are used [Page 162] in the jourts. In the lower parts, which is left entirely open, they dry their fish, vegetables, and other articles intended for the consumption of the winter. Though six families usually live together in one jourt, a balagan is seldom occupied by more than one at a time.

The isbas, or log-houses, are thus erected: Long timbers are piled horizontally, with the ends let into each other, and the seams are filled up or caulked with moss. Like those of our common cottages, the roof is slooping, and thatched either with grass or rushes. Each log-house has three apartments in the inside. One end may be said to be a kind of entry, which extends the whole width and height of the house, and seems to be a kind of receptacle for their bulky articles, as sledges, harness, &c. This has a communication with their best apartment, which is in the middle, and is furnished with broad benches, calculated both for eating and sleeping upon. A door leads from this into the kitchen, almost half of which is taken up with an oven, or fire-place; which is let into the wall that separates the middle apartment and the kitchen, and is so constructed as to communicate the heat to both rooms at the same time. There are two lofts over the kitchen and middle apartment, to which the inhabitants ascend by a ladder placed in the entry for that purpose. Each apartment has two small windows made of talc, and, among [Page 163] the inferior people, of fish-skin. The boards and beams of their habitations, are smoothed only with a hatchet, for they are strangers to the plane; and the smoke has rendered them of a deep shining black.

A town is called an ostrong in Kamtschatka, and consists of several houses or habitations of the various kinds above-mentioned. Balagans are considerably the most numerous; and it is remarkable that we never saw a house of any kind that was detached from an ostrong. There are, in St. Peter and St. Paul, seven log houses, nineteen balagans, and three jourts; Paratounca is nearly of the same size, Karatchin and Natcheedin have not so many log-houses as the former, but rather more balagans and jourts; whence may be concluded that such is the most general size of an ostrong.

The dress of the Kamtschadale women having already been described, we shall proceed to that of the men. The upper garment resembles that of a waggoner's frock. If for summer wear, it is made of nankeen; if intended for winter, it is made of a skin, (generally that of a deer or dog) having one side tanned, and the hair preserved on the other, which is worn innermost. A close jacket of nankeen, or some other cotton stuff, is the next under this; and beneath that, a shirt made of a thin Persian silk, of a red, blue, or yellow colour. They wear also a pair of long [Page 164] breeches, or tight trowsers, of leather, reaching below the calf of the leg. They have likewise a pair of boots, made of dog or deer skin, with the hair innermost. They have a fur cap, having two flaps that are usually tied up close to the head, but are permitted to fall round the shoulders in bad weather.

The fur dress, which was presented by Major Behm's son to Captain King, is one of those worn on ceremonious occasions by the Toions. It is shaped like the exterior garment we have just described, and consists of small triangular pieces of fur, chequered brown and white, and so ingeniously joined as to appear to be of the same skin. A border, of the breadth of six inches, curiously wrought with different coloured threads of lerther, surrounds the bottom, and produces a rich effect. A broad edging of the sea otter's skin is suspended to this. The sleeves are ornamented with the same materials. An edging of it also encircles the neck, and surrounds the opening at the breast. It is lined with a beautiful white skin. And the present was accompanied with a pair of gloves, a cap, and a pair of boots, executed with the utmost neatness, and composed of the same materials. The Russians who reside in Kamtschatka, wear the European dress; and the uniform worn by the troops here, is of a dark green turned up with red. The people, situated to the north and south [Page 165] of this country, being but imperfectly known, we shall give such information as we have been able to acquire, respecting the Kurile islands, and the Koreki and Tschutski.

The Kuriles are a chain of islands, extending from latitude 51° to 45°, running from the southern promontory of Kamtschatka to Japan, in a south-west direction. The inhabitants of the neighbourhood of Lopatka, who were themselves called Kuriles, gave these islands the same name, as soon as they became acquainted with them. Spanberg says they are twenty-two in number, exclusive of the very small ones. The northernmost island, which is called Shoomska, is about three leagues distant from the promontory Lopatka, its inhabitants consisting of a mixture of natives and Kamtschadales. The next which is named Paramousir, is considerably larger than Shoomska, and is inhabited by the real natives; whose ancestors, they say, came from an island, called Onecutan, a little farther to the south. The Russians paid their first visit to these two islands in 1713, and added it to the dominions of the Empress. The others, as far as Ooshesheer inclusive, are now made tributary, if we may rely upon the information of the worthy pastor of Paratounca, their missionary; who pays them a visit once in three years, and mentions the islanders in the most respectable terms, extolling them for their generosity, hospitality, and [Page 166] humanity; and that they excel their Kamtschadale neighbours as much in the gracefulness of their persons, as in their docility and understanding.

Though the island of Ooshesheer is the farthest to the south, of any under the dominion of Russia, yet they are said to trade to Ooroop, which is the eighteenth in order; and is the only one that has a good harbour for vessels of burthen. Nadeegsda lies to the south of this, and is said to be inhabited by a race of men who are remarkably hairy, and who live in a state of perfect independence, like those of Ooroop^*.

Nearly in the same direction, lie a group of islands, called J [...]so, by the Japanese; a name also given by them to the chain of islands between Kamtschatka and Japan. That called Matmai, which is the furthest to the south, belongs to the Japanese, and has a garrison and fortifications on the side towards the continent. The islanders of Kunachir, and Zellany, to the north-east of Matmai, and three others, called the Three Sisters, still farther to the north-east, are entirely independent. The inhabitants of Matmai barter with those of the islands last mentioned, as well as with those of the Kuriles to the northward.

[Page 167]Many of the inhabitants of those islands that are under the dominion of Russia are now converted to christianity. And perhaps the time is not far distant, when all advantageous commerce will be carried on between Kamtschatka and this extensive chain of islands, which may afterwards produce a communication with Japan itself. This intercourse may probably be facilitated by a circumstance which Major Behm related, that several Russians, having been taught the Japanese language, by two natives of that country, who had been shipwrecked on the coast of Kamptschatka, had been sent among those islands. The advantages that must infallibly accrue to the Russians, by establishing a commerce, with the Japanese have been already adverted to, and are sufficiently obvious.

The Koreki country consists of two distinct nations, which are called the wandering and fixed Koriacs. Part of the isthmus of Kamtschtka is inhabited by the former, as well as all the coast of the Eastern Ocean, from thence to the Anadir. The nation of the wandering Koriacs extends westwards towards the river Kovyma, and along the north-east of the sea of Okotsk, as far as the river Penskina.

The resemblance between the fixed Koriacs and the Kamtschadales, is very striking; both countries too depend alike on fishing for subsistence. [Page 168] Their clothing and habitations are equally similar. The fixed Koriacs are under the district of the Ingiga, and are tributary to Russia.

The wandering Koriacs are wholly employed in breeding and pasturing deer, and are said to have immense numbers in their possession; it being common for a single chief to have a herd of four or five thousand. Deer is the food they subsist upon, and have an aversion to every kind of fish. They erect no balagans; their only habitations being somewhat like the Kamtschadale jourts, except that, in winter, they are covered with raw deer-skins; and, in summer, with such as have been tanned. Their sledges are drawn only by deer, and those which are used in drawing them feed in the same pasture with the others. If they are wanted, the herdsman makes use of a certain cry which is familiar to them, which they obey quitting the herd immediately. The two nations of the Koriacs, (as we were informed by the priest of Paratounca) and the Tschutski, make use of different dialects of the same language; but it has not the smallest affinity to that of the Kamtschadale.

The country inhabited by the Tschutski, is bounded by the Anadir on the south, and extends to the Tschutskoi Noss. Their attention, like that of the wandering Koriacs, confined chiefly to their deer, with which their country [Page 169] abounds. They are a courageous, well-made, warlike race of people; and are formidable neighbours to the Koriacs of both nations who often experience their depredations. The Russians have long endeavoured to bring them under their dominion; and though they have lost a great number of men in their different expeditions to; accomplish this purpose, they have never yet been able to effect it.

[Page 170]

CHAP. VIII.

Plan of further operations—The ships, on quitting Awatska Bay, sail along the Coast—Achachinskoi Bay—Cape Lopatka—The Island of Shoomska—The Isle of Paramousir—Observations relative to the Land of Jeso, Staten Island, and the Company's Land—Many Birds observed—A violent Storm—Position of Zellany, Kunashir, and the Three Sisters—De Gama's Land—Ineffectual Attempts to make the Land—The Ships sail for Japan—Various Parts of the Japanese Coast described—Cape Nambu—Two Japanese Vessels observed—Description of one of them—Boisterous Weather—Cape de Kennis—Boomtje's Point—Low Point—White Point—Sanddown Point—Prosecution of our Voyage to China—Violent Currents—Quantities of Pumice-Stone—Three Islands discovered—Sulphur Island described—Steer for the Bashee Isles—Fruitless Search for them—The Island of Prata—The Prata Shoal—Some Chinese Fishing-boats seen—The Lema Islands—Signal for a Chinese Pilot—The Grand Ladrone Island—Journals and other Papers of the Officers and Men, relating to the History of the Voyage, delivered up.

AS the Lords of the Admiralty, in the instructions which they had given for the regulation of the present voyage, had entrusted the [Page 171] commanding officer of the expedition with a discretionary power, in case of not succeeding in the discovery of a passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic, to make choice, in his return to England, of whatever route he should judge best adapted for the improvement of geography; Captain Gore desired, that the principal officers would deliver their sentiments, in writing, relative to the mode in which these instructions might most effectually be carried into execution. The result of their opinions, which, to his great satisfaction, he found unanimous, and perfectly agreeing with his own, was, that the condition of our vessels, of the sails, cordage, &c. rendered it hazardous and unsafe to make any attempt, as the winter was now approaching, to navigate the sea between Asia and Japan, which would otherwise have opened to us the most copious field for discovery: that it was therefore most prudent to steer to the eastward of that island; and, in our way thither, to sail along Kuriles, and examine, in a most particular manner, those islands that are situated nearest to the northern coast of Japan, which are said to be of considerable extent, and not subject to the Russians or Japanese. Should we have the good fortune to meet with some secure and commodious harbours in any of these islands, we supposed they might prove of considerable importance, as convenient places of shelter for subsequent navigators, who might be [Page 172] employed in exploring the seas, or as the means of producing a commercial intercourse among the adjacent dominions of the two above-mentioned empires. Our next object was to take a survey of the coasts of the Japanese isles; after which we designed to make the coast of China as far to the north as was in our power, and proceed along it to Macao.

This plan of operations being adopted, Captain King was ordered by Captain Gore, in case the two ships should separate, to repair without delay to Macao; and on the 9th of October, about six o'clock in the afternoon, having cleared the entrance of the bay of Awatska, we made sail to the south-eastward, the wind blowing from the north-west and by west. A perfect calm ensued at midnight, and continued till the noon of the following day; at which time the light-house was at the distance of fourteen or fifteen miles, bearing north half west; and Cape Gavareea bore south by west half west. Our present depth of water being sixty and seventy fathoms, our people were very profitably engaged in catching cod, which were extremely fine, and in great abundance. A breeze springing up from the west about three o'clock in the afternoon, we steered to the south along the coast.

A head-land now opened with Cape Gavareea, in the direction of south by west, situated about twenty-one miles beyond it. Betwixt them are [Page 173] two narrow, though deep inlets, which may perhaps unite behind what has the appearance of an elevated island. The coasts of these inlets are rather steep and cliffy. The hills, which break with abruptness, form chasms and vallies, that are plentifully furnished with wood.

Between Awatska Bay, and Cape Gavareea, which lies in the longitude of 158° 38′, and in the latitude of 52° 21′, there appear to be several inlets, which may, at first sight, flatter the navigator with hopes of procuring shelter and good anchorage: but we were assured by the Russian pilots, that there are none that will admit vessels even of the smallest size, as the spaces which seem vacant, between the lofty projecting head-lands, are filled up with low land.

We again, had a calm towards the evening: but, about midnight, a light breeze sprung up from the north, which gradually augmented to a strong gale. On monday the 11th, at noon, we were in the latitude of 52° 4′, and in the longitude of 158° 31′; Cape Gavareea bearing north by west a quarter west, and the southern extremity south-west half west. We were now at the distance of nine or ten miles from the nearest part of the coast▪ and perceived the whole inland country covered with snow. A point of land towards the south, which we judged to be in the latitude of 51° 54′, constituted the northern side of a deep bay, distinguished by the name of Achachinskoi, [Page 174] in whose distant bottom we imagined that a large river discharged itself, as the land behind appeared remarkably low. To the southward of Achachinskoi Bay, the land did not exhibit such a rugged and barren aspect, as was observable in that part of the country which we had before passed.

We had variable winds during the night, accompanied with rain; but, the next morning, at four o'clock, the wind began to blow with such violence from the north-east quarter, that we were obliged to double-reef the top-sails, and thought proper to stand to a greater distance from the shore. About six o'clock, the weather became more moderate and fair; in consequence of which we again stood in for the land. Our latitude, at twelve, was 51°, and our longitude 157° 25′. The most northerly land in view, being the point which we have already mentioned as first opening with Cape Gavareea, was in the direction of north-north-east. A head-land, having a flat summit, which is situated in the latitude of 51° 27′, and forms the southern point of an inlet, named Girowara, bore north a quarter east, and the most southerly land in sight was about eightteen miles distant, bearing west three quarters north. We could, at this time, faintly perceive low land extending from the southern extremity; but as the wind shifted to the north-west, we were unable to obtain a nearer view of it.

[Page 175]At six o'clock in the afternoon, we discerned, from the mast-head, Cape Lopatka, which is the most southern extreme of Kamtschatka. This cape, which is very low and flat, and gradually slopes from the elevated level land that we had sight of at noon, bore west half north, at the distance of fifteen or sixteen miles; and the high land, at the same time, bore north-west by west half west. This point of land forming so distinguished an object in the geography of the eastern coast of Asia, we were glad of an opportunity of ascertaining, by accurate observations, its exact position, which is in the longitude of 156° 45′, and in the latitude of 51°. We perceived, to the north-west of it, a very lofty mountain, whose summit was lost in the clouds. At the same instant, the first of the Kurile islands, named Shoomska, [...]de its appearance, in the direction of west half south.

The passage between Shoomska and Cape Lopatka, is represented by the Russians as being one league in breadth, and extremely dangerous, as well on account of the rapidity of the tides, as of the sunken rocks which lie off the Cape. The coast, from Cape Gavareea to Lopatka, trends to the south-eastward. The land, to the south of Achachinskoi, is not so elevated and broken as betwixt that bay and the entrance of the bay of Awatska, being only of a moderate height towards the sea, with hills rising gradually [Page 176] further inland. The coast is of considerable steepness, and abounds with white chalky patches.

Having a calm at noon, we had an opportunity of catching some excellent cod. Our depth of water, at this time, was forty fathoms; and our distance from Cape Lopatka was between five and six leagues. During the night we stood to the south-south-west under an easy sail, with a westerly wind. We sounded at midnight, and found ourselves in sixty fathoms water.

On the 13th, at break of day, we descried the second of the Kurile Islands, named Paramousir by the Russians, extending from west half south to north-west by west. This land was exceedingly high, and almost wholly covered with snow. At twelve o'clock, its extremes bore from west-north-west half west, to north-north-west half west; and a lofty peaked mountain, from which some of our people imagined they beheld smoke issuing, was at the distance of twelve or thirteen leagues bearing north-west by west half west. Our latitude, at this time, was 49° 49′ and our longitude 157°. We observed in the course of the day, several whales, and a considerable number of albatrosses and gulls.

The island of Paramousir is the largest of the Kuriles that are subject to the dominion of the Russians; and is worthy of a more accurate survey, than we were, on this occasion, enabled to take. For, in the afternoon, the westerly wind [Page 177] increasing to a brisk gale, it was not in our power to make a nearer approach to it than we had made at noon; we were, therefore, obliged to content ourselves with endeavouring to determine its position at that distance. The southern extreme of the island stands, according to our computation, in the latitude of 49° 58′; the northern extremity we place in the latitude of 50° 46′, and in the longitude of 10′ west of Cape Lopatka; and as this situation does not metarially differ from that which the Russians have assigned, it is in all probability, very near the truth.

While we were abreast of Paramousir, we had a very violent swell from the north-east-ward, though the wind had continued, for some time, in the western quarter; a circumstance which more than once occurred to our observation during the course of the voyage. In the night we sounded, but did not reach the bottom with fifty fathoms of line. The two following days, the wind blowing fresh from the west, obliged us to steer to the southward, and consequently prevented us from seeing any more of the Kuriles.

On Saturday the 16th, at noon, our latitude was 45° 27′; our longitude, deduced from many lunar observations taken during the three preceding days, was 155° 30′ and the variation was 4° 30′ east. In this situation, we were almost encompassed by the real or pretended discoveries of prior navigators, and could not readily determine [Page 178] to which we should direct our course. Towards the south and the south-west, a group consisting of five islands, named Kunashir, Zellany, and the Three Sisters, were placed in the French charts. According to the same charts, we were now about ten leagues to the west of De Gama's Land, which, in April last, we had passed to the eastward, at a distance somewhat less than the present, without observing the least appearance of it; from which circumstance it may reasonably be inferred, that, if such land has any existence, it must be an island of very small extent. If, on the other hand, we adopt the original position of this land, as fixed by Texeira, it was situated to the west by south; and the Company's Land^*. Staten Island ^†, and the land of Jeso, were likewise imagined to lie nearly in the same direction.

With respect to the famous land of Jeso, which has, for so long a time, proved a stumbling-block to modern geographers, it may be observed, that it was first brought to the knowledge of Europeans by the Castricom and Breskes. The name, from the earliest accounts, appears to have been [Page 179] well known to the Kamtschadales and Japanese, and indiscriminately used by them for all the islands that are situate between Japan and Kamtschatka. It has been since affixed to an extensive imaginary island, or continent, pretended to have been discovered by the two Dutch ships above-mentioned; and, therefore, it may not perhaps, be deemed improper to take the grounds of this error into our consideration. The expedition, in which those vessels were engaged, was undertaken with a view of exploring the eastern coast of Tartary; but, a storm separating the two ships, off the south-east point of Japan, they sailed along the e [...]stern side of that island in different tracks; and, passing its northern extreme, proceeding singly on their voyage. De Vries, commander of the Castricom, steering a northerly course, fell in with land on the third day, in the 42d degree of latitude. He sailed (according to the journal of the expedition) along the south-eastern coast, in a continual fog, for the space of about sixty leagues; and having brought his ship to anchor in several places, had a friendly communication with the natives. Now, as the islands of Zellany, Kunashir, and Matimai, appear, from the discoveries of Captain Spanberg, to stand exactly in this situation, it is more than probable that they are the same land; and the error of De Vries, in supposing them to be one continent seems to be sufficiently accounted for from this [Page 180] circumstance of the fog, without our adopting the supposition of an earthquake, by which Mr. Muller, desirous of reconciling the general opinion with the later discoveries of the Russians, imagines the several parts to have been seperated. The journal afterwards mentions the discovery of Staten Island and the company's Land respecting which we have already declared our sentiments. When they had passed through the Straits of De Vries, (continues the journal) they entered an extensive, wild, and tempestuous sea, in which they proceeded, with dark misty weather, to the 48th degree of northern latitude; after which being driven to the south by adverse winds, they again fell in with land, towards the west, in the latitude of 45°, which they still supposed was a part of the continent of Jeso; whereas, if any person will examine Jansen's map of their discoveries, which appears to be very accurate, he will not, we think, entertain a doubt of their being, at this time, on the coast of Tartary. After they had traced this land four degrees to the northward, they returned towards the south through the same starits they had before passed.

