UNWARY and vindictive monarch! He clearly ſees, in its full magnitude, the mote that blemiſhes another's eye, while, at the ſame time, without his ſeeming to be ſenſible of it, a beam is in his own eye.

And we are his legitimate children. The blood of this royal diſpenſer of juſtice flows in our veins. We ſentence the Algerines, as he that villainous ſheep-ſtealer. We want only the power, and they would experience a moſt exemplary chaſtiſement; and, if ſome could be gratified, would be craſed from the catalogue of nations.

Prepare your ears to hear a moſt extraordinary anathema, pronounced againſt that infatuated people by one of our firſt poets and eminent ſtateſmen.

In the name of horrour, why this raving and execration! O, the Algerines have captured and enſlaved five or ſix ſcore of Americans, and keep them in abject ſervitude and diſtreſs. For this they are condemned to death and perdition; and I know not but heaven ſuggeſted the verdict.

But if this thing muſt be done in the green tree, what ſhall be done in the dry? In theſe United States, not five or ſix ſcore, but five or ſix hundred thouſand perſons, are enſlaved;—not captured, like thoſe Americans, upon the high ſeas, where no one goes unapprized of the danger; but dragged defenceleſs from their native fields; and frequently treated, as might eaſily be made to appear, in a manner barbarous as our people are treated at Algiers.

In Maſſachuſetts the negroes were freed long ago. In New-Hampſhire and Vermont, they are few in number; but ſome were found, at the taking of the laſt cenſus, to be ſtill in ſlavery even here. They might indeed be free, did they know how to avail themſelves of the bill of rights, which declares, that all men are born equally free. But to our diſgrace, they are and ought to be conſidered as ſlaves, till government ſ ••• l take effectual meaſures, as their guardians, to 〈◊〉 , that they are in fact free; and till, for the ſake of example, their freedom ſhall be made known to the world.

What if ſome ſtates have paſſed acts of non-importation? That, ſo far as reſpects the negroes now in ſlavery, is juſt nothing at all. How will the non-importation of others repair the wrong done to theſe? Or, if no wrong is done, why ſhould importation be ſtopped? Thoſe who are now ſlaves may pray, it is true, like the rich man in hell, that none of their brethren may be brought to this place of torment; but their prayers would avail but little, if granted, in mitigation of their own tortures.

The injuſtice of enſlaving our fellow-creatures, even though they are black, is pretty generally acknowledged; and in reſpect to our ſlaves, people affect to lament their misfortune in being brought into a ſituation, which renders it neceſſary, that they ſhould be continued in bondage. It is juſt, no doubt, that the negroes ſhould have remained free; but they are ſlaves, and therefore let them continue ſo. Let them, however, have this conſolation, that we will leave off our injuſtice gradually. There ſhall be an abolition; but it ſhall begin moderately, and proceed leiſurely, and be completed ſometime or never. Thus the poor ſlave may comfort himſelf, that at ſome diſtant period, when GOD only knows, he, or his children, or his children's children, may hope for deliverance.

Some are for ſetting them free immediately. They are not for continuing an abuſe of the moſt cruel nature, under any pretext whatever. And why are not all of this opinion? It is becauſe many are prejudiced, and many are indolent, and very many are intereſted; not to mention, that moſt people pay but very little attention to the ſubject.

Hence it has happened, that every advocate for an immediate emancipation has been immediately ſilenced by ſome ſpecious objection. The indolent have by this means ſound repoſe for their conſciences; and the intereſted have rid themſelves of much odium, without any great danger of loſing their vaſſals.

Firſt, it is plead, that ſlaves are property. "The operation (ſaid Mr. Madiſon in Congreſs) of reducing the number of ſlaves was going on as quickly as poſſible. The mention of ſuch a thing in the houſe had in the mean time a very bad effect on that ſpecies of property."

Secondly, without negro ſlaves the ſouthern plantations can not be managed to advantage.

Thirdly, the moſt plauſible and confounding plea of the whole is, that if they were all at once and immediately ſet at liberty, to run at large, they would be a dangerous parcel of vagabonds, more unhappy themſelves than at preſent, and the terrour and vexation of the community.

O, it is doubtleſs cruel, to deprive a maſter of the ſlave for whom he paid perhaps forty guineas, and has had his labour for not more than forty years. But to whom did he pay the guineas? In the name of conſcience, who had any right, in the firſt place, to ſell negroes? If a ſhipload of Frenchmen were offered for ſale, the enquiry would quickly be made. The principle would ſoon be eſtabliſhed, that man could not be made the property of man.

