CHAP. I.

BEFORE we proceed to describe the gradual step [...] by which America finally obtained her independ­ence, we shall lay before the reader a general history of America; and an account of the settlement and politi­cal state of the colonies.

America is one of the four quarters of the world, probably, the largest of the whole, and is, from its late discovery, frequently denominated the New World, or New Hemisphere.

This vast country extends from the 80th degree of north, to the 56th degree of south, latitude; and, where its breadth is known, from the 35th to the 136th degree west longitude from London; stretching between 8000 and 9000 miles in length, and in its greatest breadth 3690. It sees both hemispheres, has [Page 14]two summers and a double winter, and enjoys almost all the variety of climates which the earth affords. It is washed by the two great oceans. To the eastward, it has the Atlantic, which divides it from Europe and Africa; to the west, it has the Pacific or Great South Sea, by which it is separated from Asia. By these seas it may, and does, carry on a direct commerce with the other three parts of the world.

America is not of equal breadth throughout its whole extent; but is divided into two great continents, called North, and South, America, by an isthmus 1500 miles long, and which, at Darien, about Lat. 9° N. is only 60 miles over. This isthmus forms, with the northern and southern continents, a vast gulph, in which lie a great number of islands, called the West-Indies, in contradistinction to the eastern parts of Asia, which are called the East-Indies.

Next to the extent of the New World, the gran­deur of the objects which it presents to view, is most apt to strike the eye of an observer. Nature seems here to have carried on her operations upon a larger scale and with a bolder hand, and to have distinguished the features of this country by a peculiar magnificence. The mountains of America are much superior in height to those in the other divisions of the globe. Even the plain of Quito, which may be considered as the base of the Andes, is elevated farther above the sea than the top of the Pyrenees. The most elevated point of the Andes, according to Don Ulloa, is twenty thousand, two hundred, and eighty feet, which is, at least, seven thousand, one hundred, and two feet above the Peak of Teneriffe, which is the highest known mountain in the ancient continent.

From the lofty and extensive mountains of America, descend rivers with which the streams of Europe, of Asia, or of Africa, are not to be compared, either for length of course, or for the vast volumes of water which they pour into the oceans. The Danube, the Indus [Page 15]the Ganges, or the Nile, in the Ancient Hemisphere, are not of equal magnitude with the St. Lawrence, the Missouri, or the Mississippi, in North America; or the Maragnon, the Oroonoko, or the Plata, in South Ameri­ca. The rivers in the latter of these American conti­nents are like vast arms of the sea.

The lakes of the New World are no less conspicu­ous for grandeur than its mountains and rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the globe which resembles the prodigious chain of lakes in North America. They may be properly [...]ermed inland seas of fresh water; and even those of the second or third class of magnitude, are of larger circuit (the Caspian sea excepted) than the greatest lake of the ancient continent.

The luxuriance of the vegetable creation in the New World is extremely great. In the southern provinces, where the moisture of the climate is aided by the warmth of the sun, the woods are almost impervious, and the surface of the ground is hid from the eye, un­der a thick covering of shrubs, of herbs, and weeds. In the northern provinces, although the forests are not encumbered with the same wild luxuriance of vegeta­tion, the trees of various species are generally more lofty, and often much larger, than are to be seen in any other parts of the world.

CHAP. II.

WE will now turn our attention to the Aborigines, or natives of the New World. At the time when his great continent was made more generally known [Page 16]to the Europeans by the discoveries of Christopher Co­lumbus, and of the illustrious navigators who imbibed the spirit and enthusiasm of that great man, it was found inhabited by various tribes and nations of men, who differed, in many respects, from most of the people in the three other quarters of the world. In their physical history, however, the greatest peculiarity in the Ameri­cans is their complexion, and the little difference which is observed, in this respect, throughout the whole ex­tent of the American continent.

The inhabitants of the inland parts of South Ameri­ca, where that continent is widest, and consequently, the influence of the sun most powerful, have never been accurately compared with those of Canada, or more northerly parts, at least as far as we know. Yet this ought to have been done, and that in many instances too, before it could be asserted so positively, as most au­thors do, that there is not the least difference of complexion among the natives of America. Indeed, so many systems have been formed concerning these singular people, that it is very difficult to obtain a true knowledge of the most simple facts, even from the best and most unpreju­diced writers.—If we may believe the Abbé Raynal, the Californians are swarthier than the Mexicans; and so positive is he in this opinion, that he gives a reason for it. "This difference of colour," says he, "proves, that the civilized life of society subverts, or totally changes, the order and laws of nature, since we find, under the temperate zone, a savage people that are blacker than the civilized nations of the torrid zone."—On the other hand, Dr. Robertson classes all the inhabitants of Span­ish America together with regard to colour, whether they are civilized or uncivilized; and when he speaks of Californa, takes no notice of any peculiarity in their colour more than others.—The general appearance of the indigenous Americans in various districts, is thu [...] described by the chevalier P [...]to: "They are all of [...] copper colour, with some diversity of shade, not in pro­portion [Page 17]to their distance from the equator, but accord­ing to the degree of elevation of the territory in which they reside. Those who live in a high country are fair­er than those in the marshy low lands on the coast. Their face is round; farther removed, perhaps, than that of any people from an oval shape. Their forehead is small; the extremity of their ears far from the face; their lips thick; their nose flat; their eyes black, or of a chesnut colour, small, but capable of discerning ob­jects at a great distance. Their hair is always thick and sleek, and without any tendency to curl. At the first aspect, a South American appears to be mild and inno­cent; but, on a more attentive view, one discovers in his countenance something wild, distrustful and ful­len."

The following account of the native Americans is given by Don Antonio Ulloa, in his late work, entitled Memoires philosophiques, historiques, et phisiques, concernant la decouverte de l'Amerique.

The American Indians are naturally of a colour bo [...] ­dering upon red. Their frequent exposure to the sun and wind changes it to their ordinary dusky hue. The temperature of the air appears to have little or no in­fluence in this respect. There is no perceptible dif­ference in complexion between the inhabitants of the high and those of the low parts of Peru; yet the cli­mates are of an extreme difference. Nay, the Indians who live as far as 40 degrees and upwards south or north of the equator, are not to be distinguished, in point of colour, from those immediately under it.

There is, also, a general conformation of features and person, which, more or less characterizeth them all. Their chief distinctions, in these respects, are a small forehead, partly covered with hair almost to the eye­brows, little eyes, the nose thin, pointed, and bent to­wards the upper lip; a broad face, large ears, black, thick, and lank hair; the legs well formed, the feet small, the body thick and muscular; little or no beard [Page 18]on the face, and that little never extended beyond a small part of the chin and upper lip. It may easily be supposed that this general description cannot apply, in all its parts, to every individual; but all of them par­take so much of it, that they may be easily distinguished even from the mulattoes, who come nearest to them in point of colour.

The resemblance among all the American tribes is not less remarkable in respect to their genius, character, manners, and particular customs. The most distant tribes are, in these respects, as similar as though they formed but one nation.

All the Indian nations have a peculiar pleasure in painting their bodies of a red colour, with a certainspe­cies of earth. The mine of Guancavelica was former­ly of no other use than to supply them with this mate­rial for dyeing their bodies; and the cinnabar extracted from it was applied entirely to this purpose. The tribes in Louisiana and in Canada have the same pas­sion; hence minium is the commodity most in demand there.

It may, perhaps, seem singular, that these nations, whose natural colour is red, should affect the same col­our as an artificial ornament. But, it may be observed they do nothing in this respect but what corresponds to the practice of Europeans, who also study to heighten and display to advantage the natural red and white of their complexions. The Indians of Peru have now, in­deed, abandoned the custom of painting their bodies: but it was common among them before they were con­quered by the Spaniards; and it still remains the cus­tom of all those tribes who have preserved their liberty. The northern nations of America, besides the red colour which is predominant, employ also black, white, blue, and green, in painting their bodies.

The adjustment of these colours is a matter of as great consideration with the Indians of Louisiana and the vast regions extending to the north, as the ornaments [Page 19]of dress among the most polished nations. The busi­ness itself they call Mactaher, and they do not fail to ap­ply all their talents and assiduity to accomplish it in the most finished manner. No lady of the greatest fashion ever consulted her mirror with more anxiety, than the Indians do while painting their bodies. The colours are applied with the utmost accuracy and address. Upon the eye lids, precisely at the root of the eye lashes, they draw two lines, as fine as the smallest thread; the same upon the lips, the openings of the nostrils, the eye-brows, and the ears; of which last they even follow all the inflexions and sinuosities. As to the rest of the face, they distribute various figures, in all which the red predominates, and the other colours are assorted so as to throw it out to the best advantage. The neck also receives its proper ornaments; a thick coat of ver­million commonly distinguishes the cheeks. Five or six hours are requisite for accomplishing all this with the nicety which they affect. As their first attempts do not always succeed to their wish, they efface them, and begin a-new upon a better plan. No coquette is more fastidious in her choice of ornament, none more vain when the important adjustment is finished. Their de­light and self-satisfaction are then so great, that the mirror is hardly ever laid down. An Indian mactached to his mind, is the vainest of all the human species. The other parts of the body are left in their natural state, and, excepting what is called a cachecul, they go entirely [...]aked.

Such of them as have made themselves eminent for [...]ravery, or other qualifications, are distinguished by fi­gures painted on their bodies. They introduce the co­ [...]ours by making punctures on their skin, and the extent of surface which this ornament covers is proportioned [...]o the exploits they have performed. Some paint only their arms, others both their arms and legs; others a­gain, their thighs, while those who have attained the [...]ummit of warlike renown have their bodies painted [Page 20]from the waist upwards. This is the heraldry of the Indians; the devices of which are, probably, more exactly adjusted to the merits of the persons who bear them, than those of more civilized countries.

Besides these ornaments, the warriors also carry plumes of feathers on their heads, their arms, and an­cles. These, likewise, are tokens of valo [...], and none but such as have been thus distinguished may wear them.

The propensity to indolence is equal among all the tribes of Indians, civilized, or savage. The only em­ployment of those who have preserved their independ­ence is hunting and fishing. In some districts, the women exercise a little agriculture, in raising Indian corn, and pompions, of which they form a species of aliment, by bruising them together: they, also, prepare the ordinary beverage among them, taking care, at the same time, of the children, of whom the fathers take no charge.

The female Indians of all the conquered regions of South America practise what is called the ur [...]u (a word which among them signifies elevation.) It consists in throwing forward the hair from the crown of the head, upon the brow, and cutting it round from the ears to above the eye; so that the forehead and eye brows are entirely covered. The same custom takes place in the Northern countries. The female inhabitants of both regions tie the rest of their hair behind so exactly in the same fashion, that it might be supposed the effect of mu­tual imitation. This, however, being impossible, from the vast distance that separates them, is thought to coun­tenance the supposition of the whole of America being originally planted with one race of people.

This custom does not take place among the males. Those of the higher parts of Peru wear long and flow­ing hair, which they reckon a great ornament. In the lower parts of the same country they cut it short, on ac­count of the heat of the climate; a circumstance i [...] which they imitate the Spaniards. The inhabitants of [Page 21]Louisiana pl [...]ck out their hair by the roots, from the crown of the head forwards, in order to obtain a large forehead, otherwise denied them by nature. The rest of their hair they cut as short as possible, to prevent their enemies from seizing them by it in battle, and also to prevent them from easily getting their scalp, should they fall into their hands as prisoners.

According to Don Ulloa, the whole race of the American Indians is distinguished by an uncommon thickness of skin, and by an hardness of their fibres; which circumstances, in the opinion of this learn­ned Spanish writer, contribute to that insensibility to bodily pain, for which these singular people are so re­markable. Our author adduces an instance, in support of this insensibility, in the Americans, in the case of an Indian, who was under the necessity of submitting to be [...]ut for the stone. This operation, it is well known, seldom lasts above four, or five, minutes. Unfavoura­ble circumstances, in his case, prolonged it to the un­common period of 27 minutes. Yet, all this time, the patient gave no tokens of the extreme pain, commonly attending this operation: he complained only as a per­son does who feels some slight uneasiness. At last, the stone was extracted. Two days after, he expressed a desire for food, and on the eighth day from the opera­tion he quitted his bed, free from pain, although the wound was not yet thoroughly closed. The same want of sensibility, he says, is observed in cases of fractures, wounds, and other accidents, of a similar nature. In all these cases the cure is easily effected, and they seem [...]o suffer less present pain than any other race of men. The skulls, which have been taken up in their ancient [...]urying grounds, are of a greater thickness than that [...]ompages of bones is commonly found to be; being from six to seven lines from the outer to the inner su­perficies.

It is natural to infer from hence, says Ulloa, that their comparative insensibility to pain is owing to [Page 22]coarser and stronger organization, than that of other nations. The ease with which they endure the severi­ties of climate is, he thinks, another proof of this, The inhabitants of the higher parts of Peru live amidst perpetual frost and snow. Although their clothing i [...] very slight, they support this inclement temperature, without the least inconvenience. Habit, it is to be confessed, may contribute a good deal to this, but much also is to be ascribed to the compact texture of their ski [...] which defends them from the impression of cold through their pores. We must confess, however, notwithstand­ing the assertions and conjectures of an author so res­pectable as Don Ulloa, that we are not very confident, that either the skins, or the skulls of the Americans are thicker than the skins and skulls of many other nations of mankind. But we do not wish, in this place, to ex­patiate on this subject, which can only be reduced to certainty by the investigations of the anatomist or natu­ralist.

The northern Indians resemble them in this respect▪ The utmost rigours of the winter season do not prevent them from following the chace almost naked. It is true, they wear a kind of woollen cloak, or sometimes the skin of a wild beast, upon their shoulders; but, be­sides that it covers only a small part of their body, it would appear that they use it rather for ornament than warmth. In fact, they wear it indiscriminately, in the severities of winter, and in the sultriest heats of summer, when neither Europeans nor Negroes can suf­fer any but the slightest clothing. They even fre­quently throw aside this cloak when they go a hunting, that it may not embarrass them, in traversing their fo­rests, where, they say, the thorns and undergrowth would take hold of it; while, on the contrary, they slide smoothly over the surface of their naked bodies. At all times they go with their heads uncovered, with­out suffering the least inconvenience, either from the [Page 23]cold, or from those coups de soleil, which in Louisiana are so often fatal to the inhabitants of other climates.

The Indians of South America distinguish them­selves by modern dresses, in which they affect various tastes. Those of the high country, and of the vallies in Peru, dress partly in the Spanish fashion. Instead of hats they wear bonnets of coarse double cloth, the weight of which neither seems to incommode them when they go to warmer climates, nor does the acci­dental want of them seem to be felt in situations where the most piercing cold reigns. Their legs and feet are always bare, if we except a sort of sandals made of the skins of oxen. The inhabitants of South America, compared with those of North America, are described as generally more feeble in their frame; less vigorous in the efforts of the mind; of gentler dispositions, more addicted to pleasure, and sunk in indolence.—This, however, is not universally the case. Many of their nations are as intrepid and enterprising as any others on the whole continent. Among the tribes on the banks of the Oroonoko, if a warrior aspires to the post of captain, his probation begins with a long fast, more rigid than any ever observed by the most abstemious hermit. At the close of this the chiefs assemble; and each gives him three lashes with a large whip, applied so vigorously, that his body is almost flayed. If he be­ [...]rays the least symptom of impatience, or even of sensi­bility, he is disgraced, for ever, and is rejected as un­worthy of the honour. After some interval, his con­stancy is proved by a more excruciating trial. He is [...]aid in his hammock with his hands bound fast; and [...]n innumerable multitude of venomous ants, whose bite occasions a violent pain and inflammation, are thrown [...]pon him. The judges of his merit stand around the [...]ammock; and while these cruel insects fasten upon [...]he most sensible parts of his body, a sigh, a groan, or [...]n involuntary motion, expressive of what he suffers, would exclude him from the dignity of which he is [Page 24]ambitious. Even after this evidence, his fortitude [...] not deemed to be sufficiently ascertained, till he [...] stood another test, more severe, if possible, than th [...] former. He is again suspended in his hammock, a [...] covered with the leaves of the palmetto. A fire [...] stinking herbs is kindled underneath, so as he may f [...] its heat, and be involved in smoke. Though scorch [...] and almost suffocated, he must continue to endure th [...] with the same patient insensibility. Many perish [...] this essay of their firmness and courage; but such [...] go through it with applause, receive the ensigns of the new dignity with much solemnity, and are ever af [...] regarded as leaders of approved resolution, whose be­haviour, in the most trying situations, will do hon [...] to their countrty. In North America, the previous t [...] ­al of a warrior is neither so formal, nor so seven though, even there, before a youth is permitted to b [...] arms, his patience and fortitude are proved by blow [...] by fire, and by insults, more intollerable to a haugh [...] spirit than either.

CHAP. III.

OF all the manners and customs of the North Americans more particularly, the following the most consistent account that can be collected fr [...] the best informed and most impartial writers.

When the Europeans first arrived in America, th [...] found the Indians quite naked, except those parts whi [...] even the most uncultivated people usually con [...] [Page 25]Since that time, however, they generally use a coarse blanket, which they buy of the neighbouring planters

Their huts, or cabins, are made of stakes of wood driven into the ground, and covered with branches of trees or reeds. They lie on the floor, either on mats, or the skins of wild beasts. Their dishes are of timber, but their spoons are made of the skulls of wild oxen, and their knives of flint. A kettle and a large plate constitute almost the whole utensils of the family.— Their diet consists chiefly in what they procure by hunting; and sagamite, or pottage, is likewise one of their most common kinds of food. The most honour­able furniture amongst them is a collection of the scalps of their enemies; with these they ornament their huts, which are esteemed in proportion to the number of this sort of spoils.

The character of the Indians is altogether founded upon their circumstances and way of life. A people who are constantly employed in procuring the means of a precarious subsistence, who live by hunting the wild animals, and who are generally engaged in war with their neighbours, cannot be supposed to enjoy much gaiety of temper or a high flow of spirits. The Indians, therefore, are in general grave, even to sadness: they have nothing of that giddy vivacity peculiar to some nations of Europe, and they despise it. Their behaviour to those about them is regular, modest, and respectful. Ignorant of the arts of amusement, of which that of saying trifles agreeably is one of the most considerable, they seldom speak but when they have something important to observe; and all their actions, words, and even looks, are attended with some meaning. This is extremely natural to men who are almost con­tinually engaged in pursuits, which to them are of the highest importance. Their subsistence depends entire­ly only on what they procure with their hands; and, their lives, their honour, and every thing dear to them, may be lost by the smallest inattention to the designs of [Page 26]their enemies. As they have no particular object [...] attach them to one place rather than another, they [...] wherever they expect to find the necessaries of li [...] in greatest abundance. Cities, which are the effects [...] agriculture and arts, they have none. The different tribes, or nations, are, for the same reason, extreme [...] small, when compared with civilized societies, in which industry, arts, agriculture, and commerce, have united a vast number of individuals, whom a complicated lu [...] ­ury renders useful to one another. These small tribe live at an immense distance; they are separated by a desert frontier, and hid in the bosom of impenetrable and almost boundless forests.

There is established in each society a certain speci [...] of government, which prevails over the whole conti­nent of America, with exceeding little variation; because over the whole of this continent the manners and way of life are nearly similar and uniform. Without art [...] riches, or luxury, the great instruments of subjection in polished societies, an American has no method by which he can render himself considerable among [...] companions but by a superiority in personal qualities [...] body or mind. But, as Nature has not been very lavi [...] in her personal distinctions, where all enjoy the same education, all are pretty much upon an equality, and wi [...] desire to remain so. Liberty, therefore, is the prevail­ing passion of the Americans; and their government, under the influence of this sentiment, is, perhaps, bett [...] secured than by the wisest political regulations. They are very far, however, from despising all sort of autho­rity: they are attentive to the voice of wisdom, which experience has conferred on the aged, and they en [...] under the banners of the chief in whose valour and mi­litary address they have learned to repose a just a [...] merited considence. In every society, therefore, the [...] is to be considered the power of the chiefs and of th [...] elders. Among those tribes which are most engaged [...] war, the power of the chief, is, naturally, predominance [Page 27]because the idea of having a military leader was the first source of his superiority, and the continual exi­gencies of the state, requiring such a leader, will con­tinue to support, and even to enhance it. His power, however, is rather persuasive than coercive; he is re­verenced as a father, rather than feared as a monarch. He has no guards, no prisons, no officers of justice, and one act of ill judged violence would pull him from his humble throne. The elders in the other form of gov­vernment, which may be considered as a mild and nomi­nal aristocracy, have no more power. In most coun­tries, therefore, age alone is sufficient for acquiring res­pect, influence, and authority. It is age which teaches experience, and experience is the only source of know­ledge among a savage people. Among those persons business is conducted with the utmost simplicity, and which may recal, to those who are acquainted with [...]ntiquity, a picture of the most early ages. The heads of families meet together in a house or cabin appoint­ed for the purpose. Here business is discussed; and here those of the nation, distinguished for their elo­quence or wisdom, have an opportunity of displaying those talents. Their orators, like those of Homer, ex­press themselves in a bold figurative style, stronger than refined, or rather softened, nations can well bear, and with gestures equally violent, but often extremely nat­ural and expressive. When the business is over, [...]nd they happen to be well provided with food, they appoint a feast upon the occasion, of which almost the whole nation partakes. The feast is accompanied with [...] song, in which the real or fabulous exploits of their [...]refathers are celebrated. They have dances too, [...]hough, like those of the Greeks and Romans, they are [...]hiefly of the military kind; and their music and danc­ [...]g accompany every feast.

To assist their memory, they have belts of small shells, [...] beads, of different colours, each representing a par­ [...]cular object, which is marked by their colour and ar­rangement. [Page 28]At the conclusion of every subject on which they discourse, when they treat with a foreign state, they deliver one of those belts; for if this cere­mony should be omitted, all that they have said passer for nothing. Those belts are carefully deposited [...] each town, as the public records of the nation; and to them they occasionally have recourse, when any pub­lic contest happens with a neighbouring tribe. Of late, as the materials of which those belts are made, have become scarce, they often give some skin in place of the wampum (the name of the beads), and receive, in return, [...] of a more valuable kind from the commission [...] they never consider a treaty as of any weight [...] article in it be ratified by such a grati­ [...].

[...], that those different tribes or [...] as they are at an immense distance fr [...] [...], meet in their excursions after prey. [...] no animosity between them, which seldom [...], they behave in the most friendly and co [...] [...] manner; but if they happen to be in a state [...], or if there has been no previous intercourse [...] ­tween them, all who are not friends are deemed ene­mies, and they fight with the most savage fury.

CHAP. IV.

IF we except hunting and fishing, war is the princi [...] employment of the Indian men: almost every oth [...] concern, but in particular the little agriculture wh [...] [Page 29]they enjoy, is consigned to the women. The most common motive of the Americans for entering into war, when it does not arise from an accidental rencoun­ter, or interference, is either to revenge themselves for the death of some lost friends, or to acquire prisoners, who may assist them in hunting, and whom they adopt into their society. These wars are either undertaken by some private adventurers, or at the instance of the whole community. In the latter case all the young men who are disposed to go out to battle (for no one is compelled contrary to his inclination), give a bit of wood to the chief, as a token of their design to accompany him; for every thing among these people is transacted with a great deal of ceremony and with many forms. The chief, who is to conduct them, fasts sev­eral days, during which time he converses with no one, and is particularly careful to observe his dreams; which the presumption natural to savages generally renders as favourable as he could desire. A variety of other su­perstitions and ceremonies are observed. One of the most hideous is setting the war kettle on the fire, as an emblem that they are going out to devour their enemies; which, among these nations, it is probable, was formerly the case, since they still continue to express it in clear terms, and use an emblem significant of the ancient usage. Then they dispatch a porcelane, or large shell, to their allies, inviting them to come along, and drink the blood of their enemies. For with the Americans, as with the Greeks of old,

They think that those in their alliance must not only adopt their enmities, but that they must also have their re­sentment wound up to the same pitch with themselves. And, indeed, no people carry their friendships or their resentments so far as they do; and this is what should be expected from their peculiar circumstances: that principle in human nature which is the spring of the [Page 30]social affections, acts with so much the greater force [...] more it is restrained. The Americans, who live [...] small societies, who see few objects and few perso [...] become wonderfully attached to those objects and per­sons, and cannot be deprived of them without feeli [...] themselves miserable. Their ideas are too confined [...] enable them to entertain just sentiments of humanity or universal benevolence. But this very circumstance while it makes them cruel and savage to an incredi [...] degree, towards those with whom they are at war, a [...] new force to their particular friendships, and to the com­mon tie which unites the members of the same tribe, [...] those different tribes which are in alliance with [...] another. Without attending to this reflection, so [...] facts we are going to relate would excite our wond [...] without informing our reason, and we would be [...] wildered in a number of particulars, seemingly oppo [...] to one another, without being sensible of the gener [...] cause from which they proceed.

Having finished all the ceremonies previous to th [...] war, and the day appointed for their setting out on the expedition being arrived, they take leave of their friend and exchange their clothes, or whatever moveables th [...] have, in token of mutual friendship; after which th [...] proceed from the town, their wives and female relation walking before, and attending them to some distan [...] The warriors march all dressed in their finest appa [...] and most showy ornaments, without any order. T [...] chief walks slowly before them, singing the war so [...] while the rest observe the most profound silen [...] When they come up to their women, they deliver the [...] all their finery, and putting on their worst clothes, p [...] ­ceed on their expedition.

Every nation has its peculiar ensign or standa [...] which is generally a representation of some beast, bi [...] or fish. Those among the Five Nations are the bea [...] otter, wolf, tortoise, and eagle; and by those na [...] the tribes are usually distinguished. They have [...] [Page 31]figures of those animals pricked and printed on several parts of their bodies; and when they march through the woods, they commonly, at every encampment, cut the representation of their ensign on trees, especially after a successful campaign: marking at the same time the number of scalps or prisoners they have taken. Their military dress is extremely singular. They cut off, or pull out, all their hair, except a spot about the breadth of two English crown pieces, near the top of their heads, and entirely destroy their eye brows. The lock left upon their heads is divided into several parcels, each of which is stiffened and adorned with wampum, beads, and feathers of various kinds, the whole being twisted into a form much resembling the modern pompoon. Their heads are painted red down to the eye brows, and painted over with white down. The gristles of their ears are split almost quite round, and distended with wires or splimters, so as to meet and tie together on the nape of the neck. These are, also, hung with orna­ments, and, generally, bear the representation of some bird, or beast. Their noses are likewise bored and hung with trinkets of beads, and their faces painted, with various colours, so as to make an awful appear­ance. Their breasts are adorned with a gorge [...], or medal, of brass, copper, or some other metal; and that dreadful weapon the scalping knife hangs by a string from the neck.

The great qualities of an Indian war are vigilance and attention, to give and avoid a surprise; and, indeed, in these they are superior to all nations in the world. Accustomed to continual wandering in the forests; having their perceptions sharpened by keen necessity, and living, in every respect, according to nature, their external senses have a degree of acuteness which, at first view, appears incredible. They can trace out their enemies, at an immense distance, by the smoke of their fires, which they smell, and by the tracks of their feet upon the ground, imperceptible to an European eye, [Page 32]but which they can count and distinguish, with the [...] most facility. It is said they can even distinguish [...] different nations with wh [...]m they are acquainted, [...] can determine the precise time when they passed, wh [...] an European could not, with all his glasses, distinguish footsteps at all. These circumstances, however, [...] of less importance, because their savage enemies [...] equally well acquainted with them. When they [...] out, therefore, they take care to avoid making use of [...] thing by which they might run the danger of a dis [...] ­ry. They light no sire, to warm themselves, or to [...] pare their victuals: they lie close to the ground all [...] and travel only in the night; and marching along [...] files, he that closes the rear, diligently covers with le [...] the tracks of his own feet and of theirs who prece [...] him. When they halt to refresh themselves, scouts [...] sent out to reconnoitre the country and beat up e [...] place where they suspect an enemy to lie conceal [...] In this manner they enter unawares the villages of [...] foes; and while the flower of the nation are enga [...] in hunting, massacre all the children, women, and [...] less old men, or make prisoners of as many as they [...] manage, or have strength enough to be useful to th [...] nation. But when the enemy is apprised of their [...] sign, and coming on in arms against them, they th [...] themselves flat on the ground among the withered [...] and leaves, which their faces are painted to resem [...] They then allow a part to pass unmolested, when, [...] at once, with a tremendous shout, rising up from th [...] ambush, they pour a storm of musket bullets on th [...] foes. The party attacked returns the same cry. Ev [...] one shelters himself with a tree, and returns the fire [...] the adverse party, as soon as they raise themselves fr [...] the ground to give the second fire. Thus does [...] battle continue until the one party is so much weake [...] as to be incapable of farther resistance. But if [...] force on each side continues nearly equal, the fierce [...] it of the savages, inflamed by the loss of their friend [Page 33]can no longer be restrained. They abandon their dis­tant war, they rush upon one another with clubs and hatchets in their hands, magnifying their own courage, and insulting their enemies with the bitterest reproaches. A cruel combat ensues, death appears in a thousand hideous forms, which would congeal the blood of civil­ized nations to behold, but which rouses the fury of sa­vages. They trample, they insult, over the dead bodies, and te [...] the scalp from the head. The flame rages on till it meets with no resistance; then the prisoners are secured, those unhappy men, whose fate is a thousand times more dreadful than theirs who have died in the field. The conquerors set up a hideous howling, to lament the friends they have lost. They approach, i [...] a melancholy and severe gloom, to their own village; a messenger is sent to announce their arrival, and the women with fright­ful shrieks, come out to mourn their dead brothers, or their hushands. When they are arrived, the chief relates in a low voice, to the elders, a circumstantial account of every particular of the expedition. The orator pro­claims aloud this account to the people; and as he men­tions the names of those who have fallen, the shrieks of the women are redoubled. The men, too, join in these cries, according as each is most connected with the deceased by blood, o [...] friendship. The last ceremony is the proclamation of the victory; each individual then forgets his private misfortunes, and joins in the triumph of his nation; all tears are wiped from their eyes, and, by an unaccountable transition, they pass, in a moment, from the bitterness of sorrow to an extravagance of joy. But the treatment of the prisoners, whose fate remains all this time undecided, is what chiefly characterizes the savages.

We have already mentioned the strength of their af­fections, or resentments. United, as they are, in small societies, connected, within themselves, by the firmest [...]ties, their friendly affections, which glow with the most intense warmth within the walls of their own vil­age, [Page 34]seldom extend beyond them. They feel nothing for the enemies of their nation; and their resentment is easily extended, from the individual who has injured them, to all [...]hers of the same tribe. The prisoners, who have themselves the same feelings, know the in­tentions of their conquerors, and are prepared for them. The person who has taken the captive attends him to the cottage, where, according to the distribution made by the elders, he is to be delivered to supply the loss of a citizen. If those who receive him have their family weakened by war or other accidents, they adopt the captive into the family, of which he becomes a mem­ber. But if they have no occasion for him, or their re­sentment for the loss of their friends be too high to endure the sight of any connected with those who were concerned in it, they sentence him to death. All those who have met with the same severe sentence being collect­ed, the whole nation is assembled at the execution, as for some great solemnity. A scaffold is erected, and the prisoners are tied to the stake, where they commence their death song, and prepare for the ensuing scene of cruelty with the most undaunted courage. Their ene­mies, on the other side, are determined to put it to the proof, by the most refined and exquisite tortures. They begin at the extremity of his body, and gradually ap­proach the more vital parts. One plucks out his nails by the roots, one by one; another takes a singer into his mouth, and tears off the flesh with his teeth; a third thrusts the finger, mangled as it is, into the bowl of a pipe made red hot, which he smokes like tobacco; then they pound his toes and fingers to pieces between two stones; they cut circles about his joints, and gash­es in the fleshy parts of his limbs, which they sear im­mediately with red hot irons, cutting, burning, and pinching them, alternately; they pull off his flesh, thus mangled and roasted, bit by bit, devouring it with greediness, and smearing their faces with the blood, in an enthusiasm of horrour and sury. When they have [Page 35]thus torn off the flesh, they twist the bare nerves and tendons about an iron, tearing and snapping them, whilst others are employed in pulling and extending his limbs in every way that can increase the torment. This continues, often, five or six hours; and sometimes, such is the strength of the savages, days together. Then they frequently unbind him, to give a breathing to their fury, to think what new torments they shall in­flict, and to refresh the strength of the suffere [...], who, wearied out with such a variety of unheard of tor­ments, often falls into so profound a sleep, that they are obliged to apply the fire to awake him, and renew his sufferings. He is again fastened to the stake, and a­gain they renew their cruelty; they stick him all over with small matches of wood that easily takes fire, but burns slowly; they continually run sharp reeds into every part of his body; they drag out his teeth with pincers, and thrust out his eyes; and, lastly, after hav­ing [...]urned his flesh from the bones with slow fires; after having so mangled the body that it is all but one wound; after having mutilated his face in such a man­ner as to carry nothing human in it; after having peeled the skin from the head, and poured a heap of red hot coals or boiling water on the naked s [...]ll—they once more unbind the wretch, who, blind, and stag­gering with pain and weakness, assaulted and perted on every side with clubs and stones, now up, now down, falling into their fires at every step, runs hither and thither, until one of the chiefs, either out of com­passion or weary of cruelty, puts an end to his life with a club or dagger. The body is then put into a kettle, and this barbarous employment is succeeded by a feast as barbarous.

The women, forgetting the human as well as the fe­male nature, and transformed into something worse than furies, are said to surpass even the men in this scene of horrour; while the principal persons of the [Page 36]country sit round the stake, smoking and looking on, without the least emotion. What is most extraordina­ry, the sufferer himself, in the little intervals of his tor­ments, smokes too, appears unconcerned, and converses with his torturers about indifferent matters. Indeed, during the whole time of his execution, there seems a contest which shall exceed, they in inflicting the most horrid pains, or he in enduring them with a firmne [...] [...] [...]nstancy almost above human: Not a groan, not [...] sigh, not a distortion of countenance, escapes him; he possesses his mind entirely in the midst of his tor­ments; he recounts his own exploits; he informs the [...] what cruelties he has inflicted upon their countryme [...]; and threatens them with the revenge that will attend his death; and, though his repreaches exasperate the [...] to a perfect madness of rage and [...]ury, he continues [...] insults even of their ignorance of the art of tormenti [...] pointing out himself more exquisite methods, and mo [...] sensible parts of the body to be afflicted. The women ha [...] this part of courage as well as the men; and it is as [...] for an Indian to behave otherwise, as it would be for [...] European to suffer as an Indian. Such is the wonder­ful power of an early institution, and a ferocious thi [...] of glory! "I am brave and intrepid (exclaims the sa [...] ­age in the face of his tormentors) I do not fear dea [...] nor any kind of tortures; those who fear them [...] cowards; they are less than women; life is nothing [...] those that have courage. May my enemies be co [...] founded with despair and rage! Oh! that I could [...] ­vour them and drink their blood to the last drop."

But neither the intrepidity, on one side, nor the [...] flexibility, on the other, are among themselves mat [...] of astonishment; for vengeance and fortitude, in [...] midst of torment, are duties which they consider as [...] ­cred; they are the effects of their earliest education, [...] depend upon principles instilled into them from th [...] infancy. On all other occasions they are humane [...] compassionate. Nothing can exceed the warmth [...] [Page 37]their affection towards their friends, who consist of all those who live in the same village, or are in alliance with it; among these all things are common; and this, though it may in part, and among some of the tribes, arise from their not possessing very distinct notions of separate property, is chiefly to be attributed to the strength of their attachment; because, in every thing else, with their lives as well as their fortunes, they are ready to serve their friends. Their houses, their pro­vision, even their young women, are not enough to o­blige a guest. Has any one of these succeeded ill in his hunting? Has his harvest failed? or is his house berned? He feels no other effect of his misfortunes, than that it gives him an opportunity to experience the benevo­lence and regard of his fellow citizens. On the other hand, to the enemies of his country, or to those who have privately offended, the American is implacable. He conceals his sentiments; he appears reconciled, un­til by some treachery or surprise he has an opportunity of executing a horrible revenge. No length of time is sufficient to allay his resentment; no distance of place great enough to protect the object; he crosses the steepest mountains; he pierces the most impractica­ble forests, and traverses the most hideous bogs and de­sarts, for several hundreds of miles; bearing the in­clemency of the season, the fatigue of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and thirst, with patience and cheerfulness, in hopes of surprising his enemy, on whom [...]he exercises the most shocking barbarities, even to the eating of his flesh. To such extremes do the Indians push their friendship or their enmity; and such indeed, in general, is the character of all strong and unculti­vated minds.

CHAP. V.