But, to return to the narrative of our voyage; the having veered, in the afternoon of the 16th, to the northward, we hauled round to the west. In th [...] course of this day we observed several albitrosses, fulmars, and numerous flocks of birds, we also saw a number of fish, which were [Page 181] called grampuses by our sailors; but we were rather inclined to judge, from the appearance of those which passed close by our vessels, that they were the kasatka, or sword-fish, mentioned by Krascheninicoff, who has given a curious account of their mode of attacking the whales. In the evening, being visited by a small land bird, about the size of a gold-finch, and not unlike that bird in plumage and shape, we thought proper to keep a careful look out for land. However, upon our trying for soundings at midnight, we did not strike ground with forty-five fathoms of line.

The next day, at noon, our longitude was 154°, and our latitude 45° 7′. The wind again becoming westerly, we were under the necessity of steering a more southerly course; and, about midnight, we had a fresh gale from the same quarter, attended with heavy rain. In the course of the morning, we saw another land-bird, and several flocks of petrels and gulls directing their course to the south-westward.

The heavy north-east swell, which had constantly been observed by us since we had passed Lopatka, now ceased, and suddenly changed to the south east. On the 18th, in the forenoon, we saw considerable quantities of rock-weed, from which, as well as from the flights of birds already mentioned, we imagined that the southernmost of the Kurile Islands was at no great distance [Page 182] from us; and, about the same time, the wind shifting to the southward, we were enabled to steer for it. At two o'clock, we set studding-sails, and stood to the westward; but, the wind augmenting to a gale, we were quickly obliged to double-reef the top-sails; and, at midnight, we deemed it necessary to examine our depth of water. We accordingly sounded; but, meeting with no ground at the depth of seventy-five fathoms, we again bore away to the west, with the wind in the south-east point.

This course we continued till two in the morning of the 19th, when the weather becoming thick and gloomy, we hauled our wind, and stood to the south-westward till five o'clock, at which time a violent storm reduced us to our coursers. Though, from the unfavourable state of the weather, there was but little probability of our making the land, our attention was still anxiously directed to this object; and, on the appearance of day-light, we ventured to steer west by south. We proceeded on the same course till ten o'clock in the forenoon, when the wind suddenly veered round to the south-west, and was accompanied with clear weather. Scarce had we availed ours [...]lves of this, by letting out the reefs, and setting the top-sails, when it began to blow with such vehemence, that we were under the necessity of close-reefing again; and, about noon, the wind shifting more to the west, we were prevented from [Page 183] continuing any longer on this tack: we therefore put about, and stood towards the south.

Our latitude, at this time, was 44° 12′, and our longitude 150° 40′; so that, after all our exertions, we had the mortification of finding ourselves, according to the Russian charts, upon the same meridian with Nadeegsda, which they represent as the most southerly of all the Kurile Islands, and about sixty miles to the southward.

Though the violent and adverse winds that we had met with for the last six days, had deprived us of an opportunity of getting in with these islands, yet the course on which we had been obliged to proceed, did not prove altogether destitute of geographical advantages. For the groupe of islands, comprehending Zellany, Kunashir, and the Three Sisters, which, in the maps of Monsieur D'Anville, are laid down in the track we had just crossed, are, by this means, demonstrably removed from that position; and thus an additional proof is obtained of their being situated to the west, where Captain Spanberg has placed them, between the longitudes of 142° and 147°. But this space being occupied, in the French charts, by Staten Island, and part of the land of Jeso, the opinion of Muller becomes highly probable, that they are all the same lands; and, as we have no reason to call in question the accuracy of Spanberg, we have, in our general map, re-instated Kunashir [Page 184] Zellany, and the Three Sisters, in their proper situation, and have totally omitted the rest.

When we reflect on the manner in which the Russians have multiplied the Islands of the Northern Archipelago, not only from the want of accuracy in ascertaining their real position, but likewise from the desire natural to mankind of propagating new discoveries, we shall not be surprized that the same causes should produce similar effects. It is thus that the lands of Jeso, which appear, as well from the earliest traditions among the Russians, as from the accounts of the Japanese, to be no other than the southern Kurile Islands, have been imagined to be distinct from the latter. De Gama's land is next on record; and this was originally represented as being nearly in the same situation with those we have just mentioned; but it was afterwards removed, in order to make room for Staten Island and the Company's Land; and, as Jeso, and the most southerly of the Kuriles, and likewise possession of this space, that nothing might be lost, the former had a place provided for it to the westward, and the letter towards the east.

As according to the Russian charts, the isles of Kunashir and Zellany, were still to the south, we entertained some hopes of being able to make them, and, with this view, kept our head towards the west as much as the wind would permit. At twelve o'clock, on the 20th, our latitude [Page 185] was 43° 47′, and our longitude 150° 30′; and we were then standing to the west by south, with a gentle breeze from the south-east, and, soon after, were, in all probability, not more than four and twenty leagues to the east of Zellany; but this good fortune was not of long duration: for, about three in the afternoon, the wind shifting to the north-west point, began to blow with such violence, that we were brought under our mizen stay-sail and fore-sail.

For the next twenty-four hours, we had heavy rain and vehement squalls; after which, the weather becoming moderate, and the horizon being in some measure clear we were enabled to set our top-sails; but as the wind continued to blow from the north west, all out attempts to make the land were rendered abortive, and we were at length obliged to relinquish all further thoughts of discovery to the northward of Japan. To this disappointment we submitted with the greater reluctance, as our curiosity had been considerably excited by the accounts that are given of the natives of these islands.

An accident befel the Resolution in the afternoon of the 21st; for the leach-rope of her fore-top-sail gave way, and split the sail. As this had frequently happened during the life of Captain Cook, he had, on such occasions, ordered the foot and leach-ropes of the top-sails to be taken out, and larger ones to be fixed in their room; [Page 186] and these likewise proving incapable of supporting the strain that was on them, it manifestly appears, that the just proportion of strength between the sail and those ropes is extremely miscalculated in our service.

This day a land-bird, somewhat larger than a sparrow, but greatly resembling one in other respects, perched on our rigging, and was caught. The gale now gradually abated; so that, on Friday the 22d, in the morning, we let out the reefs of our top-sails, and carried more sail. Our latitude, at twelve o'clock, was 40° 58′. and our longitude 148° 17′; the variation 3° east.

During the afternoon, another land-bird pitched on one of our ships, and was so exhausted with fatigue, that it suffered itself to be taken instantaneously, and expired a few hours afterwards. Its size did not exceed that of a wren; it had on its head a tuft of yellow feathers, and the rest of its plumage was similar to that of a linnet. The bird that we mentioned before as bearing a great resemblance to a sparrow, lived a long time after it was taken.

These birds afforded clear indications, that we were not at any very considerable distance from the land, and the wind, after varying for a little time, settling at the north point in the evening, our hopes of falling in with the land again revived, and we steered to the west-north-west; in which direction were situated, at the [Page 187] distance of about fifty leagues, the southernmost islands, seen by Captain Spanberg, and said to be inhabited by hairy men. The wind, however, did not keep pace with our wishes, but blew in such light airs, that we made little progress, till about eight o'clock the following morning, when a fresh breeze sprung up from the south-south-west, with which we continterd our course to the west-north-west till the evening. The latitude, at noon, was 40° 35′; and the longitude deduced from several lunar observations, was 146° 45′. The variation of the needle was 17′ east.

In the evening, we had violent squally gales, accompanied with rain; and, as we had, in the course of this day, passed some patches of green grass, and observed a number of small land birds, a shag, and many flocks of gulls, we did not think it consistent with prudence, having all these signs of the vicinity of land, to stand on for the whole night. We, therefore, about midnight, tacked, and for the space of a few hours, steered to the south-eastward.

On the 24th, at four in the morning, we again bore away to the west-north-west, and carried a press of sail till about seven o'clock in the evening, when the wind veered round from south-south-west to the north, and blew a fresh gale. Our longitude, at this time, was 145° 20′, and our latitude 40° 57′.

[Page 188]This second disappointment in our attempts; to get to the north-westward, the tempestuous weather with which we had been harassed, and the small probability, at this season of the year, of its becoming more favourable to our designs, were the motives that now induced Captain Gore finally to abandon all further search for the islands situate to the northward [...], and to direct his course to the west-south-west, for the northern part of that island.

The wind, during the night, shifted to the north-east, and blew a brisk gale; and, at the same time, we had heavy rain, and hazy weather. On the 25th, at noon, we were in the latitude of 49° 18′, and in the longitude of 144°. Flights, of wild ducks were this day observed by us; a pigeon lighted upon our rigging; and many birds, resembling linnets, flew about the ships, with a degree of vigour, that gave us reason to imagine they had not been long on the wing. We also passed a piece either of bamboo or sugarcane, and several patches of long grass. These indications of our being at no great distance from land, determined us to try for soundings; but we could not reach the bottom with, ninety fathoms of line. On the approach of evening, the wind gradually veered round to the south, with which we continued our course to the west-south-west.

[Page 189]On Tuesday the 26th at break of day, we had the satisfaction of perceiving high land towards the west, which proved to be Japan. At eight o'clock, it was at the distance of ten or twelve miles, and extended from south by west to north-west. A low flat cape, which apparently constituted the southern part of the entrance of a bay, bore north-west three quarters west. Near the south extremity, a hill of a conic figure appeared, bearing south by west three quarters west. To the north of this hill, there seemed to be an inlet of very considerable depth, the northern side of whose entrance is formed by a low point of land; and, as well as we were enabled to judge by the assistance of our glasses, has a small island near it towards the south.

Having stood on till nine o'clock, we had by that time approached within five or six miles of the land, which bore west three quarters south. Our depth of water was fifty-eight fathoms, with a bottom composed of very fine sand. We now tacked, and stood off; but, as the wind failed us, we had proceeded, at noon, to no greater distance from the shore than three leagues. This part of the coast extended from north-west by north to south half east, and was principally bold and cliffy. The low cape above-mentioned was about six leagues distant, bearing north-west by west; and the northern point of the inlet was in the direction of south three quarters west. Our [Page 190] latitude, by observation, was 40° 5′, and our longitude 142° 28′. The most northerly land in view, was supposed by us to be the northern extreme of Japan^*. It is somewhat lower than the other parts; and, from the range of the elevated lands, that were discerned over it from the mast-head, the coast manifestly appeared to trend to the westward. The northern point of the inlet, was imagined by us to be Cape Nambu; and we conjectured, that the town ^† stood in a break or the high land, towards which the inlet apparently directed itself. The neighbouring country is of a moderate elevation, and has a double range of mountains. It is well furnished with wood, and exhibits a pleasing variety of hills and dales. We perceived the smoke arising from several villages or towns, and saw many houses in delightful and cultivated situations, at a small distance from the shore.

While the calm continued, that we might lose no time, we put our fishing-lines overboard, in ten fathoms water, but met with no success. [Page 191] This being the only diversion which our present circumstances permitted us to enjoy, we very sensibly felt the disappointment; and looked back with regret to the cod-banks of the dismal regions we had lately quitted, which had furnished us with so many salutary meals, and, by the amusement they afforded, had given a variety to the tedious recurrence of the same nautical and astronomical observations, and the wearisome succession of calms and gales.

At two o'clock in the afternoon, the wind blow fresh from the south, and, by four, had reduced us to close reefed topsails, and obliged us to stand off to the south-eastward; in consequence of which course, and the gloominess of the weather, we soon lost sight of land. We kept on during the whole night, and till eight o'clock the following morning, when the wind shifting to the north, and becoming moderate, we made, sail, and steered a west-south-west course, towards the land, which, however, we did not make before three in the afternoon; at which time it was seen to extend from north-west half west to west. The most northerly extremity was a continuation of the elevated land, which was the southernmost we had observed the preceding day. The land to the westward, we conjectured to be the Hose Tafel Berg (or High Table Hill) of Jansen. The coast, betwixt the two extremes, was low, and [Page 192] could scarcely be perceived, except from the mast-head.

We proceeded towards the coast till eight in the evening, when our distance from it was about five leagues; and having shortened sail for the night, we steered in a southerly direction, sounding every four hours; but our depth of water was so great, that we did not find ground with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line.

We again saw land on the 28th, about six o'clock in the morning. It lay twelve leagues to the southward of that which we had seen the day before, and extended from west by north to west-south-west. Steering south-west obliquely with the shore, we saw, at ten o'clock, more land in that direction. To the west of this land, which is low and level, were two islands, as we supposed, though some doubts were entertained, whether they were not united with the neighbouring low ground. The haziness of the weather, as well as our distance, rendered it likewise impossible for us to ascertain, whether there were not some inlets or harbours between the projecting points, which here seemed to promise tolerable shelter.

At noon, the northern extremity of the land in view bore north-west by north, and a lofty peaked hill, over a steep head-land, was fifteen or sixteen miles distance, bearing west by north. Our present latitude, by observation, was 30° 16′ [Page 193] and our longitude 142° 9′. The mean of the variation was found to be 1° 20′ east.

The land disappeared from our view between three and four o'clock in the afternoon, and, from its breaking off so suddenly, we imagined, that what we had this day seen was an island, or, perhaps, a group of island, situated off the main land of Japan; but, as the islands called by D'Anville Matsima, and by Jansen the Schildpads, though represented as being nearly in the same situation, are unequal in extent to the land seen by us, we must leave this point undetermined.

We continued our course to the south-west during the remainder of the day, and, at midnight, found our depth of water to be seventy fathoms, over a bottom of fine brown sand. We therefore hauled up towards the east, till the next morning, when we again had sight of land, about eleven leagues to the south of that which we had seen the preceeding day. At eight o'clock, we were within the distance of about two leagues from the shore, having had regular soundings from sixty-five to twenty fathoms over gravel and coarse sand.

It unfortunately happened, that there was a haze over the land, which prevented us from distinguishing small objects on it. The coast was straight and unbroken, running nearly in the direction of north and south. The ground was low towards the sea, but gradually swelled into [Page 194] hills of a moderate elevation, whose summits were pretty even, and covered with wood.

About nine o'clock, the sky being in some degree overcast, and the wind veering to the south, we tacked, and stood off to the eastward. Not long after, we observed a vessel, close in with the land, standing to the north along the shore; and we also saw another in the offing, coming down on us before the wind. The reader will easily conceive, that objects of any kind, belonging to a country so celebrated, and yet so imperfectly known, must have excited a general eagerness of curiosity; in consequence of which, every person on board came instantaneously upon deck, to gaze at them. As the vessel to windward approached us, she hauled off to a greater distance from the shore; upon which, being apprehensive of alarming those who were on board of her by the appearance of a pursuit, we brought our ships too, and she sailed a-head of us, at the distance of four or five furlongs. We might have spoken to them with great facility; but Captain Gore, perceiving, by their manoeuvres, that they were highly terrified, was unwilling to increase their apprehensions; and, imagining that we should have many better opportunities of communication with the Japanese, suffered them to retire without interruption.

We were not sufficiently near this vessel, to remark any particulars respecting the men on [Page 195] board of her, who seemed to be six or seven in number, especially as the use of our glasses was precluded by the thickness of the weather. According to the most probable conjectures we were enabled to form, the vessel was of the burthen of about forty tons. She had only one mast, on which was hoisted a quadrangular sail, extended aloft by a yard, the braces of which worked forwards. Three pieces of black cloth came halfway down the sail, at an equal distance from each other. The vessel was lower in the middle than at each end; and from her figure and appearance, we supposed, that she could not sail otherwise than large.

The wind blew fresh at noon, and was accompanied with much rain. By three in the afternoon, it had increased in so great a degree, that we were reduced to our courses. The sea, at the same time, ran as high as any of our people ever remembered to have seen it.

If the vessels of the Japanese are, as Koempfer has described them, open in the stern, it would have been impossible for those which we saw, to have endured the violence of this storm; but, as the appearance of the weather, during all the former part of the day, had prognosticated its approach, and one of the sloops had, nevertheless, stood a considerable way out to sea, it may safely be inferred, that they are very capable of sustaining the fury of a gale of wind. Spanberg [Page 196] has, indeed, mentioned two sorts of Japanese vessels; one corresponding with Koempfer's description, while the other, which he denominates busses, and in which, he says, the natives make voyages to the adjacent islands, perfectly agrees with those that were seen by us.

About eight o'clock in the evening, the gale, without the smallest diminution of its violence, shifted to the west, and, by producing a sudden swell, in a direction contrary to that which had before prevailed, caused our ships to strain and labour extremely. During the continuance of the storm, the Resolution had several of her sails split. They had, indeed, been bent for such a considerable time, and were worn so thin, that this accident had lately happened in both our vessels almost daily; particularly when the sails were stiff and heavy with rain, in which case they became less capable of bearing the shocks of the boisterous and variable winds we occasionally experienced.

The gale at length abating, and settling in the western quarter, we steered a southward course; and on Saturday the 30th, at nine o'clock in the morning, we saw the land, extending from west by north to north-west a quarter west, at the distance of fifteen or sixteen leagues. It shewed itself in detached parts; but we were not near enough to ascertain, whether they were small islands, or parts of Japan.

[Page 197]At noon, the land extended from west to north-west; and the nearest part of it was twelve or thirteen leagues distant, beyond which, the coast appeared to run in a western direction. Our present latitude, by observation, was 36° 41′, and our longitude 142° 6′. The point to the north, which we imagined was near the southernmost land seen the preceding day, was supposed by us to be Cape de Kennis; and the break to the south of this point, was thought to be the mouth of the river, on which the town named Gissima is said to stand. The next cape is, in all probability, that which is called Boomtje's Point in the Dutch charts; and the most southerly one, off which we were abreast at noon, we conjectured to be near Low Point (termed by Jansen Lage Hoeck, and placed by him in the latitude of 36° 40°), and that our distance was too great to admit of our seeing the low land, in which it probably terminates, toward the east.

The wind, in the afternoon, shifting to the north-east, we stood to the south, at the distance of seventeen or eighteen leagues from the coast. As we passed along, we tried for soundings, but did not find any ground with a hundred and fifty fathoms of line.

On the 31st, at two o'clock in the morning, the wind veered round to the west, and blew in violent squalls, accompanied with lightning and rain. In the course of this day, several little [Page 198] birds of a brown plumage, resembling linnets, which had been driven off the land by the strong westerly gales, flew about our ships. On the approach of evening, the wind coming to the north-west point, we directed our course, with the birds, to the west south-west, with a view of regaining the coast.

The next morning, which was the 1st of November, the wind shifted to the south-east, and was attended with fair weather; in consequence of which, we obtained, with four different quadrants, forty-two sets of distances of the moon from the sun and stars, each set comprehending six observations. These nearly coinciding with each other, fix, with great accuracy, our situation, at twelve o'clock this day, in the longitude of 141° 32′; the latitude, by observation, being 35° 17′. In our reckonings of the 31st of October, we found an error, with respect to latitude, of eight miles, and of seventeen in this day's computations; from which circumstance, as well as from our being much more to the east than we expected, we inferred, that there had been a violent current from the south westward.

We again made the land towards the west, at two o'clock in the afternoon, at the distance of twelve or thirteen leagues. The most southerly land in view, which we imagined was White Point (or Witte Hoeck, placed by Jansen in the latitude of 35° 42′), bore west-south-west half [Page 199] west. A hummock to the northward, which had an insular appearance, bore north-north-west half west; and within this we discerned from the m [...]st-head some low land, which we supposed to be Sanddown Point, called Sanduynege Hoeck by Jansen, who has placed it in the latitude of 35° 55′

We steered for the land till between five and six, when we hauled our wind to the south. We observed, at this time, many Japanese vessels, close in with the land, some standing along the shore, and others apparently occupied in fishing. We now descried to the westward a mountain of extraordinary height, with a round summit, rising far inland. There is no high ground in the neighbourhood of it, the coast being of a moderate elevation, and, as far as the haziness of the horizon permitted us to judge, much broken and indented by small inlets. But, to the south of the hummock island above-mentioned, there appeared, at a considerable distance up the, country, a ridge of hills, which extended towards the mountain, and might perhaps join with it.