But we ourſelves are too ſecure to imagine the caſe our own; otherwiſe we might appeal to that eternal rule of right, to do by others as they ſhould do by us. And with what feeling ſhould we ſtand forth for ſale, be ſlaves, be called that ſpecies of property; we, who denied our parent country the right of taxing us, and edged our ſwords to maintain our liberty, or to die! Should we endure the oppreſſor's rod?

Money has been paid by the purchaſer; but no equivalent has been given or can be given to the negro. Liberty can not be eſtimated by guineas. If ſo, have I no claim to my liberty, becauſe a tyrant, ſtronger than I, has robbed me of it, and ſold me? This ſpecies of property, upon that principle, is not ſo highly privileged as other ſpecies; for the laws take care, that ſtolen goods, though purchaſed by an honeſt man at their full value, ſhall be given up to the right owner; and ſhall they tolerate ſlavery?

But if there ſeems injuſtice, that individuals ſhould wholly loſe the labour of thoſe for whom they have paid ſo much money; let the ſtate under the countenance of which they have carried on this accurſed traffic, make them ſome conſideration, and let every one who has acquieſced in the ſyſtem of ſlavery contribute to its abolition.

Yet every maſter is holden by every tie, whatever government may ſee cauſe to do or not to do, to grant manumiſſion to his ſlaves; and woe to the man who takes advantage of any human inſtitution, to injure his fellow creatures, when his conſcience teſtifies that it is an injury, and that the law is cruel, and repugnant to all right.

A regular importation of negro ſlaves into America took place in conſequence of a ſuggeſtion of Caſas, a Spaniſh clergyman. When the Spaniards conquered Hiſpaniola, they reduced the Indians to ſervitude, and treated them with ſuch cruelty, that multitudes periſhed. Caſas ſtrove to relieve them; but failed in every meaſure. At laſt he propoſed the importing of negroes; in order, by enſlaving them, to free the Indians. So blind is man!

The ſecond objection in my enumeration is no more an argument in favour of continuing what negroes in ſlavery we already poſſeſs, than of importing new ones. But experiments have proved, in different parts of the world, that freemen will do more labour than ſlaves. Beſides the objection is too iniquitous to be harboured a moment; and I have been pained at hearing it urged by ſome, who ſeem in other inſtances to be philanthropic.

The third objection pretends kindneſs to the negroes, and a regard to our own ſecurity.

It is quite faſhionable to obſerve, under colour of the former principle, that freed negroes generally go more meanly dreſſed than ſlaves. What then! Is freedom to be ſold for a fine coat, for calicoes? And what i • ſome ſlaves fare better than we? Who would be even a ſycophant, much leſs a ſlave, for the ſake of better fare?

But the obſervation, made as a general one, is falſe. The bulk of ſlaves in the ſouthern ſtates can not be more naked, and ill-uſed, and defenceleſs, than they are now. Soul and body would ſeparate. And even if freedom ſhould be the occaſion of their being ſtill more deſtitute, and it were poſſible that they ſhould yet continue to live; would they not likewiſe, on the other hand, get clear of inceſſant drudgery, of diſpiriting menaces, of mercileſs flagellations? What they would loſe in dreſs and diet they would ſave in ſweat and blood.

And do thoſe who live worſe with freedom than when ſlaves, if there are ſuch, do they commonly return to their cidevant maſters, and ſay, I had rather be your ſlave than be free? Such a thing may ſometimes happen; but if it were a general practice, where would be the hazard of ſetting them in general free? It would only be loſing their labour, while they could make a little experiment, and then return to their abject condition, more obſequious than before.

The truth is, liberty is ſweet, and ſlavery is horrible; and nothing can be an equivalent for the one, and nothing but inſenſibility or a hope of deliverance can render the other ſupportable.

The principle we are now examining talks of kindneſs. It would keep the negroes in ſlavery for their own good, A very ſuſpicious ſort of humanity! Why not re-enſlave thoſe who have been once freed? Why not import more? Or do they live better in Congo, than thoſe happy wretches who have had the good fortune to become ſlaves? Why not ſubjugate the Indians to this enviable condition; or raiſe the few indigent of our own nation to the rank of bondmen? Why does this benevolent ſyſtem embrace only negroes now in ſlavery? Perhaps we are under peculiar obligations, to regard their good. Yes, GOD knows it, and I wiſh we may be wiſe enough to diſcharge theſe obligations in due ſeaſon.