BUT what we have said respecting the Indi [...] would be a faint picture, did we omit observ [...] the force of their friendship, which principally app [...] by the treatment of their dead. When any one of [...] ­society is cut off, he is lamented by the whole: On th [...] occasion a variety of ceremonies are practised, denoti [...] the most lively sorrow. No business is transacted, how ever pressing, till all the pious ceremonies due to [...] dead are performed. The body is washed, anoin [...] and painted. Then, the women lament the loss wi [...] hideous howlings, intermixed with songs which celebra [...] the great actions of the deceased and his ancesto [...] The men mourn also, though in a less extravagant ma [...] ­ner. The whole village is present at the interment, [...] the corpse is habited in their most sumptuous or [...] ­ments. Close to the body of the defunct are plac [...] his bows and arrows, with whatever he valued most [...] his life, and a quantity of provisions for his subsistence [...] the journey which he is supposed to take. This solem [...] ­ity, like every other, is attended with feasting. The [...] ­neral being ended, the relations of the deceased confi [...] themselves to their huts, for a considerable time, to [...] ­dulge their grief. After an interval of some weeks, th [...] visit the grave, repeat their sorrow, new clothe the [...] ­mains of the body, and act over again all the solem [...] ­ties of the funeral.

Among the various tokens of their regard for th [...] deceased friends, the most remarkable is the ceremo [...] which they call the feast of the dead, or the feast of so [...] The day for this ceremony is appointed in the council [...] [Page 39]their chiefs, who give orders for every thing which may enable them to celebrate it with pomp and magnificence; and the neighbouring nations are invited to partake of the entertainment. At this time, all who have died since the preceding feast of the kind, are taken out of their graves. Even those who have been interred at the greatest distance from the villages, are diligently sought for, and conducted to this rendezvous of the dead, which exhibits a scene of horrour beyond the power of description. When the feast is concluded, the bodies are dressed in the finest skins which can be procured, and after being exposed for some time in this pomp, are again committed to the earth, with great solemnity, which is succeeded by funeral games.

Their taste for war, which forms the chief ingredi­ent in their character, gives a strong bias to their religion. Areskoui, or the god of battle, is revered as the great god of the Indians. Him they invoke before they go into the field; and according as his disposition is more or less favourable to them, they conclude they will be more or less successful. Some nations seem to do a kind of [...]omage to the sun, as a symbol or minister of the benefi­ [...]ence and power of the Great Spirit: Others pay a similar homage to the moon and planets; among oth­ers, there is a number of traditions, relative to the cre­ation of the world and the history of the gods: Tradi­tions which resemble the Grecian fables, but which are [...]till more absurd and inconsistent. But religion is not [...]he prevailing character of the Indians; and except when they have some immediate occasion for the assist­ [...]nce of their gods, they pay them no sort of worship. Like all rude nations, however, they are strongly addict­ed to superstition. They believe in the existence of a [...]umber of good and bad genii, or spirits, who inter­ [...]ere in the affairs of mortals, and produce all our hap­ [...]iness, or misery. It is from the evil genii, in particu­lar, that our diseases, they imagine, proceed; and it is [...]o the good genii, we are indebted for a cure. The [Page 40]ministers of the genii are the jugglers, who are also [...] chief physicians among the savages. These jugg [...] are supposed to be inspired by the good genii, m [...] commonly in their dreams, with the knowledge of [...] ture events: they are called in to the assistance of [...] sick, and are supposed to be informed by the g [...] whether they will get over the disease, and in what [...] they must be treated. But these spirits are extrem [...] simple in their system of physic, and in almost ev [...] disease, direct the juggler to the same remedy. T [...] patient is enclosed in a narrow cabin, in the midst [...] which is a stone red hot; on this they throw wa [...] until he is well soaked with the warm vapour and [...] own sweat. Then they hurry him from his bagnio, [...] plunge him suddenly into the next river. This [...] method, which costs many their lives, often perfor [...] very extraordinary cures. "Some of their remedies [...] ­ever, which are almost entirely derived from the veg [...] ­table kingdom, are certainly very powerful and eff [...] ­cious in their operation. The principal of these a [...] species of stillingia (perhaps a croton) several specied [...] ­iris, particularly the versicolor, and the verna; the [...] ­nonia crucigera, &c."—These are principally employ [...] by the jugglers, and old women; but most of the sav [...] are more or less dexterous in curing wounds, and [...] eases. But the power of their remedies is generally [...] ­tributed by the savages to the magical ceremonies [...] which they are administered.

Although the Indian women generally bear the [...] ­borious part of the domestic economy, their condit [...] at least among many of the tribes, is far from bein [...] wretched, so slavish, and depressed, as has been re [...] ­sented by Dr. Robertson, and by many other wri [...] We do not mean, in this place, to engage in an in [...] ­ry concerning the comparative respectability and [...] ­portance of the female character in the various stage [...] society and improvement; an inquiry this which [...] employed the pens of some of the most learned and [Page 41]eloquent writers of the presentage, and concerning which there are still various, and very opposite, opinions. This, however, we think, we may, confidently and safe­ly, assert, that the condition of the women among many of the American tribes is as respectable and as impor­tant as it was among the Germans, in the days of Tac­itus; or as it is among any other nations, with whom we are acquainted, in a similar stage of improvement. "Their business, or employment," says the ingenious Mr. William Bartram, "is chiefly in their houses, ex­cept at those seasons when their crops of maize, &c. are growing, at which times they generally turn out with their husbands and parents; but they are by no means compelled to do this, and one seldom see [...] a third as many females as males at work, in their planta­tions." "You may depend on my assertion," (says the same gentleman, who had ample opportunities of study­ing the customs and manners of the southern Indians, of whom he is speaking, in this place) "that there are no people, any where, who love their women more than these Indians do, or men of better understanding in dis­tinguishing the merits of the opposite sex;—or men more faithful in rendering suitable compensation. They are courteous and polite to their women—gentle, ten­der and fondling, even to an appearance of effeminacy. An Indian man seldom attempts to use a woman, of any description, with indelicacy, either of action, or of language.

"In the bunting seasons, that is, in autumn, and in winter, when the men are generally out in the forest [...], the whole care of the house or family devolves on the women: at these times they are obliged to undergo a great deal of labour and fatigue, such as cutting wood, &c. But this labour is, in part alleviated by the assist­ance of the old men, who are past their hunting days, or who are no longer capable of serving in war." But nothing more clearly shows the importance and respect­ability of the women among the Indians than this ci [...] ­cumstance, [Page 42]circumstance, that, among some of the tribes, they [...] permitted to preside in the councils of their country; to this we may add, that several of the Florida nation [...] have, at different times, been governed by the wisdo [...] and the prudence of female caciques.

Polygamy is practised by some nations, but it is n [...] general. In most they content themselves with [...] wife; but a divorce is admitted of in case of adultery. No nation of the Americans is without a regular ma [...] ­riage, in which there are many ceremonies; the pri [...] ­cipal of which is, the bride's presenting the bridegroo [...] with a plate of their corn. The women, though [...] fore incontinent, are remarkable for chastity after marriage.

Liberty, in its full extent, being the darling passion [...] the Indians, their education is directed in such a [...] ­ner as to cherish this disposition to the utmost. Hen [...] children are never upon any account chastised with blows, and they are seldom even reprimanded. Rea­son, they say, will guide their children when they com [...] to the use of it, and before that time their faults cannot be very great; but blows might damp their free an [...] martial spirit, by the habit of a slavish motive to action. When grown up, they experience nothing like com­mand, dependence or subordination; even strong pe [...] ­suasion is industriously withheld by those who have in­fluence among them.—No man is held in great estee [...] unless he has increased the strength of his country with a captive, or adorned his but with a scalp of one of his enemies.

Controversies among the Indians are few, and quick­ly decided. When any criminal matter is so flagrant as to become a national concern, it is brought under the jurisdiction of the great council; but in ordina [...] cases, the crime is either revenged or compromised by the parties concerned. If a murder be committed, th [...] family which has lost a relation prepares to retaliate [...] that of the offender. They often kill the murderer; [Page 43]and when this happens, the kindred of the last person slain, look upon themselves to be as much injured, and to have the same right to vengeance, as the other par­ty. In general, however, the offender absents himself; the friends send compliments of condolence to those of the person who has been murdered. The head of the family, at length, appears with a number of presents, the delivery of which he accompanies with a formal speech. The whole ends, as usual, in mutual feastings, in songs, and in dances. If the murder is committed by one of the same family, or cabin, that cabin has the full right of judgment within itself, either to punish the guilty with death, or to pardon him, or to oblige him to give some recompence to the wife or children of the slain. Instances of such a crime, however, very sel­dom happen; for their attachment to those of the same family is remarkably strong, and is said to produce such friendships as may vie with the most celebrated in fabu­ [...]ous antiquity.

Such, in general, are the manners and customs of the Indian nations; but almost every tribe has something peculiar to itself. Among the Hurons, and the Natch­es, the dignity of the chief is said to be hereditary, and the right of succession in the female line. When this happens to be extinct, the most respectable matron of the tribe, we are informed, makes choice of whom she pleases to succeed.

The Cheerake are governed by several sachems, or chiefs, elected by the different villages; as are also the Creeks, and the Chactaws. The two latter punish adultery in a woman by cutting off her hair, which they will not suffer to grow till the corn is ripe, the next sea­son; but the Illinois, for the same crime, cut off the woman's nose and ears.

The Indians on the Lakes are formed into a sort of em­ [...]ire; and the emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is that of the Ottawawas. This authority is ve­ry considerable. A few years ago, the person who held [Page 44]this rank formed a design of uniting all the Indian na­tions, under his sovereignty; but he miscarried in the bold attempt.

Little is yet known of the interior parts of North America. In 1792, a Mr. Stuart, said to be in the em­ploy of the British Court, returned from four years tr [...] ­els through the hitherto unexplored regions to the we [...] ­ward. Taking his course west southwesterly from the posts on the lakes, he penetrated to the head of the Missouri, and from: thence due west, to within 500 mi [...] of the shores of the Pacific ocean. He joined the i [...] ­cerior Indians in several battles against the shore In [...] ­ans, all which coming short of his object, the procuring a peace, so that he might explore the continent from sea to sea, after some stay, he returned nearly by [...] same route, he had pursued in going out. Beyond the Mis­souri, Mr. Stuart met with many powerful nations of s [...] ­ges, in general bospitable and courteous. The Indian [...] ­tions he visited westward appeared to be a polished and ci [...] ­ized people, having towne regularly built, and being in­state of society not say removed from the Europeans, [...] only wanting the use of iron and steel to be perfectly [...] They are always [...] in [...], cut in an elegant man­ner, and in many respects preferable to the garments [...] use among the whites. Adjacent to these nations [...] vast ridge of mountains, which may be called the [...] legany of the western parts of America, and serves [...] a barrier against the too frequent incursions of [...] coast Indians; who entertain a mortal antipathy to [...] nations and tribes inhabitating the country eastward beyond the mountains. ^*

The newly discovered American Indians about M [...] ­ka Sound, disguise themselves after the mannner of [...] ancient Scythians, in dresses made of the skins [...] wolves and other wild beasts, and wear even the [...] sitted to their own. These habits they use in the else to circumvent the animals of the field.

[Page 45] Concerning the religion of the Indians much has been said, and much that has no foundation. In general it may be observed that they all have an idea of a Supreme Being, whom they worship under different names, and with a great variety of superstitious rites and ceremo­nies. ^†

In general, the American Indians live to a great age, although it is not easy to know from themselves the ex­act number of their years. It was asked of an Indian, who appeared to be extremely old, what age he was of? I am above twenty, was his reply. Upon putting the question in a different form, by reminding him of cer­tain circumstances, in former times, my machu, said he, spoke to me, when I was young, of the Ineas; and he had seen these princes. According to this reply, there must have elapsed, from the date of his machu's (his grandfather's) remembrance to that time, a period of, at least, 232 years. The man who made this reply, ap­peared to be 120 years of age: for, besides the white­ness of his hair and beard, his body was almost bent to the ground; without, however, showing any other marks of debility, or suffering. This happened in 1764. This longevity, attended in general with uninterrupted health, is thought, by some writers, to be the couse­quence in part of their vacancy from all serious thought and employment, joined also with the robust texture and conformation of their bodily organs. If the In­dians did not destroy one another, in their almost per­petual wars, and if their habits of intoxication were not so universal and incurable, they would be, of all the rac­es of men who inhabit the globe, the most likely to ex­tend, not only the bounds, but the enjoyments, of ani­mal life to their utmost duration.

CHAP. VI.

LET us now attend to other pictures which [...] been given of the aboriginal inhabitants of Amer­ica. The vices and defects of the American Indi [...] have been, by several writers, most unaccountably [...] gravated, and every virtue and good quality deni [...] them. Their cruelties have been already described, [...] accounted for. The following anecdote of an Alg [...] ­quin woman we find adduced as a remarkable proof [...] their innate thirst of blood. That nation being at [...] with the Iroquois, she happened to be taken prison [...] and was carried to one of the villages belonging to th [...] Here she was stripped naked, and her hands and [...] bound, with ropes, in one of their cabins. In this c [...] ­dition she remained ten days, the savages sleeping ro [...] her every night. The eleventh night, while they wa [...] asleep, she found means to disengage one of her hand with which she immediately freed herself from [...] ropes, and went to the door. Though she had now [...] opportunity of escaping unperceived, her revenge temper could not let slip so favourable an opportunity killing one of her enemies. The attempt was manifest at the hazard of her own life; yet, snatching up hatchet, she killed the savage that lay next her: And springing out of the cabin, concealed herself in a [...] low tree, which she had observed the day before. [...] groans of the dying person soon alarmed the other [...] vages, and the young ones immediately set out in pur­suit of her. Perceiving, from her tree, that they [...] directed their course one way, and that no savage [...] near her, she left her sanctuary, and flying by an [...] [...]posi [...] [Page 47]opposite direction, ran into a forest without being per­ceived. The second day after this happened, her foot­steps were discovered; and they pursued her with such expedition, that the third day she discovered her ene­mies at her heels. Upon this, she threw herself into a pond of water; and diving among some weeds and bulrushes, she could just breathe above water without being perceived. Her pursuers, after making the most diligent search, were forced to return.—For 35 days this woman held on her course through woods and de­farts, without any other sustenance than that which roots and wild berries afforded her. When she came to the river St. Lawrence, she made, with her own hands, a kind of a wicker raft, on which she crossed [...]. As she went by the French for Trois Riviers, without well knowing where she was, she perceived a [...]anoe [...]uil of savages; and fearing they might be Iro­ [...]uois, ran again into the woods, where she remained [...] sunset.—Continuing her course soon after, she faw [...]rois Riviers; and was then discovered by a party whom she knew to be Hurens, a nation in alliance with he Algonquine. She then squatted down, behind a bush, [...]alling out to them that she was not in a condition to be [...]een, because she was naked. They immediately threw [...]er a blanket, and then conducted her to a fort, where [...]he recounted her story.

Personal courage has been denied them. In proof of [...]heir pufillanimity, the following incidents are quoted from Charlevoix, by lord Kames, in his Sketches of the History of Man. "The fort de Vercheres, in Cana­ [...], belonging to the French, was, in the year 1690, [...]tacked by the Iroquois. They approached silently, reparing to scale the palisade, when some musket shot [...]ade them retire. Advancing a second time, they were gain repulsed, wondering that they could discover none [...]ut a woman, who was seen every where. This was [...]adame de Vercheres, who appeared as resolute as if [...]pported by a numerous garrison. The hopes of storm­ing [Page 48]a place without men to defend it, occasion reiterated attacks. After two days siege they retir [...] fearing to be intereepted in their retreat. Two [...] after, a party of the same nation appeared before [...] fort so unexpectedly, that a girl of fourteen, daugh [...] of the pro [...]rietor, had but time to shut the gate. [...] the young woman there was not a soul but one raw [...] ­dier. She showed herself, with her assistant, sometime in one place, and sometimes in another; changing [...] dress frequently, in order to give some appearance [...] garrison; and always firing opportunely. The fa [...] hearted Iroquois decamped without success."

There is no instance, it is said, either of a single In­dian facing an individual, of any other nation, in [...] and open combat, or of their jointly venturing to try [...] fate of battle with an equal number of any foes. [...] with the greatest superiority of numbers, they dare [...] meet an open attack. Yet, notwithstanding this [...] of courage, they are still formidable; nay, it has [...] known, that a small party of them has routed a [...] superior body of regular troops: but this can [...] happen when they have surprised them in the fastne [...] of their forests, where the covert of the wood [...] conceal them until they take their aim with the ut [...] certainty. After one such discharge they immedia [...] retreat, without leaving the smallest trace of their rou [...] It may easily be supposed, that an onset of this [...] must produce confusion even among the steadiest troop when they can neither know the number of their [...] ­mies, nor perceive the place where they lie in amb [...]

Perfidy combined with cruelty has been also made [...] part of their character. Don Ulloa relates, That the [...] ­dians called Natches, in Louisiana, laid a plot of [...] sacring, in one night, every individual belonging [...] the French colony established there. This plot [...] actually executed, notwithstanding the seeming [...] understanding that subsisted between them and [...] European neighbours. Such was the secrecy which [Page 49]they observed, that no person had the least suspicion of their design until the blow was struck. One French­man alone escaped, by favour of the darkness, to re­late the disaster of his countrymen. The compassion of a female Indian contributed also, in some measure, to his exemption from the general massacre. The tribe of Natches had invited the Indians of other countries, even to a considerable distance, to join in the same con­spiracy. The day, or rather the night, was fixed, on which they were to make an united attack on the French colonists. It was intimated by sending a parcel of rods, more or less numerous according to the local distance of each tribe, with an injunction to abstract one rod dai­ly; the day on which the last fell to be taken away be­ing that fixed for the execution of their plan. The women were partners of the bloody secret. The par­cels of rods being thus distributed, that belonging to the tribe of Natches happened to remain in the custody of a female. This woman, either moved by her own feelings of compassion, or by the commiseration expres­sed by her female acquaintances, in the view of the proposed scene of bloodshed, abstracted one day three or four of the rods, and thus anticipated the term of her tribe's proceeding to the execution of the general conspiracy. The consequence of this was, that the Natches were the only actors in this carnage; their dis­tant associates having still several rods remaining at the time when the former made the attack. An opportu­nity was, thereby, given to the colonists, in those quar­ters, to take measures for their defence, and for pre­venting a more extensive execution of the design.

It was by conspiracies similar to this that the Indians of the province of Macas, in the kingdom of Quito, destroyed the opulent city of Logrogno, the colony of Guambaya, and its capital Sevilla del Oro; and that so completely, that it is no longer known in what place these settlements existed, or where that abundance of gold was found from which the last mentioned city took [Page 50]the addition to its name. Similar ravages have been committed upon l'Imperia [...], in Chisi, the colonies of the Missions of Chuncas, those of Darien, in Term [...], and many other places, which have afforded seenes [...] this barbarous ferocity. These conspiracies are alway [...] carried on in the same manner. The secret is inviol [...] ­bly kept; the actors assemble at the precise hour appoint­ed, and every individual is animated with the same sanguinary purposes. The males who fall into their hands are put to death, with every shocking circu [...] ­stance that can be suggested by a cool and determine [...] cruelty. The females are carried off and preserved, [...] monuments of their victory, to be employed as their occasions require.

Nor can this odious cruelty and treachery, it is sai [...] be justly ascribed to their subjection to a foreign [...] seeing the same character belongs equally to all the original inhabitants of this vast continent, even [...] those who have preserved their independence most com­pletely. Certain it is, continues Ulloa, that these people with the most limited capacities for every thing else display an astonishing degree of penetration and subu [...] ­ty, with respect to every object that involves treach­ery, bloodshed, and rapine. As to these, they fee [...] to have been all educated at one school; and a secret referring to any such plan, no consideration on ear [...] can extort from them.

Their understandings also have been represented [...] not less contemptible than their manners are gross an [...] brutal. Many nations, it has been said, are neither ca­pable of forming an arrangement for futurity, nor do [...] their solicitude or foresight extend so far. They set [...] value upon those things of which they are not in some immediate want. In the evening, says father Lab [...] when a Carib is going to rest, no consideration [...] tempt him to sell his hammock; but in the morning he will part with it for the slightest trifle. At th [...] close of winter, a North American, mindful of wh [...] [Page 51] [...]e has suffered from the cold, sets himself with vigour [...]o prepare materials for erecting a comfortable hut to protect him against the inclemency of the succeeding [...]eason: But as soon as the weather becomes mild, he handous his work, and never thinks of it more till [...]he return of the cold compels him to resume it.—In [...]hort, to be free from labour seems to be the utmost wish of an American. They will continue, whole days, [...]retched in their hammocks, or seated on the earth, without changing their posture, raising their eyes, or [...]tering a single word. They cannot compute the suc­cession of days, nor of weeks. The different aspects of [...]e moon alone engage their attention, as a measure of me. Of the year they have no other conception than [...]hat is suggested to them by the alternate heat of sum­ [...]er, and by the cold of winter; nor have they the least [...]ea of applying to this period the obvious computation [...] the months which it contains. When it is asked of [...] old man, in Peru, even the most civilized, what [...] he is of? the only answer he can give is the num­ber of caciques he has seen. It often happens, too, that [...]ey only recollect the most distant of these princes, in [...]ose time certain circumstances had happened peculi­ [...]y memorable, while of those who lived in a more [...]ent period they have lost all remembrance.

The same gross stupidity is alleged to be observable those Indians who have retained their original liber­ [...] ▪

They are never known to fix the dates of any [...]nts in their minds, or to trace the succession of cir­cumstances that have arisen from such events. Their [...]gination takes in only the present, and in that only at intimately concerns themselves. Nor can dis­ [...]fine or instruction overcome this natural defect of [...]rehension. In fact, the subjected Indians in Peru, [...] have a continual intercourse with the Spaniards, [...] are furnished with curates perpetually occupied in [...] them lessons of religion and morality, and [...] mix with all ranks of the civilized society establish­ed [Page 52]among them, are almost as stupid and barbar­ous as their countrymen who have had no such advanta­ges. The Peruvians, while they lived under the govern­ment of their Incas, preserved the records of certain remarkable events. They had also a kind of regular government described by the historians of the conquest of Peru. This government originated entirely from the attention and abilities of their princes, and from the regulations enacted by them for directing the con­duct of their subjects. This ancient degree of civili­zation among them gives ground to presume that their legislatures sprung from some race more enlightened than the other tribes of Indians; a race of which no individual seems to remain in the present times.

Vanity and conceit are said to be blended with their ignorance, and treachery. Notwithstanding all they suffer from Europeans, they still, it is said, consider themselves as a race of men far superior to their con­querors. This proud belief, arising from their pervert­ed ideas of excellence, is universal over the whole known continent of America. They do not think it possible that any people can be so intelligent as themselves. When they are detected in any of their plots, it is their common observation, that the Spaniards, or Virochocas, want to be as knowing as they are. Those of Loui­siana and the countries adjacent, are equally vain of their superior understanding; confounding that quality with the cunning which they themselves constantly practise. The whole object of their transactions is to over reach those with whom they deal. Yet though faithless themselves, they never forgive the breach of promise on the part of others. While the Europeans seek their amity by presents, they give themselves no concern to secure a reciprocal friendship. Hence, pro­bably, arises their idea, that they must be a superior race of men, in ability and intelligence, to those who are at such pains to court their alliance, and avert their enmity.

[Page 53] Their natural eloquence has also been decried. The free tribes of savages who enter into conventions with the Europeans, it is observed, are accustomed to make long, pompous, and, according to their own notions, sublime harangues, but without any method, or connec­tion. The whole is a collection of disjointed meta­phors and comparisons. The light, heat, and course of the sun, form the principal topic of their discourse; and these unintelligible reasonings are always accom­panied with violent and ridiculous gestures. Number­less repetitions prolong the oration, which, if not in­terrupted, would last whole days: At the same time, they meditate very accurately, beforehand, in order to avoid mentioning any thing but what they are desirous to obtain. This pompous faculty of making speeches is also one of the grounds on which they conceive themselves to be superior to the nations of Europe; they imagine that it is their eloquence that procures them the favours they ask. The subjected Indians converse precisely in the same style. Prolix and tedi­ous, they never know when to stop; so that, except­ing by the difference in language, it would be impos­sible, in this respect, to distinguish a civilized Peruvian from an inhabitant of the most savage districts to the northward.

CHAP. VII.

BUT such partial and detarched views, as the above, were they even free from misrepresentation, am not the just ground upon which to form an estimate of the character of the aboriginal inhabitants of the New World. Their qualities, good and bad, (for they cer­tainly possess both) their way of life, the state of soci­ety among them, with all the circumstances of their conditions, ought to be considered in connenion, and in regard to their mutual influence. Such a view has been given in the preceding part of this Book: From which, it is hoped, their real character may be easily deduced.

Many of the disagreeable traits exhibited in the a­necdotes just quoted, are, indeed, extracted from Do [...] Ulloa; an author of credit and reputation; but a Span­iard, and evidently biassed, in some degree, by a de­fire to palliate the enormities of his countrymen in that quarter of the globe. And, with regard to the worst and least equivocal parts of the American character, cruelty and revenge; it may be fairly questioned, wheth­er the instances of these, either in respect of their cause or their atrocity, be at all comparable to those exhibited in European history, and staining the an­nals of Christendom:—to those, for instance, of the [Page 55]Spaniards themselves, at their first discovery of Amer­ica; to those indicated by the engines found on board their mighty Armada, in 1588; to those which, in cold blood, were perpetrated by the Dutch at Amboyna; to the dragoonings of the French; to their religious massa­cres: Or, even to the tender mercies of the Inquisition!

Still harsher, however, are the descriptions given by Buffon and de Pauw, of the natives of this whole con­tinent, in which the most mortifying degeneracy of the human race, as well as of all the inferior animals, is as­serted to be conspicuous. Against these philosophers, or rather theorists, however, the Americans have found an able advocate in the Abbé Clavigero; an historian, who, not only from his being a native of America, but also from his situation, and long residence in Mexico, has been enabled to obtain the best means of informa­tion, and who, though himself a subject of Spain, ap­pears superior to prejudice, and disdains in his descrip­tion the glosses of policy.

Concerning the stature of the Americans, M. de Pauw says, that although, in general, it is not equal to the stature of the Castilians, there is but little differ­ence between them. But the Abbé Clavigero evinces, that the Indians who inhabit those countries lying be­tween 9 and 40 degrees of north latitude, which are the limits of the discoveries of the Spaniards, are more than five Parisian feet in height, and that those who do not reach that stature are as few in number amongst the Indians as they are amongst the Spaniards. It is be­sides certain, that many of the American nations, such as the Apaches, the Hiaquese, the Pimese, and Cochi­mies, are at least as tall as the tallest Europeans; and that, in all the vast extent of the New World, no race of people has been found, except the Esquimaux, in the north, and west, and the Yacana-cunnees, and Pesse­rais, &c. in the south, so diminutive in stature as the Laplanders, the Samojeds, and Tartars, in the north of [Page 56]the Old Continent. In this respect, therefore, the in­habitants of the two Continents are upon an equality.

Of the shape and character of the Mexican Indian the Abbé gives a most advantageous description; which he asserts, no one who reads it, in America, will contra­dict, unless he views them with the eye of a prejudicial mind. It is true, that Ulloa says, in speaking of the Indians of Quito, he had observed that "imperfect people abounded among them; that they were either irregularly diminutive, or monstrous in some other to respect; that they became either insensible, dumb, [...] blind; or wanted some limb of their body." Having, therefore, made some inquiry respecting this singularity of the Quitans, the Abbé found, that such defect were neither caused by what he calls bad humours, not by the climate, but by the mistaken and blind human­ity of their parents, who, in order to free their chil­dren from the hardships and toils to which the healthy Indians are subjected by the Spaniards, fix some de­formity or weakness upon them, that they may become useless; a circumstance of misery which does not hap­pen in other countries of America, nor in those places of the same kingdom of Quito, where the Indians are under no such oppression. M. de Pauw, and in agree­ment with him, Dr. Robertson, says, that no deform­ed persons are to be found among the savages of Amer­ica; because, like the ancient Lacedemonians, they put to death those children which are born hunch backed, blind, or defective in any limb; but that the those countries where they are formed into societies and where the vigilance of their rulers prevents the murder of such infants, the number of their deformed individuals is greater th [...] it is in any country of Eu­rope. This would make an exceedingly good solution of the difficulty if it were true: But if, possibly, then has been in America a tribe of savages who have imi­tated the barbarous example of the celebrated Lacede­monians, it is certain that those authors have no ground [Page 57]to impute such inhumanity to the rest of the Americans: and it has not been the practice, at least with the far greater part of those nations, as may be demonstrated from the attestations of authors who are the best ac­quainted with their customs.

No argument against the New World can be drawn from the colour of the Americans; for their colour is less distant from the white of the Europeans than it is from the black of the Africans, and a great part of the Afraties. The hair of the Mexicans, and of the great­er part of the Indians, is, as we have already said, coarse and thick; on their faces they appear to have little, and in general none on their arms and legs: But it is an er­ror to say, as M. de Pauw does, that they are entirely destitute of hair in all the other parts of their body. This is one of the many passages in the Philosophical Researches, at which the Mexicans, and all the other nations, must smile, to find an European philosopher so eager to divest them of the dress they had from nature. Don Ulloa, indeed, in the description which he gives of the Indians of Quito, says, that hair neither grows upon the men nor upon the women when they arrive at puberty, as it does on the rest of mankind; but what­ever singularity may attend the Quitans, or occasion this circumstance, there is no doubt that among the Amer­icans in general, the period of puberty is accompanied with the same symptoms as it is among other nations of the world. In fact, with the North Americans, it is disgraceful to be hairy on the body. They say, it likens them to hogs. They, therefore, pluck the hair as fast as it appears. But the traders who marry their wo­men, and prevail on them to discontinue this prac­tice, say, that nature is the fame with them as with the whites. As to the beards of the men, had Buf­fon, or de Pauw, known the pains and trouble it costs them to pluck out by the roots the hair that grows on their faces, they would have seen that nature had not been deficient in that respect. Every nation has its [Page 58]customs. "I have seen an Indian beau, with a look­ing glass in his hand (says Mr. Jefferson) examining his face, for hours together, and plucking out, by the roots, every hair he could discover, with a kind of tweezer made of a piece of fine brass wire, that had been twisted round a stick, and which he used with great dexterity."

The very aspect of an Angolan, a Mandingan, or a Congan, would have shocked M. de Pauw, and made him recal the censure which he passes on the colour, the make, and the hair of the Americans. What can be imagined more contrary to the idea we have of beauty, and the perfection of the human frame, than a man, whose skin is black as ink, whose head and face are covered with black wool, instead of hair, whose eyes are yellow and bloody, whose lips are thick and black­ish, and whose nose is flat? Such are the inhabitants of a very large portion of Africa, and of many islands of Asia. What men can be more imperfect than those who measure no more than four feet in stature, whose faces are long and flat, the nose compressed, the iris yellowish black, the eyelids turned back towards the temples, the cheeks extraordinarily elevated, their mouths monstrously large, their lips thick and promi­nent, and the lower part of their visages extremely narrow? Such, according to Count de Buffon, are the Laplanders, the Zemblans, the Borandines, the Samo­jeds, and the Tartars, in the East. What objects more deformed than men whose faces are too long and wrink­led even in their youth, their noses thick: and com­pressed, their eyes small and sunk, their cheeks very much raised, the upper jaw low, their teeth long and disunited, eyebrows so thick that they shade their eyes, the eyelids thick, some bristles on their faces instead of beard, large thighs and small legs? Such is the picture Count de Buffon gives of the Tartars; that is, of those people who, as he says, inhabit a tract of land in Asia, 1200 leagues long and upwards, and more than 750 [Page 59]broad. Amongst these, the Calmucks are the most re­markable for their deformity; which is so great, that, according to Tavernier, they are the most brutal men of all the universe. Their faces are so broad that there is a space of five, or six, inches between their eyes, as Count de Buffon himself affirms. In Calicut, in Ceylon, and in other countries of India, there is, say Pyrard, and other writers, on those regions a race of men who have one, or both, of their legs as thick as the body of a man; and that this deformity among them is almost hereditary.

If we were, in like manner, to go through the na­tions of Asia and Africa, we should hardly find any exten­sive country where the colour of men is not darker, where there are not stronger irregularities observed, and grosser defects to be found in them, than even the penetrating eye of de Pauw could discover in the Amer­icans. The colour of the latter is a good deal clearer than that of almost all the Africans and the inhabitants of south Asia. Even their alleged scantiness of beard is common to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands, and of all the Indian Archipelago, to the famous Chi­nese, Japanese, Tartars, and many other nations of the Old Continent. The imperfections of the Ameri­cans, however great they may be represented to be, are, certainly, not comparable with the defects of that im­mense people, whose character we have sketched, and others whom we omit.

M. de Pauw represents the Americans to be a fee­ble and diseased set of nations; and, in order to demon­strate the weakness and disorder of their physical con­stitution, adduces several proofs equally ridiculous and ill founded, and which it will not be expected we should enumerate. He alleges, among other particulars, that they were overcome in wrestling by all the Europeans, and that they sunk under a moderate burden; that by a computation made, 200,000 Americans were found to have perished, in one year, from carrying of baggage. [Page 60]With respect to the first point, the Abbé Clavigero ob­serves, it would be necessary that the experiment [...] wrestling was made between many individuals of each continent, and that the victory should be attested by the Americans, as well as by the Europeans. It is not however, meant to insist, that the Americans are strong­er than the Europeans. They may be less strong, with­out the human species having degenerated in them. The Swiss are stronger than the Italians; and still we do [...] believe the Italians are degenerated, nor do we tax the cli­mate of Italy. The instance of 200,000 Americans hav­ing died, in one year, under the weight of baggage, were it true, would not convince us so much of the weakness of the Americans, as of the inhumanity of the Euro­peans. In the same manner that these 200,000 Amer­icans perished, 200,000 Prussians would also have per­ished, had they been obliged to make a journey [...] between 300 and 400 miles, with 100 pounds of bur­den upon their backs; if they had collars of iron about their necks, and were obliged to carry that load over rocks and mountains; if those who became exhausted with fatigue, or wounded in their feet, so as to impede their progress, had their heads out off that they might not retard the pace of the rest; and if they were not allowed but a small morsel of bread to enable them [...] support so severe a toil. Las Casas, from whom M. de Pauw got the account of the 200,000 Americans, w [...] died under the fatigue of carrying baggage, rela [...] also, all the above mentioned circumstances. If th [...] author, therefore, is to be credited in the last, he is [...] to be credited in the first. But, a philosopher [...] vaunts the physical and moral qualities of European over those of the Americans, would have done be [...] we think, to have suppressed facts so opprobrious to [...] Europeans themselves.

Nothing, in fact, demonstrates so clearly the rob [...] ­ness of the Americans, as those various, and lasting, fa­tigues in which they are continually engaged. M. [Page 61]Pauw says, that when the new world was discovered, nothing was to be seen but thick woods; that, at pre­sent, there are some lands cultivated, not by the Amer­icans, however, but by the Africans, and Europeans; and that the soil in cultivation is to the soil which is uncultivated as 2000 to 2,000,000. These three asser­tions the Abbé Clavigero demonstrates to be precisely so many errors. Since the conquest, the Americans alone have been the people who have supported all the fatigues of agriculture in all the vast countries of the continent of South America, and in the greater part of those of North America subject to the crown of Spain. No European is ever to be seen employed in the labours of the field. The Moors who, in comparison of the Americans, are very few in number in the kingdom of New Spain, are charged with the culture of the sugar cane, and tobacco, and the making of fugar; but the soil destined for the cultivation of those plants is not with respect to all the cultivated land of that country, in the proportion of one to two thousand. The Amer­icans are the people who labour on the soil. They are the tillers, the sowers, the weeders, and the reap­ers of the wheat, of the maize, of the rice, of the beans, and other kinds of grain or pulse, of the cocoa, of the vanilla, of the cotton, of the indigo, and all other plants useful to the sustenance, the clothing, and commerce of those provinces; and without them so little can be done, that in the year 1762, the harvest of wheat was abandoned, in many places, on account of a sickness which prevailed, and prevented the Indians from reaping it. But this is not all; the Americans are they who cut and transport all the necessary timber from the woods; who cut, transport, and work the stones; who make lime, plaster, and tiles; who construct all the buildings of that kingdom, except a few places where none of them inhabit; who open and repair all the roads, who make the canals and sluices, and clean the cities. They work in many mines of gold, of silver, of copper, &c. [Page 62]they are the shepherds, herdsmen, weavers, potters, basket makers, bakers, couriers, day labourers, &c. In a word, they are the persons who bear all the [...] ­den of public labours. These, says our justly indign [...] author, are the employments of the weak, dastard [...] and useless Americans; while the vigorous M. de Pan [...], and other indefatigable Europeans, are occupied in writ­ing invectives against them.

These labours, in which the Indians are continuall [...] employed, certainly, attest their healthiness and streng [...] for if they are able to undergo such fatigues, they can­not be diseased, nor have an exhausted stream of bloo [...] in their veins, as M. de Pauw insinuates. In order to make it believed that their constitutions are vitiated he copies whatever he finds written by historians of [...] merica, whether true or false, respecting the disease which reign in some particular countries of that gre [...] continent. It is not to be denied, that in some cou [...] ­tries in the wide compass of America, men are exposed more than elsewhere, to the distempers which are occa­sioned by the intemperature of the air, or the per [...] ­cious quality of the aliments; but it is certain, accord­ing to the assertion of many respectable authors ac­quainted with the New World, that the Americans countries are, for the most part, healthy; and if [...] Americans were disposed to retaliate on M. de Pau [...] and other European authors, who write as he does, they would have abundant subject of materials to throw dis­credit on the clime of the Old Continent, and the con­stitution of its inhabitants in the endemic distemp [...] which prevail there.