This being the most remarkable hill seen by us near the coast, we were desirous of ascertaining its precise situation; but as we had only gained this single view of it, we were obliged to content ourselves with such accuracy as our circumstances would admit of. Its latitude we judged to be 35° 20′, and is longitude 140° 26′▪ the latter [Page 200] being estimated by its distance from our ships, at this time fifteen leagues.

As the coast of Japan, is represented, in the Dutch charts, as extending nine or ten leagues to the south-west of White Point, we tacked at eight o'clock in the evening, and stood off to the eastward, with a view of weathering that point. We again tacked, at midnight, to the south-westward, under the expectation of falling in with the coast to the south, but were surprized, at eight the next morning, to see the hummock at no greater distance than three leagues, in the direction of west-north-west. We were, at first, almost inclined to doubt the evidence of our senses, and afterwards began to suspect some deception from a resemblance of land; but, at noon, we found, by observation, that we were actually in the latitude of 35° 43′, at a time when, according to our reckonings, it was 34° 48′. It therefore appeared, that during the eight hours in which we imagined we had proceeded nine leagues to the south-westward, we had really been carried eight leagues from the situation we left, in a totally opposite direction; which occasioned, upon the whole, a difference of seventeen leagues in our computation, in that inconsiderable space of time. From this error, we estimated, that the current had set, at the rate of at least five knots an hour, to the north-east by north. Our present longitude was 141° 16′

[Page 201]As the weather had now a very threatening appearance, and the wind was at sou [...]h-south-east, we thought it adviseable to quit the neighbourhood of the shore, and stand off towards the east, that the ships might not be entangled with the land. We were not deceived in our prognostications; for, not long afterwards, a heavy gale began to blow which continued till the succeeding day, and was attended with rainy and hazy weather.

On Wednesday the 3d, in the morning, we found ourselves, by our reckoning, at the distance of upwards of fifty leagues from the coast; which circumstance, united to the consideratian of the very uncommon effect of currents we had already experienced, the advanced period of the year, the variable and uncertain state of the weather, and the small prospect we had of any alteration for the better, induced Captain Gore to form the resolution of leaving Japan, and prosecuting our voyage to China; particularly as he entertained [...], that, since the track he intended to pursue had not yet been, explored, he might perhaps find an opportunity of making amends, by some new and important discovery, for the disappointments we had sustained upon this coast.

If any of our readers should be inclined to suppose that we relinguished this object too hastily, it may be observed, in addition to the facts before stated, that the coast of Japan, according to [Page 202] Koempfer's description of it, is the most dangerous in all the known world ⁷; that it would have been exceedingly hazardous, in case of distress, to have run into any of the harbours of that country; where, if we may credit the most authentic writers, the aversion of the natives to a communication with strangers, has prompted them to the commission of the most flagrant acts of barbarity; that our vessels were in a leaky condition; that the rigging was so rotten as to require continual repairs; and that the sails were almost entirely worn out, and incapable of withstanding the vehemence of a gale of wind.

As the violent currents, which set along the eastern shore of Japan, may perhaps be attended with dangerous consequences to those navigators, who are not acquainted with their extreme rapidity, we will here subjoin a summary account of their direction and force, as remarked by us from the 1st day of November to the 8th of the same month. On the 1st, at a time when we were about eighteen leagues to the east of White Point, the current set, at the rate of three miles in an hour, to the north-east and by north. On the 2d, as we made a nearer approach to the shore, we observed that it continued in a similar direction, but was augmented in its rapidity to five miles an hour. As we receded from the coast, [Page 203] it again became more moderate, and inclined towards the east. On the 3d, at the distance of sixty leagues from the shore, it set, at the rate of three miles an hour, to the east-north-east. On the two following days, it turned to the southward, and, at a hundred and twenty leagues from the coast, its direction was south-east, and its rate did not exceed one mile and a half in an hour. It again, on the 6th and 7th, shifted to the north-east, and its force diminished gradually till the 8th, at which time we could no longer perceive any current.

We proceeded to the south-eastward during the 4th and 5th of November, with very unsettled weather, and much lightning and rain. On each of those days we passed considerable quantities of pumice-stone, some pieces of which were taken up by our people, and found to weigh from an ounce to three pounds. We imagined that these stones had been thrown into the water, by eruptions at different periods, as many of them were entirely bare, and others covered with barnaeles. At the same time, we had a number of porpoises playing round our ships; and saw several small land-birds, and two wild ducks.

At break of day, on Saturday the 6th, we changed our course to the south-south-west; but, about eight o'clock in the evening, we were taken back, and obliged to stand towards the south-east. The next day, at noon, we saw a [Page 204] small land-bird. At this time our latitude, by observation, was 33° 52′, and our longitude 140° 42′.

On the 9th, we had a great swell from the east-south-east; and our longitude was 146° 20′, and latitude 31° 46′. In the course of this day, we observed another little land-bird, a tropic bird, some flying-fish and porpoises. The wind blowing from the northward, we continued to steer a south-west course, without any memorable occurrence, till Friday the 12th, when, from the same quarter, a most violent gale arose, which reduced us to the mizen stay-sail and fore-sail. The weather being, at the same time, so hazy, that we could, not see a cable's length before us, and a number of shoals and small islands being represented, in our charts, as lying in this part of the ocean, we brought to, with our heads turned to the south-west. This day, at noon our latitude, by account, was 27° 36′, and our longitude I44° 25′.

On the 13th, in the morning, the wind veered, to the north-west point, and was accompanied with fair weather; but though we were at present, nearly in the situation attributed to the island of St. Juan, we perceived no appearance of land. We now bore away towards the south-west, and set our top-sail [...], the gale still blowing with considerable violence. At twelve o'clock, our latitude, by observation, was 26°, our longitude [Page 205] 143° 40′, and the variation 3° 50′ east. In the afternoon we saw some albatrosses and tropic birds; also several dolphins and fly-fish.

We continued to pass much pumice-stone; the amazing quantities of which substance, floating in the sea betwixt Japan and the Bashee Isles, give reason to suppose, that in this, quarter of the Pacific Ocean, some great volcanic convulsion must have happened; and, consequently, afford some degree of probability to the opinion of Mr. Muller, (which we have mentioned in a former part of this chapter) relative to the separation of the continent of Jeso, and the disappearance of Staten Island, and the Company's Land.

About six o'clock in the afternoon, we steered to the west-south-west, Captain Gore deeming it useless to stand any longer towards the south-south-west, as we were nearly in the same meridian with the Ladrones, or Marianne Islands, and at no very considerable distance from the track of the Manilla galleons.

In the morning of Saturday the 14th, we had fine weather, and the wind, which blew moderately, shifted by degrees to the north-east point, and proved to be the trade-wind. At ten o'clock Mr. Trevenen, one of the young gentlemen who accompanied Captain King in the Discovery, after the death of Captain Clerke, saw land in the direction of south-west, which had the appearance [Page 206] of a peaked mountain. At noon, the longitude was 142° 2′, and the latitude 24° 37′.

The land in view, which we now discovered to be an island, was nine or ten leagues distant, bearing south-west half west; and, at two o'clock in the afternoon, we descried another to the west-north-westward. This second island, when viewed at a distance, appears like two; the southern point consisting of a lofty hill of a conic figure, united by a narrow neck to the northern land, which is of a moderate elevation. This island being manifestly of greater extent than that to the southward, we directed our course towards it. At four o'clock, it bore north-west by west; but, as we had not sufficient day-light to examine its coast, we stood, during the night, upon our tacks.

The next morning, at six, we made sail for the southern point of the larger island; and, about this time, discovered another high island, in the direction of north three quarters west; the island to the southward being on the same rhomb line, and the south extreme of the island a-head bearing west by north. At nine o'clock, we were abreast of the middle island, and within the distance of a mile from it; but Captain Gore, finding that a boat could not land without running some risque from the heavy surf that broke against the shore, continued his course to the westward. [Page 107] The latitude at noon, by observation, was 24° 50′, and the longitude 140° 56′

The length of this island, in the direction of south-south-west and north-north-east, is about five miles. Its south point is an elevated barren hill▪ rather slat at the summit, and when seen from the west-south-west, exhibits an evident volcanic crater. The sand, ea [...] or rock, (for it was difficult to distinguish of which of these substances its surface was composed) displayed various colours; and we imagined that considerable part was sulphur, not only from its appearance to the eye, but from the strong sulphureous smell perceived by us in our approach to the point. The Resolution having passed nearer the land, several of the officers of that ship thought they discerned steams proceeding from the top of the hill. These circumstances induced Captain Gore to bestow on this discovery the appellation of Sulphur Island.

A low and narrow neck of land unites the hill we have just described, with the south end of the island, which extends itself into a circumference of between three and four leagues. The part bordering on the isthmus has some bushes upon it, and presents an aspect of verdure; but those parts that are situate to the north-east are extremely barren, and abound with large detached rocks, many of which are of great whiteness. Some very dangerous breakers extend about two [Page 208] miles and a half to the eastward, and two miles to the westward, off the middle part of the island, against which the sea breaks with a great degree of violence.

The north and south islands had the appearance of single mountains, of a considerable elevation; the former was peaked, and of a [...] form; the latter more square and flat at the summit.

Sulphur Island we judge to be in the latitude of 24° 48′, and the longitude of 141° 12′. The north island we place in the latitude of 25° 14′, and in the longitude of 141° 10′; and the south island in the latitude of 24° 22′, and the longitude of 141° 20′.

Captain Gore now thought proper to direct his course to the west-south-west, for the Bashee Isles, with the hopes of procuring, at them, such a supply of refreshments as might render it less necessary to continue long at Macao, These islands received a visit from Captain Dampier, who has given a very favourable account, as well of the civility of the natives, as of the abundance of hogs and vegetables, with which the country is furnished. They were afterwards seen by Commodore Byron and Captain Wallis, who passed them without landing.

For the purpose of extending our view in the day-time, our ships sailed at the distance of between two and three leagues from each other; [Page 209] and, during the night, we proceeded under an easy sail; so that it was scarcely possible to avoid observing any land that lay in the vicinity of our course. In this manner we continued our progress, without any interesting occurrence, having a fresh breeze from the north east, till Monday the 22d, when it augmented to a strong gale, with vehement squalls of wind and rain, which reduced us to close-reefed top-sails.

The following day, at twelve o'clock, our latitude, by account, was 21° 5′, and our longitude 123° 20′. About six in the afternoon, being at the distance of only one and twenty leagues from the Bashee Islands, according to their position in Mr. Dalrymple's map, and the weather being squally, with a thick haze, we handed the fore-top-sail, and hauled our wind towards the north-north-west.

On the 24th, we had constant rain during the whole day, and the weather was still very tempestuous; a heavy sea rolled down upon us from the northward, and, in the course of the afternoon, we had vivid flashes of lightning from the same quarter. We continued to stand to the north-north-west till nine, when we tacked, and steered to the south-south-eastward, till four o'clock in the morning of Thursday the 25th, at which time we wore. In the night there was an eclipse of the moon; but we were prevented by the rain from making any observation. It unfortunately [Page 210] happened, that one of the Discovery's people, being occupied, at the time of the greatest darkness, in stowing the main top-mast stay-sail, fell overboar, but immediately catching hold of a rope, which was providentally hanging out of the fore-chains into the sea, and the ship being brought into the wind without delay, he was got on board with no other hurt than a trifling bruise on one of his shoulders.

The weather becoming clear at eight o'clock we bore away, but the wind still blew with such violence, that we did not carry any other sail than the fore-sail, and the main-top-sail close reefed. We observed, about this time, a sugar-cane, and a land-bird that resembled a thrush. At noon, our longitude was 121° 35′, and our latitude 21° 35′.

Our present situation, with respect to longitude, being to the west of the Bashee Isles, according to Mr. Dalrymple's charts, we perceived that Captain Gore was influenced, in the course he was now steering, by the sentiments of Commodore Byron and Captain Wallis, with whom he had sailed when they passed these islands, which are placed by the former near four degrees to the westward, or in the longitude of 118° 14′. In consequence of this opinion, we stood towards the south at two o'clock in the afternoon, with an intention of getting into the same parallel of latitude with the Bashees, before we should r [...]n [Page 211] down our longitude. We had nearly arrived in that situation by six o'clock, and ought, in consequence, to have been within sight of the land, according to the account of Captain Wallis, who places these islands near three degrees more to the east than Commodore Byron.

The fury of the gale had not, at this time, received the least diminution; and Captain Gore, being still of opinion that the Bashees were situated to the westward, brought the ships too, with their heads turned towards the north-west, under the fore-sail and balanced mizen.

On the 26th, about six in the morning, the wind having, in a great measure, abated, we set our top-sails, let out the reefs, and bore away to the westward. At twelve o'clock, our latitude, by observation, was 21° 12′, and our longitude 120° 25′. In the course of this day, we saw many tropic birds, and a flock of ducks; also porpoises and dolphins; and continued to pass several pumice-stones. We spent the night on our tacks; and the following morning, at six o'clock, we again made sail to the west, in search of the Bashee Isles.

Captain King began now to entertain apprehensions, lest, in the prosecution of our search for those islands, we should get so far to the south as to be under the necessity of passing to leeward of the Pratas; in which case, it might have proved extremely difficult for such bad-sailing [Page 212] vessels as ours to fetch Macao, especially if the wind should continue to blow (as it now did) from the north-north-east and north. The Captain having some doubts whether Mr. Dalrymple's maps were on board the Resolution, made sail and hailed her; and having informed Captain Gore of the situation of these shoals, and his apprehensions of being driven too much to the southward, the latter gave him to understand, that he should continue his course during that day, being still not without hopes of finding Mr. Byron's longitude right; and therefore ordered Captain King to spread a few miles to the south.

The weather, at twelve o'clock, became hazy: the latitude, at that time, was 21° 2′, and the longitude 118° 30′. At six in the afternoon, having got to the west of the Bashee Islands, according to Admiral Byron's account, Captain Gore hauled his wind to the north-westward, under an easy sail, the wind blowing with great vehemence, and there being every prospect of a tempestuous night.

On the 28th, at four o'clock in the morning, the Resolution, which was then a half a mile a-head of the Discovery, wore, and the crew of the latter ship at the same time, perceived breakers close under their lee. On the approach of day-light, we had sight of the island of Prata; and, between the hours of six and seven, we stood towards the shoal, but finding ourselves unable to [Page 213] weather it, we bore away, and ran to leeward. As we passed along the south side, within the distance of a mile from the reef, we saw two remarkable patches on the edge of the breakers, that had the appearance of wrecks.

At noon, the latitude discovered by double altitudes, was 20° 39′; and the longitude was 116° 45′. The island of Prata was now three or four leagues distant, bearing north three quarters east. Near the southern extremity of the island, and on the south-western side of the reef, we imagined that we saw, from the mast-head, several openings in the reef, which seemed to promise secure anchorage.

The extent of the Prata shoal is considerable; for it is about six leagues from north to south, and extends three or four leagues to the east of the island; its limits to the westward we had not an opportunity of ascertaining. We judge its north-eastern extremity to be in the latitude of 20° 58′, and the longitude of 117°; and its south-west end we place in the latitude of 20° 45′, and the longitude of 116° 44′.

We carried a press of sail during the remainder of the day, and kept the wind, which now blew from the north-east by north, in order to secure our passage to Macao. It was a fortunate circumstance, that the wind favoured us towards the evening, by veering two points more to the eastward; for, if the wind and weather had continued [Page 214] the same as they had been in the preceding week, we think we should scarcely have been able to have fetched that port, in which case we must have repaired to Batavia; a place we had good reason to dread, from the terrible havock which the unhealthiness of the climate had occasioned among the crews of the former vessels that had been employed in voyages of discovery, and had touched there.

In the morning of Monday the 29th, we passed some Chinese fishing-boats, the crews of which eyed us with marks of great indifference. In fishing, they make use of a large dredge-net, resembling a hollow cone in shape, with a stat iron rim fixed to the lower part of its mouth. The net is fastened with cords to the head and stern of the boat, which being left to follow the impulse of the wind, draws the net after it, with the iron rim dragging along the bottom. We found the sea, to to our great regret, covered with the wrecks of boats which had been lost, as we supposed, in the late stormy weather.

Our latitude at twelve o'clock, by observation, was 22° 1′; and, since the preceding noon, we had run a hundred and ten miles upon a north-west course. As we were now nearly in the latitude of the Lema Islands, we made sail to the west by north, and, after we had proceeded two and twenty miles, descried one of them nine or ten leagues to the west.

[Page 215]At six in the afternoon, the extremes of the islands in view were in the direction of north-north-west, half west, and west-north-west half west; and we were four or five leagues distant from the nearest; our soundings being twenty-two fathoms, over a muddy bottom. We now slackened sail, and kept upon our tacks for the night. The Grand Lema, according to Mr. Bayly's time-keeper, bore, from the island of Prata, north 60° west, a hundred and fifty-three miles; and, by our run, north 57° west, a hundred and forty-six miles.

The next morning, we ran along the Lema Isles, which, like the other islands situated on this coast, are destitute of wood, and, as far as we had an opportunity of observing, devoid of cultivation. About nine o'clock, a Chinese boat, which had before been with the Resolution, came along-side the Discovery, with offers of a pilot, which, however, Captain King declined, as it was incumbent upon him to follow his consort. Not long afterwards, we passed the westernmost of the Lema rocks; but, instead of hauling up to the north of the Grand Ladrone Island, as was done by Lord Anson in the Centurion, we sailed to leeward.

We scarcely think it necessary to caution the navigator against taken this course, as the danger is sufficiently manifest; for, if the wind [Page 216] should blow violently, and the current set with it, it will be highly difficult to fetch Macao. We might, indeed, by the direction of Mr. Dalrymple's chart, have safely gone either between the Lema Islands, or entirely to the northward of them, and have had the wind savourable for our reaching Macao. From our apprehensions of missing that port, and being obliged to repair to Batavia, added to the strong and ardent desires of hearing intelligence from Europe, we were the more inclined to rejoice on observing the Resolution soon after fire a gun, and display her colours as a signal, for a pilot. On the repetition of the signal, there was an excellent race between four Chinese boats; and Captain Gore engaged with the person who arrived first, to conduct the ship to the Typa, for the sum of thirty dollars, sending word, at the same time, to Captain King, that, as he could easily follow him with the Discovery, that expence might be saved to him.

In a short time afterwards, a second pilot getting on board the Resolution, insisted on guiding the ship; and immediately laying hold of the wheel, began to order the sails to be trimmed. This gave rise to a violent altercation, which was at length compromised, by their agreeing to divide the money between them.

[Page 217]At twelve o'clock, our latitude, by observation, was 21° 57′ north, and our longitude 114° 2′ east. The Grand Ladrone island was, at this time, four miles distant, extending from north-west half north to north half west. The land, whose bearings we have here mentioned, was supposed by us to be one island; but we afterwards found that the western part was an island laid down in Mr. Dalrymple's chart of part of the Chinese coast, &c. which we had not at present on board.

In pursuance of the instructions which had been given to Captain Cook by the Lords of the Admiralty, it now became necessary to desire the officers and men to deliver up their journals, and all other papers they might have in their possession, relative to the history of the voyage. Some degree of delicacy, as well as firmness, seemed to be requisite in the execution of these orders. Our commanders could not be ignorant, that most of the officers, and several of the seamen, had amused themselves, in their leisure hours, with writing accounts of our proceedings, for the purpose of gratifying their friends, or for their own private satisfaction; which they might not wish to have submitted, in their present form, to the inspection of strangers. On the other hand, the Captains could not, consistently with the instructions they had received, leave papers [Page 218] in their custody, which, either by accident or design, might fall into the hands of printers and thus give rise to such spurious and imperfect narratives of our voyage, as might tend to the disparagement of our labours, and perhaps, to the prejudice of officers, who might, though injustly, incur the suspicion of having been the authors of such publications.