But this pretenſion of kindneſs is only a cloak. The other part of the objection is all that creates any difficulty. That I confeſs is of great importance, and merits a wiſe and candid diſcuſſion.

We are in this dilemma: there is ſuch a number of ſlaves in the country:—and, on the one hand, we can not continue them in bondage without doing violence to our conſciences, and incurring the diſpleaſure of heaven; nor, on the other, can we free them without extraordinary meaſures. It will require money, and labour, and wiſdom, and vigilance. Of two evils, if the latter can be degraded to ſuch a name, we have to determine which is the leaſt.

There is no reaſon to expect, but that, if ſo many myriads of wretches were turned out of doors, deſtitute, to live as they liſt, uncultivated as they now are, they would be a nuiſance in ſociety. Probably, beſides idleneſs and beggary, we ſhould ſee uncomfortable diſorders, perhaps outrages, perhaps fatal crimes; ſome through ignorance, ſome through wantonneſs, ſome from impelling hunger, and ſome from revenge. They are not fit to be their own guides; they have been habituated, not to reaſon, but obey; their wills have been cruſhed; they are ſcarce conſcious of the power of willing; and, what is worſe, they are not taught the duties that ariſe from ſocial relations, nor diſciplined to good morals.

What then can be done? This is the momentous queſtion. But whenever we are as ſincerely deſirous of freeing the negroes as we are of aggrandizing our own nation, we ſhall ſoon deviſe ways and means ſufficient for the purpoſe. We, who deſcant upon the rights of man, who boaſt our improvements, our reſources, our enterprize, our energy, our patriots, our territory, and, in fine, our "aſylum for the unfortunate of other countries";—we, the moſt flouriſhing nation on the globe, if our hearts were engaged, ſhould aſk for no foreign aſſiſtance, to liberate our ſlaves.

But the queſtion ſtills recurs, What can be done? The anſwer is, If they are not fit for freedom, they muſt be fitted. They muſt be conſidered, for a •• me, as in a ſtate of minority▪ It muſt be a ſtate of dependence and diſcipline, not ſervitude. They muſt therefore be taken away from their maſters, and, by direction of the magiſtrate, put under temporary guardians, governours, and inſtructors, to be educated, to be made acquainted with their rights and duties, and ſome honeſt method of acquiring a livelihood; to be prepared for citizenſhip.

I do not ſay, that all ſhould be treated alike. I do not know, but ſome ſhould be returned to Africa. Many are worn out with age and ſore travail. They muſt not be caſt helpleſs into the high ways; but let them hear the glad news of liberty to the captive, that tears of tranſport may run down the furrows which have been deep-worn by tears of affliction. Does his maſter aſk, how he ſhall live—who will ſupport him? Live, wretch! how long have you revelled upon the fruit of his labours, ungratefully; and do you aſk, how he ſhall live, how he ſhall be ſupported through the painful reſidue of a devoted life? Give him food from you own table, and beg him to pray for your avaricious ſoul.

After all, ſome may chooſe, though under no inability or bias, to remain with their maſters. But, in this caſe, government ought to conſider, whether it is not their duty, to interfere ſo far, as to ſee, that, if any remain, they do not remain ſlaves: and that, like other free perſons, they can go whenever they pleaſe, according to the eſtabliſhed principles of reciprocal contract. In ſhort, they ought to have guardians.

Maſſachuſetts gave a noble example; but, had they fallen upon the plan of carrying their negroes through ſuch a preparation ſtate before manumiſſion, they would, I firmly believe, have found i • a ſalutary meaſure, and have been celebrated for teaching the world a new leſſon of humanity.

But ſuppoſe the negroes prepared for freedom, are they then to ſettle among us? Projectors are generally hiſſed at; but, as the object deſired will probably never be accompliſhed, before man 〈◊〉 have been • r • jected, why ſhould we fear 〈◊〉 ? One pro • oſa • 〈◊〉 ma • be made of a plan, which appear to me to be ſenſible, and to promiſe advantages. Let a portion of out new territory be aſſigned for the purpoſe; and let the great body of the negroes be ſent to colonize it. Perhaps they may be taken right from their maſters and go through their ••• -age or preparation ſtate 〈◊〉 the wilderneſs. An any rate, they muſt not go e • pt • -handed. They muſt have wagg • n • and cattle, proviſions and raiment, artificers and overſeers. Religion muſt be tough, laws inſtituted, and order maintained among them. They muſt be inured to induſtry and economy; defended, if any ſhould invade them; and awed by ſoldiery, if they ſhould rebel.