Lastly, the supposed feebleness and unfound bodi [...] habit of the Americans do not correspond with [...] length of their lives. Among those Americans [...] great fatigues and excessive toils do not anticipate th [...] death, there are not a few who reach the age of [...] 90, and 100, or more, years, as formerly mentioned [...] and, what is more, without there being observed in [...] [Page 63]that decay which time commonly produces in the hair, in the teeth, in the skin, and in the muscles of the hu­man body. This phenomenon, so much admired by the Spaniards, who reside in Mexico, cannot be ascrib­ed to any other cause than the vigour of their constitu­tions, the temperance of their diet, and the salubrity of their clime. Historians, and other persons who have sojourned there for many years, report the same thing of other countries of the New World.

As to the mental qualities of the Americans, M. de Pauw has not been able to discover any other characters than a memory so feeble, that to day they do not re­member what they did yesterday; a capacity so blunt, that they are incapable of thinking or putting their ideas in order; a disposition so cold, that they feel no excitement of love; a dastardly spirit, and a genius that is torpid, and indolent. Many other Europeans, in­deed, and what is still more wonderful, many of those children or descendants of Europeans who are born in America, think as M. de Pauw does; some from igno­rance, some from want of reflection, and others from hereditary prejudice and prepossession. But all this, and much more, would not be sufficient to invalidate the tes­timonies of other Europeans whose authority has a great deal more weight, both because they were men of great judgment, learning, and knowledge, of these countries, and because they give their testimony in fa­vour of strangers, against their own countrymen. In particular, Acosta, whose Natural and Moral History even de Pauw commends, as an excellent work, employs the whole sixth book in demonstrating the good sense of the Americans, by an explanation of their ancient gov­ernment, their laws, their histories in paintings and knots, calendars, &c. M. de Pauw thinks the Ameri­cans are bestial; Acosta, on the other hand, reputes those persons weak and presumptuous who think them so. M. de Pauw says, that the most acute Americans were inferior in industry and sagacity to the rudest na­tions [Page 64]of the Old Continent: Acosta extols the civil gov­ernment of the Mexicans above many republics of Europe. M. de Pauw finds, in the moral and political conduct of the Americans, nothing but barbarity, ex­travagance, and brutrlity; and Acosta finds there, laws which are admirable and worthy of being preserved for­ever.

M. de Pauw denies them courage, and alleges the conquest of Mexico as a proof of their cowardice. "Cortes (says he) conquered the empire of Mexico with 450 vagabonds, and 15 horses, badly armed; his miserable artillery consisted of six falconets, which would not at the present day be capable of exciting the fears of a fortress defended by invalids. During his absence, the capital was held in awe by the half of his troops. What men! what events!—It is confirmed by the de­positions of all historians, that the Spaniards entered, the first time, into Mexico without making one single dis­charge of their artillery. If the title of hero is appli­cable to him who has the disgrace to occasion the death of a great number of rational animals, Ferdinand Cor­tes might pretend to it; otherwise I do not see what true glory he has acquired by the overthrow of a tot­tering monarchy, which might have been destroyed, in the same manner, by any other assassin of our continent." These passages indicate either M. de Pauw's ignorance of the history of the conquest of Mexico, or a wilful suppression of what would openly contradict his system; since all who have read that history know well, that the conquest of Mexico was not made with 450 men, but with more than 200,000. Cortes himself, to whom it was of more importance than to M. de Pauw to make his bravery conspicuous, and his conquest appear glo­rious, confesses the excessive number of the allies who were under his command, at the siege of the capital, and combated with more fury against the Mexicans than the Spaniards themselves. According to the account which Cortes gave to the emperor Charles V. the siege, [Page 65]of Mexico began with 87 horses, 848 Spanish infantry, armed with guns, cross bows, swords, and lances, and upwards of 75,000 allies, of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, Cholula, and Chalco, equipped with various sorts of arms; with three large pieces of cannon of iron, 15 small of copper, and 13 brigantines. In the course of the siege were assembled the numerous nations of the Otomies, the Cohuixcas, and Matlazincas, and the troops of the populous cities of the lakes; so that he army of the besiegers not only exceeded 200,000, but amounted to 400,000, according to the letter from Cortes; and besides these, 3000 boats and canoes came to their assistance. Did it betray cowardice to have sustained, for full 75 days, the siege of an open city, engaging daily, with an army so large, and in part provided with arms so superior, and at the same time having to withstand the ravages of famine? Can they merit the charge of cowardice, who, after having lost seven of the eight parts of their city, and about 50,000 citizens, part cut off by the sword, part by famine and sickness, continued to defend themselves until they were furiously assaulted in the last hold which was left them?

The following instances of courage, fortitude and cloquence, will show how unjustly their character has been defamed. "The Mexicans, fearing that the city would be taken, and perceiving that there must soon be a total want of provisions, turned their attention to the preservation of their emperour, Gautimosin. He con­sented to attempt his of cape, with a view of maintaining the war in the northern part of his dominions. To fa­cilitate his retreat, a party of his soldiers generously de­voted themselves to death, by diverting the attention of the besiegers: But the canoe, in which this generous and unfortunate monarch had embarked, was taken on the lake by a brigantine. An officer of the Spanish revenue suspecting that he had treasures con [...]ealed, ordered him to be extended upon red hot coals, to extort a [Page 66]confession. One of his officers, who underwent the same torture, complaining to him of his sufferings, the empe­rour said, "Am I on a bed of roses?" An expression equal to any of those which history has recorded, [...] worthy the admiration of mankind."

According to M. de Pauw, "The Americans at [...] were not believed to be men, but rather satyrs, [...] large apes, which might be murdered, without re­morse, or reproach."

But, if, at first, the Americans were esteemed saty [...] nobody can better prove it than Christopher Columb [...] their discoverer. Let us hear, therefore, how that c [...] ­lebrated admiral speaks, in his account to Ferdinand and Isabella, of the first satyrs he saw in the island of Haiti, or Hispaniola. "I swear," he says, "to you [...] majesties, that there is not a better people in the world than these, more affectionate, affable, or mild. The [...] love their neighbours as themselves; their language [...] the sweetest, the softest, and the most cheerful; for they always speak smiling; and although they go nak­ed, let your majesties believe me, their customs are very becoming; and their king, who is served with great majesty, has such engaging manners, that it gives great pleasure to see him, and also to consider the great retentive faculty of that people, and their desire of knowledge, which incites them to ask the causes and the effects of things."

"We have had intimate commerce with the Amer­icans (continues the Abbé) have lived, for some years, in a seminary destined for their instruction; saw the erection and progress of the royal college of Guad [...] ­loupe founded, in Mexico, by a Mexican Jesuit, for the education of Indian children; had, afterwards, some In­dians among our pupils; had particular knowledge of many American rectors, many nobles, and numerous artists; attentively, observed their character, their gen­ius, their disposition, and manner of thinking; and have examined, besides, with the utmost diligence, their ancient history, their religion, their government, their [Page 67]laws, and their customs. After such long experience and study of them, from which we imagine ourselves enabled to decide, without danger of erring, we declare to M. de Pauw, and to all Europe, that the mental qual­ities of the Americans are not in the least inferior to those of the Europeans; that they are capable of all, [...] he most abstract, sciences; and that if equal care [...] taken of their education, if they were brought up [...] childhood in seminaries, under good masters, were protected and stimulated by rewards, we should see rise among the Americans, philosophers, mathematicians, and divines, who would rival the first in Europe."

But, although we should suppose, that, in the torrid climates of the New World, as well as in those of the Old, especially under the additional depression of sla­very, there was an inferiority of the mental powers; the Chilese, and the North Americans, have discovered higher rudiments of human excellence and ingenuity than have, perhaps, ever been known among tribes in a similar state of society, in any part of the world.

M. de Pauw affirms, that the Americans were unac­quainted with the use of money, and quotes the follow­ing well known passage from Montesquieu: "Imagine to yourself that, by some accident, you are placed in an unknown country; if you find money there, do not doubt that you are arrived among a polished people." But, if by money we are to understand a piece of metal with the stamp of the prince, or of the public, the want of it in a nation is no token of barbarity. The Athe­nians employed oxen for money, as the Romans did sheep. The Romans had no coined money till the time of Servius Tullius, nor had the Persians until the reign of Darius Hystapses. But, if by money is understood a sign representing the value of merchandize, the Mex­icans, and other nations of Anahuac, employed money in their commerce. The cacao, of which they made constant use in the market to purchase whatever they wanted, was employed for this purpose, as salt is in Abyssinia.

[Page 68] It has been affirmed, that stone bridges were unknow [...] in America, when it was first discovered; and that the natives did not know how to form arches. But, these assertions are erroneous. The remains of the ancient palaces of Tezcuco, and, still more, their vapour ba [...], show the ancient use of arches and of vaults among the Mexicans. But the ignorance of this art would have been no proof of barbarity. Neither the Egyptians nor Babylonians understood the construction of arches.

M. de Pauw affirms, that the palace of Montezum [...] was nothing else than a hut. But, it is certain, from the affirmation of all the historians of Mexico, that the army under Cortes, consisting of 6,400 men, were all lodged in the palace; and there remained still sufficient room for Montezuma and his attendants.

The advances which the Mexicans had made in the noble science of astronomy, is, perhaps, the most surpris­ing proof of their attention and sagacity; for it appears from Abbé Clavigero's History, that they not only counted 365 days to the year, but also knew of the ex­cess of about six hours in the solar over the civil year, and remedied the difference, by means of intercalary days.

Of American morality, the following exhortation of a Mexican to his son may serve as a specimen. "My son, who art come into the light from the womb of thy mother like a chicken from the egg, and, like it, art preparing to fly through the world, we know not how long Heaven will grant to us the enjoyment of that precious gem which we possess in thee; but how­ever short the period, endeavour to live exactly, pray­ing God continually to assist thee. He created thee: thou art his property. He is thy father, and loves thee still more than I do: Repose in him thy thoughts, and day and night direct thy sighs to him. Reverence and salute thy elders, and hold no one in contempt. To the poor and distressed be not dumb, but rather use words of comfort. Honour all persons, particularly thy p [...] ­rents, [Page 69]to whom thou owest obedience, respect, and ser­vice. Guard against imitating the example of those wicked sons, who, like brutes that are deprived of rea­son, neither reverence their parents, listen to their in­struction, nor submit to their correction; because who­ever follows their steps will have on unhappy end, will die in a desperate or sudden manner, or will be killed, and devoured, by wild beasts.

"Mock not, my son, the aged, or the imperfect. Scorn not him whom you see fall into some folly, or transgression, nor make him reproaches; but restrain thyself, and beware lest thou fall into the same error which offends thee in another. Go not where thou art not called, nor interfere in that which does not concern thee. Endeavour to manifest thy good breeding, in all thy words and actions. In conversation, do not lay thy hands upon another, nor speak too much, nor inter­rupt or disturb another's discourse. When any one discourses with thee, hear him attentively, and hold thyself in an easy attitude, neither playing with thy feet, nor putting thy mantle to thy mouth, nor spitting too often, nor looking about you here and there, nor rising up frequently if thou art sitting; for such actions are indications of levity and low breeding."—The father proceeds to mention several particular vices which are to be avoided, and concludes—"Steal not, nor give thyself to gaming; otherwise thou wilt be a disgrace to thy parents, whom thou oughtest rather to honour for the education they have given thee. If thou wilt be virtuous, thy example will put the wicked to shame. No more my son; enough hath been said in discharge of the duties of a father. With these counsels I wish to for­tify thy mind. Refuse them not, nor act in contra­diction to them; for on them thy life, and all thy hap­piness, depend."

CHAP. VIII.

AS ranging on the same side with the Abbé Clavi­gero, our countryman Mr. Jefferson deserves par­ticular attention. This gentleman, in his Notes on the State of Virginia, &c. has taken occasion to com [...] the opinions of Buffon; and seems, in many instanc [...] to have fully refuted them, both by argument and by facts.

Of the inhabitants of America, the French philosophe [...] gives the following description: "Though the Ameri­can savage be nearly of the same stature with men [...] polished societies; yet this is not a sufficient exception to the general contraction of animated Nature through­out the whole continent. In the savage, the organs of generation are small and feeble. He has no hair, no beard, no ardour for the female. Though nimble [...] than the European, because more accustomed to run­ning, his strength is not so great. His sensations are le [...] acute; and yet he is more timid and cowardly. He has no vivacity, no activity of mind. The activity of his body is not so much an exercise or spontaneous mo­tion, as a necessary action produced by want. Destroy his appetite for victuals and drink, and you will, at once, annihilate the active principle of all his movements: he remains in stupid repose, on his limbs, or couch, for whole days. It is easy to discover the cause of the scattered life of savages, and of their estrangement from society. They have been refused the most pre­cious [Page 71]spark of Nature's fire: They have no ardour for women, and of course, no love to mankind. Unac­quainted with the most lively and the most tender of all attachments, their other sensations of this nature are cold and languid. Their love to parents and children is extremely weak. The bonds of the most intimate of all societies, that of the same family, are feeble; and one family has no attachment to another. Hence no union, no republic, no social state can take place amongst them. The physical cause of love gives rise to the morality of their manners. Their heart is frozen, their society cold, and their empire cruel. They regard their families as servants destined to labour, or as beasts of burden, whom they load unmercifully with the pro­duce of their hunting, and oblige, without pity or grat­itude, to perform labours which often exceed their strength. They have few children, and pay little at­tention to them. Every thing must be referred to the first cause: They are indifferent because they are weak; and this indifference to the sex is the original stain which disgraces Nature; prevents her from expanding, and by destroying the germs of life, cuts the root of society. Hence, man makes no exception to what has been advanced. Nature, by denying him the faculty of love, has abused and contracted him more than any other animal."

An humiliating picture, indeed! but than which, Mr. Jefferson assures us, never was one more unlike the original. M. Buffon grants, that their stature is the same as that of the men of Europe, and he might have admitted, that the Iroquois were larger, and the Le­nopi, or Delawares, taller, than people in Europe gen­erally are. But, he says, their organs of generation are smaller and weaker than those of Europeans; which is not known, at least, to be a fact. And as to their want of beard, this error has been already noticed.

"They have no ardour for their females." It is true, they do not indulge those excesses, nor discover that fond­ness, [Page 72]which are customary in Europe; but this is not ow­ing to a defect in nature, but to manners. The soul of the Indian is wholly bent upon war. This is what pro­cures him glory amongst the men, and makes him the ad­miration of the women. To this he is educated, from his earliest youth. When he pursues game with ardour, when he bears the fatigues of the chace, when he sustains and suffers patiently hunger and cold; it is not so much for the sake of the game he pursues, as to convince his parents and the council of the nation, that he is fit to be enrolled in the number of the warriors. The songs of the women, the dance of the warriors, the sage counsel of the chiefs, the tales of the old, the trium­phant entry of the warriors returning, with success, from battle, and the respect paid to those who distinguish themselves in battle, and in subduing their enemies; in short, every thing he sees or hears tends to inspire the Indian with an ardent desire for military fame. If a young man were to discover a fondness for women before he has been to war, he would become the con­tempt of the men, and the scorn and ridicule of the women; or were he to indulge himself with a captive taken in war, and much more were he to offer violence in order to gratify his lust, he would incur indelible disgrace. The seeming frigidity of the American, therefore, is the effect of manners, and not a defect of nature. He is neither more defective in ardour, nor impotent with the female, than a white man reduced to the same diet and exercise.

"They raise few children."—They, indeed, raise fewer children than we do; the causes of which are to be found, not in a difference of nature, but of circum­stance. The women very frequently attending the men in their parties of war and of hunting, child bea [...] ­ing becomes extremely inconvenient to them. It is said, therefore, that they have learned the practice of procuring abortion by the use of certain vegetables; and that they even tend to prevent conception for a con­siderable [Page 73]time after. During these parties, they are exposed to numerous hazards, to excessive exertions, to the greatest extremities of hunger. Even at their homes the nation depends for food, through a certain part of every year, on the gleanings of the forest; that is, they experience a famine once in every year. With all animals, if the female be badly fed, or not fed at all, her young perish: and if both male and female be reduced to like want, generation becomes less active, less productive. To the obstacles, then, of want and hazard, which nature has opposed to the multiplication of wild animals for the purpose of restraining their numbers within certain bounds, those of labour and of voluntary abortion are added with the Indian. No wonder, then, if they multiply less than we do. Where food is regularly supplied, a single farm will show more of cattle than a whole country of forests can of buffa­loes. The same Indian women, when married to white traders, who feed them and their children plen­tifully and regularly, who exempt them from excessive drudgery, who keep them stationary and unexposed to accidents, produce, and raise, as many children as the white women. Instances are known, under these cir­cumstances, of their rearing a dozen children.

Neither do they seem to be "deficient in natural affection." On the contrary their sensibility is keen, even the warriors weeping most bitterly on the loss of their children, though, in general, they endeavour to appear superior to human events.

Their friendships are strong, and faithful to the ut­termost extremity. A remarkable instance of this ap­peared in the case of the late Col. Byrd of Virginia, who was sent to the Cheerakee nation to transact some business with them. It happened that some of our dis­orderly people had just killed one or two of that na­tion. It was, therefore, proposed in the council of the Cheerakee, that Col. Byrd should be put to death in re­venge for the loss of their countrymen. Amongst them [Page 74]was a chief called Silòuee, who on some former occa­sion, had contracted an acquaintance and friendship with Col. Byrd. He came to him every night, in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should not kill him. After many days deliberation, however, the determin­ation was, contrary to Silòuee's expectation, that Byrd should be put to death, and some warriors were dis­patched a [...] executioners. Silòuee attended them; and when they entered the tent, he threw himself be­tween them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, "This man is my friend; before you get at him, you must kill me." On which they returned; and the council respected the principle so much as to recede from their determination.

That "they are timorous and cowardly" is a char­acter with which there is little reason to charge them, when we recollect the manner in which the Iroquois met Mons. —, who marched into their country; in which the old men, who scorned to fly or to survive the capture of their town, braved death, like the old Romans, in the time of the Gauls, and in which they soon after revenged themselves by sacking and destroy­ing Montreal. In short, the Indian is brave, when an enterprize depends on bravery; education with him making the point of honour to consist in the destruction of an enemy by stratagem, and in the preservation [...] his own person free from injury: or, perhaps, this is na­ture, while it is education which teaches us to honour force more than finesse. He will defend himself against an host of enemies, always chusing to be killed rather than to surrender, though it be to the whites, who, he knows, will treat him well. In other situations, also, he meets death with more deliberation; and endures tortures with a firmness unknown almost to religious en­thusiasm amongst us.

Much less are they to be characterized as a people of no vivacity, and who are excited to action or motion only by the calls of hunger and thirst. Their dances, [Page 75]in which they so much delight, and which to a Euro­pean would be the most severe exercise, fully contradict this; not to mention their fatiguing marches, and the toil they voluntarily and cheerfully undergo in their military expeditions. It is true, that when at home they do not employ themselves in labour or the culture of the soil: But this, again, is the effect of customs and manners which have assigned that to the province of the women. But it is said, "They are averse to society and a social life." Can any thing be more inapplicable than this, to a people who always live in towns, or in clans? Or can they be said to have no republique, who conduct all their affairs in national councils; who pride themselves in their national character; who consider an insult or injury, done to an individual by a stranger, as done to the whole, and resent it, accordingly?

To form a just estimate of their genius and men­tal powers, Mr. Jefferson observes, more facts are wanting, and great allowance is to be made for those circumstances of their situation which call for a dis­play of particular talents only. This done, we shall, probably, find that the Americans are formed, in mind as well as in body, on the same model with the homo sapiens Europaeus. The principles of their society forbidding all compulsion, they are to be led to duty and to enterprize by personal influence and persuasion. Hence eloquence in council, bravery and address in war, become the foundations of all consequence with them. To these acquirements all their faculties are directed. Of their bravery and address in war we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the subjects on which they were exercised. Of their eminence in oratory we have fewer examples, because it is displayed chiefly in their own councils. Some, however, we have of very superior lustre. We may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage superior to the [Page 76]speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord Dummore, when governour of Virginia. The story is as follows; of which, and of the speech, the authenticity is unquestionable. In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery and murder were committed on an inhabitant of the frontiers of Virginia, by two Indians, of the Shawanae tribe. The neighbouring whites, according to their custom, under­took to punish this outrage in a summary way. Colo­nel Cresap, a man infamous for the many murders [...] had committed on those much injured people, colle [...] ­ed a party, and proceeded down the Kanhaway, [...] quest of vengeance. Unfortunately, a canoe of wom [...] and children, with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed, and unsuspecting any hostile attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves on the bank of the rive [...]; and the moment the canoe reached the shore, singled out their objects, and, at one fire, killed every person [...] it. This happened to be the family of Logan, who had long been distinguished as a friend of the white [...]. This unworthy return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensue [...]. In the autumn of the same year, a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanhaway, between the collected forces of the Shawanaes, Mingoes, and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginia militia. The Indians were defeated, and sued for peace. Loga [...] however, disdained to be seen among the suppliants; but, lest the sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent, by a messenger, the following speech, to be de­livered to Lord Dunmore:—"I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed [...] [Page 77]they passed, and said, Logan is the friend of white men. I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I have killed many; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace; but do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one."

To the preceding anecdotes, in favour of the Amer­ican character, may be added the following, by Dr. Benjamin Franklin.—The Indian men, when young, are hunters and warriors; when old, counsellors; for all their government is by the counsel or advice of the sages. Hence, they generally study oratory; the best speakers having the most influence. The Indian wo­men till the ground, dress the food, nurse and bring up the children, and preserve and hand down to poster­ity the memory of public transactions. These em­ployments of men and women are accounted natural and honourable. Having few artificial wants, they have abundance of leisure for improvement by conver­sation. Our laborious manner of life, compared with theirs, they esteem slavish and base; and the learning on which we value ourselves, they regard as frivolous and useless.

Having frequent occasions to hold public councils, they have acquired great order and decency in conduct­ing them. The old men sit in the foremost rank, the warriors in the next, and the women and children in the hindmost. The business of the women is to take exact notice of what passes; imprint it in their memo­ries, for they have no writing, and communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, [Page 78]and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in trea­ties a hundred years back; which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that would speak, rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add▪ he may rise again and deliver it. To interrupt another even in common conversation, is reckoned highly inde­cent.

The politeness of these savages in conversation [...] indeed, carried to excess; since it does not permit them to contradict, or deny, the truth of what is as­serted in their presence. By these means they, indeed, avoid disputes; but then it becomes difficult to know their minds, or what impression you make upon them. The missionaries, who have attempted to convert them to christianity, all complain of this, as one of the great difficulties of their mission. The Indians hear, with pa­tience, the truths of the gospel explained to them, and give their usual tokens of assent and approbation; but this by no means implies conviction; it is mere civ­ility.

When any of them come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and in­commode them when they desire to be private; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility, and good manners. "We have," say they, "as much curiosity as you; and when you come into our towns, we wish for op­portunities of looking at you; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company."

Their manner of entering one another's villages has likewise its rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling strangers to enter a village abruptly, without giving notice of their approach. Therefore, as soon as the [...] arrive within hearing, they stop and hollow, remaining [Page 79]there till invited to enter. Two old men usually come out to them, and lead them in. There is in every vil­lage a vacant dwelling, called the stranger's house. Here they are placed, while the old men go round from hut to hut, acquainting the inhabitants that strangers are arrived, who are, probably, hungry and weary; and every one sends them what he can spare of victuals, and skins to repose on. When the strangers are refreshed, pipes and tobacco are brought; and then, but not be­fore, conversation begins, with inquiries who they are, whither bound, what news, &c. and it usually ends with offers of service; if the strangers have occasion for guides, or any necessaries, for continuing their jour­ney; and nothing is exacted for the entertainment.

The same hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons; of which Conrad Weiser, a celebrated interpreter of the Indian languages, gave Dr. Franklin the following in­stance. He had been naturalized among the Six Na­tions, and spoke well the Mohawk language. In going through the Indian country, to carry a message from our governour to the council at Onondaga, he called at the habitation of Canassetego, an old acquaintance, who em­braced him, spread furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and mixed some rum and water for his drink. When he was well re­freshed, and had lit his pipe, Canassetego began to con­verse with him; asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other, whence he then came, what had occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad answered all his questions; and when the discourse be­gan to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, "Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, and know something of their customs; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble all in the great house; tell me what it is for?—What do they do there? "They meet there," says Conrad, "to hear and [Page 80]learn good things." "I do not doubt," says the In­dian, "that they tell you so; they have told me the same; but I doubt the truth of what they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my skins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, ru [...], &c. You know I generally used to deal with Ha [...] Hanson; but I was a little inclined, this time, to try some other merchants. However, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for beave [...]. He said he could not give more than 4s. a pound; but (says he) I cannot talk on business now; this is the day when we meet together to learn good things, and I am going to the meeting. So I thought to myself, since I cannot do any business today, I may as well go to the meeting too; and I went with him.—There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the peo­ple, very angrily. I did not understand what he said; but perceiving that he looked much at me and at Han­son, I imagined he was angry at seeing me there; so I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should break up. I thought, too, that the man had mentioned something of beaver, and I suspected that it might be the subject of their meeting. So when they came out, I accosted my merchant.—Well, Hans, (says I) I hope you have agreed to give more than 4s. a pound?" "No, (says he) I cannot give so much, I cannot give more than 3s. 6d." "I then spoke to several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, three and six pence, three and six pence. This made it clear to me that my suspicion was right; and that whatever they pretended of meet­ing to learn good things, the real purpose was, to con­sult how to cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Con­sider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my opin­ion. If they met so often to learn good things, they certainly would have learned some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice. If a white man, in travelling through our country, [Page 81]enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I treat you; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread soft furs for him to rest and sleep on: We demand nothing in return. But if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they say, where is your money? And if I have none, they say, get out, you Indian dog. You see they have not yet learned those little good things that we need no meeting to be instructed in; because our mothers taught them to us when we were children; and, therefore, it is impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such effect; they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver."

CHAP. IX.

THE questions which now present themselves to our notice are, From what part of the Old World America has, most probably, been peopled?—And how was this peopling accomplished?—

Few questions in the history of mankind have been more agitated than these.—Philosophers, and men of learning and ingenuity, have been speculating upon them, ever since the discovery of the American Islands, by Christopher Columbus.—But notwithstanding all the la­bours of Acosta, of Grotius, and of many other writers [Page 82]of eminence, the subject still affords an ample field for the researches of the man of science, and for the fancies of the theorist.

Discoveries, long ago made, inform us, that an inter­course between the Old Continent and America might be carried on, with facility, from the north west ex­tremities of Europe and the northeast boundaries of As [...]. In the ninth century the Norwegians discovered Green­land, and planted a colony there. The communication with that country was renewed in the last century by Moravian missionaries, in order to propagate their doc­trines in that bleak and uncultivated region. By then we are informed that the north west coast of Greenland is separated from America by a very narrow strait; that at the bottom of the bay it is highly probable that they are united; that the Esquimaux of America perfectly resemble the Greenlanders, in their aspect, dress, and mode of living; and that a Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the language of Greenland, having vis­ited the country of the Esquimaux, found, to his aston­ishment, that they spoke the same language with the Greenlanders, and were, in every respect, the same peo­ple. The same species of animals, too, are found in the contiguous regions. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, the deer, the roebuck, the elk, frequent the for­ests of North America, as well as those in the north of Europe.

Other discoveries have proved, that if the two conti­nents of Asia and America be separated at all, it is on­ly by a narrow strait. From this part of the Old Continent, also, inhabitants may have passed into the New; and the resemblance between the Indians of A­merica and the eastern inhabitants of Asia, would induce us to conjecture that they have a common origin. This is the opinion adopted by Dr. Robertson, in his History of America, where we find it accompanied with the following narrative.

[Page 83] "While those immense regions which stretched east­ward from the river Oby to the sea of Kamtschatka were unknown, or imperfectly explored, the north east extremities of our hemisphere were supposed to be so far distant from any part of the New World, [...]hat it was not easy to conceive how any communication should have been carried on between them. But the Russians, having subjected the western part of Siberia to their empire, gradually extended their knowledge of that vast country, by advancing towards the east into un­known provinces. These were discovered by hunters in their excursions after game, or by soldiers employed in levying the taxes; and the court of Moscow estimat­ed the importance of those countries only by the small addition which they made to its revenue. At length, Peter the Great ascended the Russian throne; His en­lightened, comprehensive mind, intent upon every cir­cumstance that could aggrandize his empire, or render his reign illustrious, discerned consequences of those dis­coveries, which had escaped [...] observation of his ig­norant predecessors. He perceived, that, in proportion as the regions of Asia extended towards the east, they must approach nearer to America; that the communi­cation between the two continents which had long been searched for in vain, would probably be found in this quarter; and that, by opening this intercourse, some part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be made to flow into his dominions by [...] new channel. Such an object suited a genius that de­lighted in grand schemes. Peter drew up instructions with his own hand for prosecuting this design, and gave orders for carrying it into execution.

"His successors adopted his ideas, and pursued his plan. The officers whom the Russian court employed in this service, had to struggle with so many difficulties, that their progress was extremely slow. Encouraged by some faint traditions among the people of Siberia concerning a successful voyage in the year 1648 round [Page 84]the north east promontory of Asia, they attempted to follow the same course. Vessels were fitted out, with this view, at different time, from the rivers Lena and Kolyma; but in a frozen ocean, which nature seem [...] not to have destined for navigation, they were exposed to many disasters, without being able to accomplish their purpose. No vessel fitted out by the Russian court ever doubled this formidable cape; we are indebted for what is known of those extreme regions of Asia, to the discoveries made in excursions by land. In all th [...]se provinces, an opinion prevails, that countries of great extent and fertility lie at no considerable distance from their own coasts. These the Russians imagined to be part of America; and several circumstances concurred not only in confirming them in this belief, but in per­suading them that some portion of that continent could not be very remote. Trees of various kinds, unknown in those naked regions of Asia, are driven upon the coast by an easterly wind. By the same wind, floating ice is brought thither in a few days; flights of birds arrive annually from the same quarter; and a tradition obtains among the inhabitants, of an intercourse form­erly carried on with some countries situated to the east.

"After weighing all these particulars, and compar­ing the position of the countries in Asia which they had discovered, with such parts in the north west of A­merica as were already known; the Russian court form­ed a plan, which would have hardly occurred to any nation less accustomed to engage in arduous undertak­ings, and to contend with great difficulties. Orders were issued to build two vessels at Ochotz, in the sea of Kamtschatka, to sail on a voyage of discovery▪ Though that dreary uncultivated region furnished noth­ing that could be of use in constructing them but some larch trees; though not only the iron, the cordage [...] the sails, and all the numerous articles requisite for their equipment, but the provisions for victualling them, were to be carried through the immense des [...] [Page 85]of Siberia, along rivers of difficult navigation, and roads almost impassable, the mandate of the sovereign, and the perseverance of the people, at last surmounted every obstacle. Two vessels were finished; and, under the command of captains Behring and Tschirikow, sail­ed from Kamtschatka in quest of the New World, in a quarter where it had never been approached. They shaped their course towards the east; and though a storm soon separated the vessels, which never rejoined, and many disasters befel them, the expectations from the voyage were not altogether frustrated. Each of the commanders discovered land, which to them appeared to be part of the American continent; and, according to their observations, it seems to be situated within a few degrees of the north west coast of California. Each set some of his people ashore: but in one place the in­habitants fled as the Russians approached; in another, they carried off those who landed, and destroyed their boats. The violence of the weather, and the distress of their crews, obliged both to quit this inhospitable coast. In their return they touched at several islands, which stretch in a chain from east to west between the coun­try which they had discovered and the coast of Asia. They had some intercourse with the natives, who seem­ed to them to resemble the North Americans. They presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a symbol of friendship universal among the people of North America, and an usage of arbitrary in­stitution peculiar to them."

The more recent and accurate discoveries of that il­lustrious navigator Cooke, and of his successor Clerke, have brought the matter still nearer to certainty. The sea, from the south of Behring's Straits to the crescent of isles between Asia and America, is very shallow. It deepens from these straits (as the British seas do from those of Dover) till soundings are lost in the Pacific Ocean; but that does not take place but to the south of the isles. Between them and the straits is an in­crease [Page 86]from 12 to 54 fathoms, except only off St. Thad­deus Noss, where there is a channel of greater depth. From the volcanic disposition, it has been judged prob­able, not only that there was a separation of the continents at the straits of Behring, but that the whole space from the isles to that small opening had once been occupied by land; and that the fury of the watery element, actuated by that of fire, had, i [...] most remote times, subverted and overwhelmed the tract and left the islands to serve as monumental fragments.

Without adopting all the fancies of Buffon, there can be no doubt, as the Abbé Clavigero observes, that our planet has been subject to great vicissitudes since the deluge. Earthquakes have swallowed some lands, and subterraneous fires have thrown up others: the rivers have formed new soil with their mud: the sea retreating from the shores, has lengthened the land i [...] some places, and advancing in others has diminished it; it has separated some territories which were formerly united, and formed new straits and gulph [...]. We have examples of all these revolutions in the past century. Sicily was united to the continent of Naples, as Eubea, now the Black Sea, was to Boeotia. Diodorus, Strabo, and other ancient authors, say the same thing of Spain, and of Africa, and affirm, that by a violent eruption of the ocean upon the land between the mountains Abyla and Calpe, that communication was broken, and the Mediterranean Sea was formed. Among the people of Ceylon there is a tradition that a similar irruption of the sea separated their island from the peninsula of India. The same thing is believed by those of Malabar with respect to the isles of Maldivia, and with the Malayans with respect to Sumatra. It is certain, says the count de Buffon, that in Ceylon the earth has lost 30 or 40 leagues, which the sea has taken from it; on the contrary, Tongres, a place of the Low Countries, has gained 30 leagues of land from the sea. The northern part of Egypt owes its exist­ence [Page 87]to inundations of the Nile. The earth which this river has brought from the inland countries of Af­rica, and deposited in its inundations, has formed a soil of more than 25 cubits of depth. In like manner, adds the above author, the province of the Yellow River in China, and that of Louisiana, have only been formed of the mud of rivers. Plina, Seneca, Diodorus, and Strabo, report innumerable examples of similar revolutions, which we omit, that our dissertation may not become too prolix; as also many modern revolu­tions, which are related in the theory of the earth of the Count de Buffon and other authors. In South A­merica, all those who have observed with philosophic eyes the peninsula of Yucatan, do not doubt that that country has once been the bed of the sea; and, on the contrary, in the channel of Bahama, many indications show the island of Cuba to have been once united to the continent of Florida. In the strait which separates America from Asia many islands are found, which pro­bably were the mountains belonging to that tract of land which we suppose to have been swallowed up by earthquakes; which is made more probable by the multitude of volcanoes which we know of in the penin­sula of Kamtschatka. It is imagined, however, that the sinking of that land, and the separation of the two continents, has been occasioned by those great and ex­traordinary earthquakes mentioned in the histories of the Americans, which formed an aera almost as memor­able as that of the deluge. The histories of the Tolte­cas fix such earthquakes in the year I Te [...]pat [...]; but as we know not to what century that belonged, we can form no conjecture of the time that great calamity hap­pened. If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isth­mus of Suez, and there should be at the same time as great a scarcity of historians as there were in the first ages after the deluge, it would be doubted, in 300 or 400 years after, whether Asia had ever been united by that part to Africa; and many would firmly deny it.

[Page 88] Whether that great event, the separation of the continents, took place before or after the population of America, it is impossible for us to determine: but we are indebted to the abovementioned navigators for settling the long dispute about the point from which it was effected. Their observations prove, that in one place the distance between continent and continent is only 39 miles, not (as the author of the Reckerch [...] Philosophiques sur les Americains would have it) 800 leagues. This narrow strait has also in the middle two islands, which would greatly facilitate the migration of the Asiatics into the New World, supposing that it took place in canoes after the convulsion which rent the two continents asunder. Besides, it may be add­ed, that these straits are, even in the summer, often filled with ice; in winter, often frozen. In either case, mankind might find an easy passage; in the la [...], the way was extremely ready for quadrupeds to cross and stock the continent of America. But where, from the vast expanse of the north eastern world, to fix o [...] the first tribes who contributed to people the New Continent, now inhabited almost from end to end, is [...] matter that baffles human reason. The learned may make bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good sense cannot always accede to them.

As mankind increased in numbers, they naturally protruded one another forward. Wars might be an­other cause of migrations. There appears no reason why the Asiatic north might not be an officin [...] vir [...]ru [...], as well as the European. The overteeming country to the east of the Riphaean Mountains, must find it ne­cessary to discharge its inhabitants: the first great wa [...] of people was forced forward by the next to it, more tumid and more powerful than itself: successive and new impulses continually arriving, short rest was gives to that which spread over a more eastern tract; disturb­ed again and again, it covered fresh regions; at length, [Page 89]reaching the farthest limits of the Old World, found a new one, with ample space to occupy, unmolested for ages; till Columbus cursed them by a discovery, which brought again new sins and new deaths to both worlds.