Captain King, therefore, assembled the Discovery's people on deck, and informed them of the orders that had been received, and the reasons which, in his opinion, ought to induce them to yield a perfect obedience. He, at the same time, gave them to understand, that whatever papers they wished not to have sent to the Lords of the Admiralty, should be sealed up in their own presence and preserved in his custody, till the intentions of their Lordships, respecting the publication of the history of the voyage, were accomplished; after which, he said, they should be faithfully restored to them.

Captain King had the satisfaction to find, that his proposals met with the approbation, and the ready compliance, not only of the officers, but also of the rest of the ship's company; and every scrap of paper, that contained an account of any transactions relating to the present voyage, was immediately given up. The Captain observes upon this occasion, that it is but doing justice to [Page 219] the seamen of this ship to declare, that they were the best disposed, and the most obedient men he ever knew, though the greatest part of them were very young, and had never served before in a ship of war.

Captain Gore made the same proposals to the people of the Resolution, who instantly complied with them, and delivered up all their papers which had any reference to the voyage.

[Page 220]

CHAP. IX.

Ignorance of the Chinese Pilot—The ships approach Macao—Account of the Isle of Potoe—A Chinese Comprador comes on board—Captain King dispatched to Macao to visit the Portuguese Governor—Dependent State of the Portuguese at Macao—Effects of the Intelligence we received respecting European Affairs—Alarms occasioned at Canton—Our ships anchor in the Typa—Captain King, his second Lieutenant, &c. proceed to Canton—Bocca Tigris—Wompi [...]—A Sampane, or Chinese Boat, described—Mr. King's Reception at the English Factory at Canton—An Instance of the suspicious Character of the Chinese—Their Method of trading exemplified—Observations relative to the City of Canton—Its Population—Number of Sampanes—Military Force of the province of Quantong—Streets and Houses of Canton described—Of the English Supercargoes—Captain King visits a Chinese of the first Distinction at Canton—His Return to Macao—Great Demand for the Sea-Otter Skins—Earnest Desire of our Seamen to return to Cook's River for Skins—Plan of a Voyage for opening a Fur Trade on the Western Coast of North America, and making further Discoveries in the Neighbourhood of China and Japan—Nautical Observations—Price of Provisions at Canton.

WE continued working to windward till about six o'clock in the afternoon, when we let go our anchors, by the direction of the Chinese pilot on board the Resolution, who was [Page 221] of opinion, that the tide was now se [...]ting against us. In this particular, however, he was greatly deceived; for, upon our making the experiment, we discovered, that it set towards the north till ten o'clock. The next morning▪ (Wednesday the 1 [...]t of December) he fell into an error of a similar kind; for, at five, on the appearance of slack water, he directed that we should get under way; but the ignorance he had before manifested had put us upon our guard. We were therefore willing to be convinced, by our own observations, before we weighed anchor; and, on examining the tide, we found a strong under-tow, in consequence of which we were obliged to keep fast till eleven o'clock. It appears from these circumstances, that the tide had run down for the space of twelve hours.

We stood on our tacks, during the afternoon, between the Grand Ladrone and the island of Potoe, having passed to the east of the latter. The tide beginning to ebb at nine o'clock, we again cast anchor in six fathoms water; the town of Macao being at the distance of nine or ten miles, in a north-west direction; and the isle of Potoe bearing south half west, six or seven miles distant.

Potoe is situated about two leagues to the north-north-west of that island, which, as we have already mentioned, we at first considered as a part of the Grand Ladrone. It is rocky, and [Page 222] of small extent; and off its western extremity there is said to be foul ground, though, when we passed near it, we did not perceive any.

On the 2d of December, in the morning, one of the Chinese contractors, who are known by the appellation of Compradors, came on board the Resolution, and sold to Captain Gore as much beef as weighed two hundred pounds, together with a considerable quantity of eggs, oranges, and greens. The Discovery received a proportional share of these articles; and an agreement was made with the comprador to provide us a daily supply, for which, however, he insisted on our paying him before-hand.

As our pilot now pretended that he could conduct the ships no further, Captain Gore was under the necessity of discharging him; and we were left to our own guidance and direction. At two o'clock in the afternoon, the tide flowing, we took up our anchors, and worked to windward; and, at seven, anchored again in three fathoms and a half of water; at which time Macao bore west, at the distance of one league. This was, indeed, a very ineligible situation; for it was exposed to the north-east, and had shoal water, not exceeding two fathoms and a half in depth, to leeward; but as, in the narrative of Lord Anson's voyage, no nautical description is given of the harbour wherein the Centurian anchored, and Mr. Dalrymple's general map was on too [Page 223] small a scale to be of much service in directing us, our ships were obliged to continue there during the whole night.

Captain Gore, in the evening, dispatched Captain King to Macao, to pay a visit to the Portuguese Governor, and to request the favour of his assistance in supplying our people with provisions, which he imagined might be done on more moderate terms than the Comprador would undertake to furnish them. Captain King, at the same time, took an account of the naval stores, of which both our ships were in great want, with an intention of repairing immediately to Canton, and making application to the servants of our East-India company, who resided there at that time.

Upon Mr. King's arrival at the citadel, he was informed by the fort-major, that the governor was indisposed, and was therefore unwilling to receive visitors, but that we might depend on meeting with every assistance in their power. This, however, Mr. King understood would be very inconsiderable, since they were perfectly dependent on the Chinese even for their deily support. Indeed, the answer that was returned to Mr. King's first request, furnished a sufficient proof of the reduced state of the Portuguese power; for, on his signifying to the Major his desire of proceeding to Canton as soon as possible, the latter acquainted him, that they could [Page 224] not presume to provide a boat for him, till permission had been obtained from the Hoppo, or officer of the customs; and that it was necessary to apply, for this purpose, to the Chinese government at Canton.

Captain King's mortification at so unexpected a delay, could be equalled only by the eager impatience with which we had so long waited for an opportunity of gaining information with regard to European affairs. It not unfrequently happens, that amidst the ardent pursuit of an object, we neglect the most obvious means of attaining it. This was, indeed, Mr. King's case at present; for he was returning to the ship in a state of great dejection, when the Portuguese officer, who accompanied him, asked him whether he did not intend to visit the English gentlemen at Macao. It is unnecessary to add with what transport Mr. King received the intelligence conveyed to him by this question; as well as with what anxious hopes and fears, what a conflict between curiosity and apprehension, his mind was agitated, as he and his companions walked towards the house of one of their countrymen. The reception they met with was by no means deficient in civility or kindness, though, from the state of agitation they were in, it appeared to them rather cold and formal. In their inquiries as far as regarded objects of private concern, they obtained, as was indeed to be expected, [Page 225] little or no satisfaction; but the occurrences of a public nature, which had happened since the period of our departure from England, and which now, for the first time, burst all at once upon them, overwhelmed all other feelings, and almost deprived them, for some time, of the power of reflection.

The information now received by Mr. King and his attendants, being communicated to those who remained on board, we continued, for several days, to question each other with respect to the truth of it, as if desirous of seeking, in doubt and suspence, for that consolation, which the reality of our misfortunes seemed entirely to exclude. To these sensations the most poignant regret succeeded, on finding ourselves cut off, at so great a a distance, from the scene, where, we supposed, the fate of contending fleets and armies was continually deciding.

The intelligence we had gained concerning the state of affairs in Europe, rendered us the more anxious to accelerate our departure as much as we possibly could. Captain King, therefore, renewed his endeavours to procure a passage to Canton, but did not meet with success at present. He was now informed, that the difficulty arising from the settled policy of the country, would, in all probability, be greatly augmented by an incident which had occurred a few weeks before our arrival. Captain Panton had been sent from [Page 226] Madras, in a ship of war of twenty-five guns, called the Sea-horse, for the purpose of urging the payment of a debt which the Chinese merchants of Canton owed to private British subjects in Europe and India, and which amounted, as we understood, to almost a million sterling, including the principal and compound interest. With this view, he was directed to make a peremptory demand of an audience of the viceroy of Canton, which after some delay, and not before recourse had been had to menaces, was at length granted. The answer he received, with regard to the subject of his mission, was fair and satisfactory: but he had no sooner departed, than an edict was stuck up in the public places of the city, and on the houses of the Europeans, prohibiting all foreigners from lending money, on any pretence whatever, to the subjects of the emperor of China.

This procedure had given occasion for very serious alarms at Canton. The Chinese merchants, who had contracted the debt, in opposition to the commercial laws of their country, and partly denied the justice of the demand, were apprehensive lest some intelligence of this should be conveyed to Pekin; in which case the emperor, who is represented as a just and rigid prince, might perhaps punish them with the confiscation of their property, if not with the loss of their lives. On the other hand, the Select Committee [Page 227] at the English factory, to whom the Presidency of Madras had recommended, in strong terms, the cause of the claimants, entertained violent apprehensions of embroiling themselves with the Chinese government at Canton, and of occasioning, by that means, great and perhaps irreparable detriment to the East-India Company's affairs in China. For the Mandarines, as Captain King was further informed, were constantly prepared to take occasion, even on the most trivial grounds, to obstruct their commerce; and it was frequently a very difficult matter, and always attended with expence, to get such restraints taken off. These impositions were continually augmenting; and, indeed, Mr. King found it the general opinion, in all the European factories, that they should, probably, in a short time, be reduced to the mortifying alternative, either of quitting their commercial intercourse with China, or enduring the same indignities to which the Dutch are subjected in the Japanese dominions.

The arrival of our two ships, at such a time, could not fail of giving rise to fresh alarms. Captain King, therefore, finding there was no prospect of his proceeding to Canton, dispatched a letter to the Committee of the English Supercargoes, to inform them of the reason of our putting into the Tygris, and to request their assistance in procuring him a passport, as well as in forwarding the stores we had occasion for (of [Page 228] which Mr. King sent them a list) with all possible expedition.

The following morning, Captain King was accompanied on board by our countrymen; who acquainting us with the situation of the Typa, we weighed anchor between six and seven o'clock, and steered towards it; but the wind sailing, we again came too, at eight, in three fathoms and a half; the Grand Ladrone bearing south-east by south, and Macao west-north-west, at the distance of three miles.

The Portuguese sort was here saluted by the Resolution with eleven guns, and the compliment was returned by an equal number. Early in the morning of the 4th, we weighed again, and stood into the Typa, where we moored with the stream anchor and cable to the west.

As the Comprador, with whom we at first engaged, had taken the liberty of going off with a small sum of money, which he had received from us before-hand for the purchase of provisions, we entered into an agreement with another, who supplied both our vessels during the whole time of our continuance here. This was done with secrecy, and in the night, on pretence of its being contrary to the established regulations of the port; but we were inclined to suspect, that all this caution was practised either with a view of enhancing the price of the articles provided by him, or of securing to himself the emoluments of his [Page 229] contract, without being under the necessity of sharing them with the Mandarines.

On Thursday the 9th, Captain Gore received an answer from the English Supercargoes at Canton, in which they promised to exert their most strenuous endeavours in procuring the supplies of which we were in want, with all possible dispatch, and assured him, that a passport should be sent for one of our officers; expressing their hopes, at the same time, that we were sufficiently acquainted with the character of the Chinese administration, to impute any delays, that might unavoidably occur, to their true cause.

The next day, an English merchant, from one of our East-Indian settlements, made application to Captain Gore for the assistance of a few of his people, to navigate as far as Canton a vessel which he had purchased at Macao. Captain Gore, considering this as a good opportunity for Mr. King to repair to that city, gave orders, that he should take with him his second lieutenant, the lieutenant of marines, and ten sailors.

Though this was not the exact mode in which Captain King could have wished to visit Canton, yet as it was highly uncertain when the passport would arrive, and his presence might be of great service in expediting the requisite supplies; he did not scruple to go on board the vessel, having left orders with Mr. Williamson to prepare the Discovery for sea with all convenient spee [...] and [Page 230] make such additions and improvements in her upper works, as might contribute to render her more defensible. That the series of our astronomical observations might not be interrupted by his absence, he entrusted Mr. Trevenen with the care of continuing them; as he reposed a perfect confidence in the abilities and assiduity of that gentleman.

Mr. King and his attendants quitted the harbour of Macao on Saturday the 11th; and sailing round the south-eastern extreme of the island, steering a northerly course, leaving on their right-hand, as they passed along, Lantao Lintin, and several isles of smaller extent. All these islands, as well as that of Macao, which is situated to the left, are totally destitute of wood: the land is high and unfertile, and is not inhabited, except occasionally by fishermen.

As they approached the Bocca Tygris, which is near forty miles distant from Macao, the coast of China appeared to the eastward in steep white cliffs. The two forts, that command the mouth of the river, were, at this time, exactly in the same state they were in when Lord Anson was here. That which stands to the left is a fine old castle, environed by a grove of trees, and has a pleasing and romantic aspect.

The vessel was here visited by an officer of the customs; upon which occasion, the person to whom it belonged, being apprehensive that, if [Page 231] our party should be discovered on board, it would produce some alarm, and might perhaps be attended with disagreeable consequences, requested them to retire into the cabin below.

Above these forts, the breadth of the river is variable, the banks being flat and low, and subject to great inundations from the tide. The land on both sides, is level, and laid out in fields of rice; but, as our party advanced, it was observed to rise gradually into hills of considerable declivity, whose sides were cut into terraces, and planted with sugar-canes, yams, sweet potatoes, the cotton tree, and plantains. They also perceived many lofty pagodas, dispersed about the country, and several towns at a distance, some of which seemed to be of great magnitude.

Their progress being retarded by contrary winds, and the lightness of the vessel, they did not arrive at Wampu, which is no more than nine leagues from the Bocca Tygris, till the 18th. Wampu is a small town, off which the ships of the various nations, who trade with the Chinese are stationed, in order to receive their respective ladings. It is asserted by Monsieur Sonnerat, that the river, higher up, is not sufficiently deep for the admission of vessels that are heavily laden, even if the policy of the Chinese had permitted Europeans to navigate them up to Canton. With respect to this circumstance, however, we cannot pretend to decide, as no stranger, we believe, [Page 232] has been allowed to inform himself with certainty of the truth. The little islands, that are situated opposite the town, are appropriated to the several factories, who have erected werehouses for the reception of the various articles of merchandize which are brought down from Canton.

At Wampu, Captain King embarked in a sampane, or Chinese boat, and immediately proceeded to Canton, which is eight or nine miles higher up the river. These sampanes are the neatest and most commodious boats for passengers that Mr. King ever saw. They are of different sizes, of great breadth upon the beam, nearly flat at the bottom, and narrow at the head and stern, which are elevated, and embellished with ornaments. The middle part, where Mr. King sat, was arched over with a roof made of bamboo, which may, at pleasure, be raised or lowered; in the sides were small windows which had shutters to them; and the apartment was furnished with tables, chairs, and handsome mats. A small waxen idol was placed in the stern, in a case of gilt leather. Before this image stood a pot, that contained lighted tapers made of matches, or dry chips, and gum. The fare of this boat amounted to a Spanish dollar.

Captain King reached Canton in the evening, and disembarked at the English factory, where though his arrival was wholly unexpected, he was received with every mark of civility and respect. [Page 233] Messrs. Fitzhugh, Bevan, and Rapier, composed, at this time, the Select Committee; and the former of these gentlemen acted as President. They immediately gave Mr. King an inventory of those stores with which the East-India ships were able to supply us; and though he did not entertain the smallest doubt, that the commanders were willing to assist us with whatever they could spare, consistently with a regard to the interest of their employers, as well as their own safety, yet it was a great disappointment to him to observe in their list scarcely any canvass or cordage, of both which articles we were chiefly in want. It afforded him, however, some consolation to find that the stores were ready to be shipped, and that the provisions we had occasion for might be had at a day's notice.

Mr. King being desirous of making his stay here as short as possible, requested that the gentlemen would endeavour to procure junks or boats for him the next day, as it was his intention to quit Canton the following one; but they gave him to understand, that a business of that nature was not to be transacted with such quickness in the Chinese dominions; that leave must previously be obtained from the Viceroy; that application must be made to the Hoppo, or principal officer of the customs, for chops, or permits; and that it was not customary to grant such favours without mature deliberation: in short, that patience [Page 234] was a virtue essentially necessary in China; and that they hoped they should have the pleasure of rendering the factory agreeable to him, for a few days longer than he seemed inclined to favour them with his company.

Though Captain King was not much disposed to be pleased with this compliment, he could not avoid being diverted with an incident which occurred very seasonably to convince him of the truth of their representations, and of the suspicious character that distinguishes the Chinese. Our readers will doubtless recollect, that it was now upwards of a fortnight since Captain Gore had written to the gentlemen of the factory, to solicit, their assistance in gaining permission for one of his officers to repair to Canton. In consequence of this application they had mention [...] the affair to one of the principal Chinese merchants of that city, who had promised to interest himself in our behalf, and to petition the Viceroy to grant our request. This person came to visit Mr. Fitzhugh, the President, while he and his colleagues were conversing with Captain King on the subject, and informed him, with great complacency and satisfaction in his countenance, that he had at length met with success in his solicitations, and that a passport would be issued in a few days for one of the officers of the Ladrone ship, or pirate. Mr. Fitzhugh immediately desired him not to give himself any further trouble [Page 235] in this business, as the officer (pointing to Captain King) was already arrived. The consternation, with which the old Chinese merchant was seized on hearing this intelligence, is almost inconceivable. His head sunk instantaneosly upon his breast, and the sofa, on which he sat, shook, from the violence of his emotion. Whether the Ladrone ship (as he called it) was the object of his apprehensions, or his own government, Captain King could not determine; but, after he had continued a few minutes in this state of agitation, Mr. Bevan begged him not to despair, and acquainted him with the manner in which the Captain had passed from Macao, the motives of his journey to Canton, and his wishes to quit that city as soon as possible. As this last circumstance seemed to be particularly agreeable to the old man, Mr. King flattered himself that he should find him disposed to accelerate his departure; but he had no sooner recovered from his consternation, than he began to recount the unavoidable delays that would occur in our business, the difficulty of obtaining an audience of the Viceroy, the jealousies and suspicions entertained by the Mandarines with regard to our real designs, which, he affirmed, had risen to an uncommon height, from the strange account that we had given of ourselves.

After Captain King had waited several days, with great impatience, for the issue of his negotiation, [Page 236] without finding that the affair was in the least advanced towards a conclusion, he made application to the commander of an English country ship, who intended to sail on the 25th, and who offered to take on board the men and stores, and to lie too, unless the weather should prevent him, off Macao, till we could dispatch boats to receive them out of his vessel. He at the same time apprised Captain King of the danger he might perhaps incur of being driven with them out to sea.

While Mr. King was considering what steps he should take, the commander of another country ship, presented him with a letter from Captain Gore, importing that he had engaged this commander to bring our party from Canton, and to deliver our supplies, at his own hazard, in the Typa. All difficulties being thus removed, Mr. King had leisure to bestow some attention on the purchase of our stores and provisions, which he completed on the 26th; and on the succeeding day, the whole stock was conveyed on board.