Though doubtleſs difficulties would attend the atchievment, yet with reſolution it may be accompliſhed. And what a flattering proſpect would it open to the wellw • ſhe •• of mankind. We might reaſonably expect ſoon to ſee a large province of black freemen, induſtrious and well regulated, improving in arts and learning, happy at home and a peace with us, affording ſome revenue and adding ſome ſtrength to the nation, an aſylum for other unfortunate Africa • s▪ a nurſery from which might in true proceed 〈◊〉 miſſionaries and teachers to the land of negroes. 〈◊〉 not the eſtabliſhment of ſuch a colony be of exc •• ſive influence in bringing about the unive •••• ſpread of •• ght, liberty, and benevolence. Ye 〈…〉 Pharaohs, how long will ye harden your hearts, and not let the people go!

If the negroes ſhould remain among us, though fully enfranchiſed, they will not be treated upon terms of equality▪ and perhaps never riſe to that rank which they deſerve. Let them go, therefore, be formed into a ſtate, and, in due • i •• , have a voice in Congreſs. They will never be men till they are treated like men; they will never be citizens till they feel themſelves ſo; they will never be good citizens, till they know their duties and can appreciate their immunities.

Let who will ſtartle or laugh, I ſteadfaſtly maintain, that we muſt bring them to an equal ſtanding in p • in • of privileges with whi • es. They muſt enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature.

Some allege, that negroes would have no gratitude. I do not believe it. It does not accord with human nature. I have known inſtances to the contrary. And yet, ſimply for freedom, they would owe no gratitude. Liberty is their right; and he treatment I have propoſed is no more than a recompenſe for the injuries we have done them. All then is a matter of juſtice; and is gratitude due for an act of juſtice?

We are acting a very inconſiſtent part—worſe than the man who diſtreſſed his fellow ſervant for a hundred pence, when himſelf owed ten thouſand talents. We b • uſter about tyranny, and keep our arms ever burniſhed to defend our rights; while we have legions of tyrants among us, and make no oppoſition to their inflecting the ſcourge of b •• terneſs.

Nor can it be made to appear, that the People of this ſtate have no concern in the matter; unleſs it appears, that we have not a ſlave in the ſtate, and that we have no concern in the Algerine ſlavery, to which we are voluntarily about to attend There was a contribution upon this day, for the purpoſe of redeeming thoſe Americans who are in ſlavery at Algiers:—an object worthy of a generous people. Their redemption, we hope, is not far diſtant. But, ſhould any body contribute money for this purpoſe which he had 〈◊〉 out of a negro ſlave, be would deſerve leſs applauſe, than an actor in the comedy of Caſ • s. ;—and appears, that we have no concern in the internal affairs of the other ſtates, ariſing from our federal relation, ſo that ſhould the negroes in one of them make an inſurrection, aſſume their liberty, and ſubjugate an equal number of whites to be their ſlaves, we, equally ſa •• ſfied with black citizens or white, ſhould regard the revolution with cold neutrality;—and appears further, that our joining in the celebration of this national thankſgiving is altogether a farce.

For, in this feſtival, we are to pay our acknowledgements to HEAVEN, in concert with all the ſtates, "for the manifold and ſignal mercies, which diſtinguiſh our 〈◊〉 as a nation, particularly for the poſſeſſion of conſtitutions of government, which unite, and by their union eſtabliſh liberty with order." So much in the words of the proclamation by our chief magiſtrate.

Our churches are probably ringing with rights and privileges—emigration of our forefathers from perſecution—deſtruction of the Indians—protection againſt Britiſh violence—government of our own chooſing—free •••• rage—learning and reſpectability—p • ace in our borders and plenty in our habitations—not any to moleſt us or make us afraid.

But ſhame to the whole union, that more than a ſeventh part of the human beings in theſe ſtates can, with no manner of propriety, join in any of theſe topics. They are not of the nation; and, therefore, have no national bleſſings to acknowledge. They have no ſhare in the commonwealth. They are politically nothing. And by celebra • ing this day, we ſubſcribe to their nonexiſtence.