"The inhabitants of the New World (Mr. Pennant observes) do not consist of the offspring of a single na­tion: different people, at several periods, arrived there; and it is impossible to say, that any one is now to be found on the original spot of its colonization. It is impossible, with the lights which we have so recently received, to admit that America could receive its in­habitants (at least the bulk of them) from any other place than eastern Asia. A few proofs may be added, taken from customs or dresses common to the inhabi­tants of both worlds; some have been long extinct in the old, others remain in both in full force.

"The custom of scalping was a barbarism in use with the Scythians, who carried about them, at all times; this savage mark of triumph; they cut a circle round the neck, and stripped off the skin, as they would that of an ox. A little image, found among the Kalmucks, of a Tartarian deity, mounted on a horse, and sitting on a human skin, with scalps pendant from the breast, fully illustrates the custom of the Scythian progenitors, as described by the Greek historian. This usage, as we well know, by horrid experience, is continued to this day in America. The ferocity of the Scyth­ians to their prisoners extended to the remotest part of Asia. The Kamtschatkans, even at the time of their discovery by the Russians, put their prisoners to death by the most lingering and excruciating inven­tions; a practice in full force to this very day among the aboriginal Americans. A race of the Scythians were stiled Anthropophagi, from their feeding on hu­man flesh. The people of Nootka Sound still make a repast on their fellow creatures; but what is more won­derful, the savage allies of the British army have been [Page 90]known to throw the mangled limbs of the French pri­soners into the horrible cauldron, and devour them with the same relish as those of a quadruped.

"The Scythians were said, for a certain time, an­nually to transform themselves into wolves, and again to resume the human shape.

"In their marches, the Kamtschatkans never went abreast, but followed one another in the same track. The same custom is exactly observed by the Ameri­cans.

"The Tungusi, the most numerous nation resident in Siberia, prick their faces with small punctures, with a needle, in various shapes; then rub into them char­coal, so that the marks become indelible. This custom is still observed in several parts of America. The In­dians on the back of Hudson's Bay, to this day, per­form the operation exactly in the same manner, and puncture the skin into various figures; as the natives of New Zealand do at present, and as the ancient Br [...] ­ons did with the herb glastem, or woad; and the Virginians, on the first discovery of that country by the English.

"The Tungusi use canoes made of birch bark, dis­tended over ribs of wood, and nicely sowed together. The Canadian, and many other American nations, use no other sort of boats. The paddles of the Tung [...] are broad at each end; those of the people near Cooke river, and of Oonalascha, are of the same form.

"In burying of the dead, many of the American nations place the corpse at full length, after preparing it according to their customs; others place it in a fit­ting posture, and lay by it the most valuable clothing, wampum, and other matters. The Tartars did the same: And both people agree in covering the whole with earth, so as to form a tumulus, barrow, or car­nedd.

"Some of the American nations hang their dead in trees. Certain of the Tungusi observe a similar cus­tom.

[Page 91] "We can draw some analogy from dress; conveni­ency in that article must have been consulted on both continents, and originally the materials must have been the same, the skins of birds and beasts. It is singular, that the conic bonnet of the Chinese should be found among the people of Nootka. We cannot give into the notion, that the Chinese contributed to the population of the New World; but we can, readily, admit, that a shipwreck might furnish those Americans with a pattern for that part of the dress.

"In respect to the features and form of the human body, almost every tribe found along the western coast has some similitude to the Tartar nations, and, still, retain the little eyes, small noses, high cheeks, and broad faces. They vary in size, from the lusty Cal­mu [...]s to the little Nogaians. The internal Ameri­cans, such as the Five Indian nations, who are tall of body, robust in make, and of oblong faces, are deriv­ed from a variety among the Tartars themselves. The fine race of Tschutski seems to be the stock from which those Americans are derived. The Tschutski, again, from that fine race of Tartars the Kabardinski, or in­habitants of Kabarda.

"But, about Prince William's Sound begins a race chiefly distinguished by their dress, their canoes, and their instruments of the chace, from the tribes to the south of them. Here commences the Esquimaux peo­ple, or the race known by that name in the high lati­tudes of the eastern side of the continent. They may be divided into two varieties. At this place, they are of the largest size. As they advance northward, they decrease in height, till they dwindle into the dwarfish tribes which occupy some of the coasts of the Icy Sea, and the maritime parts of Hudson's Bay, of Greenland, and Terra de Labrador. The famous Japanese map places some islands seemingly within the straits of Behr­ing, on which is bestowed the title of Ya Zue, or the [Page 92]kingdom of the Dwarfs. Does not this in some man­ner authenticate the chart, and give us reason to sup­pose that America was not unknown to the Japanese; and that they had (as is mentioned by Kaempfer and Charlevoix) made voyages of discovery, and accord­ing to the last, actually wintered on the continent? That they might have met with the Esquimaux is very probable; whom, in comparison of themselves, they might justly distinguish by the name of dwarfs. The reason of their low stature is very obvious: These dwell in a most severe climate, amidst penury of food; the former in one much more favourable, abundant in provisions; circumstances that tend to prevent the de­generacy of the human frame. At the island of Oona­lascha, a dialect of the Esquimaux is in use, which was continued along the whole coast from thence north­ward."

The continent which stocked America with the hu­man race, is supposed, by Mr. Pennant, to have pour­ed in the brute creation, through the same passage. Very few quadrupeds continued in the peninsula of Kamtschatka; Mr. Pennant enumerates only 25 which are inhabitants of land: All the rest persisted in their mi­gration, and fixed their residence in the New World. Seventeen of the Kamtschatkan quadrupeds are found in America: Others are common only to Siberia, or Tar­tary, having, for unknown causes, entirely evacuated Kamtschatka, and divided themselves between Ameri­ca and the parts of Asia above cited. Multitudes, again, have deserted the Old World, even to an individual, and fixed their seats at distances most remote from the spot from which they took their departure; from mount Ararat, the resting place of the ark, in a central part of the Old World, and excellently adapted for the dis­persion of the animal creation to all its parts. "We need not be startled (says Mr. Pennant) at the vast journeys many of the quadrupeds took to arrive at their [Page 93]present feats. Might not numbers of species have found a convenient abode in the vast alps of Asia, in­stead of wandering to the Cordilleras of Chili? Or might not others have been contented with the bound­less plains of Tartary, instead of travelling thousands of miles to the extensive flats of Pampas?—To endeav­our to elucidate common difficulties is certainly a trouble worthy of the philosopher, and of the divine; not to attempt it would be a criminal indolence, a neglect to ‘Vindicate the ways of God to man.’ But there are multitudes of points beyond the human ability to explain, and yet are truths undeniable: The facts are indisputable, notwithstanding the causes are concealed. In such cases, faith must be called in to our relief. It would, certainly, be the height of folly to deny to that Being who broke open the great foun­tains of the deep to effect the deluge—and after­wards, to compel the dispersion of mankind to peo­ple the globe, directed the confusion of languages— powers inferior in their nature to these. After these wondrous proofs of omnipotency, it will be absurd to deny the possibility of infusing instinct into the brute creation. "God himself is the soul of brutes;" his pleasure must have determined their will, and directed several species, and even whole genera, by impulse irre­sistible, to move by slow progression to their destined regions. But for that, the illama and the pacos might still have inhabited the heights of Armenia, and some more neighbouring Alps, instead of labouring to gain the distant Peruvian Andes; the whole genus of armadillos, flow of foot, would never have quitted the torrid zone of the Old World for that of the New; and the whole tribe of monkeys would have gamboled together in the forests of India, instead of dividing their residence between the shades of Indostan, and the deep forests of the Brasils. Lions and tigers might [Page 94]have infested the hot parts of the New World, as the first do the desarts of Africa, and the last the provinces of Asia; or the pantherine animals of South America might have remained additional scourges with the savage beasts of those ancient continents. The Old World would have been overstocked with animals; the New remained an unanimated waste! Or both have contain­ed an equal portion of every beast of the earth. Let it not be objected, that animals bred in a southern climate, after the descent of their parents from the ark, would be unable to bear the frost and snow of the rig­orous north, before they reached South America, the place of their final destination. It must be considered, that the migration must have been the work of ages; that in the course of their progress each generation grew hardened to the climate it had reached; and that, after their arrival in America, they would again be gradually accustomed to warmer and warmer climates, in their removal from north to south, as they had in the reverse, or from south to north. Part of the tiger, still inhabit the eternal snows of Ararat, and multitudes of the very same species live, but with exalted rage, beneath the line, in the burning soil of Borneo, or Sumatra; but neither lions or tigers ever migrated into the New World. A few of the first are found in India and Persia, but they are found in numbers only in Africa. The tiger extends as far north as wes­tern Tartary, in lat. 40°, 50′, but never has reached America."

In fine, the conjectures of the learned respecting the vicinity of the Old and New World are now, by the discoveries of late great navigators, lost in conviction; and, in the place of imaginary hypothesis, the real place of migration almost incontrovertibly pointed out. Some (from a passage in Plato) have extended over the Atlantic, from the straits of Gibraltar to the coast of North and South America, an island equal in size to the [Page 95]continents of Asia and Africa; over which had passed, as over a bridge, from the latter, men and animals; wool headed negroes, and lions and tigers, none of which ever existed in the New World. A mighty sea arose, and, in one day and night, engulphed this stu­pendous tract, and with it every being which had not completed its migration into America. The whole ne­gro race, and almost every quadruped, now inhabi­tants of Africa, perished in this critical day. Five only are to be found, at present, in America; and of these only one, the bear, in South America: Not a single custom, common to the natives of Africa and America, to evince a common origin. Of the quadrupeds, the bear, stag, wolf, fox, and weesel, are the only ani­mals which we can pronounce, with certainty, to be found on each continent. The stag, the fox, and the weesel, have made, also, no farther progress in Africa than the north; but on the same continent the wolf is spread over every part, yet is unknown in South Amer­ica, as are the fox and weesel. In Africa and in South America the bear is very local, being met with only in the north of the first, and on the Andes in the last. Some cause unknown arrested its progress in Africa, and impelled the migration of a few into the Chilian Alps, and induced them to leave unoccupied the vast tract from North America to the lofty Cordilleras.

CHAP. X.

ALLUSIONS have often been made by travellers, and others, to some remains in America which ap­peared to owe their original to a people more intimately acquainted with the arts of life than the savage tribes which inhabited this continent on its first discovery by the Europeans, or than those which are, at present, scat­tered through various parts of its extent. In a small work, published in London, in 1787, entitled Observa­tions on some parts of natural history [...]: To which is prefixed, an account of several remarkable vestiges of an ancient date, which have been discovered in different parts of America, ^* Part I. the author has collected the scatter­ed hints of Kaim, of Carver, of Filson, and some other travellers, and writers; and has added a plan and description of a regular work, which he supposes to have been a fortification, that has been discovered near the confluence of the rivers Ohio and Muskingum. The remains described, or alluded to, in this publication, are characters, or singular marks, which were supposed by some Jesuits, who examined them, to be Tartarian; furrows, as if the land had been ploughed; a stone wall; mounds of earth, of different forms and sizes; earthen walls, and ditches, &c.

The mounds of earth are supposed, by the author, to have been designed for different purposes: The smaller ones are, evidently, tumuli, or repositories of the dead; and, he thinks, the larger ones, as that at Grave Creek (a branch of the Ohio) many which are to be seen in Mexico, and in other parts of America, were intended to serve as the bases of temples.

The most curious part of this little work is the de­scription, together with the plan, of the supposed for­tification, [Page 97]above alluded to. It is situated on the east side of the river Muskingum, about half a mile above it junction with the river Ohio, nearly in the latitude of 39°. 21′. and about 170 miles below Fort Pitt, at the confluence of the rivers Al [...]eghaney and Monongahe­la. The town, as it has been, sometimes, called, is a large level, encompassed by walls of a tetragon form; occupying a piece of ground about one quarter of a mile square. These walls are from six to ten feet in height, and from twenty to forty feet in thickness. They are, at present, overgrown with vegetables, of different kinds, and, among others, with trees, some of which are of a very considerable diameter. Each side of the walls is divided, by three chasms, or openings, into four, nearly equal, parts: These chasms are directly opposite to each other. Within the walls there are three elevations; the largest of these is of an oblong form, 74 yards long, 44 yards broad, and 6 feet in height: The second is nearly of a similar form, 50 yards long, and 40 broad: The third is, also, an oblong mount, but much smaller. Besides these three eleva­tions, there is a small circular mount, placed nearly in the centre of four small caves; and a "somi circular parapet," which, it is not improbable, may have been de­signed to guard one of the chasms, or openings: This parapet has a small mount. The author observes, that the three elevations "considerably resemble some of the eminences which have been discovered near the river Mississippi," of which he has given an account in his publication.

The fortifications (for a distinction has been made between them and the town, but we cannot see with what great propriety) are nearly of the same form as the town. The walls have here, also, openings: And at each of these openings there is one, or more, of the small circular mounts.

The pyramid is one of the most conspicuous parts of these singular remains. It is of a circular form; 50 [Page 98]feet in height, 390 feet in circumferance; and is sur­rounded with a ditch, 5 feet deep, and 15 feet wide: Externally to the ditch there is a parapet, which is 759 feet in circumference. "The pyramid, as well as the eminences and walls, is now covered with grasses, and other kinds of vegetables." Besides these, there are several other eminences, of which we do not think it necessary to take any notice, in this place.

The author's opinion concerning these remains is this; that they owe their original to "the Toltecas, or some other Mexican nation," and that these people were, probably, the descendants of the Danes. The first member of this conjecture appears not improbable, if we consider the similarity of the Mexican mounts and fortifications, described by Torquemada, by the Abbé Clavegero, and by other authors, to those of which our author has published an account; and, also, if we con­sider the tradition of the Mexicans, that they came from the north west, in which tract great numbers of these remains have been discovered. As to the second mem­ber of this conjecture, we think it but feebly supported; although we are not ignorant that Grotius and other writers have endeavoured to prove, that the northern nations of Europe, had, actually, some intercourse with America, long before the time of Columbus.

It is said, there are inscriptions in strange characters in different parts of the western country: One, in particular, on a flat rock on the river Cumberland, the existence of which general Clarke affirms. It is said to be lengthy, and would no doubt if decyphered throw great light upon the ancient history of America. ^*

CHAP. XI.

IT is believed, by many, that the ancients had some im­perfect notion of the New World; and several an­cient authors are quoted in confirmation of this opinion. In a book, ascribed to the philosopher Aristotle, we are told that the Carthaginians discovered an island, far be­yond the pillars of Hercules, large, fertile, and finely watered, with navigable rivers, but uninhabited. This island was distant a few days sailing from the continent: its beauty induced the discoverers to settle there; but the policy of Carthage dislodged the colony, and laid strict prohibition on all the subjects of the state not to at­tempt any future establishment. This account is also confirmed by an historian of no mean credit, who re­lates, that the Tyrians would have settled a colony on the newly discovered island, but were opposed by the Carthaginians, for state reasons.

The Welsh, fondly, imagine that their country con­tributed, in 1170, to people the New World, by the adventure of Madoc, son of Owen Gwynedd, who, on the death of his father, sailed there, and colonized part of the country. It is pretended that Mado [...] made two voyages: That sailing west, he left Ireland so far to [Page 100]the north, that he came to land unknown, where he saw many strange things; that he returned home, and, making a report of the fertility of the newly discovered country, prevailed on numbers of the Welsh, of each sex, to accompany him, on a second voyage, from which he never returned. The favourers of this opinion as­sert, that several Welsh words, such as gwrando, "to hearken, or listen;" the isle of Croes [...], or "welcome;" Cape Breton, from the name of the British island; gwynndwr, or "the white water;" and pingwin, or "the bird with a white head;" are to be found in the American language. But likeness of sound, in a few words, will not be deemed sufficient to establish the fact; especially if the meaning has been evidently pervert­ed: For example, the whole pinguin tribe have, unfor­tunately, not only black [...]ds, but are not inhabitants of the northern hemisphere; the name was also bestow­ed on them by the Dutch a pinguedine, from their ex­cessive fatness. It may be added, that the Welsh were never a naval people; that the age in which Mado [...] liv­ed was peculiarly ignorant in navigation; and the most which they could have attempted must have been a mere coasting voyage. ^*

The Norwegians put in for a share of the glory, on grounds rather better than the Welsh. By their settle­ments in Iceland, and in Greenland, they had arrived within so small a distance of the New World, that there is a probability of its having been touched at by a people so versed in maritime affairs, and so adventurous, as the ancient Normans were. The proofs are much more numerous than those produced by the British historians; for the discovery is mentioned in several of the Iceland­i [...] manuscripts. The period was about the year 1002, [Page 101]when it was visited by one Biorn; and the discovery pursued to great effect by Leif, the son of Eric, the dis­coverer of Greenland. It does not appear that they reached farther than Labrador; on which coast they met with the Esquimaux, on whom they bestowed the name of Skraelingues, or dwarfish people, from their small stature. They were armed with bows and arrows, and had leathern canoes, such as they have at present. All this is probable; nor should the tale of the German, called Turkil, one of the crew, invalidate the account. He was one day missing; but soon returned, leaping and singing, with all the extravagant marks of joy a bon vivant could show, on discovering the inebriating fruit of his country, the grape: Torsaeus even says, that he returned in a state of intoxication. To con­vince his commander, he brought several bunches: And the country, from that circumstance, was named Vin­land. There appears no reason to doubt of the dis­covery; it is thought probable, however, that these people reached no farther than the barren country of Labrador. In short, it is from a much later period, that we must date the unequivocal discovery of America.

TOWARDS the close of the 15th century, Venice and Genoa being rivals in commerce, in which the former had greatly the superiority, Christopher Colon, or Colum­bus, a native of Genoa, conceived a project of sailing to the East Indies by directing his course westward. This design was founded upon a mistake of the geographers, of those days, who placed the eastern parts of Asia im­mensely too far to the eastward; so that had they been in the right, the shortest way would have been to sail directly westward. Columbus applied, first, to his own countrymen; but being rejected by them, he applied to Portugal, where he met with no better success. Spain was his next resource: here, after eight years attendance, he obtained, in 1492, a fleet of three ships. The largest, a ship of no considerable burden, was com­manded [Page 102]by Columbus, as admiral, who gave it the name of Santa Maria, out of respect for the Blessed Virgin, whom he honoured with singular devotion. Of the se­cond, called the Pinta, Martin Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis pilot. The third, named the Nigna, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. These two were light vessels, hardly superior in bur­den, or force, to large boats. This squadron, if it merits that name, was victualled for 12 months, and had on board 90 men, mostly sailors, together with a few ad­venturers, who followed the fortune of Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the expense of the undertak­ing was one of the circumstances which chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded, so long, the negoci­ation with Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not exceed 4000l. As Columbus was deeply impressed with sentiments of religion, he would not set out upon an expedition so arduous, and of which one great object was to extend the knowledge of the christian faith, without imploring publicly, the guid­ance and protection of Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the persons under his command, marched, in solemn procession, to the monastery of Ra­bida. After confessing their sins, and obtaining ab­solution, they received the holy sacrament from the hands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the success of an enterprize which he had so zealously patronized.

Next morning, being Friday, the third day of Au­gust, in the year 1492, Columbus set sail, a little be­fore sun rise, in presence of a vast crowd of spectators, who sent up their supplications to Heaven for the pros­perous issue of the voyage, which they wished, rather than expected. Columbus steered, directly, for the Can­ary Islands, and arrived there without any occurrence that would have deserved notice on any other occasion: but, in a voyage of such expectation and importance, [Page 103]every circumstance was the object of attention. The rudder of the Pinta broke loose, the day after she lest the harbour, and that accident alarmed the crew, no less superstitious than unskilful, as a certain omen of the unfortunate destiny of the expedition. Even in the short run to the Canaries, the ships were found to be so crazy, and ill appointed, as to be very improper for a navigation which was expected to be both long and dangerous. Columbus refitted them, however, to the best of his power; and having supplied himself with fresh provisions, he took his departure from Gomera, one of the most westerly of the Canary Islands, on the sixth day of September.

Here the voyage of discovery may properly be said to begin; for Columbus, holding his course due west, left, immediately, the usual track of navigation, and stretched into unfrequented and unknown seas. The first day, as it was very calm, he made but little way; but on the second he lost sight of the Canaries; and many of the sailors, already dejected and dismayed, when they contemplated the boldness of the undertak­ing, began to beat their breasts, and to shed tears, as if they were never more to behold land. Columbus comforted them with assurances of success, and the prospect of vast wealth, in those opulent regions whith­er he was conducting them. He regulated every thing by his sole authority; he superintended the exe­cution of every order; and allowed himself only a few hours for sleep; he was at all other times upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not, formerly, been visited, the sounding line, or instruments for ob­servation, were continually in his hands. After the example of the Portuguese discoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the appearance of fishes, of sea weeds, and of every thing that floated on the waves, and entered eve­ry occurrence with a minute exactness, in the journal which he kept. As the length of the voyage could not [Page 104]fail of alarming sailors habituated only to short [...] sions, Columbus endeavoured to conceal from them the real progress which they made. With this view, though they ran 18 leagues the second day, after they left Gomera, he gave out that they had advanced only 15, and he uniformly employed the same artifice of reckoning short, during the whole voyage. By the 14th of September, the fleet was above 200 leagues to the west of the Canary Isles. There they were struck with an appearance, no less astonishing than new. They observed that the magnetic needle, in their com­passes, did not point exactly to the polar star, but variest towards the west; and, as they proceeded, this vari­ation increased. This appearance, which is now familiar, though it still remains one of the mysteries of nature, into the cause of which the sagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, silled the companions of Columbus with terror. They were now in a bound­less, unknown, ocean, far from the usual place of navi­gation; nature itself seemed to be altered, and the only guide which they had left was about to fail them. Co­lumbus, with no less quickness than ingenuity, invent­ed a reason for this appearance, which, though it did not satisfy himself, seemed so plausible to them, that it dispelled their fears, or silenced their murmurs.

He still continued to steer due west, nearly in the same latitude with the Canary Islands. In this course, he came within the sphere of the trade wind, which blows, invariably, from east to west, between the tropics, and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this steady gale with such uniform rapidity, that it was seldom necessary to shift a sail. When about 400 leagues to the west of the Canaries, he found the sea so covered with weeds, that it resembled a meadow of vast extent; and in some places they were so thick, as to retard the motion of the vessels. This strange appearance occa­sioned new alarm and disquiet. The sailors imagined that they were now arrived at the utmost boundary of [Page 105]the navigable o [...]e [...]n; that these floating weeds would obstruct their so [...]ther progress, and concealed dangerous rocks, or some large tract of land, which had sunk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus en­deavoured to persuade them, that what had alarmed, ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be considered as a sign of approaching land. At the same time, a brisk gale arose, and carried them forward. Several birds were seen hovering about the ship, and directed their slight towards the west. The despond­ing crew resumed some degree of spirit, and began to entertain fresh hopes.

Upon the first of October they were, according to the admiral's reckoning, 770 leagues to the west of the Canaries; but, lest his men should be intimidated by the prodigious length of the navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only 584 leagues; and fortun­ately for Columbus, neither his own pilot, nor those of the other ships, had skill sufficient to correct this error, and to discover the deceit. They had, now, been above three weeks at sea: they had proceeded far be­yond what former navigators had attempted, or deemed possible: all their prognostics of discovery, drawn from the flight of birds, and other circumstances, had prov­ed fallacious: the appearances of land, with which their own credulity, or the artifice of their commander, had, from time to time, flattered and amused them, had been altogether illusive, and their prospect of success seemed now to be as distant as ever. These reflections occur­red often to men, who had no other object, or occupa­tion, than to reason and to discourse concerning the in­tention and circumstances of their expedition. They made impression, at first, upon the ignorant and timid, and extending, by degrees, to such as were better in­formed, or more resolute, the contagion spread, at length, from ship to ship. From secret whispers and murmur­ings, they proceeded to open cabals and public com­plaints. They taxed their sovereign with inconsiderate [Page 106]credulity, in paying such regard to the vain promis [...] and rash conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to ha [...] ­ard the lives of so many of her own subjects, in prose­cuting a chimerical scheme. They affirmed that they had fully performed their duty, by venturing so far i [...] an unknown and hopeless course, and could incur [...] blame, for refusing to follow, any longer, a desper [...] adventurer to certain destruction. They contended, that it was necessary to think of returning to Spain, while their crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed their fears that the attempt would prove vain, as the wind, which had hitherto been so favourable to their course, must render it impossible to sail in the opposite direction. All agreed that Colum­bus should be compelled by force to adopt a measure [...] which their common safety depended. Some of the more audacious proposed, as the most expeditious and certa [...] method for getting rid, at once, of his remo [...] ­strances, to throw him into the sea; being persuaded that, upon their return to Spain, the death of an un­successful projector would excite little concern, and be inquired into with no curiosity.

Columbus was fully sensible of his perilous situation. He had observed, with great uneasiness, the fatal oper­ation of ignorance, and of fear, in producing disaffec­tion among his crew; and saw that it was now ready to burst out into open mutiny. He reta [...]ed, however, perfect presence of mind. He affected to seem igno­rant of their machinations. Notwithstanding the agi­tation and solicitude of his own mind, he appeared with a cheerful countenance; like a man satisfied with the progress which he had made, and confident of suc­cess. Sometimes he employed all the arts of insinua­tion to soothe his men. Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition, or avarice, by magnificent descriptions of the fame and wealth which they were about to acquire. On other occasions he assumed a tone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance [Page 107]from their sovereign, if, by their dastardly behaviour, they should defeat this noble effort to promote the glo­ry of God, and to exalt the Spanish name, above that of every other nation. Even with seditious sailors, the words of a man, whom they had been accustomed to reverence, were weighty and persuasive; and not only restrained them from those violent excesses which they meditated, but prevailed with them to accompany their admiral for some time longer.

As they proceeded, the indications of approaching land seemed to be more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds began to appear in flocks, mak­ing towards the south west. Columbus, in imitation of the Portuguese navigators, who had been guided in several of their discoveries by the motion of birds, al­tered his course from due west towards that quarter whither they pointed their flight. But after holding on for several days in this new direction without any better success than formerly, having seen no object during 30 days but the sea and the sky, the hopes of his companions subsided faster than they had risen; their fears revived with additional force; impatience, rage, and despair, appeared in every countenance. All sense of subordination was lost. The officers, who had hitherto concurred with Columbus in opinion, and sup­ported his authority, now took part with the private men: they assembled tumultuously, on the deck, ex­postulated with their commander, mingled threats with their expostulations, and required him instantly to tack about, and to return to Europe. Columbus perceived that it would be of no avail to have recourse to any of his former arts, which having been tried so often had lost their effect; and that it was impossible to rekindle any zeal for the success of the expedition among men in whose breasts fear had extinguished every generous sentiment. He saw that it was no less vain to think of employing either gentle or severe measures, to quell a mutiny so general and so violent. It was necessary, [Page 108]on all these accounts, to soothe passions which he could no longer command, and to give way to a torrent too impetuous to be checked. He promised, solemnly, [...] his men, that he would comply with their request, pro­vided they would accompany him, and obey his com­mands for three days longer; and if, during that time, land were not discovered, he would then abandon the enterprize and direct his course towards Spain.

Enraged as the sailors were, and impatient to turn their faces again towards their native country, this proposition did not appear to them unreasonable. Not did Columbus hazard much in confining himself to a term so short. The presages of discovering land went now so numerous and promising, that he deemed the [...] infallible. For some days, the sounding line had reach­ed the bottom, and the soil which it brought up indicated land to be at no great distance. The flocks of birds increased; and were composed not only of sea fowl, but of such land birds as could not be supposed to fly far from the shore. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating, which seemed to be newly cut, and like­wise a piece of timber artificially carved. The sailors aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree, with red berries, perfectly fresh. The clouds around the setting sun assumed a new appearance; the air was more mild and warm; and, during night, the wind became unequal and variable. From all these symp­toms, Columbus was so confident of being near land, that on the evening of the 11th of October, 1492, after public prayers for success, he ordered the sails to be furled and the ships to lie by, keeping strict watch, lest they should be driven ashore in the night. During this interval of suspense and expectation, no man shut his eyes, all kept upon deck, gazing intently towards that quarter where they expected to discover the land which had been so long the object of their wishes.

About two hours before midnight, Columbus stand­ing on the forecastle, observed a light at a distance, [Page 109]and privately pointed it out to Pedro Guttierez, a page of the queen's wardrobe. Guttierez perceived it; and calling to Salcedo, comptroller of the fleet, all three saw it in motion, as if it were carried from place to place. A little after midnight, the joyful sound of land! land! was heard from the Pinta, which kept always ahead of the other ships. But having been so often deceived by fallacious appearances, every man was now become slow of belief; and waited, in all the anguish of uncertainty and impatience, for the return of day. As soon as morning dawned, all doubts and fears were dispelled. From each ship, an island was seen about two leagues to the north, whose flat and verdant fields, well stored with wood, and watered with many rivulets, presented the aspect of a delightful country. The crew of the Pinta instantly began the Te Deum, as a hymn of thanksgiving to God; and were joined by those of the other ships, with tears of joy and transports of congratulation. This office of gratitude to Heaven was followed by an act of justice to their commander. They threw themselves at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of self condemnation ming­led with reverence. They implored him to pardon their ignorance, incredulity, and insolence, which had created him so much unnecessary disquiet, and had so often obstructed the prosecution of his well concerted plan; and passing, in the warmth of their admiration, from one extreme to another, they now pronounced the man whom they had so lately reviled, and threatened, to be a person inspired by Heaven, with sagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplish a design so far beyond the ideas and conception of all former ages.

As soon as the sun arose, all their boats were man­ned and armed. They rowed towards the island with their colours displayed, with warlike music, and other martial pomp. As they approached the coast, they saw it covered with a multitude of people, whom the novelty of the spectacle had drawn together, whose [Page 110]attitudes and gestures expressed wonder and astonis [...] ­ment, at the strange objects which presented themselves to their view. Columbus was the first European who set foot in the New World, which he had discovered. He landed in a rich dress, and with a naked sword in his hand. His men followed; and, kneeling down, they all kissed the ground which they had so long de­sired to see. They, next, erected a crucifix; and, pros­trating themselves before it, returned thanks to God for conducting their voyage to such an happy issue.

The above was one of the Bahama Islands; to which he gave the name of San Salvador, and took possession of it in the name of their Catholic majesties. In this first voyage he discovered several other of the Lucavo, or Bahama Islands, with those of Cuba and Hispaniola. The natives considered the Spaniards as divinities, and the discharge of the artillery as their thunder: they fell prostrate at the sound. The women, however, offered their favours, and courted the embraces of their new guests as men. Their husbands were not jealous of them; and in the arms of those wantons the companions of Columbus are said, by some authors, to have caught that malady which directs its poison to the springs of life. The Abbé Raynal is of opinion that this disorder was known in Europe before the discovery of America. ^* In a second voyage, many new islands were discovered. In a third, he attained the great object of his ambition, by discovering the continent of America, near the mouth of the river Oroonoko, on the first day of Au­gust, 1498. His success produced a crowd of adventur­ers, from all nations; but the year before this, the north­ern continent had been discovered by Sebastian Cabot, in the service of Henry VII. of England.

Although Columbus had the distinguished merit of enlarging the circle of science, and opening new chan­nels for commerce, by discovering a new world, yet he has been deprived of the honour of having it called [Page 111]by his name. Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine gentle­man, accompanied Ojeda to American 1497; and foon after his return, published an accoun [...] of his voy­age; which was drawn up not only with art, but with some elegance. It circulated rapidly, and was read with admiration. In his narrative he had insinuated that the glory of having discovered the continent in the New World belonged to him. This was at first be­lieved, and the country began to be called after the name of its first supposed discoverer. Thus mankind are left to regret an act of injustice, which, having been sanctioned by time, it is now too late to re­dress. ^*

NOTWITHSTANDING the many settlements of the Europeans in this continent, great part of America re­mains still unknown. The northern continent con­tains the Briti [...]n colonies of Hudson's Bay, Canada, and Nova Scotia: ^† The New England states, and those of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North, and South, Carolina, and Georgia. It contains, also, the Spanish territories of East, and West, Florida, Louisiana, New Mexico, California, and Mexico. Besides these, there are immense regions to the west, and north, the boundaries of which have never yet been discovered. In such as are in any de­gree known, dwell the Esquimaux, the Algonquins, the Hurons, the Iroquois, the Cherakee, the Chick­as [...], and many other tribes of Indians. In the south­ern continent lie the Spanish provinces of Terra Firma, Guiana, Peru, Paraguay, and Chili; together with that of Brasil, belonging to the Portuguese; and the [Page 112]country of Surinam, belonging to the Dutch. Vast tracts, however, in the inland parts, are unknown, be­ing comprehended under the general name of Ano­zonia. A large district, also, said to be the residence of a gigantic race of men, lies on the east side of the con­tinent, between the straits of Magellan and the province of Paraguay. The account of this gigantic race, how­ever, meets with little credit.

This vast country produces many of the metals, min­erals, plants, fruits, trees, and wood, to be met with in the other parts of the world, and many of them in greater quantities, and in high perfection. The gold and silver of America have supplied Europe with such im­mense quantities of those valuable metals, that they are become vastly more common; so that the gold and silver of Europe now bear little proportion to the high price, set upon them before the discovery of America.

It also produces diamonds, pearls, emeralds, ame­thysts, and other valuable stones, which, by being brought into Europe, have contributed, likewise, to lower their value. To these, which are chiefly the productions of Spanish America, may be added a great number of other commodities, which, though of less price are of much greater use. Of these are the plen­tiful supplies of cochineal, indigo, anatto, logwood, bra­zil, fustic, pimento, lignum vitae, rice, ginger, cocoa, or the chocolate nut, sugar, cotton, tobacco, banillas, red wood, the balsams of Tolu, Peru, and Chili, that valuable article, in medicine, the Jesuit's bark, mechoa­can, sassafras, sarsaparilla, cassia, tamarinds, hides, furs, ambergrise, and a great variety of woods, roots, and plants; to which, before the discovery of America, the Europeans were either entire strangers, or which they were forced to buy at an extravagant rate, from Asia and Africa, through the hands of the Venetians and Genoese, who then engrossed the trade of the East­ern World.

[Page 113] On this continent there grows also a variety of ex­cellent native fruits; pine apples, citrous, lemons, orang [...] [...] figs, grapes, great numbers of culinary, medicinal, and other herbs, roots, and plants, with many [...] productions, which are nourished in as great perfection as in their native soil.

Although the Indians still live in the quiet possession of many large tracts, America, so far as known, is chief­ly claimed, and divided into colonies, by three Euro­pean nations, the Spaniards, English, and Portuguese. The Spaniards, as they first discovered it, have the largest and richest portion, extending from New Mexi­co and Louisiana, in North America, to the Straits of Magellan, in the South Sea, excepting the large pro­vince of Brasil, which belongs to Portugal; for though the French and Dutch have some forts upon Surinam and Guiana, they scarcely deserve to be considered as proprietors of any part of the southern continent. Next to Spain the most considerable proprietor of Amer­ica was Great Britain, who derived her claim to North America from the first discovery of that continent by Sebastian Cabot, in the name of Henry VII. in the year 1497.

We shall now leave the general history of America, and proceed to give an account of the discovery and settlement of North America.

CHAP. XII.

NORTH AMERICA was discovered in the reign of Henry VII. a period when the arts and scien­cies had made very considerable progress in Europe. Many of the first adventurers were men of genius and learning, and were careful to preserve authentic records of such of their proceedings as would be interesting to posterity. These records afford ample documents for American historians. Perhaps no people on the globe, can trace the history of their origin and progress with so much precision, as the inhabitants of North Ameri­ca; particularly that part of them who inhabit the ter­ritory of the United States.

The fame which Columbus had acquired by his first discoveries on this western continent, spread through Europe, 1495. and inspired many with the spirit of enterprize. As early as 1495, four years only after the first discovery of America, John Cabot, a Venetian, obtained a grant or commission from Henry VII. to discover unknown lands and annex them to the crown. ^*

In the spring of 1496 he sailed from England with two ships, carrying with him his three sons. In this voyage, which was intended for China, he fell in with the north side of Terra Labrador, and coasted northerly as far as the 67th degree of latitude. ^†

1497.] The next year he made a second voyage to America with his son Sebastian, who afterwards pro­ceeded [Page 115]in the discoveries which his father had begun. On the 24th of June he discovered Bonnavista, on the north east side of Newfoundland. Before his return he traversed the coast from Davis's straits to Cape Florida.

1502.] Sebastian Cabot was this year at Newfound­land; and on his return, carried three of the natives of that island to King Henry VII.

1513.] In the spring of 1513, John Ponce sailed from Porto Rico northerly, and discovered the conti­nent in 30° 8′ north latitude. He landed in April, a season when the country around was covered with ver­dure, and in full bloom. This circumstance induced him to call the country Florida, which, for many years, was the common name for North and South America.