Captain Gore being of opinion, that Canton would be the most advantageous market for furs, had desired Mr. King to take with him about twenty skins of sea-otters; most of which had been the property of our deceased Commanders, and to dispose of them at the best price he could obtain; a commission which furnished him with an opportunity of becoming acquainted, in some [Page 237] degree, with the genius of the Chinese for trade. Mr. King having informed some of the English supercargoes of these circumstances, requested that they would recommend him to some reputable Chinese merchant, who would at once offer him a reasonable price for the skins. They accordingly directed him to a member of the Hong, (an appellation given to a society of the principal merchants of the city) who being fully apprised of the nature of the business, seemed to be sensible of the delicacy of Mr. King's situation, and assured him that he might rely on his integrity, and that, in an affair of this kind, he should consider himself as a mere agent, without seeking to acquire any profit for himself.

The skins being laid before this merchant, he examined them over and over again with particular attention, and at last informed Captain King, that he could not think of offering more than three hundred dollars for them. As the Captain was convinced, from the price at which our skins had been sold in Kamtschatka, that he had not offered one half of their value, he found himself obliged to drive a bargain. He therefore in his turn, demanded a thousand dollars; the Chinese merchant then advanced to five hundred; after which he offered Mr. King a private present of porcelain and tea, which amounted to a hundred more; then he proposed to give the same sum in money; and at length rose to seven [Page 238] hundred dollars, upon which the Captain lowered his demands to nine hundred. Here, each of them declaring that he would not recede, they parted; but the Chinese speedily returned with a list of East-Indian commodities, which he now desired that Mr. King would taken in exchange, and which (as the Captain was afterwards informed) would have amounted in value, if faithfully delivered, to double the sum the merchant had before offered. Finding the Captain unwilling to deal in this mode, he finally proposed, that they should divide the difference, which Mr. King, weary of the contest, agreed to, and received the eight hundred dollars.

Captain King, from the ill health under which he at present laboured, had but little reason to lament the very narrow bounds, within which every European at Canton is obliged, by the suspicious policy of the Chinese, to confine his curiosity. He would otherwise, doubtless, have felt himself extremely tantalized with living under the walls of a city of such magnitude, and so replete with objects of novelty, without being permitted to enter it.

The accounts of Canton, as well as of the other parts of China, by Le Comte and Du Halde, most of our readers have, in all probability, perused. Thes [...] authors have lately been charged by Monsieur Sonnerat with having been guilty of great exaggeration; for which reason the subsequent [Page 239] remarks collected by Captain King from the intelligence which he received from several English gentlemen, who had resided a long time at Canton, may not improperly be introduced.

The circumference of Canton, including the old and new town, and also the suburbs, is about ten miles. With regard to its population, Mr. King, judging of the whole from what he saw in the suburbs, is of opinion, that it falls considerably short of an European town of equal magnitude. Le Comte has estimated the number of its inhabitants at one million five hundred thousand; Du Halde at a million; and M. Sonnerat affirms he has ascertained that their number does not exceed seventy-five thousand ^*: but, as this gentleman has not thought proper to communicate to us the grounds on which he founded his calculation, and, besides, seems to be as much inclined to depreciate whatever relates to the Chinese nation, as the Jesuits may be to magnify, his opinion does not lay claim to an implicit assent. The following particulars may perhaps enable our readers to form a judgment on this point with some degree of accuracy.

It is certain, that a Chinese house, in general, occupies more space than is commonly taken up by houses in Europe; but the proportion of four [Page 240] or five to one, suggested by M. Sonnerat, must be acknowledged to go far beyond the truth. To this we may add, that a considerable number of houses, in the suburbs of Canton, are kept only for the purposes of commerce, by merchants and opulent tradesmen, whose families reside entirely within the walls. On the other hand, a Chinese family, upon an average is more numerous than an European. A Mandarine, in proportion to his rank and property, has from five to twenty wives. A merchant has from three to five. A person of the latter class at Canton, had, indeed, five and twenty wives, and six and thirty children; but this was mentioned to Captain King as a very uncommon circumstance. A wealthy tradesman has generally two wives; and people of an inferior station very rarely have more than one. They have, at least double the number of servants employed by Europeans of the same rank. If, therefore, we suppose a Chinese family to be larger by one third, and an European house less by two-thirds, than each other, a city of China will comprehend only half the number of people contained in a town of the same extent in Europe. According to these postulata, the city and suburbs of Canton may contain, in all probability, about a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants.

Captain King found various opinions entertained respecting the number of inhabited sampanes: but none computed them to be under forty [Page 241] thousand. They are moored in rows, close to each other, a narrow passage being left, at intervals for the boats to pass and repass on the river. The Tygris, at Canton, being of greater width than the Thames at London, and the whole river, for the space at least of a mile, being covered in this manner, it does not appear that this estimate of their number is at all exaggerated; and if it be allowed, the inhabitants in the sampanes alone, each of which contains one family, must amount to almost thrice the number affirmed by M. Sonnerat to be in the whole city.

Fifty thousand men constitute the military force of the province of Quangtong; of which Canton is the capital. It is asserted, that twenty thousand are stationed in the city and its environs; and Captain King was assured, that, on occasion of some commotion which had happened at Canton, thirty thousand troops had been drawn together in the course of a few hours.

The streets of this city are long, and most of them are narrow and destitute of uniformity. They are well paved with large stones, and, in general, kept extremely clean. The houses are built of brick, and are only one story high. They have, for the most part, two or three courts backwards, in which are erected the warehouses for the reception of merchandize, and, in the houses within the city, the apartments for the females. Some of the meaner sort of people, [Page 242] though very few have their habitations composed of wood.

The houses of the European factors are built on a fine quay, having a regular facade of two stories towards the river. They are constructed, with respect to the inside, partly after the Chinese, and partly after the European mode. Adjoining to these are a considerable number of houses which belong to the Chinese, and are let out by them to the commanders of vessels, and to merchants, who make only an occasional stay.

As no European is permitted to take his wife with him to Canton, the English supercargoes live together, at a common table, which is maintained by the company; and each of them has also an apartment appropriated to himself, consisting of three or four rooms. The period of their residence rarely exceeds eight months in a year; and as, during that time, they are almost constantly occupied in the service of the company, they may submit, with the less uneasiness and regret, to the restrictions under which they live. They very seldom make any visits within the walls of Canton, except on public occasions. Indeed nothing contributed more to give Captain King an unfavourable opinion of the character of the Chinese, than his finding, that, among so many persons of ingenuous and liberal minds, as well as of amiable manners, several of whom had been resident in that country for near fifteen successive [Page 243] years, they had never formed any social connection or friendship.

As soon as the last ship departs from Wampu, they are all under the necessity of retiring to Macao; but they leave behind them all the money they possess in specie, which Mr. King was informed, sometimes amounts to a hundred thousand pounds sterling, and for which they have no other security than the seals of the Viceroy, the Mandarines, and the merchants of the Hong: a striking proof of the excellent police maintained in China.

Captain King, during his continuance at Canton, accompanied one of the English gentlemen on a visit to a person of the first distinction in the place. They were received in a long room or gallery, at the further end of which a table was placed, with a large chair behind it, and a row of chairs extending from it, on both sides, down the room. The captain having been previously instructed, that the point of politeness consisted in remaining unseated as long as possible, readily submitting to this piece of etiquette; after which he and his friend were treated with tea, and some fresh and preserved fruits. Their entertainer was very corpulent, had a dull heavy countenance, and displayed great gravity in his deportment. He had learned to speak a little broken English and Portugueze. After his two guests had taken their refreshment, he conducted them about his [Page 244] house and garden; and when he had shewn them all the improvements he was making, they took their leave.

Captain King being desirous of avoiding the trouble and delay that might attend an application for passports, as well as of saving the unnecessary expence of hiring a sampane, which he was informed amounted at least to twelve pounds sterling, had hitherto designed to go along with the supplies to Macoa, in the country merchant's ship we mentioned before: but receiving an invitation from two English gentlemen, who had found means to procure passports for four, he accepted, together with Mr. Philips, their offer of places in a Chinese boat, and entrusted Mr. Lannyon with the superintendance of the men and stores, which were to sail the following day.

On Sunday the 26th, in the evening, Captain King took his leave of the supercargoes, after having returned them thanks for their many favours; among which must be mentioned a present of a considerable quantity of tea, for the use of the companies of both ships, and a copious collection of English periodical publications. The latter proved a valuable acquisition to us, as they not only served to beguile our impatience, in the prosecution of our tedious voyage homewards, but also enabled us to return not wholly unacquainted with what had been transacting in our native country during our absence.

[Page 245]At one o'clock in the morning of the 27th, Messrs. King and Phillips, and the two English gentlemen, quitted Canton, and, about the same hour of the succeeding day, arrived at Macao, having passed down a channel situated to the west of that by which Mr. King had come up.

During the absence of our party from Macao, a brisk traffic had been carrying on with the Chinese for four sea-otter skins, the value of which had augmented every day. One of our sailors disposed of his stock, alone, for eight hundred dollars; and a few of the best skins, which were clean, and had been carefully preserved, produced a hundred and twenty dollars each. The total amount of the value, in goods and cash, that was obtained for the furs of both our vessels, we are confident was not less than two thousand pounds sterling; and it was the general opinion, that at least two-thirds of the quantity we had originally procured from the Americans, were by this time spoiled and worn out, or had been bestowed as presents, and otherwise disposed of, in Kamtschatka. If, in addition to these facts, we consider, that we at first collected the furs without having just ideas of their real value; that most of them had been worn by the savages from whom we purchased them; that little regard was afterwards shewn to their preservation; that they were frequently made use of as bed-clothes, and likewise for other purposes, [Page 246] during our cruize to the northward; and that, in all probability, we never received the full value for them in China; the benefits that might accrue from a voyage to that part of the American coast where we obtained them, undertaken with commercial views, will certainly appear of sufficient importance to claim the public attention.

So great was the rage with which our seamen were possessed to return to Cook's River, and there procure another cargo of skins, by which they might be enabled to make their fortunes, that, at one time, they were almost on the point of proceeding to a mutiny. And Captain King acknowledges, that he could not refrain from indulging himself in a project, which was first suggested to him by the disappointment we had met with in being compelled to leave the Japanese Archipelago, as well as the northern coast of China, unexplored; and he is of opinion, that this object may still be happily attained, by means of our East-India Company, not only with trifling expence, but even with the prospect of very beneficial consequences. The state of affairs at home, or perhaps greater difficulties in the accomplishment of his plan that he had foreseen, have hitherto prevented its being carried into execution; but, as the scheme seems to be well contrived, we hope the reader will not be displeased with inserting it here.

[Page 247]In the first place, Captain King proposes, that the East-India Company's China ships should, each, carry an additional number of men, making one hundred in the whole. Two vessels, one of two hundred tons, and the other of a hundred and fifty, might, with proper notice, (as Mr. King was informed) be purchased at Canton; and, as victualling is as cheap there as in Europe, he has calculated that they might be completely equipped for sea, with one year's provisions and pay, for the sum of six thousand pounds, including the purchase. The expence of the requisite articles for barter is very inconsiderable.

Mr. King particularly recommends that each of the ships should have a forge, five tons of unwrought iron, and a skilful smith, with an apprentice and journeyman, who might occasionally make such tools, as the Indians should appear to have the greatest inclination for possessing. For, though half a dozen of the finest skins, obtained by us, were purchased with twelve large green glass beads, yet it is very certain, that the fancy of these people, for ornamental articles, is extremely capricious and variable; and that the only sure commodity for their market is iron. To this might be added several bales of coarse woollen cloth, two or three barrels of glass and copper trinkets, and a few gross of large pointed case-knives.

[Page 248]The Captain proposes two vessels, not only for the greater security of the voyage, but because single ships ought never, in his opinion, to be sent out for the purpose of discovery. For where risques are frequently to be run, and uncertain and dangerous experiments tried, it can by no means be expected that single ships should venture so far, as where some security is provided against an unfortunate accident.

When the ships are prepared for sea, they will sail with the first south-west monsoon, which usually sets in about the commencement of the month of April. They will steer a northward course, with this wind, along the Chinese coast, beginning to make a more accurate survey from the mouth of the Nankin river, or the river Kyana, in the 30th degree of latitude, which is supposed to be the remotest limit of this coast hitherto visited by European vessels.

The extent of the great gulph called Whang Hay, or the yellow Sea, being at present unknown, it may be left to the Commander's discretion, to proceed up it as far as he may think proper: he must be cautious, however, not to entangle himself in it too far, lest he should not have sufficient time left for the prosecution of the remainder of his voyage. The same discretion may be used, when he has reached the straits of Tessoi, with regard to the islands of Jeso, which, [Page 249] if the wind and weather should be favourable, he must not neglect to explore.

Having arrived in the latitude of 51° 40′, where he will make the most southerly point of the isle of Sagaleen, beyond which we have a considerable knowledge of the sea of Okotsk he will steer towards the south, probably about the beginning of June, and exert his endeavours to fall in with the most southern of the Kurile islands. If the accounts of the Russians may be depended on, Ooroop, or Nadeschda, will furnish the ships with a commodious harbour, where they may recruit their wood and water, and provide themselves with such refreshments as the place may afford.

About the end of June the commander will direct his course to the Shummagins, whence he will proceed to Cook's River, purchasing, in his progress, as many skins as possible, without losing too much time, since he ought to sail again to the southward, and trace the coast with the utmost accuracy between the 56th and 50th degrees of latitude, the space where contrary winds drove us out of sight of land.

It must be here observed, that Captain King considers the purchase of skins, in this expedition, as a secondary concern, for defraying the expence; and from our experience in the present voyage, there is no reason to doubt that two hundred and fifty skins, each worth a hundred [Page 250] dollars, may be obtained without low of time; particularly as they will, in all probability, be met with along the coast to the south of Cook's River.

The Commander, after having continued about three months on the American coast, will set out on his return to China in the former part of October, taking care, in his route, to avoid as much as possible, the tracks of preceding navigators. All that remains to be added on this subject, is, that if the fur trade should become an established object of Indian commerce, many opportunities will occur of completing whatever may have been left unfinished, in the voyage of which the outlines are here delineated.

A very ludicrous alteration took place in the dress of all our crew, in consequence of the barter which the Chinese had carried on with us for our sea-otter skins. On our arrival in the Typa, not only the sailors, but likewise the young officers, were extremely ragged in their apparel; for, as the voyage had now exceeded, almost by a year, the time it was [...]ot first supposed we should continue at sea, the far greater part of our original stock of European clothes had been long ago worn out, or repaired and patched up with skins, and the different manufactures we meet with in the course of the expedition. These were now mixed and eked out with the gayest silks, and cottons that China could produce.

[Page 251]Mr. Lannyon arrived on the 30th, with the stores and provisions, which, without delay, were stowed in due proportion on board of our two vessels. The following day, in compliance with an agreement made by Captain Gore, Mr. King sent the Discovery's sheet anchor to the country ship, and, in return, received the guns by which she before rode.

While we remained in the Typa, Captain King was shewn in the garden of an English gentlemen at Macao, the rock, under which, according to the traditional accounts, Camoens, the celebrated Portuguese poet, was accustomed to sit and compose his Lusiad. It is an arch of considerable height, consisting of one solid stone, and forming the entrance of a grotto dug out of the elevated ground behind it. Large spreading trees overshadow the rock, which commands a beautiful and extensive prospect of the sea, and the islands dispersed about it.

On Tuesday the 11th of January, 1780, two sailors belonging to the Resolution went off with a six-oared cutter; and though the most diligent search was made, both that and the succeeding day, we never could gain any intelligence of her. It was imagined, that these seamen had been seduced by hopes of acquiring a fortune, if they should return to the fur islands.

As, during our continuance in the Typa, we heard nothing with respect to the measurement [Page 252] of the ships, we may reasonably conclude, that the point so strongly contested, in Commodore Anson's times by the Chinese, has, in consequence of his courage and firmness, never since been insisted on.

According to the observations that were made while our vessels lay here, the harbour of Macao is situated in the latitude of 22° 12′ north, and the longitude of 113° 47′ east; our anchoring-place in the Typa, in the latitude of 22° 9′ 20″ north, and the longitude of 113° 48′ 34″ east; and the variation of the compass was 19′ west. It was high water in the Typa, on the full and change days, at a quarter after five o'clock, and, in the harbour of Macao, at fifty minutes after five: the greatest rise was six feet one inch. The flood seemed to come from the south-east; but, on account of the numerous islands lying off the mouth of the river of Canton, we could not properly ascertain that point.

[Page 213]

CHAP. X.

The ships rendered more defensible—Orders of the French Court relative to Captain Cook—Quit the Typa—Strike Soundings on the Macclesfield Bank —Pulo Sapata described—. Steer for Pulo Condore —Cast Anchor in a Harbour of that Island—The Captains Gore and King land there—Captain King's Journey to the principal Town—Description of the Town—Of the habitation of the Chief—Ineffectual search for the Remains of an English Fort—Copy of a French Certificate—A Mandarin, named Luco, visits the ships—Information received from him—The Launches dispatched to bring away some Buffaloes—Singular Gentleness of these Animals towards children—Supplies of Wood and Water—Pulo Condore described—Account of the Harbour—Animal and Vegetable Produce of the Island—Persons and Disposition of the Inhabitants—Presents to the Mandarin and the Bishop of Adran—Astronomical and Nautical Observations.

WE unmoored on the 12th of January, at twelve o'clock, and scaled the guns, which, on board the Discovery, amounted at this time to ten; so that her people, by means of four additional ports, could fight seven on a side. In the Resolution likewise, the number of guns had [Page 254] been augmented from twelve to sixteen; and, in each of our vessels, a strong barricade had been carried round the upper works, and all other precautions taken to give our inconsiderable force a respectable appearance.

We considered it as our duty to furnish ourselves with these means of defence, though there was some reason to believe, that they had, in a great measure, been rendered superfluous by the generosity of our enemies. Captain King had been informed at Canton, that, in the public prints, which had last arrived from Great Britain, mention was made of instructions having been found on board all the French ships of war, that had been taken in Europe, importing, that their commanders, if they should happen to fall in with the ships which had sailed from England under the command of Captain Cook, should suffer them to proceed unmolested on their voyage. It was also reported, that the American Congress had given similar orders to the vessels employed in their service. This intelligence being further confirmed by the private letters of some of the supercargoes, Captain Gore deemed it incumbent on him, in return for the liberal exceptions which our enemies had made in our favour, to refrain from embracing any opportunities of capture, which these might afford, and to maintain the strictest neutrality during the whole of his voyage.

[Page 255]Having got under sail, about two o'clock in the afternoon, the Resolution saluted the fort of Macao with eleven guns, and the salutation was returned with an equal number. The wind failing at five, the ship missed stays, and drove into shallow water; but an anchor being quickly carried out, she was hauled off without sustaining any damage.

The calm continuing, we were under the necessity of warping out into the entrance of the Typa, which we gained by eight in the evening, and remained there till nine o'clock the following morning; when, being assisted by a fresh easterly breeze, we stood to the south between Wungboo and Potoe. At twelve a Swedish vessel saluted us as she passed us on her way to Europe. At four in the afternoon, the Ladrone was about two leagues distant in an eastern direction.

We now steered south half east, having a fresh breeze from the east-north-east point, without any remarkable occurrence, till the 15th at noon; at which time, our latitude being 18° 57′, and our longitude 114° 13′ and the wind shifting to the north, we directed our course rather more to the eastward, with a view of striking soundings over the Macclesfield bank. This we accomplished on the 16th, at eight o'clock in the evening, and found that the depth of water was fifty fathoms, over a bottom consisting of white sand [Page 256] and shells. We judge this part of the Macclesfield shoals to be in the latitude of 25° 51′, and the longitude of 114° 20′; which computation exactly coincides with the position assigned in Mr. Dalrymple's map, whose general accuracy was confirmed, in this instance, by many lunar observations. The variation was found, in the forenoon, to be 39′ west.