Can the negroes praiſe GOD with the ſpirit and the underſtanding, that, in violation of all rights, they were forced from beyond the Atlantic, to be our ſlaves—that the Indians were extirpated, to make room for their maſters—that the did not join the Britiſh in their war againſt us, and, by that means, recover their freedom; but neglect • d the opportunity, and ſo continue a ſervile, abuſed, and pitiable herd, without privilege, under government which they have every reaſon to • a • e, with no ſuffrage, depreſſed in ignorance and meanneſs, having no borders for peace nor habitation for plenty; but expoſed always to ſomebody to moleſt them, and more than to make them afraid—to whip, wound, and maim them—to tire and ſtarve them—and, in ſome places, to mangle and even to kill them. It is a fact, which can not be controverted, that negro ſlaves are not 〈◊〉 ſo abuſed, as to die in conſequence; and inſtances are not wanting of their being killed outright.

Theſe are the bleſſings which they, as a people, have to thank GOD • or; and if they are too ſtupid to experience proper ſentiments upon the occaſion, they are the more to be commiſerated.

The ſlave-trade is a ſource of indeſcribable evils. It is the ſcourge of Africa and the bane of America. The negro nations are ruined by it. The weaker are continually a prey to the ſtronger. Crimes are committed, to which, if the ſlave-trade was aboliſhed, there would be no temptation; and cruelties are practiſed, which would be impoſſible. Their governments are arbitrary; and, while a ſubject can be bartered for commodities, the deſpot is 〈◊〉 likely to be very ſcrupulous about rights. His buſineſs is to ſatisfy, his own appetites. The ſmalleſt offence, therefore, they puniſh by ſelling to ſlavery; and pronounce a ſubject guilty upon the ſlighteſt evidence. Indeed, a forged accuſation is often ſufficient, ſupported by no evidence.

Beſides, the moſt peaceful villages are infeſted with unprincipled wretches, who catch whom they can;—not ſolely to oblige their chriſtian cuſtomers, but to obtain "as much vile traſh as I could graſp thus." Wars too are waged between deſpots for the purpoſe only, though perhaps not avowedly ſo, of obtaining priſoners for the market. Theſe are the means by which ſlaves are procured for American planters. This is the depredation 〈◊〉 which we are acceſſory. For where is the difference of criminality, except in degree, whether we only ſupport a conſtitution which ſanctions this villainy▪ or forbear to remonſtrate with a neighbour, who holds in ſlavery the deſcendant of a negro, bought, by the neighbour's grandfather, of a Engliſh Iſhmaelite, who bought him of his barbarous brethren; or whether we forced him ourſelves from his father's cottage and rive • ted his chains with our own hands?

O, ill-fated Africans! What ſecurity have the moſt innocent, the moſt virtuous among them! Where are all the "tender charities of life!" But we are invited to believe, that theſe people are blocks and droſs, mere brutes, deſtitute of feeling. This is the ſlave-dealer's policy. As if the breaſts of bereft mothers and bereft lovers were exerciſed with 〈◊〉 frantic pangs, when their children and conſorts are torn from • heir arms, to be carried • o a region, where, their country men ſuppoſe, becauſe they never return

The ſecond African who ever returned from American ſlavery, as we are told by Francis Moore, was one Job Ben Solomon, a Pholey, ſon of the high-prieſt of Bando in the interiour parts of Africa. Travelling acr • ſs the country with his herds of cattl • in the year 1731, he was robb • d, ſeized, and ſold to ſlavery. He was brought to America and Purchaſed by a Maryland planter. About a year after he found means to convey a letter to England, written by himſelf, in Arabic. The letter fell into the hands of Mr. Oglethorpe. It was tranſlated at Oxford▪ and, ſuch was the • ſteem, which it procured for the writer, that Mr. Oglethorpe immediately took meaſures to redeem him and bring him to England.

He tarried in England upwards of a year, diſcovered great mi • dneſs of temper and ſtrength of intellect, and received much notice and liberal preſents from many of the nobility and the royal family.

Having then an opportunity, he with great eagerneſs embraced it, to return to his native country. Alas! his father was no more; his wife had married another; his whole country had been ravaged by war—and, though before abounding in herds of cattle, had not a cow left. His wife's new huſband however, hearing of his return, thought proper to abſcond.

The gen • rous man was deeply penetrated at his father's death and the misfortunes of his country; but his wife he forgave: For, ſaid he, Mr. Moore, ſhe could not help thinking I was dead, for I was gone to a land, from whence no Pholey ever yet returned. Therefore ſhe is not to be blamed.

The ſtory might doubtleſs be ſo told, that a tear would be no unnatural effect.