1516.] In 1516, Sir Sebastian Cabot and Sir Thomas Pert, explored the coast as far as Brazil in South Amer­ica.

This vast extent of country, the coast of which was thus explored, remained unclaimed and unsettled by any European power, (except by the Spaniards in South America) for almost a century from the time of its dis­covery.

1524.] It was not till the year 1524 that France at­tempted discoveries on the American coast. Stimulated by his enterprizing neighbours, Francis I. who possessed a great and active mind, sent John Verrazano, a Flor­entine, to America, for the purpose of making discove­ries. He traversed the coast from latitude 28° to 50° north. In a second voyage, sometime after, he was lost.

1525.] The next year Stephen Gomez, the first Spaniard who came upon the American coast for dis­covery, sailed from Groyn in Spain, to Cuba and Flor­ida, thence northward to Cape Razo, in latitude 46° north, in search of a northern passage to the East Indies.

[Page 116] 1534.] In the spring of 1534, by the direction of Francis I. a fleet was fitted out at St. Malo's in France, with design to make discoveries in America. The command of this fleet was given to James Cartier. ^* He arrived at Newfoundland in May of this year. Thence he sailed northerly; and on the day of the fes­tival of St. Lawrence, he found himself in about lati­tude 48° 30′ north, in the midst of a broad gulf, which he named St. Lawrence. He gave the same name to the river which empties into it. In this voyage, he sailed as far north as latitude 51°, expecting in vain to find a passage to China.

1535.] The next year he sailed up the river St. Law­rence 300 leagues, to the great and swift Fall. He called the country New France; built a fort in which he spent the winter, and returned in the following spring to France.

1539.] On the 12th of May, 1539, Ferdinand de Soto, with 900 men, besides seamen, sailed from Cuba, having for his object the conquest of Florida. On the 30th of May he arrived at Spirito Santo, from whence he travelled northward to the Chickasaw country, in a­bout latitude 35° or 36°. He died and was buried on the bank of Missisippi River, May, 1542, aged 42 years. Alverdo succeeded him.

1542.] In 1542, Francis la Roche, Lord Robewell, was sent to Canada, by the French king, with three ships and 200 men, women and children. They win­tered here in a fort which they had built, and returned in the spring. About the year 1550, a large number of adventurers sailed for Canada, but were never after heard of. In 1598, the king of France commissioned the Marquis De la Roche to conquer Canada, and other countries not possessed by any Christian Prince. We [Page 117]do not learn, however, that la Roche ever attempted to execute his commission, or that any farther attempts were made to settle Canada during this century.

January 6, 1548-49.] This year king Henry VII. granted a pension for life to Sebastian Cabot, in consid­eration of the important services he had rendered to the kingdom by his discoveries in America. ^* Very respect­able descendants of the Cabot family now live in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

1562.] The Admiral of France, Chatillon, early in this year, sent out a fleet under the command of John Ribalt. He arrived at Cape Francis on the coast of Florida, near which, on the first of May, he discovered and entered a river which he called May river. It is more than probable that this river is the same which we now call St. Mary's, which forms a part of the southern boundary of the United States. As he coasted north­ward he discovered eight other rivers, one of which he called Port Royal, and sailed up it several leagues. On one of the rivers he built a fort and called it Charles, in which he left a colony under the direction of Captain Albert. The severity of Captain Albert's mea­sures excited a mutiny, 1564. in which, to the ruin of the colony, he was slain. Two years after, Chatillon sent Rene Laudonier, with three ships, to Florida. In June he arrived at the river May, on which he built a fort, and, in honour to his king, Charles IX. he called it Carolina.

In August, this year, Capt. Ribalt arrived at Florida the second time, with a fleet of seven vessels, to recruit the colony, which, two years before, he had left under the direction of the unfortunate Capt. Albert.

The September following, Pedro Melandes, with six Spanish ships, pursued Ribalt up the river on which h [...] had settled, and overpowering him in numbers, cruelly [Page 118]massacred him and his whole company. Melandes having in this way taken possession of the country, built three forts, and left them garrisoned with 1200 soldiers. Laudonier and his colony on May river, receiving infor­mation of the fate of Ribalt, took the alarm and escap­ed to France.

1567.] A fleet of three ships was this year sent from France to Florida, under the command of Dominique de Courges. The object of this expedition, was to dispossess the Spaniards of that part of Florida which they had cruelly and unjustifiably seized three years before. 1568. He arrived on the coast of Flori­da, April 1568, and soon after made a success­ful attack upon the forts. The recent cruelty of Mel­endoes and his company excited revenge in the breast of Gourges, and roused the unjustifiable principle of re­taliation. He took the forts; put most of the Span­iards to the sword; and having burned and demolished all their fortresses, returned to France. During the 50 years next after this event, the French enterprized no settlements in America.

1576.] Capt. Frobisher was sent this year, to find out a north west passage to the East Indies. The first land which he made on the coast was a Cape, which, in honor to the queen, he called Queen Elizabeth's Fore­land. In coasting northerly he discovered the straits which bear his name. He prosecuted his search for a passage into the western ocean, till he was prevented by the ice, and then returned to England. ^†

June 11th, 1578.] In 1578, Sir Humphry Gilbert obtained a patent from queen Elizabeth, for lands not yet possessed by any Christian prince, provided he would take possession within six years. With this en­couragement he sailed for America, 1583. and on the first of August 1583, anchored in Conception Bay. Afterwards he discovered and took possession of St. John's Harbour, and the country south of it. In [Page 119]pursuing his discoveries he lost one of his ships on the shoals of Sablon, and on his return home, a storm over­took him, in which he was unfortunately lost, and the intended settlement was prevented.

1584.] This year two patents were granted by queen Elizabeth, one to Admiral Gilbert, (Feb. 6.) the other to Sir Walter Raleigh (Mar. 25.) for lands not possessed by any Christian Prince. ^* By the direction of Sir Walter, two ships were fitted and sent out under the command of Philip Amidas, and Arthur Barlow, with 107 passangers. In June 1585 they arrived on the coast, and anchored in a harbour seven leagues west of the Roanoke. This colony returned to England in June, 1586. On the 13th of July, they, in a formal manner, took possession of the country, and, in honour of their virgin queen, Elizabeth, they called it Virginia. Till this time the country was known by the general name of Florida. After this Virginia became the common name for all North America.

1586.] This year, Sir Walter Raleigh sent Sir Rich­ard Greenville to America, with seven ships. He arrived at Wococon harbour in June. Having station­ed a colony of more than an hundred people at Roan­oke, under the direction of Capt. Ralph Lane, he coast­ed northeasterly as far as Chesapeak Bay, and returned to England.

The colony under Capt. Lane, endured extreme hardships, and must have perished, had not Sir Fran­cis Drake fortunately returned to Virginia, and car­ried them to England, after having made several con­quests for the queen in the West Indies, and other places.

A fortnight atter, Sir Richard Greenville arrived with new recruits; and although he did not find the colony which he had before left, and knew not but they had perished, he had the rashness to leave 50 men at the same place.

[Page 120] 1587.] The year following, Sir Walter sent another company to Virginia, under governour White, with a charter and twelve assistants. In July he arrived at Roanoke. Not one of the second company remained. He determined, however, to risk a third colony. Ac­cordingly he left 115 people at the old settlement, and returned to England.

This year (Aug. 13.) Manteo was baptized in Vir­ginia. He was the first native Indian who received that ordinance in that part of America. He, with Towaye, another Indian, had visited England, and re­turned home to Virginia with the colony. On the 18th of August, Mrs. Dare was delivered of a daughter, whom she called Virginia. She was born at Roanoke, and [...]as the first English child that was born in North [...].

1590.] In the year 1590, governour White came over to Virginia with supplies and recruits for his col­ony, but, to his great grief, not a man was to be found. They had all miserably famished with hunger, or were massacred by the Indians.

1602.] In the spring of this year, Bartholomew Gos­nold, with 32 persons, made a voyage to North Vir­ginia, and discovered and gave names to Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard, and Elizabeth Islands, and to Dover Cliff. Elizabeth Island was the place which they fixed for their first settlement. But the courage of those who were to have tarried, failing, they all went on board and returned to England. All the attempts to settle this continent which were made by the Dutch, French, and English, from its discovery to the present time, a period of 110 years, proved ineffectual. The Spaniards only, of all the European nations, had been successful. There is no account of there having been one European family at this time, in all the vast extent of coast from Florida to Greenland.

1693.] Martin Pring and William Brown, were this year sent by Sir Walter Raleigh, with two small vessels, [Page 121]to make discoveries in North Virginia. They came up­on the coast, which was broken with a multitude of islands, in latitude 43° 30′ north. They coasted south­ward to Cape Cod Bay; thence round the Cape into a commodious harbour in latitude 41° 25′, where they went ashore and tarried seven weeks, during which time they loaded one of their vessels with sassafras, and returned to England.

Bartholomew Gilbert, in a voyage to South Virginia, in search of the third colony which had been left there by governour White, in 1587, having touched at sev­eral of the West India Islands, landed near Chesapeak Bay, where, in a skirmish with the Indians, he and four of his men were unfortunately slain. The rest, with­out any further search for the colony, returned to England.

France, being at this time in a state of tranquility, in consequence of the edict of Nantz in favour of the Protestants, passed by Henry IV. (April, 1598) and of the peace with Philip, king of Spain and Portugal, was induced to pursue her discoveries in America. Accord­ingly the king signed a patent ^* in favour of De Mons, (November 8, 1603) of all the country from the 40th to the 46th degrees of north latitude, under the name of Acadia. 1604. The next year De Mons rang­ed the coast from St. Lawrence to Cape Sable, and round to Cape Cod.

1605.] In May 1605, George's Island and Pentecost Harbour, were discovered by Capt. George Weymouth. In May he entered a large river in latitude 43° 20′, (variation 11° 15′ west,) which Mr. Prince, in his Chronology, supposes must have been Sagadahock; but from the latitude, it was more probably the Piscataqua. Capt. Weymouth carried with him to England five of the natives.

1606.] Sir Walter Raleigh's grant being vacated by attainder in 1603, James I. by patent, ^† divided Vir­ginia [Page 122]into two colonies, on the 10th of April this year. The southern, included all lands between th [...] 34th and 41st degrees of north latitude. This was styled the first colony, under the name of South Virginia, and was granted to the London Company. The northern, called the second colony, and known by the general name of North Virginia, included all lands between the 38th and 45th degrees of north latitude, and was granted to the Plymouth Company. Each of these colonies had a council of thirteen men to govern them. To prevent disputes about territory, the colony which should last place themselves, was prohibited to plant within an hun­dred miles of the other. There appears to be an in­consistency in these grants, as the lands lying between the 38th and 41st degrees are covered by both patents. ^*

CHAP. XIII.

THE folowing account of the British colonies, within the present limits of the United States, is chiefly intended to prepare the minds of those read­ers, who may not have had leisure or opportunity to peruse the works from which the matter is abridged, to form just ideas of the liberties and privileges to which the colonies were intitled by their charters. For this purpose, a few of the principal political transactions of the first colonies, and some declarations of their legisla­tive assemblies, are selected, which will sufficiently evince the sense they had of their dependence on the mother country, and their political sentiments in general. It [Page 123]is presumed the reader will not be displeased to have a short account of the progress of the colonies in popula­tion and commerce, and an impartial account of the manners of the people.

The amazing encrease of population, trade and rich­es, and the improved state of the arts and manufac­tures, since the independence of America, does not come within the limits of this work. For the present state of the Union, see the Rev. Mr. Morse's American Universal Geography.

THE first successful settlement, after the division of Virginia into two colonies, was made by the London company, in the territory of what is presently called

CHAP. XIV.

ABOUT eighty years after the first permanent set­tlement in Virginia, the territory granted in the [...] original patents to the London and Plymouth com­ [...]ies, was divided into twelve distinct and separate [...]lonies; and, in about fifty years afterwards, Georgia [...] added to the southern extremity of these provinc­ [...] being the only colony which was settled at the ex­ [...]se of the crown. The greatest part of the first ad­ [...]turers bought of the natives the lands on which [...]ey settled. Some of them, without doubt, made his agreement from the purest motives—from a con­ [...]usnefs that the Indians were the true proprietors of the soil; to which no charter from their own sov­reign could, of itself, confer a just title. Other set­ters entered into this convention with the Indians [...]erely from motives of personal security, whatever might have been their opinion concerning the validity of the charters from the crown; this inference may justly be drawn, from their subsequent quarrels with the natives, and encroachment upon their grounds.

The aboriginal inhabitants were divided into numer­ous tribes, who were frequently at war with one anoth­er. In these quarrels, the Europeans generally took part with the weaker side, in such a manner as to waste the strength of both parties: the short sighted natives preferring the present pleasure of revenge upon their [Page 220]mortal enemies, to the future happiness of themselves and their posterity. An eminent instance of this oc­curs in the history of the Pequod and Narraganse [...] Indians in New England. There was a fixed enmity between the two tribes. The Pequods were the most warlike among all the neighbouring nations, and p [...] ­ceiving themselves unable, alone, to combat the English were willing to bury their animosity, and offered to [...] ­ter into a treaty with the Narragansetts against [...] common enemy. They urged that the English [...] come to dispossess them of their country; and, altho [...] they had never heard the story of Polepheme and U [...] ­ses, told the Narragansetts, that all they could [...] from the friendship of the English was, the favour [...] being last devoured. The Narragansetts were dea [...] [...] their remonstrances; and the prophesy of the Peq [...] was at length fulfilled. ^*

Indian fidelity is proverbial in America, as the [...] saith was in Italy. The Narragansetts are said to [...] kept the treaty they made with the English, until [...] Pequods were destroyed, and then they grew insol [...] and treacherous. ^†

Notwithstanding the frequent ruptures of the I [...] ­ans with the colonies, very few, comparatively, [...] perished by war. Famine, and its companion the p [...] ­tilence, frequently destroy whole tribes. Their [...] dominant passion for spirituous liquors, in which [...] have been initiated by the whites, proves likewise [...] pugnant to population. They waste, they mo [...] away, and, as Charlevoix says of the Indians of C [...] ­da, they disappear.

Each of the colonies, after many changes, attai [...] a form of government essentially resembling that [...] the mother country; wherein ample provision [...] made for the liberties of the citizens. The royal p [...] ­rogative [Page 221]and dependence on the British government [...]d no great impression on that of the colonies. Even [...] those provinces where the governours were most de­ [...]dent on the crown, they had no higher prerogatives [...]ove their fellow subjects, or power over the provin­ [...] legislative assemblies, than the king was constitu­ [...]ally vested with, over the people and legislature in England.

The colonization of North America began at a pe­ [...]d when the dread of arbitrary government was the [...]edominant passion of the English nation. Excepting [...] modern colony of Georgia, which received its [...]rter in 1732, all the English colonies obtained their charters, and their greatest number of European set­ [...]ers, in the period between the year 1603 and 1688, when the great struggle commenced between privilege [...]d prerogative, which, in its progress, brought king Charles I. to the block, and ended in the expulsion of [...] family from the throne.

The founders of the colonies, in general, adopted the wisest policy in settling the vacant lands; by grant­ing them to those only who personally cultivated their purchases. In New England, especially, this equal di­ [...]ision of lands was more steadily adhered to, than in [...]y of the other provinces. Instead of dispersing the inhabitants over an extensive country, they successively formed settlements in townships of about six miles square: And arrangements for religious instruction and the education of youth, kept equal pace with the en­ [...]argement of the colony. A spirit of liberty and in­dependence gave vigour to industry, and a free consti­tution guarded their civil and religious rights. Few individuals were either very ri [...] or very poor. They enjoyed that happy state of mediocrity, which is equally favourable to strength of body and vigour [...] mind.

[Page 222] The New England, or northern, colonies, particular­ly, were settled by a people, who, during the reign of the Stuarts, had been galled by the yoke of despotism; and were, for the most part, adverse to the prerogative of kings, but friendly to republicanism. It would have been very astonishing if such colonists, after having tasted the sweets of liberty in a new hand, had not [...] ­stilled into the minds of their children a love of free­dom and an abhorrence of arbitrary government: ac­cordingly, their descendants cherished that jealousy [...] their rights, which is the true characteristic of freemen.

When the British constitution was renovated by the revolution, in the year 1688, the colonists participat [...] in the blessings of that happy era. It was then that the distinct boundary was fixed between the privilege [...] of the subject and the prerogatives of the sovereig [...]. It was then recognized, to be essential to the constit [...] ­tion of Great Britain, that the people could not be co [...] ­pelled either to pay taxes or be bound by any laws but [...] as had been granted or enacted, with the consent of them­selves or their representatives; and that they could not [...] affected either in their property, their liberties, or their persons, but by the unanimous consent of twelve of their peers.

The principles upon which that revolution [...] founded, were, "That taxes were the free gifts of [...] people to their rulers.—That the authority of the for­reign was to be exercised only for the good of his sub­jects.—That it was the right of the people to meet to­gether, and peaceably to consider of their grievance. —To petition for a redress of them, and, finally, when intollerable grievances were unredressed, to seek relief on the failure of petitions and remonstrances, by for [...] ­ble means." The colonists were devoted to liberty on these English principles, from their first settlement in America.

[Page 223] Their religion likewise corresponded with their free principles of civil government. There were few Ro­ [...] Catholics, and these were chiefly in Maryland. The great body of the people were Protestants; so call­ [...] because the founders of that persuasion, Martin other and John Calvin, protested against the errors [...] of the Romish Church, and claimed a title to private asigment in religious matters; in opposition to the attended infallibility of the Roman pontiff, in a gen­ [...] council. A majority of the colonists were Dissent­ [...] from the Church of England, consisting of a num­ber of different sects, who were still more averse to [...] interference of authority in matters of opinion, than other of the primitive reformers. The greater part [...] those who retained the liturgy of the Church of England were independents, as far as the discipline of [...] church was concerned. The number of Episco­plians, who supported the tenets and discipline of the search as established in England, was comparatively [...]; excepting in Virginia and Maryland.

It has been already mentioned, in the preceding ac­count of the settlement of the colonies, that religious presecution took place very early in New England and [...] Virginia, and continued for some time. "No bet­ter apology can be made for this inconsistent conduct, [...] that the true grounds of liberty of conscience here then neither understood, nor practised by any sect of Christians. Nor can any more satisfactory account of so open a dereliction of former principles, by the [...]ritans, be offered, than that human nature is the same [...] all bodies of men, and that those who are in, and those who are out of power, insensibly exchange opin­ions with each other on a change of their respective situations." ^*

After the revolution in England, all sects were tol­erated in the colonies, and all agreed in the communion [Page 224]of liberty. Tythes, and all the train of evils attendant upon a system of religion subservient to political pur­poses, were unknown. The clergy of all the different sects were paid by the people, either by moderate sa [...] ­ries, or by voluntary contribution. But in Virginia and Maryland, long before the late war, the Church of England preserved a legal preeminence, and was main­tained at the expense not only of its own members, but of all other denominations. However, a few years before that period, the Presbyterians, and Dissenters from the Church of England, formed a majority of the people in almost all the southern colonies; which was chiefly occasioned by the sloth and indolence of the church clergy.

The studies and reading of the inhabitants were likewise favourable to liberty. Many of the first set­tlers in New England were men of liberal education; and during the great contest between the king and the parliament, divinity and law were the fashionable stud­ [...]es of private gentlemen. The numberless disputes is a new country made the profession of the law lucrative, and increased its followers. Lawyers, in every age, and in every country, have been the greatest friends of liberty, when independent, and not won over to the [...]e of tyranny. Their prosession leads them to watch the encroachments of power; and enables them to de­tect hidden mischiefs, in measures, which the body of the people seldom perceive until they feel the baneful effects.

In an uncultivated country, where the impulse of necessity daily called for every exertion, there could be little leisure for speculation. Large libraries were uncommon. Their books were generally small in size, and few in number; and these consisted mostly of such writings as defended the cause of liberty, or treat­ed of the sufferings of their fore fathers. But those [Page 225]who had ability, and inclination, to give their children liberal education, had that advantage, particularly in [...] northern colonies, very early. Harvard college, ^* in Massachusetts, was founded in 1638; the college of William and Mary, in Virginia, in the reign of king William and queen Mary; Yale college, in Connecti­cut, in the year 1700; and before the year 1775, col­ [...]es or academies were established in every province; there the sciences flourished under able teachers.

The great body of the people were hardy, indepen­dent freeholders; and their manners, congenial to their employment, plain frugal and unpolished. They were all of one rank; and were impressed with the opinion that all men are born entitled to equal rights. An American is unaccustomed to the idea of distinction of tanks, and hereditary titles, which the feudal system [...] established in Europe. The present European gov­emments were founded on the ruins of Gothic institu­tions, at a time when the bulk of the people were slaves attached to the soil; so that it became necessary, un­fortunately for society in more advanced periods, to establish different orders of men, superior to the com­monalty. But the sons of America had the singular happiness to form, deliberately, their political regula­tions, with all the advantages of European experience, which had been gained by the blood of millions, through a series of ages. ^†

[Page 226] In America every town may be called a republic. When the inhabitants assemble at a town meeting, [...] individual citizen has an equal liberty of delivering his opinion, without being liable to be silenced or bro [...] beaten by a richer or greater townsman than himself. In these assemblies they deliberate on municipal affairs, such as the reparation of the highways; the maint [...] ­ance of the poor; the choice of selectmen, collection of taxes, and other officers; but above all the election of the representatives in the legislature; and here th [...] sometimes give them instructions for their public con­duct. It is in this school, that the Americans acqui [...] from their infancy, the habit of discussing, deliberating, and judging of public affairs; and where those senti­ments are first formed, which influence their political conduct through life.

The New England colonies were sensible of the advantages of a union at a very early period. 1638. The commissioners from Massachusetts, 1643. Pl [...] ­outh, Connecticut and New Haven held [...] stated and occasional meetings, and kept regular journ­als of their proceedings, which have acquired [...] name of the Records of the United Colonies of New England. ^* It may not be amiss to observe here, that, although this union was interrupted by the vacation of their charters during the arbitrary reign of James II, the diffusion of political knowledge continued without abatement, and shewed its essects in resisting upon every occasion the invasion of their rights.

[Page 127] Periodical publications have had a great share in il­ [...]ating the minds of the people. And these vehi­ [...] of intelligence were become numerous long before American Revolution, in effecting which they bore small share. "In the year 1720 or 1721 there only one newspaper published in North America, [...] that was the Boston News Letter. In 1771 there [...] twenty five." ^*

The colonists were not less solicitous to attain skill [...] ability to defend their rights and possessions, than [...]ming regulations for the acquirement and diffu­ [...] of knowledge. The near neighbourhood of the [...] and French quickly taught them the necessity having a well regulated militia. They learned to [...] marksmen, from their infancy; being daily led [...]belination or necessity to follow the chace. All [...] inhabitants between 16 and 60 years of age were [...]prehended in the militia. Thus every man was [...] to march for the defence of the country at the [...] fignal. The companies and regiments were oblig­ [...]kewise to assemble at stated times, in order to re­ [...] their arms and accountrements, and to perform [...] manoeuvres. ^†

ALTHOUGH the English possessions in America were [...] in natural riches to these of Spain and Portu­gal, yet they attained a degree of consequence, before [...] revolutionary war, to which the colonies of these [...] other powers have not yet reached. The great privileges of the English constitution, the wise and lib­eral policy of government, in general, for 150 years [Page 228]after the settlement of the colonies raised them to [...] exalted rank. They endured considerable hardship during the reign of the Stuarts; but these stretche [...] power had not any lasting effect, to retard the gro [...] of their trade and prosperity. England, in most [...] allowed them to govern themselves by such laws as [...] assemblies thought necessary; especially after the [...] volution in 1688. She reserved little for herself [...] the exclusive right to their trade, and that an [...] under the same sovereign. "Some arbitrary proceed­ings of governours, proprietary partialities, or de [...] ­cratic jealousies, now and then interrupted the poli [...] ­calm, which generally prevailed among them; but th [...] occasional impediments, for the most part, soon con­sided." ^* Portugal and Spain burdened their's [...] many arbitrary regulations, and punished with fo [...] ­ty whatever had the least tendency to infringe [...] their interests. France and Holland, were less [...] pressive only in their measures, but were almost eq [...] ­ly coercive. They established companies which [...] European commodities to their colonists at an [...] mous advance, and took the produce of their land [...] a low price. They discouraged the produce of [...] than they could dispose of at excessive profits. A [...] advance in wealth and population was the natur [...] effect of such arbitrary measures.

The principal cause of the rapid progress which [...] British colonies made in wealth and population, under the advantages already mentioned, was, their vigorous and persevering attention to agriculture. They [...] but few manufactures; those coarser and household ones excepted, necessarily accompanying the progress of agriculture, which were the work of the wo [...] and children in every private family. The merchant mechanies, and manufacturers did not amount to [...] [Page 229] [...]eenth of the whole number of inhabitants; and the [...] of the people employed their capitals in cultivat­ion the soil. Even an artificer, who had acquired a lit­ [...] more stock than was necessary for carrying on his [...] business in supplying the neighbouring country, [...] attempt to establish, with it, a manufacture for [...] distant sale, but employed it in the purchase and provement of uncultivated lands. He felt that an officer is the servant of his customers; but, that the [...]vator of his own lands is really a master, and more dependent of all the world, than any other occupa­tion can make him.

These circumstances, happily for the morals of the people, encouraged early marriages; and it has been [...]and, that, in North America, the number of inhabi­ [...]ants doubled in twenty five years, or less; nor was [...] increase owing principally to immigration of new [...]ers; but to the great multiplication of the species; [...] that to a degree, far beyond the proportion of old stations, corrupted and weakened by the vices attend­ing wealth, or depressed by poverty and hard living. ^* [...]me who lived to old age saw, it is said, from fifty to [...] hundred, or more, descendants from their own bo­ [...]es; and labour was so well rewarded, that a numerous family of children, instead of being a burden became a source of opulence to their par­ [...]ts. The labour of each child upon a farm, before it left the family, was computed to be north one hundred pounds clear gain to the parents. [Page 230]The value of children being so great an encouragement to marriage, it is no wonder that the people should marry so young. The demand for labourers, and [...] funds destined for maintaining them, increased, it see [...] still faster than they could find labourers to employ. ^*

The northern and southern provinces differ wid [...] in their customs, manners, climate, produce, and [...] the general face of the country. The middle provi [...] preserve a medium in all these respects; they [...] neither so level and hot as the provinces south, [...] hilly and cold as those north and east. The inhabitan [...] of the north are hardy, industrious, frugal, and, in ge [...] cral, intelligent; those of the south are more luxuriou [...], indolent, and uninformed. But, this general character of the people of the different provinces, like all general views, admits of great limitation, and many exceptions, If the northern colonists are distinguished for sobriety and plainness of manners, the southern colonists are [...] less distinguished for hospitality, assability and poli [...] ­ness. The fisheries and commerce are the sinews of the north; tobacco, rice and indigo, the productions of the south. The northern provinces, are commodio [...]y situated for trade and manufactures; the southern, of furnish provisions and raw materials.

In Maryland, Virginia, and the other southern coll­onies domestic slavery was common. There were, com­paratively, few slaves any where to the northward [...] Maryland; although there was no positive law forbi [...] ­ding it. Probably, the raising of corn and the other productions of the middle and eastern colonies could not support the expense of slave cultivation. In Penn­sylvania, the slaves were treated with more kindness than in any of the other colonies. And the Friends, had the distinguished honour to put the first hand to the great work, The Abolition of Slavery; by instituting a [Page 231] [...]ety in Pennsylvania, in the year 1774, for promoting. [...] benevolent design. ^*

The origin of the African slave trade is traced back [...] year 1482, when the Portuguese began to bring [...] from that coast; and after the year 1563, the [...] followed their example. ^† The Spaniards, on discovery of America, degraded the native inhabi­tant to slavery, for no other reason than that they had the [...] to do it; and as an apology to the world, they [...]tained that they were not true men, but a species [...] brute creation. ^‡ The kings of Spain afterwards [...] in favour of the liberties of the natives; ^‖ [Page 232]but the yoke was only shifted from the Americans ^* to the Africans. Louis XIII. consented to make slaves of the negroes of the French colonies, as the surest means of their conversion to Christianity. ^†

The infamous commerce of human flesh took place in the British colonies in North America, in the [...] 1620. A Dutch vessel carried to Virginia a [...] negroes; and thus the Virginians became chargeable with reducing their fellow creatures to the condition of brutes. ^‡

Those who are advocates for negro slavery in [...] southern colonies, say, that the low and [...] grounds would have otherwise remained uncultivated that white men could not undergo the fatigues of hus­bandry in unwholesome marshes in a warm climate that tobacco, rice, and other productions would be [...] dear, were they cultivated by any other than slavery. Such reasoning scarcely deserves a serious reply; [...] there is nothing of greater weight can be urged in [...] fence of slavery.

The more liberal and elevated colonists abhor slav [...] they do not debase themselves by attempting to vindi­cate it; he who would encourage it, abstracted from the idea of bare necessity, is not a man but a brute [...] human form; "For disguise thyself as thou wilt, O slav­ery! still thou art a bitter draught!" It is interest [Page 233] [...] than the voice of reason, which alone exclaims [...] favour; but it is also a false idea of interest [...] encourages this traffic. "No labour," says ba­ [...] de Montesquieu, "is so heavy but it may be brought [...] level with the workman's strength, when it is re­gulated by equity and not by avarice. The violent [...] which slaves are made to undergo, may be [...] by a skilful use of ingenious machines. The [...] mines in the [...] of Temeswaer, though [...] than those of Hungary, did not yield so much, [...] the working of them depended entirely on the [...]ngth of slaves. Possibly there is not a climate upon [...] where the most laborious services might not, with [...] encouragement, be performed by freemen." ^*

The experience of all ages, and nations, demonstrates [...] the work done by slaves, though it appears to cost [...] their maintenance, is in the end the dearest of any. [...] under that meliorated species of slavery, which [...] subsists in Ruffia, Poland, Hungary, Moravia and [...] parts of Germany, a person who can acquire no [...]uperty can have no interest but to eat as much, and [...] as little as possible. Whatever work he does [...] what is sufficient to purchase his own mainten­ance, can be squeezed out of him by violence only, [...] not by any interest of his own. In ancient Italy, [...] much the cultivation of corn degenerated, how [...]profitable it became to the master, when it fell under [...] management of slaves, is remarked both by Pliny [...] Columbia. In the time of Aristotle it had not [...] much better in ancient Greece. ^†

The influence of Negro slavery has had a baneful effect upon the morals of the people of the southern [...]. "The whole commerce between master and [...]are is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous pas­sions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, [Page 234]and degrading submillion on the other: And surely, he man must be a prodigy, who, viewing the scene from his childhood, can retain his manners and his morals undepraved by the contagion." ^†

Some of the first settlers in Georgia were so sensibles of the evils of slavery, that they made the most pa­thetic remonstrances against the introduction of Ne­groes into that colony, but without effect, as the majority of the colonists were in favour of the mea­sure. ^‡

In settlements where the foil is cultivated by slaves, it soon becomes unfashionable for freemen to labour; than which a greater curse cannot befal a free country, were it possible that such a country could for any time remain free.

The southern provinces, although enjoying the most fertile foil, were far inferior to their neighbours in strength, population and wealth; and this inferiority increased or diminished, both in the relation of one province to another, and in the different parts of the some province, as the number of slaves were contrast [...] with the number of freemen. The western country being mostly inhabited by freemen, though later settled, sooner attained the means of self defence, and the en­joyment of the necessaries and comforts of life, the just reward of personal industry; than the sea coasts which were cultivated by slaves.

Notwithstanding the difference of manners and habits in the southern provinces, from those which pre­vailed in the northern, "slavery itself," says Dr. Ram­say, "nurtured a spirit of liberty among the free in­habitants. All masters of slaves, who enjoy personal liberty, will be both proud and jealous of their free­dom. It is, in their opinion, not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. In them the haugh­tiness [Page 235]of domination combines with the spirit of liber­ty. Nothing could more effectually animate the oppo­sition of a planter to the claims of Great Britain, than conviction that those claims, in their extent, degraded [...] to a degree of dependence on his fellow subjects, equally humiliating with that which existed between [...] slaves and himself."

The colonists had little gold or silver, but abundance of the riches of nature. Every inhabitant was, or ea­ [...] might be a freeholder, settled on his own lands, which produced him at least the necessaries of life. He [...]und himself free and independent. He might hunt, [...], or fowl without injury to his neighbours. These privileges of nature, which in old countries are guarded by penal laws, and monopolized by a few, were common [...] every individual in America. Colonists grown up in the enjoyment of such rights, felt the restraint of [...] more feebly than those who are educated in coun­tries, where long habits have made subordination in so­ciety, and submission to the laws, familiar. At such an immense distance from the seat of power, they scarce­ly felt the obligation of dependence; whereas the in­habitants of the parent isle not only saw, but daily felt, the energy of government.

The Americans strenuously opposed, upon every oc­casion, the idea of taxation without representation; as being in direct opposition, both to the British constitu­tion and to their chartered privileges. They thought Great Britain was fully indemnified, for all her expens­es in defending the colonies, by a monopoly of their trade. They considered their provincial assemblies as standing in the same relation to them, as the parliament of Great Britain did to the inhabitants of that island. In all these points the opinions of the people coincid­ed with those of the first settlers. Many of the colo­nists had never heard of Magna Charta, or the Bill of [Page 236]Rights; and many who knew the history of those im­portant eras in the English history, did not look up to the concessions of kings as the fountain of Liberty, but to the SOURCE of all power, who had bestowed the earth for the support of the human race, and instituted governments, not for the aggrandizement of one, [...] of a few, but for the common happiness of society.

In the short space of 150 years the number of inhab­itants increased to three millions, and their comments to such a degree, as to be more than a third of that [...] Great Britain. ^*

When the war commenced, the greater part of the colonists were of the third and fourth, and some of [...] fifth and sixth, generations from the original plant [...] The love for the mother country, as far as it was [...] natural passion, wore off in successive generations, [...] at last it had scarcely an existence.

Doctor Ramsay aptly remarks, that "the mercantile intercourse which connects different countries, was, in the early period of the English colonies, far short of that degree which is necessary to perpetuate a friendly union. Had the first great colonial establishments been made in the southern provinces, where the suitableness of native commodities would have maintained a brisk and direct trade with England—the constant intercourse of good offices between the two countries, would have been more likely to perpetuate their friendship." The supposition is very natural, especially as the first body of southern settlers were of the Church of England, whose minds were not soured by persecution; but who had left their native country, solely in pursuit of wealth; and that, long before the disputes between the crown and the subject had arisen to any height.—But it was [Page 237] [...]ng before the northern or eastern provinces, which [...] first thickly settled, carried on an extensive trade [...] England; so that they naturally lost that strong [...]chment which a more close intercourse might have [...]rished. Accordingly, a great part of the people [...] little more of England, when the unhappy war commenced, than that it was an island about 3000 miles distant, the rulers of which, in the former cen­tury, had persecuted and banished their fathers for their religious tenets, and left them to seek for an asy­lum in the wilds of America.

Before the war with France in the year 1744, the [...]test part of Europe was almost entirely ignorant [...] the progress the colonies had made. Hitherto they [...] been busily employed in promoting agriculture, and [...] extending their internal and external commerce. occasional hostilities with the French and Indians gave [...] little interruption to the general prosperity. At [...]gth the capture of Louisbourg apprised the world of their national importance; of which an account will be given in the next chapter.

CHAP. XV.

WHILST the French held possession of the coasts of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, the island of Cape Breton was neglected. But after they had [Page 238]ceded these places to England, and England had ceded this island to the French by the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, they began to see its value. Its central situation, between Canada, France and the West Indies, made [...] to be considered as extremely favourable to the [...] commerce. Accordingly they built a fortified to [...] on the south east side of the island, of about two miles and a quarter in circumference, which they nam [...] Louisbourg. These works had been twenty five years in building, and although not entirely finished, [...] cost the crown not less than thirty millions of liv [...]. The place was so strong, as to be called "the [...] of America." It was, in peace, a safe retreat for [...] ships of France bound homeward from the East, [...] West, Indies; and in war, a thorn in the side of [...] northern English colonies.

News being received in Massachusetts that war [...] declared against France and Spain, it was [...] solved by the general court, 1744. then sitting, [...] make provision for raising forces for Nova Sc [...] ­tia. The enterprine against Louisbourg was project [...] by governour Shirley, of Massachusetts; and although the measure was strongly opposed, and determined on­ly by a single vote, yet afterwards, all parties united zealously to carry it into effect. The colonies of New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Connecticut furnished troops and stores. New York sent a supply of artille­ry, and Pennsylvania of provisions. William Pepper­ell, esq. of Kittery, a respectable merchant, and a co­lonel of the militia, was appointed to the command of the land forces. A small squadron, under commodore Warren, was expected from the West Indies to join them.

By a spirited exertion in all orders of men, the ar­mament was got ready, and the transports, with the land forces, reached Canseau, the place of rendezvous, [Page 239]fourth of April. The troops from Massachusetts [...]sisted of 3,250, exclusive of commissioned officers. [...] New Hampshire forces, 304, including officers, [...] four days before. Those from Connecticut, [...] 516 men, officers included, arrived on the twenty-fifty. The 300 Rhode Islanders did not arrive till [...] place had surrendered.