We had strong gales from the east by north, on the 17th, with a rough turbulent sea, and gloomy weather. On the succeeding day, the sea continuing to run high, and the wind to blow with violence, we changed our course to south-west by south; and, at twelve o'clock, being in the longitude 112°, and the latitude of 12° 34′, we began to steer mo [...]e to the westward for Pulo Sapata, of which we had sight on the 19th, about four in the afternoon. It was, at that time, twelve or fourteen miles distant, bearing north-west by west.

This island, which is denominated Sapata, from its resembling a shoe in figure, is small, elevated, and unfertile. According to our observations, it is situated in the latitude of 10° 4′ north, and the longitude of 109° 10′ east.

The fury of the gale was now so much augmented, and the sea ran so high, that we were obliged to close-reef the top-sails. Our ships during the three last days, had out-run their reckoning at the rate of twenty miles in a day; [Page 257] and, as this could not be wholly attributed to the effects of a following sea, we partly ascribed it to a current, which, according to Captain King's calculation, had set, between the noon of the 19th, and the noon of the 20th, forty-two miles to the south south-westward; and is taken into the account in fixing the position of Sapata.

Having passed this island, we stood to the westward, and, at midnight, sounded, and found a bottom of fine sand at the [...] fathoms. The violence of the wind abating in the morning of the 20th, we let out the reefs, and directed our course to the west by south for Pulo Condore. Our latitude at noon was 8° 46′ north, and our longitude 106° 45′ east; and, between twelve and one, we had a view of that island, in a western direction.

At four o'clock in the afternoon, the extremes of Pulo Condore and the islands that are situated off it, bore south-east and south-west by west; and our distance from the nearest islands was about two miles. We sailed to the northward of the islands, and stood towards a harbour at the south-west end of Condore, which, having its entrance from the north-west, affords the best shelter during the north-east monsoon. At six o'clock we anchored in six fathoms water, with the best bower; and the Discovery was kept steady with a stream anchor and cable towards the south-east. When moored, the extremities of [Page 258] the entrance of the harbour bore west-north-west a quarter west, and north by west; the opening at the upper end bore south-east by east three quarters east; and we were about two furlong distant from the nearest part of the shore.

We had no sooner let go our anchors, than Captain Gore fired a gun, with a view of giving the inhabitants notice of our arrival, and drawing them towards the shore; but it had no effect. Early the next morning parties were dispatched to cut wood, as Captain Gore's principal motive for touching at this island was to supply the ships with that article. During the afternoon a sudden gust of wind broke the stream-cable, by which the Discovery rode, and obliged her people to moor with the bower anchors.

As none of the islanders had yet made their appearance, notwithstanding the firing of a second gun, Captain Gore thought it adviseable to go ashore in search of them, that we might lose no time in opening a traffic for such provisions as the place could furnish us with. For this purpose, he desired Captain King to accompany him in the morning of the 22d: and, as the wind, at that time blew violently from the eastward, they did not think it consistent with prudence to coast in their boats to the town, which stands on the eastern side of the island, but rowed round the northern point of the harbour.

[Page 259]They had proceeded along the shore for the space of about two miles, when perceiving a road that led into a wood, they l [...]nded. Here Captain King left Captain Gore, and, attended by a midshipman, and four armed sailors, pursued the path, which appeared to point directly across the island. They passed through a thick wood, up a hill of considerable steepness, to the distance of a mile, when, after they had descended through a wood of equal extent, on the other side, they arrived in an open, level, sandy country, interspersed with groves of cabbage-palm and cocoa-nut trees, and cultivated spots of tobacco and rice.

Here they descried two huts, situate on the extremity of the wood, to which they directed their march. Before they came up to these habitations, they were observed by two men, who instantaneously ran away from them, notwithstanding all the peaceable and supplicating gestures our party could devise. On reaching the huts, Captain King, apprehending that the fight of so many armed men might terrify the natives, commanded his attendants to remain without, while he entered and reconnoitred alone. In one of the huts he found an elderly man, who was in a great consternation, and was preparing to retire with the most valuable of his effects that he was able to carry. Mr. King, however, found means, in a very short time, so entirely to dissipate his [Page 260] terrors, that he came out, and called to the two islanders, who were running away, to return.

Captain King and the old man now quickly came to a perfect understanding. A few signs, particularly that significant one of shewing a handfull of dollars, and then pointing to a herd of buffa [...]oes, as well as to the fowls that were running in considerable numbers about the huts, left him under no doubts with respect to the real objects of the Captain's visit. He immediately pointed to the spot where the town was situated and made Mr. King comprehend, that, by repairing thither, all his necessities would be supplied.

By this time the two fugitives had returned, and one of them was ordered by the old man to conduct our party to the town, as soon as an obstacle, of which they were not aware, should be removed. On their first leaving the wood, a herd of buffaloes, consisting of at least twenty, [...]an towards them, tossing up their heads, snuffing the air, and making a hideous roaring. They had followed our people to the huts, and now remained at a small distance drawn up in a body; and the old man signified to Captain King, that it would be extremely dangerous for our party to move, till the buffaloes had been driven into the woods: but these animals had become so enraged at the sight of them, that this was not accomplished without some difficulty. The men, indeed, [Page 261] were unable to effect it; but, to the surprise of Captain King and his companions, they called some little boys to their assistance, who speedily drove the animals out of sight. It afterwards appeared, that, in driving the buffaloes, and securing them, which is done by putting a rope through a hole made in their nostrils, it was customary to employ little boys, who, at times when the men would not venture to approach them, could stroke and handle them with impunity.

After the buffaloes had been driven off, our party were conducted to the town, which was about a mile distant; the road to it lying through a deep whitish sand. It stands near the sea-side, at the bottom of a retired bay, which affords good shelter during the prevalence of the south-west monsoon.

This town is composed of between twenty and thirty houses, which are built contiguous to each other. Besides these, there are six or seven others dispersed about the beach. The roof, the two ends, and the side that fronts the country, are constructed of reeds in a neat manner. The opposite side which faces the sea, is perfectly open; but the inhabitants, by means of a kind of screens made of bamboo, can exclude or admit as much of the air and sun as they think proper. There are likewise other large screens, or partitions, which serve to divide, as occasion may [Page 262] require, the single room, of which the habitation, properly speaking, consists into seperate apartments.

The islander who acted as a guide to our party, conducted them to the largest house in the town, belonging to the chief, or (as the natives styled him) the Captain. At each extremity of this house was a room, separated by a partition of reeds from the middle space, which was unenclosed on either side, and was furnished with partition screens like the others. There was also a penthouse, which projected to the distance of four or five feet from the roof, and ran the whole length on each side. Some Chinese paintings, representing persons of both sexes in ludicrous attitudes, were hung at each end of the middle room. In this apartment our people were requested to seat themselves on mats, and betel was presented to them.

Captain King, by producing money, and pointing at different objects that were in sight, met with no difficulty in making one of the company, who seemed to be the principal person among them, comprehend the chief design of his visit; and as readily understood from him, that the Chief, or Captain, was, at this time, absent, but would quickly return; and that no purchase of any kind could be made without his concurrence and approbation.

[Page 263]Our party took advantage of the opportunity afforded them by this circumstance, to walk about the town: and did not omit searching, though ineffectually, for the remains of a fort, which some of our countrymen had built in the year 1702, near the spot they were now upon ^*. On their return to the house of the Captain, they were sorry to find, that he had not yet arrived, particularly as the time which had been fixed by Captain Gore, for their return to the boat, was nearly expired. The inhabitants desired them to protract their stay, and even proposed their passing the night there, offering to accommodate them in the best manner they were able.

Mr. King had observed, when he was in the house before, (and now remarked it the more) that the person above-mentioned frequently retired into one of the end rooms, where he continued a short time, before he answered the interrogatories [Page 264] that were put to him. This induced Mr. King to suspect, that the Captain had been there the whole time, though for reasons with which he himself was best acquainted, he did not think proper to make his appearance. He was confirmed in his opinion, by being stopped as he attempted to enter the room. At length, it evidently appeared, that Mr. King's suspicions were well founded; for, on his preparing to depart, the person who had passed in and out so many times, came from the room with a paper in his hand, and gave it to him for his perusal; and he was not a little surprised at finding it to be a kind of certificate, written in the French language, of which the following is a translation.

Peter Joseph George, Bishop of Adran, Apostolic Vicar of Cochin China, &c. The little Mandarin, who is the bearer hereof, is the real Envoy of the court to Pulo Condore, to attend there for the reception of all European vessels whose destination is to approach this place, &c.

A Sai-Gon, 10 August, 1776.

Captain King returned the paper, with many protestations of our people being the Mandarin's [Page 265] good friends, and requested he might be informed that they hoped he would do them the favour to pay them a visit on board the ships, that they might convince him of it. They now took their leave, being, upon the whole, well satisfied with what had happened, but full of conjectures with regard to this extraordinary French paper. Three of the inhabitants proposing to attend them back, they readily accepted the offer, and returned by the way they had come.

Captain Gore was extremely pleased at seeing them again, for, as they had exceeded their appointed time by almost an hour, he began to entertain apprehensions for their safety, and was preparing to march after them. He and his party had, during Mr. King's absence, been usefully occupied, in loading the boat with the cabbage-palm, which is very beautiful in this bay. The three guides were each presented with a dollar, as a compensation for their trouble; and a bottle of rum for the mandarin was entrusted to their care. One of them thought proper to accompany our people on board.

The Captains Gore and King rejoined the ships at two o'clock in the afternoon; and several of our shooting parties returned from the woods about the same time, having met with no great success, though they had seen a considerable variety of birds and other animals, some of which [Page 266] will be noticed in the course of the present chapter.

Six men, in a proa, rowed up to the ships at five o'clock, from the upper end of the harbour; and one of them, who was a person of a decent appearance, introduced himself to Captain Gore with an ease and politeness, which indicated that he had been accustomed to pass his time in other company than what Condore afforded. He brought with him the French certificate above transcribed, and gave us to understand, that he was the Mandarin mentioned in it. He could speak a few Portuguese words; but, as none of us had learned that language, we were under the necessity of having recourse to a black man on board, who was acquainted with the Malayan tongue, which is the general language of these islanders, and was understood by the Mandarin.

After some previous conversation, he informed us, that he professed the Christian faith, and had been baptized by the appellation of Luco; that he had been sent to this island in the preceding August, from Sai-gon, the capital of Cochin-China, and had waited, since that time, in expectation of some French vessels, which he was to conduct to a safe harbour, on the coast of Cochin-China, not above one day's sail from Condore. We told him that we were not of the French nation, but of the English; and asked [Page 267] him, whether he had not heard, that those two kingdoms were now at war with each other. He replied in the affirmative; but intimated to us at the same time, that it was a matter of indifference to him to what nation the ships he was directed to wait for appertained, provided their object was to enter into traffic with the people of Cochin-China.

He now produced another paper, which he requested us to peruse. This was a letter sealed up, and addressed "To the Captains of any European ships that may touch at Condore:" Though we supposed, that this letter was particularly intended for French vessels, yet, as the direction comprehended all European Captains, and at Luco was desirous of our reading it, we broke the seal, and perceived that it was written by the same bishop who wrote the certificate.

Its contents were to the following purport▪ "That he had reason to expect, by some intelligence lately received from Europe, that a ship would, in a short time, come to Cochin-China; in consequence of which news, he had prevailed on the court to dispatch a Mandarin (the bearer) to Pulo Condore, to wait its arrival: that if the vessel should touch there, the Captain might either send to him, by the bearer of this letter, an account of his having arrived or trust himself to the direction of the Mandarin, who would pilot the ship into a commodious port in Cochin-China, [Page 268] not exceeding a day's sail from Pulo Condore: that if he should he inclined to continue at this island till the return of the messenger, proper interpreters should be sent back, and any other assistance, which might be pointed out in a letter, should be furnished; that there was no occasion for being more particular, of which the commander himself must be sensible." This epistle had the same date with the certificate, and was returned to Luco, without our taking any copy of it.

From the whole of the Mandarin's conversation, as well as from this letter, we had little doubt that the vessel he expected was a French one. We found, at the same time, that he was desirous of not losing his errand, and was not unwilling to become our pilot. We could not discover from him the precise business which the ship he was waiting for designed to prosecute in Cochin-China. The black, indeed, who acted as our interpreter on this occasion, was exceedingly dull and stupid: we should, therefore, be sorry, having such imperfect means of information, to run the hazard of misleading our readers by any of our own conjectures, relative to the object of the Mandarin's visit to Pulo Condore. We shall only add, that he acquainted us, that the French vessels might perhaps have touched at Tirnon, and from thence sail to Cochin-China; and, as no intelligence of them had reached him, [Page 269] he imagined that this was most likely to have been the case.

Captain Gore afterwards inquired, what supplies could be procured from this island. Luco replied, that there, were two buffaloes belonging to him, which were at our service; and that there were considerable numbers of those animals on the island, which might be purchased for four or five dollars each; but Captain Gore thinking that sum very moderate, and appearing inclined to give a much greater for them, the price was speedily augmented to seven or eight dollars.

On the 23d, early in the morning, the launches of both our ships were dispatched to the town, to bring away the buffaloes which we had given orders for the purchase of; but they were under the necessity of waiting till it was high water, not being able, at any other time to make their way through the opening at the head of the harbour. Upon their arrival at the town, the surf broke against the beach with such fury, that it was not without the greatest difficulty that each of the launches brought a buffaloe on board in the evening, and the officers employed in this service declared it as their opinion, that, not only from the violence of the surf, but also from the ferosity of the buffaloes, it would be highly imprudent to attempt to bring off any more this way.

[Page 270]We had procured eight of these animals, and were now at a loss, in what manner we should get them on board. We could not conveniently kill more than just served for one day's consumption, as, in the climate in which we now were, meat would not keep till the next day. After consulting with the Mandarin on this point, it was determined that the remainder of the buffaloes should be driven through the wood, and over the hill down to the bay, where out two Captains had landed the preceding day; which being sheltered from the wind, was consequently more free from surf.

This plan was accordingly executed; but the intractableness and amazing strength of the animals rendered it a slow and difficult operation. The mode of conducting them was, by putting ropes through their nostrils, and round their horns; but when they were once enraged at the sight of our people, they became so furious, that they sometimes tore asunder the cartilage of the nostril, through which the ropes passed, and set themselves at liberty; at other times, they broke the trees, to which it was frequently found necessary to fasten them. On such occasions, all the endeavours of our men, for the recovery of them, would have been unsuccessful without the aid of some little boys, whom the buffaloes would suffer to approach them, and by whose puerile managements their rage was quickly appeased: [Page 271] and when, at length, they had been brought up to the beach, it was by their assistance, in twisting ropes about their legs, in the manner they were directed, that our people were [...]bled to throw them down, and, by that means, to get them into the boats.

A circumstance relative to these animals, which we considered as no less singular than their gentleness towards children, and seeming affection for them, was, that they had not been a whole day on board, before they were as tame as possible. Captain King kept two of them, one of each sex, for a considerable time, which became great favorites with the seamen. Thinking that a breed of animals of such magnitude and strength, some of which weighed, when dressed, seven hundred pounds, would be an acquisition of some value, he intended to have brought them with him to England; but that design was frustrated by an incurable hurt which one of them received at sea.

The buffaloes were not all brought on board before the 28th. We had no reason, however, to regret the time occupied in this service, since in that interval, two wells of excellent water had been found, in consequence of which discovery, part of the companies of both ships had been employed in providing a competent supply of it. We likewise procured a quantity of wood: so that a shorter stay would be requisite, in the [Page 272] Straits of Sunda, for recruiting our stock of the necessary articles. A party had also been engaged in drawing the seine, at the head of the harbour, where they caught a great number of good fish; and another party had been busied in cutting down the cabbage-palm, which was boiled and served out with the meat. Besides, as we obtained but an inconsiderable supply of cordage at Macao, the repairs of our rigging had become an object of constant attention, and demanded all the time we could conveniently spare.

Pulo Condore is elevated and mountainous, and is encompassed by several islands of inferior extent, some of which are about two miles distant, and others less than one mile. Its name signifies the island of Calabashes, being derived from two Malay words, Pulo implying an island, and Condore a Calabash, great quantities of which fruit are here produced. It is of a semi-circular form, and extends seven or eight miles from the most southerly point, in the direction of north-east. Its breadth, in any part, does not exceed two miles.

From the westernmost extreme, the land, for the space of about four miles, trends to the south-eastward; and opposite this part of the coast stands an island, called, by Monsieur D' Apres, in the Neptune Oriental, Little Condore, which extends two miles in a similar direction. This situation of the two islands affords a secure and [Page 273] convenient harbour, the entrance into which is from the north-westward. The distance of the two opposite coasts from each other is about three quarters of a mile, exclusive of a border of coral rock, running along each side, and stretching about a hundred yards from the s [...]ore.

The anchorage in this harbour is very good, the depth of water being from five to eleven fathoms; but the bottom is so soft and clayey, that we meet with considerable difficulty in weighing our anchors. There is shallow water towards the bottom of the harbour, for the extent of about half a mile, beyond which the two islands make so near an approach to each other, that they leave only a passage at high water for boats. The most commodious watering-place is at a beach on the eastern side, where we found a small stream that supplied us with fourteen or fifteen tons of water in a day.

With regard both to animal and vegetable productions, Pulo Condore is greatly improved since the time it was visited by Dampier. Neither that navigator, nor the compiler of the East-India Directory, mention any other quadrupeds than hogs, (which are said to be extremely scarce) lizards, and guanoes; and the latter asserts, upon the authority of Monsieur Dedier, a French engineer, who surveyed this island about the year 1720, that none of those fruits and es [...]ulent plants, which are so frequently met with in the [Page 274] other parts of India, are to be found here, except chibbols (a small sort of onion) water-melons, little black beans, small gourds, and a few potatoes. At present, besides the buffaloes, of which animals we were informed there were several large herds, we purchased from the inhabitants some remarkably fine hogs, of the Chinese breed. They brought us three or four of a wild species; and our sportsmen affirmed, that they perceived their tracks in many parts of the woods, which likewise abounded with monkies and squirrels; these, however, were so shy, that it was difficult to shoot them.

One species of the squirrel, here observed, was of a beautiful glossy black; and another sort had brown and white stripes. This is denominated the flying squirrel, from its being furnished with a thin membrane, resembling the wing of a bat, which extends on each side of the belly, from the neck to the thighs, and, on the animal's stretching out its legs, spreads, and enables it to fly from one tree to another at a considerable distance. Great numbers of lizards were seen; but we do not know that any of our people saw the guano, or another animal which Dampier ^* has described as resembling the guano, though far superior in size.

Among the vegetable improvements of Pulo Condore, may be reckoned the fields of rice [Page 275] that were observed: cocoa-nuts, pomegranates, oranges, shaddocks, plantains, and various sorts of pompious, were also found here; though, except the shaddocks and plaintains, in no great quantities.

From what we have already mentioned, respecting the Bishop of Adran▪ it is probable, that the island is indebted to the French for these improvements, which were introduced, perhaps, for the purpose of rendering it a more convenient place of refreshment for any of their vessels that may be destined for Cochin-China or Cambodia. Should they have formed, or intend to form any settlement in those regions, it is undoubtedly well situated for that purpose, as well as for annoying the commerce of their enemies, in time of war.

Though the woods are plentifully stocked with the feathered game, our sportsmen had very little success in their pursuit of them. One of our gentlemen was so fortunate as to shoot a wild hen; and all our shooting parties were unanimous in declaring, that they heard the crowings of the cocks on every side, which they said resembled that of our common cock, but was more shrill. They observed several of them on the wing, which, however, were extremely shy. The hen that was shot was of a speckled hue, and of the same shape with a full-grown pullet of this country, though somewhat inferior in magnitude. Monsieur Sonnerat has, in a long dissertation, [Page 276] endeavoured to prove, that he was the first person who ascertained the country to which this useful and beautiful bird belongs, and denies that Dampier met with it at this island.