Towards the end of the month of April, commodore [...] arrived with a sixty gun ship, and two of forty. [...] soon after joined by another of forty, which [...] reached Canseau a short time before. The men [...] failed immediately to cruize before Louisbourg. [...] forces soon followed, and landed at Chapeau-rouge [...] the last day of April. The transports were dis­ [...]cred from the town early in the morning, which [...] the inhabitants the first knowledge of the design. The second day after landing, 400 men march­ [...] round, behind the hills, to the northeast part of the [...]bour, in the night; where they burned the ware­ [...]en, containing the naval stores. The clouds of [...] smoke, proceeding from pitch, tar, and other [...]bustibles, driven by the wind into the great battery, [...]errified the French, that they abandoned it, and re­ [...]ed to the city, after having spiked the guns, and [...]own their powder into a well. The Americans [...] employed for fourteen nights, successively, in [...]wing cannon, mortars, &c. through a morass to their camp. The men, with straps over their shoulders, [...] sinking to their knees in mud, performed labour beyond the power of oxen; which labour could be done only in the night, or in a foggy day; the place being within plain view and random shot of the ene­my's walls.

The army presented a formidable front to the enemy, but the rear was a scene of confusion and frolic. They were all animated, indeed, by ardent patriotism; but [Page 240]destitute of professional skill or experience. Dr. Bel [...] knap observes, that, "those who were on the spot," had frequently, in his hearing, "laughed at the recital [...] their own irregularities, and expressed their admiration when they reflected on the almost miraculous preserva­tion of the army from destruction."

The ground was so uneven and the people so scat­tered, that the French could form no estimate of th [...] numbers: and the English prisoners taken at the island battery, as if by previous agreement, represented [...] number to be vastly greater than it was. The garris [...] of Louisbourg had been so mutinous before the [...] on account of the extortion of their commanders, wh [...] had appropriated to themselves the profit of the lab [...] of the men in repairing the fortifications, that the of­ficers were afraid to trust them to make a sortie, [...] they should desert; had they been united and [...] with vigour, the camp might have been surprised and many of the people destroyed.

Whilst the forces were busily employed on shore, the men of war and other vessels were cruising off the [...] bour, as often as the weather would permit. On [...] 19th of May, they captured the Vigilant, a French sixty four gun ship, richly laden with military sto [...] for the relief of the garrison.

It was thought that the news of this capture might have a good effect upon the garrison. The commo­dore hit upon an expedient, which was approved of by the general. The late captain of the Vigilant, the marquis de la Maisonforte, was made acquainted that some English prisoners had been taken by a party of French and Indians, and used with cruelty. He was desired to write to the governour of the city, and i [...] form him how well the French prisoners were treated, of which he had been a witness, and to request the like favour for the English prisoners. The humane mar­quis [Page 241] [...] readily consented; and the letter was sent next [...] by a flag entrusted to the [...]are of a capt. Macdon­ [...]. He was carried before the governour and his [...] officers; and by pretending not to understand [...] language, he had the advantage of listening to [...] discourse, by which he found, that they had not [...] heard of the capture of the Vigilant, and that [...]ews of it, under the hand of her late commander, [...] them into a visible perturbation. This event, [...] the erection of a battery on the high cliff at the [...] [...]se, under the direction of lieut. col. Gridley, [...] which the island battery was much annoyed, and [...] preparations which were evidently making for a general assault, [...] 15 determined Duchambon to surrender; and accordingly, in a few days he capitulated.

The weather was remarkably fine during the siege, [...] rains began the day after the surrender, and continued ten days incessantly, which would undoubt­ [...] have proved fatal to the expedition, had not the [...]tolation prevented. Upon entering the fortress [...] viewing its strength, and the plenty and variety of [...] means of defence, the strongest hearts were appalled, [...] the impracticability of carrying it by assault, [...] fully demonstrated.

[...] this was a time when vessels were expected from [...] parts at Louisbourg, the French flag was kept flying [...] a decoy. Two East Indiamen, and one South Sea [...], of the value of 600,000l. sterling, were taken by [...] squadron at the mouth of the harbour, into which [...] French ships sailed as usual, not knowing that the [...] had been taken.

The army supposed that they had a right to a share of these prizes, but means were found to suppress or made their claim, nor did any of the colony cruizers (except one) though they were retained in the service, [Page 242]under the direction of the commodore, reap any bene­fit from the captures.

The news of this important victory, filled Ameri [...] with joy, and Europe with astonishment. Much [...] been ascribed, and much is justly due to the acti [...] and vigilance of commodore Warren, and the ships un­der his command; much is also due to the vigour [...] perseverance of the land forces, and the success [...] doubtless owing, under God, to the joint efforts of [...] Pepperell received the title of a baronet, as [...] Warren. The latter was promoted to be an [...] and the former had a commission as colonel in [...] British establishment, and was empowered to raise a re [...] ­ment in America, to be in the pay of the crown. [...] same emolument was given to Shirley, and both he [...] Wentworth, governour of New Hampshire, acqui [...] so much reputation, as to be confirmed in their pl [...] And after much difficulty and delay, parliament [...] ­bursed the colonies for their expenses.

The reduction of this important fortress, could [...] fail to inspire both France and Britain with new [...] enlarged ideas of the American colonies, when [...] had seen New England, alone, contribute so essenti [...] to the success of the enterprise.

It had likewise considerable weight in disposing [...] French to terms of peace. And, by the treaty of [...] la Chappelle, in 1748, restitution was made on [...] sides, of all places taken during the war.

The mutual eagerness of the rival powers to gu [...] and extend the boundaries of their respective colo [...] and their jealousy of each other, brought on another bloody war, soon after that in which Louisbourg [...] taken, in which the British provincial troops were [...] ­tinguished for their active and brave exertions.

The French were then in possession of all Ca [...] and of both sides of the Missisippi. They likewise laid [Page 243] [...] to an extensive tract of land in the neighbour­ [...] of the Ohio, which, in the year 1749, had been [...]ted to certain persons in Great Britain and in [...]lonies, who had associated under the title of the [...] company. The French, to secure their claims to [...] country, and to form a communication between [...] extremities of their territories in North America, [...]cted a chain of forts from the mouth of the Missi­ [...] and the river St. Lawrence; and arter having [...]ted some forts in the vicinity of the Ohio, they seized [...]y British trader whom they found on that river.

[...]hilst these petty depredations were going on, gov­ [...] ernour Dinwiddie, of Virginia, resolved to send a person to M. [...] St. Pierre, the French com­mandant n [...] the Ohio, to demand the reason these hostile proceedings, and to insist upon the [...]ation of a fort which he had already built.

Major Washington, then in the twenty second year [...]is age, offered his service, which was thankfully ac­ [...]d. The distance to the French settlement was [...] than 400 miles, and one half of the route led [...]ough a wilderness inhabited only by Indians. He [...]eeded from Winchester on soot, in an uncom­ [...]ly severe season, carrying his provisions on his [...]; and attended by one companion only. Having [...]ived, he delivered his message to the French com­ [...]ndant, who refused to comply, and claimed the [...]ntry as belonging to the king his master; declaring [...] he should continue to seize and send as prisoners [...] Canada, every Englishman who should attempt to [...]de on the Ohio, or any of its branches. Before ma­ [...] Washington had got back, or the Virginians had [...]ard of the French commandant's answer, they sent [...]ut people, provided with materials for erecting a fort it the conflux of the Ohio and Monongahela, whom he [...]et on his return. After excessive hardships and many providential escapes, during his long and tedious under­taking, [Page 244]taking, he arrived safe at Williamsburgh, and gave [...] account of his negociation to the house of burgesses, [...] fourteenth of February following.

Encroachments and hostilities still increasing, gov­ernment instructed the colonies to oppose with a [...] the progress of the French on the British territories, [...] the western lands were called. In compliance [...] these instructions, Virginia raised 300 men, put [...] under the command of col. Washington, and sent th [...] on towards the Ohio. An engagement with a par [...] the enemy ensued, and the French were defeated. [...] this, the commandant, M. de Villier, sent down [...] men, besides Indians, to attack the Virginians. T [...] brave leader made an able defence with his handful men, behind a small unfinished entrenchment, ca [...] Fort Necessity; and by his conduct obtained honor [...] ­ble terms of capitulation.

The colonies of Nova Scotia, New York and [...] ­ginia were principally affected by the ambitious [...] signs of France; and the encroachments made on [...] by that power, were a subject of complaint, both [...] and in Europe.

It was foreseen that this controversy could no [...] decided but by the sword; and the British determ [...] to be early in their preparations. The earl of Hol [...] ­ness, secretary of state, wrote to the govern [...] of the American colonies, 1754. recommending [...] for their mutual protection and defence. [...] digest a plan for this purpose, commissioners fr [...] many of the colonies, met at Albany. They prop [...] that a grand council should be formed by [...] ­puties from the several colonies, July 4. which, with president general, should be empowered [...] take measures for the common safety, and to rais [...] money for the execution of their designs. The presi­dent general to be appointed by the crown, with a ne­gative [Page 245]voice. The delegates of Connecticut, alone, [...]ered their dissent to the plan, because of the nega­ [...]ve voice of the president general.

With this plan of union, a representation was made the king of the danger in which the colonies were [...]ved. Copies of both were laid before the several [...]mblies. The fate of the plan of union was singu­ [...] It was rejected in America, because it was sup­ [...]d to put too much power into the hands of the [...]; and it was rejected in England, because it was [...]posed to give too much power to the assemblies of [...] colonies. This plan of union was the work of [...] Franklin, commissioner from Pennsylvania. The [...]istry made another proposal, that the governour, [...] one or two members of the council, of each col­ [...] should assemble, and consult [...] the common de­ [...]e, and draw on the British treasury for the sums [...]ended; which should be raised by a general tax [...] by parliament on the colonies.

The ministerial plan was transmitted to governour [...]ley, who was known to be for the parliament's lay­ [...] on that tax. It was communicated by him to Dr. [...]klin, whose answer [See Appendix, No. I.] em­ [...]ced the whole subject of the controversy, which [...] after ended in the final separation of the colonies [...] Great Britain. After this the British ministry [...]pped the idea of an union; but it appears the Massa­ [...]setts general court had good information of the [...]isterial designs to raise a revenue in America, as in the month of November 1755, they thus instructed their agent: "It is more especially expected, that you [...]ppose every thing that shall have the remotest tendency to raise a revenue on the plantations, for any public uses or services of government." In May following, the agent wrote them that he had reason to think the inclination still continued to raise a revenue out of the [Page 246]molasses trade. The alarming state of public affair [...], the country being on the eve of a war with France, might divert the ministry from pursuing their incli [...] ­tions.

Indeed it is obvious that the British ministry [...] bold of the alarming situation of the colonies, [...] the year 1754 and 1755, to constrain them into an [...] knowledgment of the right, or to the adoption of [...] ­sures that might afterwards be drawn into preced [...] The colonies however, with an uncommon fore [...] and firmness, defeated all their attempts. The [...] was carried on by requisitions on the colonies for [...] plies of men and money, or by voluntary contr [...] ­tions.

The depredations of the French and their allies [...] Indians, made it necessary to endeavour to drive [...] from the Ohio. The reduction of Niagara, C [...] Point, and their forts in Nova Scotia, was also resol [...] upon.

Although the war was not yet formally de­clared, 1755. general Braddock was sent from Ire [...] to Virginia, with two negiments of foot: [...] on his arrival, when joined by the provincial troops, [...] found himself at the head of 2200 men. He [...] brave officer, but deficient in many qualifications [...] ­cessary for the service to which he was appointed. T [...] severity of his discipline made him unpopular am [...] the regulars. His pride and haughtiness disgusted [...] Indians, led him to despise the country militia, and a slight the advice of the Virginian officers.

Colonel Washington ^* earnestly begged of him, when the army was marching for Fort du Queine, to [...] of his going before, and scouring the woods with [...] rangers, which was contemptuously refused. The ge [...] ­al had been cautioned by the Duke of Cumberland, [...] [Page 247] [...]ard against a surprise; the same caution was likewise [...] him by his own officers, particularly sir Peter [...]et, who entreated him to use the friendly Indians [...] way of advanced guard, in case of ambuscades; [...] yet he pushed on heedlessly with the first division, [...]sisting of 1400 men, till he fell into an ambuscade [...] 400, chiefly Indians, by whom he was defeated and [...]tally wounded, on the ninth of July 1755. The [...]gulars were put into the greatest panic, and fled in [...] utmost confusion: the militia had been used to [...]dian fighting, and were not so terrified. The general [...] disdainfully turned them into the rear, where they [...]tinued in a body, unbroken, and, under the conduct [...] colonel Washington, served as a rear guard, which [...]wered the retreat of the regulars, and prevented their [...] entirely cut off. Such were the scenes wherein [...] great man showed the dawn of those abilities, which [...]ere called forth, at an after period, to establish the liberties of his country.

Previous to the defeat of general Braddock, the [...]assachusetts assembly raised a body of troops, which [...]ere sent to Nova Scotia to assist lieutenant governour [...]rence in driving the French from their several en­ [...]chments in that province. The secrecy and dis­ [...]el used in this service, was rewarded with success.

The expedition against Niagara was intrusted with governour Shirley; but failed through various causes.

Sir William, then colonel, Johnson, was appointed [...] go against Crown Point. The delays, slowness, and deficiency of preparation [...], prevented the several colo­nies joining their troops till about August. In the mean time, 1755. the active enemy had transport­ed forces from France to Canada, marched them down to meet the provi [...]ials, and attacked them; but, meeting with a repulse, lost six hundred men, besides having their general, baron Dieskaw, wounded and made prisoner.

[Page 248] In the year 1756, war was formally declared against France; and the Massachusetts raised a great [...] to go against Crown Point; but lord Loudon, on [...] arrival, did not think it proper that the troops sho [...] proceed. A temporary misunderstanding took pl [...] afterwards between his lordship and the general co [...] from his apprehending, that they thought a provin [...] law necessary to enforce a British act of parliament, [...] were willing to dispute upon that subject. He [...] mined to have no dispute, but that the troops under [...] command should be quartered agreeable to what [...] thought the public good required; and wrote to [...] ­ernour Pownall, "I have ordered the mess [...] ­ger to wait but 48 hours in Boston; 1757, Nov. 15. and [...] on his return, I find things not settled, I will instantly order into Boston the three b [...] ­ions from New York, Long Island, and Connectic [...] and if more are wanted, I have two in the Jerseys [...] hand, beside three in Pennsylvania." Netwithstanding this declaration, on December the sixth, the legistature passed an act, which led him to conceive, that he [...] under an absolute necessity of settling the point at once, and therefore he ordered his troops to march. The gen­eral court finding how matters were going, did [...] venture upon extremities, but became pliable; so that his lordship wrote, December 26, "As I can now de­pend upon the assembly's making the point of quarters easy in all time coming, I have countermanded the maid of the troops." The general court were certainly [...]er­rified; and to remove all unfavourable impressions, said in the close of their address to the governour, "The authority of all acts of parliament, which concern the colonies, 1758, Jun. 6. and extend to them, is ever acknowledged in all the courts of law, and made the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province. There is not a member of the gener­al [Page 249]court, and we know no inhabitant within the bounds the government, that ever questioned this authority. [...] prevent any ill consequences that may arise from [...] opinion of our holding such principles, we now [...]rly disavow them, as we should readily have done [...] time past, if there had been occasion for it; and [...] pray that his lordship may be acquainted therewith, [...] we may appear in a true light, and that no im­ [...]ssions may remain to our disadvantage." However [...] might not question, whether the authority of acts [...] parliament, concerning and extending to the colo­ [...], was made the rule of all judicial proceedings in [...] province; yet we are not to infer from their disa­ [...]al of the contrary principle, that they admitted the [...] of parliament, either to impose internal taxes, or [...] [...]ntrol their colonial government.

In the year 1758, the administration of Mr. Pitt, towards earl of Chatham, united all parties, and re­ [...]ed such order, unanimity and decision to the pub­ [...] councils, that the force of the empire was directed [...]th success, in every quarter of the globe.

In the month of August, admiral Boscawen and general [...]herst reduced and demolished Louisbourg, which [...] been restored to the French by the treaty of Aix Chapelle. Five or six ships of the line were taken; [...]ntenac and Fort du Quesne fell also into the hands [...] the British; acquisitions which overbalanced the [...]eck which they had received at Ticonderoga.

Two capital expeditions were planned in the year 1759, to overturn the French power in America, both of which proved successful. The first expedition was against Quebeck, the capital of Canada. The com­mand was given, by the minister's advice, to general Wolfe; a very young officer, but of a truly military [...]enius. Wolfe was opposed with far superior force by [...]ntcalm, the best and most successful general the [Page 250]French had. Though the situation of the country which Wolfe was to attack, and the works the French threw up to prevent a descent of the British [...] [...] ­ed impregnable, yet Montealm never relaxed [...]n his [...] ­ilence. Wolfe's courage and perseverance, however, surmounted incredible difficulties, and he gained the heights of Abraham, near Quebeck, where he fought and defeated the French army, but was himself kill [...] as was Montcalm; general Monckton, who was [...] in command, being wounded, the completion of the French defeat, and the glory of reducing Quebeck, [...] reserved for brigadier general, afterwards lord viscou [...] Townshend.

General Amherst, who was the first British general in command in America, conducted the second exp [...] ­dition. His orders were, to reduce all Canada, and [...] join the army under general Wolfe on the banks of the river St. Lawrence. He was so well provided [...] every thing that could make it successful, and [...] provincial troops cooperated with him so cordially, [...] there appeared scarcely any chance for its miscarriage. Accordingly the French empire in North America be­came subject to Great Britain.

During this war, which laited eight years, the co [...] ­nies furnished 23,800 men, to cooperate with the Brit­isn regular forces, in North America. They fitted out "upwards of 400 privateers," which raraged the West India islands and made many captures on the coast [...] France. Besides these powerful aids, they sent assist­ance both in men and provisions, cut of their own lim­its, which facilitated the reduction of Martinico and the Havannah.

In the course of this war, some of the colonies made exertions beyond their reasonable quota; but this war not universally the case. In consequence of internal disputes, and their exertions for domestic security, the [Page 251] [...]essary supplies had not been raised in due time by [...]. It did not suit the vigorous and deeifive geni­ [...] Mr. Pitt to depend upon the colonial legislatures [...] the execution of his plans; but it was not prudent, [...]ny innovation, to irritate the colonies, during a war [...]erein their exertions were peculiarly beneficial. The advantages that would result from an ability, to [...] forth the resources of the colonies, by the same [...]hority, which commanded the wealth of the mother [...]ntry, might in these circumstances have suggested [...] ide [...] of taxing the colonies by the authority of the [...]tish parliament." Mr. Pitt is said to have told Mr. [...]nklin, "that when the war closed, if he should be [...] ministry, he would take measures to prevent the [...]ies from having a power to refuse or delay the [...]plies that might be wanted for national purposes," [...] did not mention what these measures should be. [...] is also said, that Mr. Pitt mentioned in a letter to [...]cis Fauquier, esq. lieutenant governour of Virgin­ [...] towards the close of 1759 or the begining of 1760, [...] the colonies should be taxed at the close of the [...], in order to raise a revenue from them. The an­ [...]er of Mr. Fauquier might have diverted Mr. Pitt from [...] intention: He expressed his apprehension, "that the measure would occasion great disturbance."

The French, after a series of defeats in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, were by the treaty of peace in 1763, deprived not only of Canada and its dependen­t [...], but obliged to relinquish that part of Louisiana which lies on the east side of the Missisippi; and the [...]paniards, having also taken a part in the war against Great Britain, were forced to relinquish to the same power, both East, and West, Florida.

This was one of the most glorious and successful wars for Great Britain, that had ever been carried on in any age, or by any nation. In the space of eight [Page 252]years she had made herself mistress of almost the whole continent of North America; she had conquered twen­ty five islands, all of them remarkable for their magni­tude, their produce, or the importance of their situa­tion; she had won by sea and land twelve great battle [...] she had reduced nine fortified cities and towns, and near forty forts and castles; she had destroyed or taken above an hundred ships of war from her enemies; [...] acquired, as is supposed, about twelve millions in pla [...] ­der.

Such was the issue of a war, sanguinary beyond ex­ample, which had raged with uncommon fury in [...] four quarrers of the globe; which had ruined [...] fair provinces; and destroyed above a million of [...].

The glory which Great Britain had acquired, [...] however, bought at a high price. The lives of [...] hundred and eighty thousand men, including a great number of brave and able officers—an ineredible qu [...] ­tity of treasure—and an increase of the national [...] from eighty to one hundred and thirty millions sterling.

Though many of the conquered places were restor [...] yet North America remained to the British crown, and the colonies received a reimbursement of their ex­penses.

By the above pacification the British colonies were preserved, secured and extended so far, as to render [...] difficult to ascertain the precise boundaries of the [...] pire of Great Britain in North America. To the northwand, they might have extended limits to the po [...] itself, nor did any nation incline to dispute the proper­ty of this northernmost country with them. From that extremity they had a territory extending, sou [...] ­ward to Cape Florida, in the Gulph of Mexico, N. lat 25°. and consequently near 4000 miles in a direct line.

[Page 253] The state of the British colonies at the conclusion of [...] war in 1763, was such as attracted the attention of all the politicians in Europe. Their flourishing condi­tion at that period, was remarkable and striking: their [...]de had prospered in the midst of all the difficulties [...] distresses of a war, in which they were so nearly and so immediately concerned. Their population con­ [...]ed on the increase, notwithstanding the ravages and [...]predations that had been so fiercely carried on by the French, and the native Indians in their alliance. They [...]anded with spirited and active individuals of all [...]ominations. They were flushed with the uncom­mon prosperity that had attended them in their com­mercial affairs and military transactions. Hence they were ready for all kind of undertakings, and saw no limits to their hopes and expectations.

As they entertained the highest opinion of their value [...]d importance, and of the immense benefit that Britain [...]rived from its connexion with them, their notious were adequately high in their own favour. They [...]eemed themselves, not without reason, entitled to every kindness and indulgence which the mother coun­try could bestow.

Although their pretensions did not amount to a per­ject equality of advantages and privileges in matters of commerce, yet in those of government they thought themselves fully competent to the task of conducting their domestic concerns, with little or no interference from abroad. Though willing to admit the supremacy of Great Britain, they viewed it with a suspicious ey [...], and with a marked desire to restrain it within its strict constitutional boundaries.

A circumstance much to their praise is, that not­withstanding their peculiar addiction to those occupa­tions of which lucre is the sole object, they were duly attentive to cultivate the field of learning; and they [Page 254]have, ever since their first foundation, been particula [...]ly careful to provide for the education of the rising p [...] ­geny.

Their vast augmentation of internal trade, and exter­nal commerce, was not merely owing to their posin [...] and facility of communication with other parts; [...] arose also from their natural turn and temper, full [...] schemes and projects; ever aiming at new discovering and continually employed in the search of means [...] improving their condition.

Their condition carried them into every quarter [...] whence profit could be derived. There was scar [...] any port of the American hemisphere to which [...] had not extended their navigation. They were [...] ­unually exploring new sources of trade, and were fo [...] in every spot where business could be transacted.

To this extensive and incessant application to com­merce, they added an equal vigilance in the adminish [...] ­tion of their affairs at home. Whatever could condu [...] to the amelioration of the soil they possessed, to the [...] gress of agriculture, or to the improvement of the comestic circumstances, was attended to with so much labour and care, that it may be strictly said, that Na­ture had given them nothing of which they did [...] make the most.

In the midst of this solicitude and toil in matters [...] business, the affairs of government were conduct [...] with a steadiness, prudence, and lenity, seldom emp [...] ­enced, and never exceeded, in the best regulated co [...] ­tries of Europe.

Such was the situation of the British colonies in gen­eral throughout North America, and of the New England provinces in particular, when the pacification above mentioned opened one of the most remarkable scenes that ever commanded the attention of the world.

CHAP. XVI.

A SUCCINCT and impartial narrative of the rise, progress, and establishment of the AMERICAN [...]EPUBLIC will be attempted in the following Chap­ters.

Some writers, in treating of this grand era in the history of mankind, have ascribed the origin of the dis­p [...]tes with Great Britain to the intrigues of France; without looking at the true cause, viz. the desire of lower on the one hand, and the abhorrence of oppres­sion on the other. There can be no doubt that the pow­ers of Europe looked with a jealous eye upon Great Brit­ [...]n, after the acquisition of such immense power and [...]ritories. This they thought threatened to destroy [...]hat balance of power which the sovereigns of Europe have for a long time endeavoured to preserve. They were, therefore, in general, disposed to favour any con­vulsion which promised to diminish her overgrown treatness. It could be no wonder that France and Spain, especially, should have embraced the first oppor­tunity, that offered, to humble a nation, which, with the assistance of her colonies, had laid their pride in the dust.

It has been said that these powers employed emissa­ries, immediately after the peace, to sow the seeds of disunion between Great Britain and her colonies; but this is a fact barely probable, and remains unsupported, as yet, by any document which the purity of historical [Page 256]truth will admit. However, it is not at all improbable that the French may have employed some persons to gain information of the dispositions of the Americans towards Great Britain: and it is as likely that they found out nothing to gratify their wishes.

Baron de Kalb, who had been long an officer in the French service, and who was afterwards killed in the service of the United States, travelled through the British provinces, about the time of the Stampact, and is said to have reported to his superiors on his return, "That the colonists were so firmly and universally at­tached to Great Britain, that nothing could shake their loyalty."

The hostile policy which led the colonies to examine serupulously the nature of their dependence on Great Britain followed, but did not precede, her attempts up­on the rights and liberties of America. Nor is there any just reason to believe, that the French could, by any artifice or address, have dissolved the union of the British empire, at the close of a war in which the in­terests and feelings of the colonies and the parent state had been interwoven with more than usual strength and energy; and that too in so short a space of time, as elapsed from the peace in 1763, to the promulgation of the first obnoxious acts of the British parliament in 1764.

When the manners and habits of the Americans are considered—the equality of rank which subsisted among them—their independent principles—their jealous and watchful care of their constitutional rights—the knowl­edge of their own strength, which they had acquired in the war with France—the removal of hostile neigh­bours—their knowledge of the strong factions in the parent state—What might not have been expected from such a people, in such a country, and in such a situation, when their liberties were attacked?—Could [Page 257]it have been imagined that an united body of three mil­ [...]s of people would tamely surrender up their natu­ral and chartered rights?—No! nothing but the height of infatuation could have fostered so vain a hope.

The turbulence of some North Americans, the blun­ [...]rs of some British statesmen, and the assistance of [...] nations, can only be considered as secondary [...] which effected the revolution—as circumstances [...] forwarded its birth somewhat sooner than it would have happened in the common course of nature.

It was a love of liberty and a quick sense of injury which led the Americans to rise in arms against the another country; at a time when there were very few who thought it their interest, or had any idea, to shake of their allegiance to Britain, until the inefficacy of victions and remonstrances, and the progress of the [...], rendered the declaration of Independence to be a measure absolutely necessary for their own safety. This view of the subject is not only natural and just, but it entirely corresponds with the American character, and with the conduct which was displayed through all the [...]ciffitudes that attended the revolt.

From the first settlement of North America, till the close of the war of 1755, Britain followed the wise line of conduct marked out by the charters granted to the colonies, and governed them with mutual benefit to both countries. The colonies were rather considered as instruments of commerce, than as objects of govern­ment. They were allowed their own judgment in the management of their own interest. Till the year 1764, the deviations from this happy system, and the griev­ances complained of, were few; and their pressure was neither great nor universal. The acts of the British parliament, tending to prohibit several colonial manu­factures, and lay restrictions on their trade, although they bore hard upon the spirits of a rising people; yet [Page 258]the articles, the manufacture of which were thus pro­hibited, could be purchased at a cheaper rate in Britain; and the advantages accruing to the colonies from their connexion with the mother country infinitely overbal­anced the evil.

At length the British parliament resolved to alter the system of colonial government, by raising a revenue in America, by taxation. Mr. Israel Maudit, the Massachusetts' agent, 1763. gave the earliest notice of these proceedings; but, the general court of that colony not being called together till the latter end of the year, instructions to the agent, though solicited by him, could not be sent in season.

The next year, however, the house of representa­tives came to the following resolutions: "That the sole right of giving and granting the money of the peo­ple of that province, was vested in them, as their legal representatives; and that the imposition of duties and taxes, by the parliament of Great Britain, upon a peo­ple who are not represented in the house of commons, is absolutely irreconcilable with their rights." "That no man can justly take the property of another without his consent; upon which original principle, the right of representation in the same body which exercises the power of making laws for levying taxes, one of the main pillars of the British constitution, is evidently founded."

These resolutions were occasioned by intelligence of what had been done in the British house of com­mons. It had been there debated, whether they had a right to tax the Americans, they not being represent­ed; and determined unanimously in the affirmative. Not a single person present, ventured to controvert the right.

Accordingly, in March, 1764, a bill was passed, by which heavy duties were laid on goods imported by [Page 259]the colonists from such West India islands as did not belong to great Britains; at the same time that these du­ties were to be paid into the exchequer in specie; and in the same session another bill was framed to restrain the currency of paper money in the colonies them­selves. Not only the principle of taxation, but the [...]ode of collection, was considered as an unconstitu­tional and oppressive innovation; for the penalties in­ [...]urred by an infraction of the acts of parliament, [...]ight be recovered in the courts of admiralty, before a single judge, whose salary was the fruit of the forfeit­ [...]es he decreed, without trial by jury, or any of the other benefits of common law jurisprudence. These acts coming so close to each other, threw the whole continent into the utmost ferment.

The Massachusetts assembly, who were the first re­presentative body that took the act into consideration, to pointed a committee to write to the other govern­ments, and acquaint them with the instructions voted to be sent to their agent; and that the said committee, in the name and behalf of the house, should defire the sev­eral assemblies on the continent to join with them in the same measures. June 13. The institution of committees of correspondence, may be consid­ered as the the grand spring of the revolution, during its different stages. These committees, by a silent and uni­form alarm, roused the whole body of the people, up­on all occasions, to unite in their operations against the ministerial encroachments upon their privileges; and thus achieved, by the most simple means, what many of the orators and patriots of ancient a [...] modern states could never effect, by the most consummate elo­quence and abilities.

Vehement remonstrances were made to the ministry, and every argument made use of that reason or ingenu­ity could suggest, but to no purpose. Their reasoning, [Page 260]however, convinced a great number of people in Bri­tain; and thus the American cause came to be con­sidered as the cause of liberty.

The Americans, finding all argumentation vain, at last united in an agreement to import no more of the manufactures of Great Britain, but to encourage to [...] utmost of their power, every thing of that kind among themselves. Thus the British manufacturers also be­came a party against the ministry, and did not fail [...] express their resentment in the strongest terms; but the ministry were not to be so easdy daunted, [...] therefore proceeded to the last step of their inteaded plan, which was to lay on stamp duties throughout the continent. Previous to this, indeed, several regula­tions were passed in favour of the commerce of the col­onies; but they had now imbibed such unfavourable sentiments of the British ministry, that they paid very little regard to any thing pretended to be done in their favour; or if these acts made any favourable impressions, it was quickly obliterated by the news of the Stamp act. The reason given for this act, so exceedingly ob­noxious, was, that a sum might be raised sufficient for the defence of the colonies against a foreign enemy; but this pretence was so far from giving any satisfaction to the Americans, that it excited their indignation to the utmost degree. They not only asserted that they were abandantly able to defend themselves against my foreign enemy, but denied that the British parliament had any right to [...]ax them at all.

The colonies denied the parliamentary right of tax­ation many months before any member of the British parliament uttered a single syllable to that purpose: and the American opposition to the Stamp act was fully formed, before it was known by the colonists that their cause was espoused by any man of note at home, as Britain was styled.

[Page 261] The raising of a revenue from the molasses trade, and a fund to defray the expences of defending the colonies, were in contemplatian nine years before; but the reso­lutions taken by the house of commons, in the be­ [...]aning of this year, might be forwarded by Mr. Huske, a American, a native of Portsmouth in New Hampshire, [...] a short time before obtained a seat in parliament. Instead of standing forth a firm advocate for the coun­try which gave him birth, he officiously proposed to the house, laying a tax on the colonies, that should annually [...]ount to five hundred thousand pounds sterling, which [...] declared they were well able to pay: and he was [...]ard with great joy and attention. He or some oth­er recollecting that a stamp act was talked of by the [...]mmissioners at Albany, in 1754, may have suggested that mode of taxing, for whatever was thought, the stamp act was not originally Mr. Grenville's. ^*

The intended stamp act, was communicated to the American agents. Many of them did not oppose it. Half their number were placement, or dependent on the ministry. Mr. Joseph Sherwood [...] honest quaker, agent for Rhode Island, refused [...]assent to America's being taxed by a British parliament. Mr. Mauduit, the Massachusetts agent, favoured the raising of the wanted money by a stamp duty, as it would occasion less ex­pence of officers, and would include the West India islands. But the scheme was postponed, and the agents authorized to inform the American assemblies, that they were at liberty to suggest any other way of raising monies; and that Mr. Grenville was ready to receive proposals for any other tax, that might be equivalent in its produce to the stamp tax. The colonies seemed to consider it as an affront, rather than a compliment. He would not have been content with any thing short of a certain specisic sum, and proper funds for the [Page 262]payment of it. Had not the sums been answerable to his wishes, he would have rejected them; and he would scarce have been satisfied with less than 300,000l. [...] annum, which was judged absolutely necessary to de­fray the whole expence of the army proposed for the defence of America: he might rather have expected that it should amount to what Mr. Huske had mention­ed. No satisfactory proposals being made, he adhered to his purpose of bringing forward the stamp bill, though repeatedly pressed by some of his friends to desist, what he might have done it with honour. Richard Jackson, esq. had been chosen agent for the Massachusetts; [...], with Mr. Ingersoll, Mr. Garth, and Mr. Franklin, late­ly come from Philadelphia, waited on Mr. Grenville, the second of February, 1765, by desire of the colonial agents, 1765. Feb. 2. to remonstrate against the stamp bill, and to propose that in case an [...] tax must be laid upon America, the several colonies might be permitted to lay the tax themselves. At this interview Mr. Jackson opened his mind freely on the subject; and Mr. Franklin, as must be supposed, mentioned that he had it in instruction from the as­sembly of Pennsylvania, to assure the ministry, that they should always think it their duty to grant such aids to the crown, as were suitable to their circum­stances, whenever called for in the usual constitutional manner. Mr. Grenville however, pertinaciously ad­hered to his own opinions; and said, that he had pledged his word for offering the stamp bill to the house, and that the house would hear their objections.

The bill was brought in; and on the first reading, Mr. Charles Townsend spoke in its favour. He took notice of several things that colonel Barre had said in his speech against it; and then concluded with the fol­lowing or like words: "And now will these Ameri­cans, children planted by our care; nourished up by our [Page 263]indulgence, until they are grown to a degree of strength [...] opulence; and protected by our arms; will they [...]dge to contribute their mite, to relieve us from the [...]y weight of that burden which we lie under?"

In this colonel Barre rose, and after explaining some [...]ages in his speech, took up Mr. Townsend's con­ [...]ing words in a most spirited and inimitable manner, [...]ing, "They planted by YOUR care! No, your op­positions planted them in America. They fled from [...] tyranny, to a then uncultivated and unhospitable [...]try, where they exposed themselves to almost all [...] hardships to which human nature is liable; and a­ [...]ng others, to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most [...]tile, and I will take upon me to say, the most formi­dable of any people upon the face of God's earth; and [...], actuated by principles of true English liberty, they [...] all hardships with pleasure, compared with those [...] suffered in their own country, from the hands of [...]ose that should have been their friends.—They nour­ished up by YOUR indulgence! They grew by your neglect of them. An soon as you began to care about them, [...] care was exercised in sending persons to rule them, [...] one department and another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies to some members of this house, [...] to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their ac­tions, and to prey upon them—men, whose behaviour [...] many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them—men promoted to the highest feats of justice; some who to my knowledge were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own.— They protected by YOUR arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your defence; have exerted a valour, amidst their constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a country, whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emol­ument.—And [Page 264]believe me, remember I this day told you so, that same spirit of freedom, which actuated that people at first, will accompany them still—but prudence forbids me to explain myself further.—God knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and ex­perience the respectable body of this house may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country.—The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they should be violated —but the subject is too delicate—I will say no more." These sentiments were thrown out, so entirely without premeditation, so forcibly and so firmly; and the break­ing off was so beautifully abrupt, that the whole house sat awhile amazed, intently looking, without answering a word. ^*

During the debate on the bill, the supporters of it insisted much on the colonies being virtually repre­sented in the same manner as Leeds, Halifax, and some other towns were. A recurrence to this plea, was a virtual acknowledgment, that there ought not to be tax­ation without representation. It was replied, that the connexion between the electors and non electors of parliament in Great Britain, was so interwoven, from both being equally liable to pay the same common tax, and to give some security of property to the latter: but with respect to taxes laid by the British parliament, and paid by the Americans, the situation of the parties was reversed. Instead of both parties bearing a propor­tionable share of the same common burden, what was laid on the one, was exactly so much taken off from the other.

[Page 205] When the question upon the bill, in its last stage, was [...]ought to a vote, there were about 250 for, and 50 against it. In the house of lords, so strong was the [...]animity, that there was not a single syllable uttered against the bill; and on the twenty second of March, Mar. 22. it obtained the royal assent. The night after it was passed, Dr. Franklin wrote Mr. Charles Thomson, afterwards secretary of con­ [...]ess, "the sun of liberty is set; you must light up the [...]dles of industry and economy." Mr. Thomson [...]swered, he was apprehensive that other lights would [...] the consequence, and predicted the opposition that allowed.

The framers of the stamp act flattered themselves, [...] the confusion which would arise upon the disuse of [...]itings, would compel the colonies to use the stamp [...]per, and therefore to pay the taxes imposed. Thus they were led to pronounce it, a law which would exe­ [...]ute itself. Mr. Grenville however appears to have been apprehensive, that it might occasion disorders; to pre­sent or suppress which, he projected another bill, which [...] brought in the same session, whereby it was to be [...]ade lawful for military officers in the colonies, to [...]rter their soldiers in private houses. This seemed [...]ended to awe the people into a compliance with the [...]her act. Great opposition being made to it, as under such a power in the army, no one could look on his house as his own, that part of the bill was dropt; but there still remained a clause, when it passed into a law, [...] oblige the several assemblies to provide quarters for [...]e soldiers, and to furnish them with firing, bedding, [...]ndles, small beer, rum, and sundry other articles, at the expence of the several provinces; which continued in force when the stamp act was repealed. It equally militated with the other against the American principle, That money is not to be raised on English subjects without their consent.

[Page 266] These proceedings of the mother country gave rise to great disturbances in American. 1765.The stamp act was to commence its op [...] ­tion on the first day of November; and the people had no other choice than submission or resistance. [...] general discontent through the Massachusetts discover­ed itself immediately on the first advice of the act's [...] ­ing passed; but there was no other expectation [...] the bulk of the people, than that the act would be sub­mitted to, and the duty paid; and several, who after­ward opposed it violently, made interest with the [...] tributer, that they or their friends might obtain ap­pointments." In the mean time, the public pri [...] were silled with essays, in which every plea for [...] against the new duties was amply discussed; and th [...] news papers being subjected to a heavy stamp duty, the printers were zealous in the opposition. In this criti­cal period, the house of burgesses in Virginia, on [...] 28th of May, passed some spirited resolves, asserting the rights of their country, and denying the claim of par­liamentary taxation.

The people of Massachusetts, likewise, had early thoughts of calling a continental con­gress. June 6. On the 6th of June, the assemblage that province passed a resolution, for that purpose, and fixed upon New York as the place, and the second Tuesday of October, as the time, for holding the [...].

The spirit of the Virginian resolves, like an elective spark, diffused itself instantly, and universally; and [...] cautious proposal of Massachusetts, was generally ap­proved. The anxious mind, resting on the bold as­sertion of constitutional rights, looked forward [...] pleasure, to the time when an American congress would unite in a successful defence of them.

The title of "SONS OF LIBERTY," was eagerly adop­ed by associations in every colony; determining to car­ry [Page 267]into execution the prediction of colonel Barre, who [...] such noble energy had espoused the cause of American freedom.

The minds of the Americans seemed to have under­ [...]e a total transformation. Some persons of conse­quence, at Boston, to manifest their abhorrence of the [...] of the stamp act, early in the morning of the [...] of August, hung upon the limb of a large elm, to­wards the entrance of Boston, two effigies, one design­ [...] for the stamp master, the other for a jack boot, with [...]ead and horns peeping out at the top.

The report of this novelty drew great numbers from [...] part of the town, and the neighbouring country. [...] affair was left to take its own course, so that an en­thusiastic spirit diffused itself into the minds of the spec­ [...]rs. In the evening the figures were cut down, and [...]ed in funeral procession, the populace shouting, [...]ty and property forever! No stamps, &c. They [...] pulled down a new building, lately erected by [...]. Oliver, the stamp master. They then went to his house, before which they beheaded his effigy, and at the [...]e time broke his windows. Eleven days after, sim­ [...]r violences were repeated. The mob attacked the [...]se of Mr. William Story, deputy register of the [...]rt of admiralty, broke his windows, forced into his [...]elling house, and destroyed the books and files be­inging to the said court, and ruined a great part of his [...]niture. They next proceeded to the house of Mr. [...]jamin Hallowell, comptroller of the customs, and [...]peated similar excesses, and drank and destroyed his [...]quors. They afterwards proceeded to the house of [...]. Hutchinson, and soon demolished it. They carri­ed off his plate, furniture and apparel, and scattered or destroyed manuscripts and other curious and useful pa­pers, which for thirty years he had been collecting. About half a dozen of the meanest of the mob, were [Page 268]soon after taken up and committed, but they either broke gaol, or otherwise escaped all punishment. The town of Boston condemned the whole proceeding▪ and for some time, private gentlemen kept watch at night, to prevent further violences.

The stamp act was hawked about the streets w [...] a death's head affixed to it, and styled the "Folly of England, and the Ruin of America;" and afterward publickly burnt by the enraged populace. The stamp [...] themselves were seized and destroyed, unless brought by men of war, or kept in fortified places; those who were to receive the stamp duties were compelled to re­sign their offices; and such of the Americans as [...] with government on this occasion, had their houses plundered and burnt.

Though these outrages were committed by the lea [...] ­est of the multitude, they were first connived at [...] those of superior rank, and the principles on which they were founded afterwards openly patronized by them; and the doctrine became general, and open­ly avowed, that Britain had no right to tax the colo­nies without their consent.

Non importation agreements were every where en­tered into; and it was even resolved, to prevent the sale of any more British goods after the present year. American manufactures, though dearer, as well as in­ferior in quality to the British, were universally prefer­red. An association was entered into against eating of lamb, in order to promote the growth of wool; and the ladies with cheerfulness agreed to renounce the use of every species of ornament manufactured in Britain. By thus suspending their future purchases on the repeal of the stamp act, the colonists made it the interest of the merchants, and manufacturers, to solicit for that repeal.

After the first of November, when the act was in have operated, legal proceedings in the courts were car­ried [Page 260]on as before. Vessels entered and departed with­ [...] stamped papers; and news papers were printed, [...] found a sufficient number of readers, though they [...] plain paper, in defiance of the act of parliament.

An association was entered into by many of the sons [...]berty, by which they agreed "to march with the most expedition, at their own proper costs and ex­pose, with their whole force, to the relief of those that [...]eld be in danger from the stamp act, or its promot­ [...] and abettors, or any thing relative to it, on account [...]ny thing that may have been done, in opposition [...] obtaining." This was subscribed by great num­ber in New York and New England.

After such a general and alarming confederacy, it was [...]ind absolutely necessary either to yield to the Amer­icans, by repealing the obnoxious statutes, or to en­ [...]te them by arms.

Happily at this time, Mr. Grenville, and his party, [...] thrown themselves out of place, on a difference as [...] the regency bill; so that the marquis of Rocking­ham and others in opposition, who were better inclined to the Americans, July 10. came in­to office. The marquis and his friends did not come to a resolution directly to repeal the stamp [...]t; but the choice of the measure, and the principle [...] proceed upon, was made before the meeting of par­ [...]ment, which was on the 17th of December. The him proceedings of the American congress rendered the measure still more expedient.

The assemblies of Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, were prevented, by their governours, from finding a deputation to this congress. Twenty eight deputies from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecti­cut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, met at New York, and after mature deliberation agreed on a declaration of [Page 270]their rights, and on a statement of their grievances. They asserted in strong terms, their exemption from all taxes, not imposed by their own representatives. They also concurred in a petition to the king, and memorial to the house of lords, and a petition to the house of commons. The colonies that were prevented from sending their representatives to this congress, for­warded petitions, similar to those which were adopted by the deputies which attended.

Some speakers of great weight, in both houses of parliament, denied their right of taxing the colonies. The chief supporters of this opinion were lord Cam­den in the house of peers, and Mr. Pitt in the house of commons. The former in nervous language said, "Bly position is this, I repeat it, I will maintain it to my last hour. Taxation and representation are inseparable. This position is founded on the laws of nature. It is more, it is itself an eternal law of nature. For what­ever is a man's own, is absolutely his own. No man has a right to take it from him without his consent. Whoever attempts to do it attempts an injury, whoev­er does it commits a robbery." Mr. Pitt, with great boldness of expression, justified the colonists, in oppos­ing the stamp act. "You have no right," said he, "to tax America. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of our fellow subjects so lost to every sense of virtue, as tamely to give up their liberties, would be fit instruments to make slaves of the rest." He afterwards shewed the unreasonableness of Great Britain taxing America, thus—"When I had the hon­our of serving his majesty, I availed myself of the means of information, which I derived from my office. I speak therefore from knowledge. My materials were good. I was at pains to collect, to digest, to consider them; and I will be bold to affirm, that the profit to Great Britain from the trade of the colonies, through [Page 271]all its branches, is two millions a year. This is the send that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The estates that were rented at two thousand pounds a [...]ear, three score years ago, are three thousand pounds [...] present. Those estates sold then from fifteen to eighteen years purchase; the same may now be sold for thirty. You owe this to America. This is the [...]ice that America pays you for her protection."—"I dare not say how much higher these profits may be aug­mented." He concluded with giving his advice, that [...] stamp act be repealed, absolutely, totally, and im­mediately. That the reason for the repeal be assigned, because it was founded on an erroneous principle. "At the same time," said he, "let the sovereign au­thority of this country, over the colonies, be asserted in [...] strong terms as can be devised, and be made to ex­ [...]d to every point of legislation whatsoever; that we [...]ay bind their trade, their manufactures, and exercise every power, except that of taking the money out of their pockets, without their consent."

Dr. Benjamin Franklin was examined at the bar of the house of commons, upon this occasion; and his informa­tion tended much to remove prejudices, and promoted [...] disposition favourable to a repeal of this obnoxious [...]ill.

After much debating, and two protests in the house of lords, and passing an act "For securing the depend­ance of America on Great Britain," the repeal of the stamp act was finally carried: and on the 19th of March, 1766, the king went to the house of peers and passed the bill, to the universal joy of the Americans, and indeed to the great satisfaction of the British, whose manufactures began to suffer very seriously, in consequence of the American association against them.

[Page 272] The opposers of the repeal had contended for the declaratory bill, as essentially necessary. It declares, "That the parliament had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the colonies, in all cases whatsoever," and the friends of that measure acquiesced in it, [...] strengthen their party, and make sure of their object. "Many of both sides thought, that the dignity of Great Britain required something of the kind to counter [...] ­ance the loss of authority, that might result from [...] yielding to the clamours of the colonists." This much diminished the joy, great as it was, with which th [...] news of the repeal of the stamp act was received in America. It was considered as a proper reason to [...] ­force any claims equally prejudicial with the stamp act, which might hereafter be set up; a spirit of jealousy pervaded the whole continent, and a strong party [...] formed, watchful on very occasion to guard against the supposed encroachments of the British power.

It was not long before an occasion offered, in which the Americans manifested a [...] spirit of resistance to the omnipotency of parliament; and that, instead of being bound by the British legislature in all cases, they would not be controled by it in the most trivial affairs. The Rockingham ministry had passed an act, providing the troops stationed in different parts of the colonies with such accommodations as were necessary for them. The assembly of New York, however, took upon them [...] alter the mode of execution prescribed by the act of parliament, and to substitute one of their own. This gave very great offence to the new ministry, and rend [...] ­ed them, though composed of those who had been [...] ­tive against the stamp bill, less favourable to the colon­ies, than in all probability they would have otherwise been. An unlucky circumstance at the same time oc­curred, which threw every thing once more into con­fusion. 1767. One of the new ministry, Mr. Charles Towshend, having declared that he could find [Page 273] [...] way of taxing the Americans without giving [...]hem offence, was called upon to propose his plan. This was by imposing a duty on tea, paper, painters' [...]olours, and glass, imported into America. The con­ [...]act of the New York assembly, respecting the troops, [...]d that of Boston, which had proceeded in a similar manner, caused this bill to meet with less opposition [...]an otherwise it might have done. As a punishment [...] the refractory assemblies, the legislative power was taken from that of New York, until it should fully com­ply with the terms of the act. Nothing could be more grating to the sons of liberty in every province. They [...] now that their own colonial parliaments, as they [...]sidered them, were to be bound to what the British [...]inistry might deem their good behaviour, by acts of [...] British parliament. The assembly of Boston at last [...]bmitted with reluctance. The bill for the new tax­t [...] was quickly passed, and sent to America, in 1768.

A ferment much greater than that occasioned by the stamp act now took place throughout the continent. The populace renewed their outrages, and those of su­ [...]erior station entered into regular combinations against it. Circular letters were sent from Massachu­setts colony to all the rest, 170 [...], [...]eb. 11. setting forth the in­justice and impropriety of the behaviour of the British legislature. Meetings were held in all the principal towns. In which it was proposed to lessen the consumption of foreign manufactures, by giving proper encouragement to their own. Continual disputes ensued betwixt the governours and general as­semblies of their provinces, which were much height­ened by a letter from lord Shelburne, to governour Bernard, of Massachusetts Bay, containing complaints of the people he governed. The assembly, exasperated to the highest degree, charged their governour with hav­ing misrepresented them to the court of Britain, re­quired [Page 274]him to produce copies of the letter he had sent; 1768. and, on his refusal, wrote letters to the British ministry, accusing him of misrepre­sentation and partiality, complaining at the same time most grievously of the proceedings of parliament, as ut­terly subversive of the liberties of America, and the rights of British subjects.

The governour, at a loss how to defend himself, March 4. prorogued the assembly: and, in his speech on the occasion, gave a loose to his resentment, accusing the members of ambitious de­signs, incompatable with those of dutiful and loyal sub­jects. To counteract the circular letter of the province of Massachusetts Bay, April 22. lord Hills­borough, secretary to the American depart­ment, sent another to the governours of the different colonies, reprobating the other as full of misrepresenta­tion, and tending to excite a rebellion against the au­thority of the parent state.

Matters now hastened to a crisis. The governour had been ordered to proceed with vigour, and by no means to show any disposition to yield to the people as formerly. In particular they were required to rescind that resolution by which they had written the circular letter above mentioned; and in case of a refusal, it was told them that they would be dissolved. As this letter had been framed by the resolutions of a former house, they desired, after a week's consultation, that a recess might be granted to consult with their constituents; but this being refused, they came to a determination, 92 against 17, to adhere to the resolution which pro­duced the circular letter. At the same time a letter was sent to lord Hillsborough, and a message to the gov­ernour, in justification of their proceedings. In both they expressed themselves with such freedom as was by no means calculated to accord with the sentiments of [Page 275] [...]se in power. They insisted that they had a right to [...]mmunicate their sentiments to their fellow subjects [...]on matters of such importance; complained of the [...]uisition to rescind the circular letter as unconstitu­t [...]al and unjust; and particularly insisted, that [...] were represented as harbouring seditious designs, [...]en they were doing nothing but what was lawful [...] right. At the same time they condemned the late [...]cts of parliament as highly oppressive, and subversive [...] liberty. The whole was concluded by a list of ac­ [...]sations against their governour, representing him, as [...]fit to continue in his station, and petitioning the king [...] his removal from it.

These proceedings were followed by a vio­lent tumult at Boston. [...]une 10. A vessel belonging to John Hancock, esq. a capital trader, had been [...]ized inconsequence of his having neglected some of [...]he new regulations; and being taken under the pro­ [...]tion of a man of war at that time lying in the har­our, the populace attacked the houses of the commis­ [...]ners of excise, broke their windows, destroyed the collector's boats, and obliged the custom house officers to take refuge in Castle William, situated at the en­ [...]ance of the harbour.

The governour now took the last step in his power to put a stop to the violent proceedings of the assembly, by dissolving it entirely; but this was of little moment. Their behaviour had been highly approved by the other colonies, who had written letters to them expressive of their approbation. After the dissolution of the assem­bly, frequent meetings of the people were held in Bos­ten, which ended in a remonstrance to the governour, to the same purpose as some of the former; but con­cluded with a request, that he would take upon him to [...]rder the king's ships out of the harbour.

[Page 276] Whilst the disposition of the Bostonians was thus go­ing on from bad to worse, news arrived that the agent for the colony had not been allowed to deliver their petition to the king; it having been objected, that the assembly, without the governour, was not sufficient a [...] ­thority. This did not contribute to allay the ferment; and it was farther augmented by the news that a num­ber of troops had been ordered to repair to Boston, to keep the inhabitants in awe.

A dreadful alarm now took place. The people called on the governour to convene a general assembly, in order in remove their fears of the military; who, they said, [...] to be assembled to overthrow their liberties, and force obedience to laws to which they were entirely averse. The governour replied, it was no longer in his power to call an assembly; having, in his last instructions from England, been required to wait the king's orde [...], the matter being then under consideration at home. Sept. 12. Being thus refused, the people too [...] upon themselves the formation of an assem­bly, which they called a convention. The proceedings and resolutions of this body naturally partook of the temper and disposition of the late assembly; but they went a step farther, and having voted "that there is ap­prehension in the minds of many of an approaching rupture with France," requested the inhabitants to put themselves in a posture of defence against any suddex attack of an enemy; and circular letters were directed to all the towns in the province, Sept. 14. ac­quainting them with the resolutions that had been taken in the capital, and exhorting them to pro­ceed in the fame manner. The town of Hatfield alone, out of ninety seven in the province, refused its co [...] ­currence. The convention, however, thought proper to assure the governour of their pacific intentions, and renewed their request that an assembly might be called; [Page 277]but being refused any audience, and threat­ened with being treated as rebels, Sept. 29. they at last thought proper to dissolve of themselves, and [...] over to Britain a circumstantial account of their [...]ceedings, with the reason of their having assembled [...] the manner already mentioned.

The expected troops arrived on the very day on which the convention broke up, and had some houses in the town fitted up for their reception. Their arrival [...] a considerable influence on the people, and for some [...] seemed to put a stop to the disturbances; but the [...] of disco [...]d had now taken such deep root, that it [...] impossible to quench the flame. The late outrage­ [...] behaviour in Boston had given the greatest offence in England; and, notwithstanding all the efforts of op­position, an address from both houses of parliament [...] presented to the king; in which the behaviour of [...] colony of Massachusetts Bay was set forth in the most ample manner, and the most vigorous measures [...]commended for reducing them to obedience. The Americans, however, continued stedfast in the ideas they had adopted. Though the troops had for some time quieted the disturbances, yet the calm continued [...]o longer than they appeared respectable on account of their number; but as soon as this was diminished by the departure of a large detachment, the remainder were treated with contempt, and it was even resolved to expel them altogether. The country people took up arms for this purpose, and were to have assisted their friends in Boston; but before the plot could be put in execution, an event happened which put an end to every idea of reconciliation betwixt the contending parties.

On the 5th of March 1770, a seuffle happen­ed between the soldiers and a party of the town's people. 1770. The inhabitants poured in from [Page 278]all quarters to the assistance of their fellow citizens; a [...] tumult ensued, during which the military fired upon the mob, killing three and dangerously wounding five more. The whole province now rose in arms, and the soldiers were obliged to retire to Castle William, to remove any pretext for farther disturbances. It ap­peared on the trial, that the soldiers had been abused, insulted, threatened and pelted, before they fired. It was also proved that only seven muskets were fired by the eight prisoners. The captain and six of the men were acquitted, and two were found guilty of man­slaughter. "The result of the trial reflected great honour on John Adams and Josiah Quincey, the counsel for the prisoners; and also on the integrity of the jury, who ventured to give an upright verdict, in defiance of popular opinions." ^*

The consequences of this tragical event, sunk deep in the minds of the people, and were made subservient to important purposes. "The anniversary of it was observed with great solemnity for thirteen years. Elo­quent orators were successively employed to deliver an annual oration to preserve the remembrance of it fresh in their minds. On these occasions the blessings of liberty—the horrours of slavery—the dangers of a standing army—the rights of the colonies, and a vari­ety of such topics, were represented to the public view under their most pleasing and alarming forme. These annual orations administered fuel to the fire of liberty, and kept it burning with an incessant flame."

Having thus procured the removal of the military, the determinations of the people, in other respects, continued if possible more firm than ever, until at last government, determining to act with vigour, and at the same time to behave with as much condescension as [Page 279]possible, without abandoning their principles, repealed [...] the duties lately laid on, that of three pence per pound on tea alone excepted. This was le [...]t on pur­pose to maintain the dignity of parliament; and it was thought that it could not be productive of any discon­ [...]ent in America, as being an affair of very little mo­nent, the produce of which was not expected to ex­ [...]eed 16,000l. The opposition, however, were stren­ [...]ous in their endeavours to get this tax likewise abro­gated; insisting, that the Americans would consider it only as an inlet to others; and that the repeal of all the [...]st, without this, would answer no good purpose. The event showed that their opinion was well founded. The Americans opposed the tea tax with the same vio­lence as they had done all the rest: and at last, on the [...]ws that salaries had been settled on the justices of the superior court of Massachusetts Bay, the governour was addressed on the subject; the measure was con­lemned in the strongest terms; and a committee, selected out of the several districts of the colony; appointed to inquire into it.

The new assembly proceeded in the most formal man­ner to disavow the supremacy of the British legislature; and accused the parliament of Britain of having violated the natural rights of the Americans in a number of lastances. Copies of the transactions of this assembly were transmitted to every town in Massachusetts, ex­horting the inhabitants to rouse themselves, and exert every nerve in opposition to the iron hand of oppression, which was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty.

The rigorous execution of the smuggling laws, gave occasion to the first daring act of violence, which might, with propriety, be called an act of hostility against government. This happened at Providence in Rhode Island, where, on the 10th of June 1772, the Gaspee [Page 280]schooner was burnt, and the captain wounded by a mob, exasperated at the vigilance he had manifested in the execution of his office. A reward of £.500 was offered for the discovery of those concerned; but so a­greeable was it to the universal voice of the people, that not one man was found to accept the offered reward.

The disturbances were greatly heightened in Massa­chusetts by an accidental discovery that Mr. Hutchin­son, governour of Massachusetts Bay, had written sev­eral confidential letters to people in power in England, complaining of the behaviour of the province, recom­mending vigorous measures against them, and, among other things, asserting, that "there must be an abridg­ment of what is called British liberty." Letters of this kind had fallen into the hands of Dr. Benjamin Franklin, the agent for the colony at London. They were immediately transmitted to Boston, where the as­sembly was sitting, by whom they were said before [...]he governour, who was thus reduced to a very mortifying situation Losing every idea of respect or friendship for him as their governour, they instantly dispatched a petition to the king, requesting him to remove the gov­ernour and deputy governour from their places; 1773. June 23. but to this they not only received no favourable answer, but the petition itself was declared groundless and scandalous.

The system of committees of correspon­dence, Nov. 22. which prevailed in the years 1765 and 1767, was revived in Boston, at this eventful period; by which a reciprocal exchange of intelligence was kept up, throughout the whole colonies. The British ministry seem to have been totally inattentive to the former operations of the committees of correspon­dence, occasioned by the stamp act, while their prede­cessors were in office; else they might easily have fore­seen [Page 281]the unanimous and vigorous opposition their meas­ures would meet with in the present case. But the weakness of public measures was equally apparent in the administration of affairs in Britain, as in those re­ [...]ting to America; as will be shown in the next chap­ter.

CHAP. XVII.

NOTWITHSTANDING the just grounds of com­plaint which led the Americans to oppose with vigour, the arbitrary designs of the British ministry, it would be difficult to account satisfactorily for their regular and steady opposition, from the beginning of the disputes, and even after hostilities commeneed, with­out taking a view of the dissensions which agitated Britain during the same period.

The feuds and animosities which the Middlesex elec­tion excited, gave occasion to sudden changes of the ministry, and resolutions of parliament dangerous to the liberties of the people; which, probably, would never else have taken place. As this election is the great hinge upon which the political events of the reign of George III. for many years turned, every material circumstance relating to that singular transaction, and even to Mr. Wilkes, the principal agent concerned in it, shall be particularly attended to, consistently with the limits of this work.

Till the resignation of Mr. Pitt, (October 9, 1761) no material change had been made in the ministry dur­ing [Page 282]the first year of the reign of George III. It continued nearly the same as it was at the death of the late king; with only this difference, that lord Bute, who was sup­posed to be a particular favourite of the present king, had been introduced into the cabinet, and appointed se­cretary of state in the room of the earl of Holder­ness. A more important alteration took place in 1762. An opinion had been long entertained, at least it was industriously propagated by certain persons, that the Pelham family had been as complete masters of the cabinet during the latter years of the last reign, as ever the Marlborough family was, during a great part of that of queen Anne. A resolution, it is said, was therefore taken to get rid of the Pelhams and all their connections. The duke of Newcastle was made so un­easy in his situation, that he resigned his post of first lord of the treasury, and was succeeded by the earl of Bute. This gave occasion to a most furious paper war be­tween the friends and adherents of these two noble­men, and naturally tended to revive in the kingdom, that spirit of party, which, during the successful admin­istration of Mr. Pitt, had, in a great measure, been laid asleep. Dr. Goldsmith observes, that the earl of Bute was believed to be a man of ability and even of virtue, but deficient in that easiness of address and those engaging manners, without which no minister can ever expect to be long popular in England. As he was a man of taste and learning, had he continued groom of the state, as he was at the time of the king's accession, he might have easily passed for the Macenas of the age. Every favour which the king might have bestowed upon men of letters, would have been con­sidered as originating from his advice; whereas, by plunging into politics, for which, as he was not bred to them, perhaps he was but ill qualified, he at once de­stroyed the peace of his own mind, diminished for a [Page 283]while the popularity of his sovereign, and distracted and perplexed the councils of his country.

The cry of favouritism, which was raised against lord Bute, immediately upon his introduction into the ministry, had hitherto been kept up with the utmost virulence and animosity. Having completed the peace in 1763, he resigned his place, as first lord of the trea­sury, in April, in the same year, and was succeeded by Mr. George Grenville.

The spirit of venality and corruption was remarka­bly prevalent at this time in Britain. Licentiousness and riot were become general among the lower ranks; and tumults, and a spirit of disorder, affected most parts of the kingdom.

During the earl of Bute's administration, the English populace resigned all their thinking faculties, and even their senses, to the indefatigable incendiaries of a bold and insolent faction, who were overawed by no au­thority, and restrained by no principle; till at length the animosity to the Scotch in general, and the aversion to the minister in particular, proceeded to an amazing degree of infatuation.

The jealousy of the English nation, towards their fellow subjects on the other side of the Tweed, had discovered itself occasionally ever since the union of the crowns; and the ancient animosities had been kept alive by the two successive rebellions which began in Scotland; but the common grudge was founded upon the success of the Scotch, who had established them­selves in different parts of England, and risen from very small beginnings, to wealth and consideration. In a word, the English looked upon them with an evil eye, as interlopers in commerce and competitors for reputa­tion. It was not without murmuring that they had seen them aspire to the first offices in the law, the army, and the navy; but they were exasperated to find a Se [...]t [Page 284]at the head of the English treasury, and the chief ad­ministration of the kingdom in his hands. These were topics on which the writers in the opposition did not fail to expatiate. They revived and retailed with pe­culiar virulence, all the calumnies, ancient and modern, that ever had been uttered against the Scotch nation, some of them so gross and absurd, that they could not possibly obtain credit but among the very dregs of the people. They enlarged upon their craft, dissimulation, deceit, and national partiality. They denounced the dangers that threatened the interests of Old England, from the great numbers of those northern adventurers, who had wriggled themselves into all the different de­partments of civil and military institution; and they insisted upon the disgrace of acquiescing under the gov­ernment of a North Briton, a Stuart, allied by blood to the pretender, who had expelled from court the best friends of the protestant succession, associated himself with avowed tories, who prostituted the offices, and squandered away the wealth of England on worthless favourites of his own country. These bitter remon­strances, in which no regard was paid either to truth or decency, they reinforced with feigned circumstances, and forged lists of North Britons gratified with pen­sions, appointed to places, or promoted in the service, till at length the populace were incensed even to the verge of insurrection. Had the natives of North Bri­tain proved equally combustible, the flames of civil war would have certainly been kindled; and, in that case, the ruin of a mighty nation might have been effected by two or three infamous emissaries, equally desperate and obscure, who either prostituted their pens to a party for hire, or exercised their talents for abuse, in hope of be­ing bought off by the minister.

All the most virulent papers against government, in former days, seemed to be but decent compositions [Page 285]compared to those which were circulated through the nation, after the resignation of Mr. Pitt. Had the pro­mulgators of the first defamatory libels that appeared against the king and his family been apprehended, and punished in the ordinary course of law proceedings, the section would have found it a very difficult task, in the sequel, to engage either printer or publisher in their service; and, in all probability, the evil would have been crushed in the bud; but they were emboldened by impunity to proceed in their career, to confirm their calumnies by unrefuted falsehoods, and to give rein to the most audacious scurrility; until the minds of the people were so deeply and universally tainted, that it became hazardous to call the libeliers to account, and very doubtful whether a jury could be found in the capital, that would surrender those new idols to the castigation of the law.

The new ministry showed the same contempt and disregard of all the abuse offered to their persons, in the papers and pamphlets published against them, as their predecessors in office had done, 1763. although their names were printed at full length in many audacious libels; especially in a periodical paper called the North Briton. Mr. John Wilkes, member of par­liament for Aylesbury, was at very little pains to con­ceal that he was the author of this paper, which in point of wit, language or argument, could never have attracted the attention of the public, had not the minds of the people, by the arts of faction, been inflamed to a degree of madness. Wilkes was lively, but superfi­cial; and, in his morals, he was said to be dissipated even to profligacy. He had more than once applied to the new ministers for a post that might repair his shat­tered fortunes; but prepossessions, arising from his character, were so strong against him, that failing of success, he resolved, as he openly declared, to try how far it was practicable to carry the licentiousness of [Page 286]writing, under pretext of exercising the liberty of the press. Perceiving the next to stoical indifference of the ministry with regard to their own persons, he aim­ed his abuse at the king himself, and in the forty fifth number of his paper, animadverted upon the king's speech in parliament, with an acrimony so indecent towards his majesty's probity as well as person, that the ministers, at length, gave orders for seizing the printer, and all concerned in the publication. These orders were contained in a warrant of a general nature, under the hand of lord Halifax, directed to four of his majesty's messengers, commanding them to apprehend, without specifying their names, the authors, printers, and publishers of that seditious and treasonable paper; and the publisher, George Kearsley, being accordingly apprehended, his examination afforded sufficient ground for fixing upon Mr. Wilkes as the author. This war­rant, though afterwards pronounced to be illegal by a lord chief justice, was, in point of form and substance, the same that had always been issued by former secreta­ries of state, and even by Mr. Pitt and the duke of Newcastle, whose party now openly contended, that it was subversive of the British constitution.

Mr. Wilkes was thereupon committed prisoner to the tower, 1763. April 30. and his papers being sealed up in presence of the under secretary of state and the solicitor of the treasury, were seized.

Mr. Wilkes, upon bringing his habeas corpus before the court of common pleas, was released from the tow­er by a decision of that court, the judges of which unanimously declared that privilege of parliament ex­tended to the case of writing a libel.

In the mean time the personal veracity of Mr. Wilkes received a severe shock, by his being called up­on, in the public papers, to make good an assertion he [Page 287] [...]ad advanced in his speech at the court of common [...]as, that corrupt offers had been made to him by the government; and to declare when, how, or by whom [...]ch offers were made, and what they were? Neither Mr. Wilkes, nor any of his friends, thought proper to [...] any notice of this peremptory challenge, though [...] repeated, and affecting his moral character in the [...]ost sensible manner.

When the affair, in consequence of his majesty's message, came under consideration in the house of com­mons, it admitted of great debates. It was strongly [...]ged by the gentlemen in the opposition, that no pe [...]ter liberties had been taken by the author of the [...]o [...]ious paper, with regard to his majesty's speech, [...]an what had been common upon former occasions of [...] same kind; and that the speech of the king had [...]er been considered in any other light than that of the minister, and had always been treated with equal freedom. The house, however, was of opinion, that under no former opposition such abusive terms, or so personally disrespectful to majesty, had ever been made use of; and therefore it was resolved by a great major­ty, "That the paper, intitled the North Briton, No. 45, is a false, scandalous, and seditious libel, containing expressions of the most unexampled insolence and con­tumely towards his majesty, the grossest aspersions up­on both houses of parliament, and the most audacious defiance of the authority of the whole legislature; and most manifestly tending to alienate the affections of the people from his majesty, to withdraw them from their obedience to the laws of the realm, and to excite them to traitorous insurrections." The house likewise de­termined that the privilege of parliament did not ex­tend to the case of writing such a libel. A number of members spoke and voted against the latter resolution, only because they thought it was a matter founded in [Page 288]the constitution, independent of all party consideration. Soon after Mr. Wilkes fought a duel with Mr. Martin, a member of parliament, and late secretary to the treasury, whose character he had attacked in his writ­ings, in the most barefaced manner. In this engage­ment both parties behaved like men of courage; but Mr. Wilkes was wounded in the body so dangerously, that he was in no condition to appear in the house of commons when the matter of his complaint of breach of privilege was to be heard.

Whilst this matter was depending, the sheriffs of London, the hon. Mr. Harley and Richard Blunt, 1763. Nov. 19. esq. endeavoured to execute the order of the two houses of parliament, by burning the 45th number of the North Briton, by the hands of the common hangman, at the Royal Ex­change; but the mob proved so riotous on this occa­sion, that they rescued the paper from the executioner before it was consumed, pelted the constables and oth­er peace officers, and even put Mr. sheriff Harley in danger of his life.

The walls of parliament as yet contained the debates on the whole affair, which was of far greater import­ance than the public at first apprehended. The reso­lutions of neither house could determine the great points depending on it, for those were cognizable only in a court of law. In the July preceding, the journey­men printers, who had been seized and confined on suspicion of printing the North Briton, brought actions against the messengers on that account. On the first action that was tried, the plaintiff recovered 300l. dam­ages, and 200l. was allowed to each of the others, wh [...] [...] thirteen in number. It appeared from those tri­ [...], that the plaintiffs were not really guilty of the fact [...] which they had been seized. That the messengers had been misled by the general terms of the warrant; [Page 289]and that room was left for contesting their validity. At the same time the cooler and more judicious part [...] the public thought the damages, considering the [...] and circumstances of the parties, were exorbitant; [...] that the verdicts [...] their favour would only serve [...] exasperate the ministers, when it should be their [...] to prosecute. Mr. Wilkes, who no doubt was [...]ghly encouraged by the verdicts the printers had ob­ [...]ned, brought his action likewise against the late sec­tary of state for seizing his papers; and, on the 6th [...] December, after a hearing of near fifteen hours be­fore lord chief justice Pratt, and a special jury, in the [...]rt of common pleas, he obtained a verdict, with [...]00l. damages, and costs of suit. In the charge giv­ [...] on this occasion by the judge to the jury, his lordship [...]nounced the warrant under which Mr. Wilkes was [...]ed, illegal; but very modestly submitted his opinion [...] the other judges and the house of peers, ending his [...]ech with the following remarkable words: "If these [...]gher jurisdictions should declare my opinion errone­ous, I submit, as will become me, and kiss the rod; but I must say, I shall always consider it as a rod of iron [...] the chastisement of the people of Great Britain."

In the month of January, 1764, Mr. Wilkes was expelled the house of commons; 1764. and not appearing to the indictments preferred against [...] for publishing the North Briton, and for some oth­er charges, he was at last run to an utlawry; and the [...]; which he had commenced against the secretaries [...] state for false imprisonment, fell of course to the [...]ound.

Hitherto the demerits of Mr. Wilkes, whatever private irregularities of life he might have been accus­ed of, were considered by the public only politically, and he had many advocates among the virteous, well disposed part of mankind; when, all of a sudden, a [Page 290]storm broke out upon him in the house of peers which exposed him in a most unchristian and immoral light. One of the principal secretaries of [...]a [...]e accused Mr. Wilkes, in the house of lords, of violating the most sacred ties of religion as well [...]decency, by printing in his own house, a book or pamphlet, entitled, "A [...] Essay on Woman, with notes or remarks." This com­plaint could not have properly come before their lord­ships, had not the name of a right reverend pre [...] been most scurrilously introduced, as being the author of the notes. The book itself, though printed with the utmost secresy, had been communicated, through Mr. Wilkes's own inadvertency, to the secretary, by a journeyman printer, who was possessed of a copy, and the very mention of its contents struck the public with horrour. The concern which the pretended patriot had in printing and correcting the press, was proved beyond all contradiction; and left upon the minds of the public a strong conviction of his being the author also. Scarcely any defence was made for him by his friends, and the house addressed his majesty to give or­ders that he should be prosecuted; but neither this ad­dress, nor the prosecutions intended to be brought a­gainst him for breach of privilege, had any other effect, than that of greatly increasing the number of his ene­mies in the rational unprejudiced part of the nation. However, many still remained his political friends, who detested his profligate principles. General warrants were afterwards declared to be illegal by a resolution of both houses; and this, indeed, seems to be the chief advantage resulting from this violent dispute between Mr. Wilkes and the ministry.