The land near the harbour is a continued lofty hill, richly adorned, from the summit to the edge of the water, with a great variety of fine high trees. Among others, we saw that which is called by Dampier the tar-tree; but perceived none that were tapped, in the manner described by him.

The inhabitants of Pulo Condore, who are fugitives from Cochin-China and Cambodia, are not numerous. They are very swarthy in their complexion, of a short stature, and of a weak unhealthy aspect; and, as far as we had an opportunity of judging, of a gentle disposition.

We continued at this island till Friday the 28th of January; and, when the Mandarin took his leave of us, Captain Gore gave him, at his request, a letter of recommendation to the commanders of any other vessels that might put in here. He also bestowed on him a handsome present, and gave him a letter for the Bishop of Adran, together with a telescope, which he desired might be presented to him as a compliment for the favours we had received, through his means, at Pulo Condore.

The latitude of the harbour at Condore is 8° 40′ north; its longitude, deduced from many lunar [Page 277] observations, 106° 18′ 46″ east; and the variation of the compass was 14′ west. At the full and change of the moon it was high water at 4^h 15^m apparent time; after which the water continued for twelve hours, without any perceptible alteration, viz. till 16^h 15^m apparent time, when the ebb commenced; and at 22^h 15^m apparent time, it was low water. The transition from ebb [...]ng to flowing was very quick, being in less than five minutes. The water rose and fell seven feet four inches perpendicular.

[Page 278]

CHAP. XI.

Departure of the Ships from Pulo Condore—See Pulo Timoan—Pulo Puissang—Pulo Aor—Pulo Panjang—Islands called Dominis—Pulo Taya—Enter the Straits of Banca—Island of Lusepar [...]—Description of the country that borders on the Straits of Banca—The Sisters described—See the Island of Java—Enter the Straits of Sunda—Mr. Williamson sent on board a Dutch Ship to procure intelligence—Anchor at Cracatoa—Description of that Island—Proceed to Prince's Island—Supplies obtained there—Situation of the Watering-place there—Unhealthy Effects of the Climate of Java—The Crew of the Resolution in a more sickly State than that of the Discovery—A sudden Storm—Steer for the Cape of Good Hope—Anchor in Simon's Bay—The two Captains visit the Governor of the Cape—Description of False Bay—of Simon's Bay—Noah's Ark—Seal Island—Fruitless Attempt to get into Port Galway in Ireland—Steer to the north of Lewis Island—Anchor at Stromness—Concluding Remarks.

WE weighed anchor on the 28th, and had no sooner cleared the harbour, than we stood to the south-south-west for Pulo Timoan. On Sunday the 30th, at twelve o'clock, our latitude, [Page 279] by observation, being 5° north, and our longitude 104° 45′ east, we changed our course to south three quarters west, having a gentle north-easterly breeze, attended with fair weather.

The next morning, at two o'clock, our depth of water was forty-five fathoms, over a bottom of fine white sand. The latitude, at this time, was 4° 4′ north, the longitude 104° 29′ east, and the variation of the compass 31′ east. We had sight of Pulo Timoan at one in the afternoon; and, at three, it was nine or ten miles distant, bearing south-south-west three quarters west. This island is high and well furnished with wood, and has several small isles lying off it to the west.

At five o'clock, Pulo Puissang was seen, in the direction of south by east three quarters east; and, at nine, the weather being foggy, and having, from the effect of some current, out-run our reckoning, we were close upon Pulo Aor, in the latitude of 2° 46′ north, and the longitude of 104° 37′ east, before we were perfectly aware of it; in consequence of which we hauled the wind to the east-south-eastward. This course we prosecuted till midnight, and then steered south-south east for the Straits of Banca.

At noon, on the first day of February, the latitude was 1° 20′ north, and the longitude, deduced from a considerable number of lunar observations, was 105° east. We now stood to the south by east; and towards sun-set, the weather [Page 280] being clear and fine, we had a view of Pulo-Panjang; the body of the island bearing west-north-west, and the little islands, situated to the south-east of it, west half south, at the distance of seven leagues. Our latitude, at the same time, was 53′ north.

On Wednesday the 2d, at eight o'clock in the morning, we tried for soundings, continuing the same practice every hour, till we had passed the Straits of Sunda, and struck ground with twenty-three fathoms of line. At twelve, when our latitude by observation, was 22′ south, our longitude 105° 15′ east, and our depth of water twenty fathoms, we arrived in sight of the small islands known by the name of Dominis, lying off the eastern part of Lingen, and bearing from north 62° west to north 800 west, at the distance of fifteen or sixteen miles.

At this time we passed a great quantity of wood, drifting on the water; and, at one o'clock in the afternoon, Pulo Taya made its appearance, in the direction of south-west by west, seven leagues distant. It is a small elevated island, with two round peaks, and two detached rocks to the northward of it. When we were abreast of this island, our soundings were fifteen fathoms. We observed, during this and the preceding day, considerable quantities of a scum or spawn of a reddish hue, floating on the sea, in a southern direction.

[Page 281]We had sight of the Three Islands at day-break on the 3d; and not long afterwards, saw Monopin Hill, in the island of Banca. At twelve o'clock, this hill, which forms the north-eastern point of the entrance of the Straits of Banca, was six leagues distant, bearing south-east half south. Our depth of water, at that time, was seventeen fathoms; our latitude, by observation, 1° 48′ south; our longitude 105° 3′ east; and there was no perceptible variation in the compass. Having got to the west of the shoal, named Frederic Endric, we entered the straits between two and three, and bore away towards the south; and, in the course of the afternoon, Monopin Hill bearing due east, we ascertained its latitude to be 2° 3′ south, and its longitude 105° 18′ east.

About nine in the evening, a boat came off from the Banca shore; but after the crew had rowed round the ships, they immediately went away. We hailed them, in the Malayan tongue, to come on board, but no answer was returned. At midnight, finding that there was strong tide against us, we let go our anchors in twelve fathoms water, Monopin Hill bearing north 29° west.

In the morning of the 4th, after meeting with some difficulty in weighing our anchors, by reason of the stiff tenacious quality of the ground, we proceeded down the straits with the tide, the [Page 282] inconsiderable wind we had from the north dying away as the day advanced. At twelve o'clock the tide beginning to make against us, and there being a perfect calm, we cast anchor in thirteen fathoms water, at the distance of about one league from what is denominated the Third Point, on the Sumatra shore; Monopin Hill bearing north 54° west, and our latitude being 2° 22′ south, longitude 105° 38′ east.

We weighed at three in the afternoon, and continued our course through the straits with a gentle breeze. At eight o'clock, we were abreast of the Second Point, which we passed within two miles, in seventeen fathoms water; a sufficient proof, that vessels may border upon this point with safety. About midnight, we anchored again, on account of the tide, in thirteen fathoms; Mount Permissang, in the island of Banca, being in the direction of north 7° east, and the first Point bearing south 54° east, at the distance of nine or ten miles.

The next morning we weighed anchor, and stood on to the south-eastward, and at ten o'clock, we passed a small shoal, situated in a line with the island of Lusepara and the First Point, and five miles distant from the latter. At twelve, Lusepara bearing south 57° ½ east, at the distance of four miles, its latitude was determined by us to be 3° 10′ ½ south, and its longitude 106° 15′ east. The difference of longitude between the [Page 283] island of Lusepara, which stands in the southern entrance of the Straits of Banca, and Monopin Hill, which forms one side of the northern entrance, we found to be 55′.

In passing these straits, ships may make a nearer approach to the coast of Sumatra than to that of Banca. There are ten, eleven, twelve, or thirteen fathoms, free from shoals and rocks, at the distance of two or three miles from the coast; the lead, however, is the most certain guide. The country, even to the edge of the water, is covered with wood; and the shores are so low, that the land is overflowed by the sea, which washes the trunks of the trees. To this flat and marshy situation of the Sumatra shore, may be ascribed those thick fogs and vapours, which were every morning perceived by us, not without some degree of dread and horror, to hang over the island, till they were dissipated by the solar rays. The shores of Banca are much bolder, and the inland country rises to a moderate elevation, and seems to abound with wood. We frequently observed fires on this island during the night; but none on the opposite coast. The tide runs at the rate of between two and three miles an hour through the straits.

On Sunday the 6th, in the morning, we passed to the west of Lusepara, at the distance of four or five miles; our soundings, in general, being five or six fathoms, and never less than four. We [Page 284] afterwards stood to the south by east; and having increased our depth of water to seven fathoms, and brought Lusepara to bear due north, we changed our course to south by west, frequently making use of the lead, and hauling out a little, whenever we happened to shoal our water. We still found the soundings on the side of Sumatra to be regular, and shoaling gradually, as we came nearer to the shore.

At five o'clock in the afternoon, we descried the Sisters, in the direction of south by west half west; and, at seven, we cast anchor in ten fathoms water, near three leagues to the northward of those islands. The weather was close and fultry, with light winds, blowing, for the most part, from the north-west, but occasionally shifting round to the north-east; and in the course of the night, much lightning was observed over Sumatra.

The following morning, at five, we weighed and made sail; and in three hours afterwards we were close in with the Sisters. These are two islands of very small extent, plentifully stocked with wood, situated in the latitude of 5° south, and the longitude of 106° 12′ east, nearly south and north from each other, and encompassed by a reef of coral rocks; the whole circuit of which is four or five miles. At twelve o'clock, we had sight of the island of Java; the north-western extreme of which (Cape St. Nicholas) bore south; [Page 285] North Island, near the shore of Sumatra, south 27° west; and the Sisters north 27° east, at the distance of twelve or thirteen miles. Our latitude, at the same time, was 5° 21′ south, and our longitude 105° 57′ east.

About four in the afternoon we perceived two vessels in the Straits of Sunda; one of which lay at anchor near the Mid-channel Island, the other nearer the shore of Java; and as we did not know to what nation they might belong, we thought proper to prepare our ships for action. At six o'clock, we dropped our anchors in twenty-five fathoms water, about four miles east by south from North Island. Here we remained the whole night, during which we had very heavy thunder and lightning to the north-west; the wind blowing in light breezes from the same quarter, attended with violent rain.

On the 8th, about eight o'clock in the morning, we weighed, and proceeded through the Straits of Sunda, the tide setting towards the south, as it had done all the preceding night At ten, the wind failing, we anchored again in thirty-five fathoms; an elevated island, or rather rock, named the Grand Toque, bearing south by east. Being, at that time, not above two miles from the ships before mentioned, which now hoisted Dutch colours, Captain Gore sent a boat on board to procure intelligence. The rain still [Page 286] continued, accompanied with thunder and lightning.

The boat returned early in the afternoon, with information that the larger of the two vessels was a Dutch East-Indiaman, bound for Europe; and the other a packet from Batavia, with instructions for the several ships lying in the Straits. It is customary for the Dutch ships, when their cargoes are almost completed, to quit Batavia, on account of its very unwholesome climate, and repair to some of the more healthy islands in the Straits, where they wait for their dispatches, and the remainder of their lading. The Indiaman, notwithstanding this precaution, had lost four men, since she had left Batavia, and had as many more whose lives were despaired of. She had remained here a fortnight, and was now on the point of proceeding to Cracatoa to take in water, having just received final orders by the packet.

At seven o'clock the next morning, we weighed anchor, and steered to the south-westward through the Straits, taking care to keep close in with the islands on the Sumatra shore, for the purpose of avoiding a rock near Mid-channel Island, which was situated on our left.

Between ten and eleven, Captain King was ordered by Captain Gore to make sail towards a Dutch vessel that now came in sight to the southward, and which we imagined was from Europe; and, according to the nature of the information [Page 287] that might be obtained from her, either join him at Cracatoa, where he designed to stop, in order to furnish the ship with arrack; or to proceed to the south-eastern extremity of Prince's Island, and there provide a supply of water, and wait for him. In compliance with these instructions, Captain King bore down towards the Dutch ship, which, in a short time after, cast anchor to the eastward: when the current setting with great force in the Straits to the south-west, and the wind slackening, Mr. King was unable to fetch her: having therefore got as near her as the tide would allow, he also anchored. He immediately sent Mr. Williamson, in the cutter, with orders to get on board the Dutch vessel, if possible; but, as she lay at the distance of almost a mile, and the tide ran with great rapidity, the boat dropped fast astern; in consequence of which, Captain King having made the signal to return, began, without delay, to veer away the cable, and sent out a buoy astern, to assist the boat's crew in getting on board again.

Our poverty with respect to cordage, was, on this occasion, very conspicuous: for there was not, in the Discovery's store-room, a single coil of rope, to fix to the buoy; so that her people were under the necessity of veering away two cables, and the greater part of their running rigging, before the boat, which was driving very rapidly to the southward, could fetch the buoy.

[Page 288]Captain King was now obliged to wait till the force of the tide should abate; and this did not happen till the following morning, when Mr. Williamson went on board the Dutch ship, and was informed, that she had been seven months from Europe, and three from the Cape of Good Hope; that, before her depart [...]re, the kings of France and Spain had declared war against his Britannic Majesty; and that she had left Sir Edward Hughes at the Cape, with a squadron of men of war, and also a fleet of East-India ships. Mr. Williamson being, at the same time, assured, that the water of Cracatoa was extremely good, and that the Dutch always preferred it to that of Prince's Island, Captain King determined to rejoin the Resolution at the former place. He therefore, taking the advantage of a fair breeze, weighed, and made sail towards the island of Cracatoa, where he soon after perceived her at anchor; but the tide setting forcibly against him, and the wind failing, he again thought proper to cast anchor, at the distance of near two leagues from the Resolution, and immediately dispatched a boat on board, to communicate to Captain Gore the intelligence procured by Mr. Williamson.

When the Resolution saw her consort preparing to come too, she fired her guns, and displayed the signal for leading a-head, by hoisting an English jack at the ensign staff. This was intended to prevent the Discovery's anchoring, on account of [Page 289] the foul ground, which the maps on board the Resolution plated in this situation. However, as Captain King met with none, but, on the contrary, found a muddy bottom, and good anchoring-ground, at the depth of sixty fathoms, he remained fast till the return of the boat, which brought him orders to proceed to Prince's Island the ensuing morning. He was, at this time, about two miles distant from the shore; the peak of Cracatoa bearing north-west by north, Prince's Island south-west by west, and Bantam Point east-north-east half east.

Cracatoa is the southernmost of a cluster of islands lying in the entrance of the straits of Sunda. It has a lofty peaked hill at its southern extremity^*, which is situated in the latitude of 6° 9′ south, and the longitude of 105° 15′ east. The whole circumference of the island does not exceed nine miles. Off its north-eastern extreme is a small island, forming the road where the Resolution anchored; and within a reef runing off the southern end of the latter, there is tolerable shelter against all northerly winds, with twenty-seven fathoms water in the mid-channel, and eighteen near the reef. Towards the north-west, [Page 290] there is a narrow passage between the two islands for boats.

The shore that constitutes the west side of the road, runs in a north-westerly direction, and has a bank of coral extending into the sea, about a third of the length of a cable, which renders landing difficult for boats, except at the time of high water; but the anchoring-ground is very good, and clear of rocks. The place where the Resolution procured a supply of water is a small spring, abreast of the southern extreme of the small island, at no great distance from the sea-side. To the southward there is a spring, whose water is extremely hot, and is used by the inhabitants as a bath. Whilst we lay off the south end of this island, the master was sent ashore, in a boat, to search for water; but, after he had landed with some difficulty, he returned without success.

Cracatoa consists of elevated land, gradually rising on all sides from the sea; and is entirely covered with trees, except a few spots which have been cleared by the natives for the purpose of forming rice fields. The population of the island is very inconsiderable. Its Chief is dependent on the King of Bantam, to whom the Chiefs of all the other islands in the straits are also subject. The coral reefs afford small turtles in abundance; but other refreshments are exceedingly scarce, and are sold at a very exorbitant price. This [Page 291] island is considered as very healthy, in comparison of the neighbouring countries.

The latitude of the road where the Resolution cast anchor is 8° 6′ south; its longitude, by observation, 105° 36′ east, and by Mr. Bayly's time-keeper, 104° 48′ east. The variation of the compass was 1° west. It is high water, on the full and change days, at seven o'clock in the morning; and the water rises three feet two inches perpendicular.

About eight in the evening the wind began to blew fresh from the west, accompanied with violent thunder, lightning, and rain. The next morning (the 11th) at three o'clock, Captain King weighed anchor, and steered for Prince's Island; but the westerly wind dying away, a breeze from the south-east succeeded, and the tide, at the same time setting with great force to the south-westward, he was prevented from fetching the island, and obliged, at two in the afternoon, to anchor at the distance of nine or ten miles from it, in sixty-five fathoms water, over a muddy bottom; the elevated hill bearing south-west by south, and the peak of Cracatoa north by east.

Light airs and calms prevailed till six o'clock the following morning, at which time the Discovery weighed and made sail, though, in heaving the anchor out of the ground, the old messenger was twice broken and also a new one. [Page 292] This, however, was entirely owing to the miserable state of the cordage, since the strain was not very considerable.

The wind being fair, she came to an anchor, at twelve o'clock, off the south-eastern extremity of Prince's Island, in twenty-six fathoms water, over a bottom of sand, at the distance of half a mile from the nearest part of the shore; the east end of the island bearing north-north-east, the high peak north-west half west, and the most southerly point in view south-west by south.

The Discovery had no sooner anchored, than Lieutenant Lannyon, who had been at this island, in the year 1770, with Captain Cook, was dispatched, in company with the master, to search for the watering-place. The brook from which the Endeavour, according to the best of Mr. Lannyon's recollection, had been furnished, was now found extremely salt. They observed further inland a dry bed, where the water had probably lodged in rainy seasons; and another run about a cable's length below, supplied from a spacious pool, whose bottom, as well as surface, was covered with dead leaves. This, though somewhat brackish, being far superior to the other, the Discovery's people began watering here early in the morning of the 13th, and finished that service the same day.

The inhabitants, who came to them soon after they had anchored, brought a considerable quantity [Page 293] of fowls, and some turtles; the last, however, were in general very small. During the night, it rained with great violence; and on Monday the 14th, at day-break, the Resolution was seen to the north, steering towards the island, and about two o'clock in the afternoon, she cast anchor close to the Discovery.

As Captain Gore had not completed his stock of water at Cracatoa, he sent his men ashore on the 15th, who repaired to the brook that was first mentioned, which was now become perfectly sweet in consequence, of the rain, and flowed in great abundance. This being a treasure too valuable to be disregarded, Captain King gave orders, that all the casks which the seamen of his ship had before filled should be started, and replenished with the fresh water. This was accordingly performed by twelve o'clock the next day; and in the evening the decks were cleared, and both vessels prepared for sea.

We had heavy rains, and variable winds, in the morning of the 18th, which prevented us from getting under way till two o'clock in the afternoon, when a light northerly wind arose; but this being of short duration, we were under the necessity of anchoring again, at eight in the evening, in fifty fathoms water. The following morning, at the same hour, being favoured by a north-westerly breeze, we broke ground, to our extreme satisfaction, for the last time in the straits [Page 294] of Sunda; on the 20th, we had totally lost sight of Prince's island.

As this island has been described by Captain Cook in the narrative of a former voyage, we shall only add, that we were uncommonly struck with the great general resemblance of the natives in point of complexion, figure, manners, and even language, to the inhabitants of the various islands visited by us in the Pacific Ocean.

The country is so plentifully furnished with wood, that, notwithstanding the quantities annually cut down by the crews of the vessels which touch at this island, there is no appearance of its diminution. We were well supplied with fowls of a moderate size, and small turtles; the former of which we purchased at the rate of a Spanish dollar for ten. The natives likewise brought us many hog-deer, and an amazing number of monkies, to our great annoyance, as the greater part of our sailors found means to procure one, if not two, of these troublesome and mischievous animals.

If Mr. Lannyan had not been with us, we should probably have met with some difficulty in finding the watering place: it may, therefore, not be improper to give a particular description of its situation, for the benefit of subsequent navigators. The peaked hill on the island bears north-west by north from it; a remarkable tree, which grows on a coral reef, and is entirely detached [Page 295] from the adjacent shrubs, stands just to the north of it; and a small plot of reedy grass, the only piece of the kind, that appears hereabouts, may be seen close by it. These marks will i [...] cate the place where the pool discharges itself into the sea; but the water here, as well as that which is in the pool, being in general salt, the casks must be filled about fifty yards higher up; where, in dry seasons, the fresh water which descends from the hills, is in a great measure lost among the leaves, and must therefore be searched for by clearing them away.

The latitude of the anchoring-place at Prince's Island is 6° 36′ 15″ south, and its longitude 165° 17′ 30″ east. The variation of the compass was 54′ west; and the mean of the thermometer 83°.

We had begun to experience, from the time of our entering the straits of Banca, the pernicious effects of this noxious climate. Two of the Discovery's people became dangerously ill of malignant putrid fevers; which, however, were prevented from being communicated to others, by putting the patients apart from the rest of the crew, in the most airy births. Many of us were attacked with disagreeable coughs; several complained of violent pains in the head; and even the most healthy persons among us felt a sensation of suffocating heat, accompanied with an extreme languor, and a total loss of appetite.

[Page 296]Though our situation, however, was for a time thus uneasy, and even alarming, we had, at last, the inexpressible satisfaction of escaping from th [...]se destructive seas without the loss of a single life. This circumstance, in all probability, was partly owing to the vigorous health of the ship's companies, on our first arrival in these parts, as well as to the unremitting attention, that was now become habitual in our men, to the prudent and salutary regulations introduced among us by Captain Cook.

At the time of our departure from Prince's Island, and during our whole passage from thence to the Cape of Good Hope, the people of the Resolution were in a far more sickly condition than those of the Discovery. For though many of the crew of the latter ship continued, for some time, to complain of the effects of the pestilential climate they had left, they all happily recovered. Of the two who had been afflicted with fevers, one, after having been seized, on the 12th, of February, with violent convulsions, which reduced him to the verge of dissolution, obtained such relief from the application of blisters, that he was out of danger in a short time afterwards: the other recovered, but by more slow degrees. On board the Resolution, besides the fevers and coughs under which the greater part of the crew laboured, many were attacked with fluxes, the number of whom, contrary to our expectations, [Page 297] continued to augment till our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.

This difference was partly ascribed by Captain Gore, and probably not without good reason, to the Discovery's fire-place being between decks; the heat and smoke of which, he was of opinion, contributed to mitigate the noxious effects of the damp nocturnal air. But Captain King was rather inclined to imagine, that his people escaped the flux by the precautions which were taken to prevent their receiving it from others. For, if some kinds of fluxes be, as he apprehended they were, contageous, he thought it not improbable that the crew of the Resolution caught this disorder from the Dutch vessels at Cracatoa. For the purpose of avoiding this danger, Mr. Williamson, when he was dispatched to the East-India-man in the entrance of the straits of Sunda, was strictly commanded to suffer none of his people, on any account whatever, to go on board; and afterwards, whenever the Discovery had occasion to have any communication with her consort, the same caution was continually observed.

As soon as we were clear of Prince's Island, we had a light breeze from the west-north-west point. This, however, was not of long duration; for, on the 20th, the wind again became variable, and remained so till the 25th at noon, when it blew fresh from the northward, with squalls.

[Page 298]On Tuesday the 22d, about twelve o'clock, when our latitude was 10° 28′ south, and our longitude 104° 14′ east, we perceived great numbers of boobies, and other birds that seldom fly to any great distance from land. Hence we conjectured, that we were not far from some small unknown island.

The wind in the evening of the 25th, shifted suddenly to the south, attended with heavy rains, and blew with very considerable violence, During the night, almost all the sails we had bent gave way, and most of them were split to rags; the rigging likewise sustained material injury; and, the following day, we were under the necessity of bending our last suit of sails, and of knotting and splicing the rigging, as the whole of our cordage was expended. We ascribed this sudden tempest to the change from the monsoon to the regular trade-wind. We had made, according to our reckoning, about 4° ½ of longitude west from Java Head, and our latitude was about 13° 10′ south.

From the 26th of February to the 28th of the succeeding month, we had a regular trade-wind from the south-east to east by south, accompanied with fine weather; [...]nd, as we sailed in an old beated track, no incident worthy of notice occurred. On the 28th of March, in the forenoon, our latitude being 31° 42′ south, and our longitude 35° 26′ east, the trade-wind quitted us in a [Page 299] violent thunder storm▪ From this time to the 3d day of April, when we were in the latitude of 35° 1′ south, and the longitude of 26° 3′ east, we had moderate winds, blowing principally from the south. A fresh easterly breeze then arose, which continued till the afternoon of the 4th; and, for the two following days, a calm prevailed.

Captain Gore had hitherto designed to proceed directly to the island of St. Helena, without stopping at the Cape of Good Hope; but, as the Resolution's rudder had been, for some time, complaining, and, on examination, was found to be in a dangerous state, he formed the resolution of repairing immediately to the Cape, as being the most eligible place, both for providing a new main-piece to the rudder, and for the recovery of his sick.

From the 21st day of March, when our latitude was 27° 22′ south, and our longitude 52° 25′ east, to the 5th of April, when we were in the latitude of 36° 12′ south, and the longitude of 22° 7′ east, we strongly felt the influence of the currents, which set towards the south-south-west, and south-west by west, sometimes at the rate of eighty miles in a day. But, on the 6th of April, we t [...]tally lost them, having got under the lee of the coast of Africa.

In the forenoon of the 6th, a vessel appeared to the south-west, standing towards us; and, the wind, not long after, beginning to blow from the [Page 300] same quarter, we prepared our ships for action. We now perceived, from the mast-head, five more sail on our lee-bow, steering an easterly course; but the weather becoming hazy, we lost sight of them all in the space of an hour. At twelve o'clock, the latitude was 35° 42′ south, and the longitude 21° 32′ east.

The following morning, at seven o'clock, we descried the land to the north at a considerable distance. On the 8th, the wind blew fresh from the north-west, with squalls. The next day it settled in the western point, and we made a pretty near approach to the vessel seen on the 6th, but did not hail her. Though she was clumsy in figure, and, to all appearance, was unskilfully managed, she greatly out-sailed us. The colours which she hoisted differed from any we had seen, and were supposed by some of us to be Imperial; but others imagined they were Portuguese.

On Monday the 10th, at break of day, the land again made its appearance to the north, north-westward; and, in the course of the morning, a snow was seen bearing down to us. She proved to be an English East-India packet, which had quit [...]ed Table-Bay three days before, and was now cruising with instructions for the China fleet, and other India ships. She informed us, that Monsieur Trongoller's squadron, consisting of half a dozen sail, had left the Cape about three weeks before, and was gone to cruise off [Page 301] St. Helena, in search of our East-India fleet. From this intelligence we conjectured, that the five vessels we had seen steering to the eastward, probably belonged to the French squadron, which, in that case, had relinquished their cruise, and were, perhaps, proceeding to the island of Mauritius. Having communicated our conjectures to the packet, and likewise mentioned the time we understood the China fleet was to sail from Canton, we left her, and continued our progress towards the Cape. In the evening, False Cape bore east-north-east, and the Gunner's Quoin north by east; but we were prevented by the wind from getting into False Bay, till the evening of the 12th, when we let go our anchors a-breast of Simo [...]'s Bay. We observed a strong current setting to the west, round the Cape, which, for some time, we were barely able to stem, with a breeze that would have carried us four miles an hour.

We weighed the next morning, and stood into Simon's Bay. At eight o'clock, we came to anchor, at the distance of one-third of a mile from the nearest shore; the south-east point of the bay bearing south by east, and Table Mountain north-east half north. We found the Nassau and Southampton East-Indiamen lying here, in expectation of a convoy for Europe. The Resolution saluted the fort with eleven guns, and was complimented with an equal number in return.

[Page 302]As soon as we had cast anchor, Mr. Brandt, the governor of this place, favoured us with a visit. This gentleman had the highest regard and esteem for Captain Cook, who had been his constant guest, whenever he had touched at the Cape; and though he had, some time before received intelligence of his unfortunate catastrophe, he was extremely effected at the sight of our vessels returning without their old commander. He was greatly surprised at seeing most of our people in so robust and healthy a state, as the Dutch ship which had quitted Macao at the time of our arrival there, and had afterwards stopped at the Cape, reported, that we were in a most wretched condition, there being only fourteen persons left on board the Resolution, and seven in the Discovery. It is difficult to conceive what motive could have induced these people to propagate so wanton and infamous a falsehood.

Captain King, on Saturdy the 15th, accompanied Captain Gore to Cape-Town; and, the following morning, they waited on Baron Plettenberg, the Governor, who received them with every possible demonstration of civility and politeness. He entertained a great personal affection for Captain Cook, and professed the highest admiration of his character; and, on hearing the recital of his misfortune, broke forth into many expressions of unaffected sorrow. In one of the principal apartments of the Baron's house, he [Page 303] shewed our gentlemen two pictures, one of De Ruyter, the other of Van Trump, with a vacant space left between them, which, he said, he intended to fill up with the portrait of Captain Cook; and, for this purpose, he requested that they would endeavour to procure one for him, at any price, on their arrival in Great-Britain.

The Governor afterwards informed them, that all the nations then at war with England had issued orders to their respective cruisers to suffer us to pass without molestation. With regard to the French, there was sufficient reason to consider this as true; for Mr. Brandt had already delivered to Captain Gore a letter from Mr. Stephens, Secretary of the Admiralty, inclosing a transcript of Monsieur de Sartine's orders, taken on boaad the Licorne. The affair, however, with respect to the Americans, still rested on report; but, as to the Spaniards, Baron Plettenberg assured our gentlemen, that he had been expressly told, by the Captain of a Spanish vessel, which had stopped at the Cape, that he, and all the officers of his nation, had received injunctions of the same nature.

By these assurances, Captain Gore was confirmed in his resolution of maintaining, on his part, a neutral conduct; in consequence of which when, upon the arrival of the Sibyl, to convoy the East-Indiamen home, it was proposed to him to attend them on their voyage, he thought [Page 304] proper to decline an offer, the acceptance of which might perhaps have brought him into a very embarrassing dilemma, in case of our falling in with any of the ships belonging to our enemies.

During our continuance at the Cape, we met with the most friendly treetment, not only from the Governor, but also from the other principal persons of the place, as well Africans as Europeans. On our first arrival, Colonel Gordon, the Commander of the Dutch troops, was absent on a journey into the inland parts of Africa, but returned before we left the Cape. Upon this occasion, he had penetrated further into the interior parts of the country than any preceding traveller, and made very considerable additions to the excellent collection of natural curosities with which he has contributed to enrich the Museum of the Prince of Orange. Indeed his long residence at the Cape, and the great assistance he has derived from his rank and station there, joined to an ardent desire of knowledge, and an active, indefatigable spirit, have enabled him to gain a more perfect knowledge of this part of Africa, than any other person has had an opportunity of acquiring; and it is with pleasure we congratulate the public, on his intentions of publishing a narrative of his travels.

False Bay lies to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, and is frequented by vessels during [Page 305] the prevalence of the north-westerly winds, which begin to exert their influence in May, and render it dangerous to remain in Table Bay. It is terminated to the eastward by False Cape, and to the westward by the Cape of Good Hope. It is eighteen miles wide at its entrance, and the two Capes bear due east and west from each other.

At the distance of eleven to twelve miles from the Cape of Good Hope, on the western side, is situated Simon's Bay, the only commodious station for shipping to lie in; for, though the road without it affords tolerable anchorage, it is rather too open, and not well adapted for procuring necessaries, the town being small, and supplied with provisions from Cape-Town, which stands at the distance of about twenty-four miles. To the north-north-eastward of Simon's Bay, there are some others, from which, however, it may with ease be distingushed, by a remarkable sandy way to the north of the town, which forms a conspicuous object.

In steering for the harbour along the western shore, their is a small flat rock, known by the name of Noah's Ark; and about a mile to the north-eastward of it, there are several others, which are denominated the Roman Rocks. These are a mile and a half distant from the anchoring-place; and either to the northward of them, or [Page 306] between them, there is a safe passage into the Bay.

When the north-westerly gales are set in, the navigator, by the following bearings, will be directed to a secure and convenient station; Noah's Ark, south 51° east, and the centre of the hospital south 53° west, in seven fathoms water. But, if the south-easterly winds should not have ceased blowing, it is more adviseable to remain further out in eight or nine fathoms. The bottom consists of sand, and the anchors, before they get hold, settle considerably. The land, on the northern side of the bay, is low and sandy; but the eastern side is very elevated. About two leagues to the eastward of Noah's Ark, stands Seal Island, whose southern part is said to be dangerous, and not to be approached, with safety, nearer than in twenty-two fathoms water. There are many sunken rocks off the Cape of Good-Hope, some of which make their appearance at low water, and others constantly have breakers on them.

The anchoring-place in Simon's Bay is situated in the latitude of 34° 20′ south, by observation; and its longitude is 18° 29′ east. It was high water, on the full and change days, at 5^h 55^m apparent time. The tide rose and fell five feet five inches; and, at the neap tides, the water rose only four feet one inch.

[Page 307]According to the observations made by Captain King and Mr. Bayly, on the 11th of April, when the Cape of Good Hope bore due west, its latitude is 34° 23′ south, which is 4′ to the northward of the Abbé de la Caille's position of it.

Having provided the necessary quantity of naval stores, and compleated our victualling, we quitted Simon's Bay on Tuesday the 9th of May. On the 14th of the same month, we got into the south-east trade wind, and stood to the west of the islands of Ascension and St. Helena. On Wednesday, the 31st, we were in the latitude of 12° 48′ south, and the longitude of 15° 40′ west. On the 12th of June, we passed the equinoctial line for the fourth time during our voyage, in the longitude of 26° 16′ west.

We now perceived the effects of a current setting north by east, at the rate of half a mile in a hour. After continuing in the same direction till the middle of July, it began to set a little to the southward of the west. On Saturday, the 12th of August, we descried the western coast of Ireland, and endeavoured to get into Port Galway, from whence Captain Gore intended to have dispatched the journals and charts of our voyage to London. This attempt, however, proved ineffectual; and we were compelled, by violent southerly winds, to stand to the north.

[Page 308]Our next design was to put into Lough Swilly, but the wind continuing in the same quarter, we steered to the northward of the island of Lewis; and on Tuesday, the 22d of August, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, both our vessels anchored at Stromness. From this place Captain King was sent by Captain Gore to inform the Lords of the Admiralty of our arrival; and, on Wednesday the 4th of october, the ships reached the Nore in safety, after an absence of four years, two months, and two and twenty days.

When Captain King quitted the Discovery at Stromness, he had the satisfaction of leaving the whole ship's company in perfect health; and, at the same time, the number of sick persons on board the Resolution did not exceed two or three, only one of whom was incapable of service. In the whole course of the voyage, the Resolution lost no more than five men by sickness, three of whom, at the time of our departure from Great-Britain, were in a precarious state of health: the Discovery did not lose one individual. A strict attention to the excellent regulations established by Captain Cook, with which our readers are, doubtless, already acquainted, may justly be deemed the chief cause, under the blessing of Divine Providence, of this extraordinary success. But, notwithstanding these salutary precautions, we might, perhaps, in the end, have felt the pernicious effects of salt provisions, had we not [Page 309] availed ourselves of every substitute which our situation, at different times, afforded us. As these were sometimes extremely nauseous, frequently consisting of articles which our people had not been accustomed to consider as food for men, it became necessary, for the purpose of removing their prejudices, and conquering their disgusts, to employ the united aid of persuasion, example, and authority.

Portable soup and sour krout were the preventives we principally depended on. We had no opportunity of trying the effects of the antiscorbutic remedies, with which we were plentifully furnished, as they did not appear, during our whole voyage, the slightest symptoms of the scurvy among the crew of either ship.

Our malt and hops had likewise been kept as a resource in case of sickness; but, on being examined at the Cape of Good Hope, they were found totally spoiled. About the same time, we opened some casks of oatmeal, pease, groats, flour, biscuit, and malt, which, for the sake of experiment, we had put up in small casks, lined with tin-frail; and all the articles, except the pease, were found in a much better condition, than could have been expected in the ordinary mode of package.

On this occasion, we cannot omit recommending to the consideration of government, the necessity of furnishing such of his Majesty's ships [Page 310] as may be exposed to the influence of unhealthy climates, with a sufficient quantity of Peruvian bark. It fortunately happened in the Discovery, that only one of the men who were attacked with fevers in the Straits of Sunda, stood in need of this valuable medicine; for the whole quantity that surgeons are accustomed to carry out in such vessels as ours, was consumed by him alone. If more persons had been affected in the same manner, it is probable that they would all have perished, for want of the only remedy that could effectually have relieved them.

We shall conclude our narrative of this voyage, with the mention of a circumstance, which, if we consider its long duration, and the nature of the service in which we were employed, seems scarcely less remarkable than the uncommon healthiness of the ships' companies. This was, that our vessels never lost sight of each other for a whole day, except on two occasions; the first of which was the consequence of an accident that befel the Discovery off the coast of Owhyhee; and the second was owing to the fogs we met with at the entrance of the bay of Awatska. As this share of merit belongs almost entirely to the inferior officers, it furnishes a striking proof of their skill and vigilance.

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Author: Cook, James, 1728-1779.2006-06

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CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.

SECRET INSTRUCTIONS for Captain JAMES COOK, Commander of his Majesty's Sloop the RESOLUTION.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK I. TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE, TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW ZEALAND.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. VIII.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK II. CONTAINING OUR ADVENTURES FROM OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW-ZEALAND, TILL OUR ARRIVAL AT OTA­HEITE, OR THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CAAP. VII.

CHAP. VIII.

CHAP. IX.

CHAP. X.

CHAP. XI.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK III. OCCURRENCES AT OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLES; AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH-AMERICA.

CHAP. I.

CHAP II.

CHAP. III.

CONTENTS.

BOOK III. OCCURRENCES AT OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLES; AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH-AMERICA.

BOOK IV. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES OF NORTH-AMERICA: DISCOVERIES ON THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK III. OCCURRENCES AT OTAHEITE AND THE SOCIETY ISLES; AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH-AMERICA.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. VIII.

CHAP. IX.

CHAP. X.

CHAP. XI.

CHAP. XII.

CHAP. XIII.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK IV. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES OF NORTH-AMERICA: DISCOVERIES ON THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

CONTENTS.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK. IV. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES O [...] NORTH-AMERICA; DISCOVERIES ON THAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. VIII.

CHAP. IX.

CHAP. X.

CHAP. XI.

CHAP. XII.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK. V. JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURN­ING TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

CHAP. I

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. VIII.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHAT­KA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

LIFE OF CAPTAIN JAMES COOK.

SUBSCRIBERS NAMES.

DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER FOR PLACING THE PLATES.

CONTENTS.BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

CHAP. III.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK II. CONTAINING OUR ADVENTURES FROM OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW-ZEALAND, TILL OUR ARRIVAL AT OTAHEITE, OR THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK. V. JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURNING TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.

A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

CONTENTS.
BOOK VI. TRANSACTIONS IN A SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF KAMTSCHATKA, AND IN RETURNING HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON, AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.