The spirit of party, which was now so general as well as violent, was attended with one very great in­convenience. It was productive of such a mutability in public men, and consequently in public measures [Page 291]and counsels, that a new ministry and new measures com­ [...]nced almost with every new year. This naturally [...]ded to weaken the authority of government both at [...]ne and abroad. Foreign nations were averse to en­ [...] into any close connexion or alliance with a people, [...]ose public measures were so very fluctuating; and [...] inferior ranks of men in Britain lost all that rever­ [...]e and respect for their rulers which is so necessary [...] the support of order and good government. The [...]enville administration was now forced to make way for that of the marquis of Rockingham. The chief business of this ministry was to undo all that their predecessors had done, 1765. particularly appealing the stamp and cider acts; as on the other [...]nd, all that they now did, was, in its turn, undone [...] their successors in office.

In 1768, the parliament being dissolved, writs were [...]ed for electing a new one. Mr. Wilkes, who had [...]ained abroad on outlaw ever since the year 1763, [...] returned home, and even when the outlawry was in full force, offered himself a candidate for the county of Middlesex, 1768. for which he was chosen, in opposition to sir William Beauchamp Proctor, one of the former members, by a very great majority. Great doubts were at first entertained [...]ther an outlaw could be chosen a member of par­ [...]ent; but so many precedents were produced in the [...]mative, that the legality of the practice was put be­ [...]d controversy. Being now secure, as he thought, [...] a seat in parliament, Mr. Wilkes surrendered him­self to the court of king's bench, by whom the out­ [...]wry was reversed, and he was sentenced to suffer an imprisonment of two years, and to pay a fine of a thousand pounds. As he was esteemed by many per­sons as a kind of martyr in the cause of public liberty, a subscription was opened by some merchants of Lon­don, [Page 292]and other gentlemen of property, for paying his fine, supporting him whilst in prison, and compounding his debts, amounting to above twenty thousand pounds; and all these purposes were, in the end, completely ac­complished.

When the new parliament met, the people imagined that Mr. Wilkes would take his seat along with the other members. In expectation of this, ma­ny of them assembled in St. George's Fields, 1768. May 10. near the king's bench prison, where he [...] confined, with a view of conducting him to the house of commons. The furry justices soon came among them, and the riot act was read; but the peo­ple not dispersing, the military were called in, and were ordered, perhaps unadvisedly, to fire. Several persons were slightly wounded, two or three mortally, and one was killed on the spot.

Lord Weymouth, one of the secretaries of state, sent a letter to the justices, thanking them for their spirited conduct in this affair. Mr. Wilkes, who was no incurious, nor, we may believe, unconcerned spec­tator of the whole scene, took this opportunity of ex­pressing his resentment against the ministry, whom he regarded as the authors of all the persecutions he had suffered. He published lord Weymouth's letter, with a few remarks of his own prefixed to it, in which the termed the affair of St. George's Fields a horrid massa­cre; and this step was either considered as a [...], or was made a pretence, for expelling him the house: otherwise it became in a manner impossible to tell for what reason he had been expelled. The two offences for which this punishment had been inflicted, were, the publication of the North Briton, and an obscen [...] pamphlet, called "An Essay on Woman." With re­spect to the former, he had been punished in a pre­ceding parliament, and it was contrary to law to try [Page 293]him for it a second time. As to the latter, he received [...]tence for it from the house of lords in a former par­liament also; but these offences were not esteemed magnizable by the commons; and as for the comment [...] lord Weymouth's letter, it was as little within their [...]isdiction.

The freeholders of Middlesex, however, seem to have been of a very different opinion from the com­mons; for they immediately and unanimously reelect­ed him their representative. This election was declar­ [...] void, and a new writ issued. The freeholders still persevered in their former sentiments; and Mr. Wilkes [...] elected a third time without opposition. A gen­tleman indeed, of the name of Dingley, intended to have opposed him; but the popular current ran so [...]trong in favour of Mr. Wilkes, that he could not find a single person to put him in nomination. This elec­tion was declared void, as well as the preceding; and [...] the freeholders of Middlesex and the house of [...]mmons should go on forever, the one in electing Mr. Wilkes, and the other in declaring his election invalid, [...]o [...]el Lutterel, son to lord Irnham, and a member of [...]liament, was persuaded to vacate his seat by the acceptance of a nominal place, and to offer himself as a candidate. He did so; and though he had only 296 votes, 1769. and Mr. Wilkes 1143, yet he was declared in the house, by a great majority, [...] be the legal member. The majority of the house maintained that expulsion necessarily implied an inca­pability of sitting afterwards. But most of the prece­ [...]ents brought forth were not to the purpose; as hap­pening either in times of barbarity, or of internal in­surrections in the kingdom. It was urged by the mi­ [...]ority, that the power of the house of commons has never gone beyond expulsion; nor is it proper [...] should, except in cases of bribery and corruption. But if the [Page 294]house abuses its power, in the execution of this privilege, by depriving the constituents of their power of reelect­ing the expelled member, there is not any remedy a­gainst ministerial oppression, if they can once prevail so far as to procure a majority in favour of the expul­sion of such members as may be obnoxious to them.

This vote of the house of commons was considered as a fatal blow to the liberties of the people; at least to the right of election, the most vital and essential part of those liberties. This poured poison into the political wound, that rendered it perfectly incurable. The Middlesex election may hitherto be regarded mere­ly as a common controverted election, in which none but Mr. Wilkes and his opponents were concerned. From this time forward it assumed a more dignified air, a more important aspect. Instead of a private, it be­came a national concern. A great part of the people took the alarm. They thought they foresaw, in the destruction of the rights of the freeholders of Middle­sex, the utter ruin and subversion of their own. The consequence was, that petitions first, and remonstranc­es afterwards poured in from the different counties and corporations in the kingdom. Many of these were of a very bold, and, as some thought, of a most daring nature. They not only prayed for a dissolution of par­liament, but they even denied the legality of the pres­ent one, the validity of its acts, and the obligation of the people to obey them. In a word, they affected that the government was actually dissolved.

The ministry had now brought themselves into a must disagreeable dilemma. They ought either not to have proceeded so far, 1770. or they ought to have gone farther. They ought either not to have furnished the people with a just cause, nor even with [...]lausible pretence, for presenting such remon­strances, or they ought to have punished them for dar­ing [Page 295]to present them. This, however, they did not think it prudent, nor perhaps even safe, to attempt.

Some of the freeholders of Middlesex even attempt­ed to carry their speculative principles into practice. They refused to pay the land tax; and the matter was brought to a trial. But the jury determined, that they were obliged to pay it; and, in so doing, they discover­ed more firmness and fortitude than their rulers. This, however, was but a poor compensation for the want of courage and consistency in the ministers. It was like endeavouring to support a mighty arch with a feeble [...]ttress, when the key stone, that held it together, was removed.

In the course of this year a very important act was passed for regulating the proceedings of the house of commons in controverted elections. 1770. These used formerly to be determined by the house at large, and by a majority of votes, so that they were considered merely as party matters, and the strongest party, which was always that of the ministry, was sure to carry the point, without paying the least regard to the merits of the question on either side. By the bill which was now passed, called the Grenville act, they were ordered for the future to be decided by a committee of thirteen members, chosen by lot, and under the sacred obligation of an oath; and since the enacting of this law, no well grounded complaint has been made against the impartiality of the decisions.

Though the present ministry was supposed to have been originally recommended to his majesty by lord Chatham, and to have been guided for some time, in all their measures, by his advice, yet, as they had of late affected to stand upon their own bottom, and neglected to consult him as usual, he entirely abandoned them, and resigned his office as keeper of the privy seal, which was bestowed on the [Page 296]earl of Bristol. ^* His example was soon followed by the duke of Grafton, who was succeeded as first lord of the treasury by lord North, and thus, unhappily for the nation, was formed that ministry which began the A­merican war.

Mr. Wilkes remained in prison during the full time to which he had been sentenced. But though he still continued to be the darling of the populace, their ad­miration was not attended with that violence and [...] ­roar which had formerly marked their proceeding [...]: his importance diminished in proportion as he was [...] longer persecuted by the ministry; and many of his friends, from various causes, deserted him. Still, how­ever, [Page 297]his influence was very extensive; he was chosen one of the Aldermen of London, then sheriff, after­wards lord mayor, and at last fixed in the lucrative of­ [...]e of city chamberlain; in all which departments he behaved so well, that his greatest enemies could never lay hold of any part of his public character that could [...] accounted a fault, or even represented in a disad­vantageous light; and after a long succession of annu­ [...] defeats, he triumphed at last, in the year 1782, in getting the resolution, of the 17th of February, 1769, relative to the Middlesex election, expunged from the [...]arnals of the house of commons.

The Middlesex election, though the spirit of petitioning, 1771. had, in some measure subsided, still gave rise to some singular occurrences that are well worthy of notice. A messenger of the house of commons, having come into the city to seize a printer, for publishing the speeches of the members, this last [...] for a constable, who carried both him and the [...]essenger, before Mr. Crosby, the lord mayor. That gentleman, together with the aldermen Wilkes and [...]liver, not only discharged the printer, but required the messenger to give bail to answer the complaint of the printer against him, for daring to seize him in the [...]ity without the order of a magistrate; and upon his [...]efusing to do so, they signed a warrant for his com­ [...]titment to prison; upon which he consented to give bail, and was suffered to depart. The commons, fired [...] this contempt of their authority, as they thought it, ordered the lord mayor and two aldermen, to appear before them. Mr. Crosby and Mr. Oliver, as mem­bers of the house, attended in their place; but Mr. Wilkes refused to appear, unless he might be permitted to take his seat for Middlesex. 1771, March 27. The lord may­or and alderman Oliver were sent to the tower, where they continued in confinement till the end of the session. Other orders were issued [Page 298]for the attendance of Mr. Wilkes; but as it was well known that he would not comply with them, the ministry could find no better method of getting rid of this formidable adversary, than by appointing th [...] eighth day of April for his attendance, at the same time that the house adjourned to the ninth.

Thus, all the efforts of the ministry, to extend the authority of parliament, served only to shew, that [...] power was really not to be dreaded, by any subject who had spirit enough to contend with it.

Great Britain was in this manner divided into adverse factions, by the rashness and pufillanimity of a succes­sion of disjointed administrations; who at the same time, and by the same means, plunged the nation into the fatal dispute with her American colonies. Whilst the authority of government was thus vilified and de­spised at home, can it be imagined that it was much reverenced or respected abroad? Whilst it was open­ly insulted and brow beat in the very metropolis, and under the eye of the legislature, could it be expected that it should be able to maintain its usual force [...] vigour in the extreme parts of the empire? The Amer­icans could easily foresee, that, in resisting the unjust stretche [...] of parliamentary power, their cause would re­ceive great support in the mother country, from a strong party, who stood forward to resist the arm of power, whether exercised by the ministry, or by the legislature. ^* A number of this party acted from prin­ciple, but others were more influenced by a spirit of opposition to the ministerial majority, than by a regard to the constitutional liberties of either country.

CHAP. XVIII.

GREAT Britain was thus rent by internal dissen­tions, and factions, whilst succeeding admin­istrations, with equal weakness and obstinacy, endeav­oured to establish parliamentary supremacy over the colonies. Anxious to establish the system, and at [...] same time affraid to encounter opposition effectively, they conceded enough to weaken their authority, and yet not enough to satisfy the colonists. And these causes had operated with redoubled force, upon every renewal of the dispute.

The declaratory act, and the reservation of the duty upon tea, left the cause of contention in full force, but the former was only a claim on paper, and the latter [Page 300]might be evaded by refusing to purchase any tea, on which the parliamentary tax was imposed. The colonists, therefore, conceiving that their commerce might be renewed, without establishing any precedent, injurious to their liberties, relaxed in their associations, in every particular, except tea, and immediately recom­menced the importation of all other articles of mer­chandize. Britain might now have closed the dispute forever, and honourably receded, without a formal re­linquishment of her claims. Many hoped that the contention between the two countries was finally closed. In all the provinces excepting Massachusetts, appear­ances seemed to favour that opinion; but in that pro­vince, the unhappy quarrel which has been already men­tioned, between the people and the military force there stationed, proved a fruitful source of complaint. The continuance of a board of commissioners in Boston, the constituting the governours and judges of the pro­vince independent of the people, were likewise con­stant causes of irritation.

The only reason assigned by the British minister for retaining the tea duty, was to support the authority of parliament; at the same time, he acknowledged it to be as anticommercial a tax, as any of those that had been repealed upon that principle. The East India company, feeling the bad effects of the colonial smuggling trade, by the large quantity of tea which remained in their ware houses unfold, requested the repeal of the three pence per pound in America, and offered, that on its being complied with, government should retain six pence in the pound on the exportation. Thus the company presented the happiest opportunity that could have been offered for honourably removing the cause of differ­ence with America. This afforded an opening for do­ing justice without infringing the claims on either side. The minister was requested and intreated, by a gentle­man [Page 301]of great weight in the company, and a member of parliament, to embrace the opportunity; but it was ob­stinately rejected.

New contrivances were set on foot, to introduce the tea attended with the three penny duty, into all the colonies. Various intrigues and solicitations were used to induce the East India company to undertake this rash and fool­ish business. It [...] protested against, as contrary to the principle of the company's monopoly; but the pow­er of the ministry prevailed, and the insignificant duty of three pence per pound on tea, was doomed to be the fatal bane of contention between Great Britain and her colonies.

The Americans perceiving that the tax was thus like­ly to be enforced, whether they would or not, deter­mined to take every possible method to prevent the tea from being landed, as well knowing that it would be im­possible to hinder the sale, should the commodity once be brought on shore. For this purpose, the people assem­bled in great numbers, forcing those to whom the tea was consigned to resign their offices, and to promise so­lemnly never to resume them; and committees were ap­pointed to examine the accounts of merchants, and make public tests, declaring such as would not take them, enemies to their country. And this was no empty menace, but pregnant with certain ruin to their property, and the grossest indignity to their persons. Nor was this behaviour confined to the colony of Mas­sachusetts Bay; the rest of the provinces entered into the contest with the same warmth, and manifested the same resolution to oppose this invasion of their rights.

In the midst of this confusion, three ships laden with tea, arrived in Boston; but so much were the captains alarmed at the disposition which seemed to prevail among the people, that they offered, providing they could obtain the proper discharges from the tea con­signees, [Page 302]custom house, and governour, to return to Britain without landing their cargoes. The parties concerned, however, though they durst not order the tea to be landed, refused to grant the discharges requir­ed. The ships, therefore, would have been obliged to remain in the harbour; but the people, apprehensive that if they remained there, the tea would be landed in small quantities and disposed of in spite of every en­deavour to prevent it, resolved to destroy it at once. This resolution was executed with equal speed and se­cresy. The very evening after the above mentioned discharges had been refused, about seventeen persons, dressed like Mohawk Indians, boarded the ships, Dec. 16. and threw into the sea their whole car­goes, consisting of 342 chests of tea; after which they retired, without making any farther dis­turbance, or doing any other damage. No tea was de­stroyed in other places, though the same spirit was eve­ry where manifested. At Philadelphia, the pilots were enjoined not to conduct the vessels up the river; and at New York, though the governour caused some tea to be landed, under the protection of a man of war, he was obliged to deliver it up to the custody of the peo­ple to prevent its being sold.

The destruction of the tea at Boston, was the imme­diate prelude to the disasters attending civil discord. Government finding themselves every where insulted and despised, resolved to enforce their authority, by all possible means; and as Boston had been the principal scene of the riots and outrages, it was determined to pun­ [...]ish that town in an exemplary manner. Parliament was acquainted, by a message from his majesty, with the undutiful behaviour of the city of Boston, 1774, March 7. as well as of all the colonies, recom­mending at the same time, the most vigor­ous and spirited exertions to reduce them to obedience. [Page 303]The parliament, in its address, promised a ready com­ [...]iance; and, indeed, the Americans seemed now to have lost many of their partisans. It was proposed to [...]y a fine on the town of Boston, equal to the price of [...]e ten which had been destroyed, and to shut up its port by armed vessels until the refractory spirit of the [...]habitants should be subdued; which, it was thought, must quickly yield, as a total stop would thus be put to their trade. The bill was strongly opposed on the same grounds that the other had been; and it was pre­ [...]cted, that, instead of having any tendency to recon­cile or subdue the Americans, it would infallibly exas­perate them beyond any possibility of reconciliation. The petitions against it, presented by the colony's agent, pointed out the same consequence in the strongest terms, and in the most positive manner declared that the Amer­icans never would submit to it: but such was the in­s [...]tuation, attending every rank and degree of men, of more than one half of the nation, that it never was im­agined the Americans would dare to resist the parent state openly, but would in the end submit implicitly to her commands. In this confidence, a third bill was proposed for the impartial administration of justice on such persons as might be employed in the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay. By this act it was provided, that should any persons act­ing in that capacity be indicted for murder, and not able to obtain a fair trial in the province, they might be sent by the governour to England, or to some other colony, if necessary, to be tried for the supposed crime.

These three bills having passed so easily, the ministry proposed a fourth, relative to the government of Cana­da; which, it was said, had not yet been settled on any proper plan. By this bill the extent of that pro­vince was greatly enlarged; its affairs were put un­der [Page 304]the direction of a council, in which Roman Catho­lics were to be admitted; the Roman Catholic clergy were secured in their possessions, and the usual perqui­sites from those of their own profession. The council above mentioned were to be appointed by the crown; to be removable at its pleasure; and to be invested with every legislative power, excepting that of taxation.

No sooner were these laws made known in America, than they cemented the union of the colonies almost beyond any possibility of dissolving it. The assembly of Massachusetts Bay had passed a vote against the judges' accepting salaries from the crown, and put the question, Whether they would accept them as usual from the general assembly? Four answered in the af­firmative; but Peter Oliver, the chief justice, refused. A petition against him, and an accusation, were brought before the governour; but the latter refused the accusation, and declined to interfere in the matter; but as they still insisted for justice, against Mr. Oliver, the governour thought proper to put an end to the mat­ter by dissolving the assembly.

In this situation of affairs, a new alarm was occa­sioned by the news of the port bill, which had pass­ed both houses, on the 25th of March, and reached Boston on the 15th of May. This had been totally unexpected, and was received with the most ex­travagant expressions of displeasure, among the peo­ple; and whilst these continued, the new governour, May 19. general Gage, arrived from Eng­land. He had been chosen to this office on account of his being well acquainted in America, and generally agreeable to the people; but human wisdom could not now point out a method by which the flame could be allayed. The first act of his office as governour, was to remove the assembly to Salem, a town 17 miles distant, in consequence of the late act. [Page 305]When this was intimated to the assembly, they replied by requesting him to appoint a day of public humilia­tion, for deprecating the wrath of Heaven, but met with a refusal. When met at Salem, they passed a re­solution, declaring the necessity of a general congress, composed of delegates from all the provinces, in or­der to take the affairs of the colonies at large into con­sideration; and five gentlemen, remarkable for their opposition to the British measures, were chosen to re­present that of Massachusetts Bay. This was the basis of the continental congress. They then proceeded with all expedition to draw up a declaration, containing a detail of the grievances they laboured under, and the necessity of exerting themselves against lawless power; they set forth the disregard shown to their petitions, and the attempts of Great Britain to destroy their ancient constitution; and concluded with exhorting the inhab­itants of the colony to obstruct, by every method in their power, such evil designs, recommending at the same time, a total renunciation of every thing import­ed from Great Britain, till a redress of grievances could be procured.

Intelligence of this declaration was carried to the governour, on the very day it was completed; on which he dissolved the assembly. This was followed by an address from the inhabitants of Salem in favour of those of Boston, and concluding with these remarka­ble words: "By shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and to our benefit; but nature, in the forma­tion of our harbour, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce with that convenient mart; and were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and [...]aise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering neighbours."

[Page 306] It had been fondly hoped by the ministerial party, that the advantages which other towns of the colony might derive from the annihilation of the trade of Bos­ton, would make them readily acquiesce in the measure of [...]utting up that port, and rather rejoice in it than otherwise; but the words of the address above mentioned seemed to preclude all hope of this kind; and subsequent transactions soon manifested it to be totally vain. No sooner did intelligence arrive of the remaining bills, passed in the session of 1774, than the cause of Boston became the cause of all the col­onies. The port bill had already occasioned violent commotions throughout them all. It had been repro­bated in provincial meetings, and resistance even to the last had been recommended against such oppression. In Virginia, the first of June, the day on which the port of Boston was to be shut up, was held a [...] a day of humiliation, and a public int [...]cession in favour of America was enjoined. The style of the prayer en­joined at this time was, that "God would give the people one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose every invasion of the American rights." The Virginians, however, did not content themselves with acts of re­ligion. They recommended in the strongest manner a general congress of all the colonies, as fully persuad­ed that an attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary manner was in reality an attack upon them all, and must ultimately end in the ruin of them all.

The provinces of New York and Pennsylvania, how­ever, were less sanguine than the rest, being so closely connected in the way of trade with Great Britain, that the giving it up entirely, appeared a matter of the most serious magnitude, and not to be thought of but after every other method had failed. The intelligence of the remaining bills respecting Boston, however, s [...]read a fresh alarm throughout the con [...]inent, and fix­ed [Page 307]those who had seemed to be the most wavering. The proposal of giving up all commerical intercourse with Britain was again proposed; contributions for the inhabitants of Boston were raised in every quarter; and they every day received addresses commending them for the heroic courage with which they sustained their calamity.

The Bostonians on their part were not wanting in their endeavours to promote the general cause. An agreement was framed, which, in imitation of former times, they called a Solemn League and Covenant. By this the subscribers most religiously bound them­selves to break off all communication with Britain af­ter the expiration of the month of August ensuing, until the obnoxious acts were repealed; at the same time they engaged neither to purchase nor use any goods imported after that time, and to renounce all connexion with those who did, or who refused to sub­scribe to this covenant; threatening to publish the names of the refractory; which at this time was a pun­ishment by no means to be despised. Agreements of a similar kind were almost instantaneously entered into throughout all America. General Gage indeed at­tempted to counteract the covenant by a proclamation, wherein it was declared an illegal and traiterous combi­nation, threatening with the pains of law such as sub­scribed or countenanced it. But matters were too far gone for his proclamations to have any effect. The Americans retorted the charge of illegality on his own proclamation, and insisted that the law allowed sub­jects to meet in order to consider of their grievances, and associate for relief from oppression.

Preparations were now made for holding the gener­al congress so often proposed. Philadelphia, as being the most central and considerable town, was pitched upon for the place of its meeting. The delegates, of [Page 308]whom it was to be composed, were chosen by the rep­resentatives of each province, and were in number from two to seven for each colony, though no province had more than one vote. The first congress which met at Philadelphia, Sept. 5. on the 5th of Sep­tember 1774, consisted of 51 delegates; near­ly one half of whom were lawyers. Gentlemen of that profession had acquired the confidence of the in­habitants by their exertions in the common cause. The previous measures in the respective provinces had been planned and carried into effect, more by lawyers than by any other order of men. The novelty and import­ance of the meeting excited an universal attention; and their transactions were such as could not tend but to render them respectable. They chose Peyton Ran­dolph their president, and Charles Thomson their secre­tary. It was agreed, as one of the rules of their doing business, that no entry should be made in their journals of any propositions discussed before them, to which they did not finally assent.

The first act of congress was an approbation of the conduct of Massachusetts Bay, and an exhortation to continue in the same spirit with which they had begun. Supplies for the suffering inhabitants (whom the oper­ation of the port bill had reduced to great distress) were strongly recommended; and it was declared, that in case of attempts to enforce the obnoxious acts by arms, all America should join to assist the town of Bos­ton; and, should the inhabitants be obliged, during the course of hostilities, to remove farther up the country, the losses they might sustain should be repaired at the public expense.

They next addressed general Gage by letter; in which, having stated the grievances of the people of Massachusetts colony, they informed him of the fixed and unalterable determination of all the other provin­ces [Page 309]to support their brethren and to oppose the British acts of parliament; that they themselves were appoint­ed to watch over the liberties of America; and intreat­ed him to desist from military operations, lest such hos­tilities might be brought on [...] would frustrate all hopes of reconciliation with the parent state.

The next step was to publish a declaration of their rights. These they summed up in the rights belong­ing to Englishmen; and particularly insisted, that as their distance rendered it impossible for them to be re­presented in the British parliament, their provincial as­semblies, with the governour appointed by the king, constituted the only legislative power within each prov­ince. They then marked the line between the suprem­acy [...] parliament, and the independency of the colo­nial legislatures, by provisoes and restrictions, expressed in the following words: "But from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament, as are bona fide re­strained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commerical advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commerical benefits of its respective members, exclud­ing every idea of taxation, internal and external, for raising a revenue on the subjects of America without their consent."

Doctor Ramsay remarks, that "this was the very hinge of the controversy. The absolute unlimited su­premacy of the British parliament, both in legislation and taxation, was contended for on one side; while on the other, no farther authority was conceded than such a limited legislation, with regard to external commerce, as would combine the interest of the whole empire. In government, as well as in religion, there are myste­ries, from the close investigation of which little advan­tage [Page 310]can be expected. From the unity of the empire it was necessary, that some acts should extend over the whole. From the local situation of the colonies it was equally reasonable that their legislatures should at least in some matters be independent. Where the suprem­acy of the first ended and the independency of the last began, was to the best informed a puzzling question. Happy would it have been for both countries, had the discussion of this doubtful point never been attempted."

They proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of the new acts of parliament; and insisted on all the rights they had enumerated as being unalienable, and what none could deprive them of. The Canada act they particularly pointed out as being extremely ini­mical to the colonies, by whose assistance it had been conquered; and they termed it "An act for establish­ing the Roman Catholic religion in Canada, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and establishing a tyranny there." They further declared in favour of a non importation and non consumption of British goods, until the acts were repealed by which duties were imposed upon tea, coffee, wine, sugar, and mo­lasses, imported into America, as well as the Boston port act, and the three others passed in the preceding session of parliament. The new regulations against the importation and consumption of British commodi­ties were then drawn up with great solemnity; and they concluded with returning the warmest thanks to those members of parliament who had, with so much zeal, though without any success, opposed the obnox­ious acts of parliament.

Their next proceedings were to frame a petition to the king, a memorial to the British nation, an address to the colonies, and another to the inhabitants of the province of Quebeck. They were all drawn up in a masterly manner, and ought to have impressed the peo­ple [Page 311]of Britain with a more favourable idea of the A­mericans than they could at that time be induced to entertain. The petition to the king was as follows:

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,

WE your majesty's faithful subjects of the colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New Castle, [...]ent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, in behalf of our­selves and the inhabitants of these colonies, who have [...]puted us to represent them in general congress, by [...]is our humble petition beg leave to lay our grievanc­es before the throne.

A standing army has been kept in these colonies ev­er since the conclusion of the late war, without the con­sent of our assemblies; and this army, with a consid­erable naval armament, has been employed to enforce the collection of taxes.

The authority of the commander in chief, and un­der him of the brigadiers generals, has in time of peace, been rendered supreme in all the civil governments of America.

The commander in chief of your majesty's forces in North America, has, in time of peace, been appointed governour of a colony.

The charges of usual offices have been greatly in­creased; and new, expensive and oppressive offices have been multiplied.

The judges of admiralty and vice admiralty courts are empowered to receive their salaries and fees, from the effects condemned by themselves.

The officers of the customs are empowered to break open and enter houses, without the authority of any civil magistrate, sounded on legal information.

[Page 312] The judges of courts of common law have been made entirely dependent on one part of the legislature for their salaries, as well as for the duration of their commissions.

Counsellors holding commissions during pleasure ex­ercise legislative authority.

Humble and reasonable petitions from the represen­tatives of the people have been fruitless.

The agents of the people have been discountenanced, and governours have been instructed to prevent the payment of their salaries.

Assemblies have been repeatedly and injuriously dis­solved.

Commerce has been burdened with many useless and oppressive restrictions.

By several acts of parliament made in the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth years of your majesty's reign, duties are imposed on us, for the purpose of raising a revenue; and the powers of admiralty and vice admi­ralty are extended beyond their ancient limits; where­by our property is taken from us without our consent, the trial by jury in many civil cases is abolished, enor­mous forfeitures are incurred for slight offences, vexa­tious informers are exempted from paying damages, to which they are justly liable, and oppressive security is required from owners before they are allowed to de­fend their rights.

Both houses of parliament have resolved that colo­nists may be tried in England for offences alleged to have been committed in America, by virtue of a statute passed in the thirty fifth year of Henry the eighth; and in consequence thereof attempts have been made to enforce that statute.

A statute was passed in the twelfth year of your ma­jesty's reign, directing that persons charged with com­mitting any offence therein described, in any place out [Page 313]of the realm, may be indicted and tried for the same, in any shire or county within the realm, whereby in­habitants of these colonies may, in sundry cases by that statute made capital, be deprived of a trial by their [...] of the vicinage.

In the last session of parliament an act was passed for blocking up the harbour of Boston; another, em­powering the governour of Massachusetts Bay to send persons indicted for murder in that province to another colony, or even to Great Britain for trial, whereby such offenders may escape legal punishment; a third, for al­ [...]ering the chartered constitution of government in that province; and a fourth, for extending the limits of Que­beck, abolishing the English, and restoring the French laws, whereby great numbers of British freemen are subjected to the latter; and establishing an absolute government, and the Roman Catholic religion, through­out those rast regions that border on the westerly and northerly boundaries of the free, protestant, English settlements; and a fifth, for the better providing suita­ble quarters for officers and soldiers in his majesty's service in North America.

To a sovereign who glories in the name of Briton, the bare recital of these acts must, we presume, justify the loyal subjects who fly to the foot of the throne, and implore his clemency for protection against them.

From this destructive system of colony administra­tion, adopted since the conclusion of the last war, have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears and jealousies, that overwhelm your majesty's dutiful colonists with affliction; and we defy our most subtle and inveterate enemies to trace the unhappy differences between Great Britain and these colonies, from an earlier peri­od, or from other causes than we have assigned.

Had they proceeded on our part from a restless lev­ity of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful [Page 314]suggestions of seditious persons, we should merit the opprobious terms frequently bestowed upon us by those we revere. But so far from promoting innovations, we have only opposed them; and can be charged with no offence, unless it be one to receive injuries and be sensible of them.

Had our Creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But thanks be to his adorable goodness, we are born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our rights under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the British throne, to rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation from the popery and despotism of a su­perstitious and inexorable tyrant.

Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices, that your title to the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty; and therefore we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the sensibility, that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the bles­sings they received from divine Providence, and there­by to prove the performance of that compact, which elevated the illustrious house of Brunswick to the im­perial dignity it now possesses.

The apprehension of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the preeminent rank of English free­men, while our minds retain the strongest love of lib­erty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish to con­ceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By giving this faithful information, we do all in our power to promote the great objects of your royal [...]ares, the tran­quillity of your government, and the welfare of your people.

[Page 315] Duty to your majesty, and regard for the preserva­tion of ourselves and our posterity, the primary obliga­tions of nature and society, command us to entreat your royal attention. And as your majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we [...]prehend the language of freemen cannot be dis­pleasing.

Your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous men, who, daringly in­ [...]posing themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and for several years past inces­ [...]atly employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by [...]using your majesty's authority, misrepresenting your American subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, [...]o severe to be any longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty's repose by our complaints.

These sentiments are extorted from hearts, that much more willingly would bleed in your majesty's service. Yet so greatly have we been misrepresented, that a necessity has been alleged of taking our property from us without our consent, "to defray the expenses of the administration, the support of civil government, and the defence, protection and security of the colo­nies."

But we beg leave to assure your majesty that such provision has been and will be made for defraying the two first articles, as has been and shall be judged by the legislatures of the several colonies, just and suitable to their respective circumstances. And for the defence, protection and security of the colonies, their militia, if properly regulated, as they earnestly desire may imme­diately be done, would be fully sufficient, at least in times of peace; and in case of war, your faithful col­onists will be ready and willing, as they have ever been [Page 316]when constitutionally required, to demonstrate their loyalty to your majesty, by exerting their most strenu­ous efforts in granting supplies and raising forces. Yielding to no British subjects in affectionate attach­ment to your majesty's person, family and government; we too dearly prize the privilege of expressing that attachment by those proofs, that are honourable to the prince who receives them, and to the people who give them, ever to resign it to any body of men upon earth.

Had we been permitted to enjoy, in quiet, the inher­itance left us by our forefathers, we should at this time, have been peaceably, cheerfully and usefully em­ployed in recommending ourselves, by every testimony of devotion, to your majesty, and of veneration to the state from which we derive our origin.

But though now exposed to unexpected and unnat­ural scenes of distress by a contention with that na­tion, in whose parental guidance on all important af­fairs, we have hitherto, with filial reverence, constantly trusted, and therefore can derive no instruction in our present unhappy and perplexing circumstances from a­ [...]y former experience; yet we doubt not, the purity of our intention, and the integrity of our conduct, will justify us at the grand tribunal, before which all man­kind must submit to judgment.

We ask but for peace, liberty and safety. We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any new right in our favour. Your roy­al authority over us, and our connexion with Great Britain, we shall always carefully and zealously endeav­our to support and maintain.

Filled with sentiments of duty to your majesty, and of affection to our parent state, deeply impressed by our education, and strongly confirmed by our reason, and anxious to evince the sincerity of these dispositions, we present this petition only to obtain redress of griev­ances, [Page 317]and relief from fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system of statutes and regulations adopted since the close of the late war, for raising a revenue in A­merica; extending the powers of courts of admiralty and vice admiralty; trying persons in Great Britain for offences alleged to be committed in America; af­fecting the province of Massachusetts Bay; and alter­ing the government, and extending the limits of Que­beck; by the abolition of which system, the harmony between Great Britain and these colonies, so necessary [...] the happiness of both, and so ardently desired by the latter, and the usual intercourse, will be immedi­ately restored.

In the magnanimity and justice of your majesty and parliament we confide for a redress of our other griev­ances, trusting, that when the causes of our apprehen­sions are removed, our future conduct will prove us not unworthy of the regard we have been accustomed, in our happier days, to enjoy.

For, appealing to that Being who searches thorough­ly the hearts of his creatures, we solemnly profess, that our councils have been influenced by no other motive than a dread of impending danger.

Permit us then, most gracious sovereign, in the name of all your faithful people in America, with the utmost humility, to implore you, for the honour of Almighty God, whose pure religion our enemies are undermin­ing; for your glory, which can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, and keeping them unit­ed; for the interests of your family, depending on an adherence to the principles that enthroned it; for the safety and welfare of your kingdoms and dominions, threatened with almost unavoidable dangers and dis­tresses—that your majesty, as the loving father of your whole people, connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith and blood, though dwelling in various [Page 318]countries, will not suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties to be farther violated in uncertain expectation of effects, that if attained, never can com­pensate for the calamities through which they must be gained.

We, therefore, most earnestly beseech your majesty, that your royal authority and interposition may be used for our relief; and that a gracious answer may be given to this petition.

That your majesty may enjoy every felicity through a long and glorious reign over loyal and happy subjects, and that your descendants may inherit your prosperity and dominions till time shall be no more, is, and al­ways will be, our sincere and fervent prayer.

All this time the disposition of the people had cor­responded with the warmest wishes of congress. The first of June had been kept as a fast, not only through­out Virginia, where it was first proposed, but through the whole continent. Contributions for the distresses of Boston had been raised throughout America, and people of all ranks seemed to be particularly touched with them. Even those who seemed to be most likely to derive advantages from them, took no opportunity, as has been already instanced in the case of Salem. The inhabitants of Marblehead also showed a noble example of magnanimity in the present case. Though situated in the neighbourhood of Boston, and most likely to derive benefit from their distresses, they did not attempt to take any advantage, but generously of­fered the use of their harbour to the Bostonians, as well as their wharfs and warehouses, free of all ex­pense. In the mean time the British forces at Boston were continually increasing in number, which greatly augmented the general jealousy and disaffection; the country were ready to rise at a moment's warning; and the experiment was made by giving a false alarm [Page 319]that the communication between the town and country was to be cut off, in order to reduce the former by famine to a compliance with the acts of parliament. On this intelligence, the country people assembled in great numbers, and could not be satisfied till they had sent messengers into the city to enquire into the truth of the report. These messengers were enjoined to inform the town's people, that if they should be so pusillan­imous as to make a surrender of their liberties, the prov­ince would not think itself bound by such examples; and that Britain, by breaking their original charter, had annulled the contract subsisting between them, and left them to act as they thought proper.

The people in every other respect manifested their inflexible determination to adhere to the plan they had so long followed. The new counsellors and judges were obliged to resign their offices, in order to preserve their lives and properties from the fury of the multi­tude. In some places they shut up the avenues to the court houses; and, when required to make way for the judges, replied, that they knew of none but such as were appointed by the ancient usage and custom of the province. Every where they manifested the most ar­dent desire of learning the art of war; and every indi­vidual who could bear arms, was most assiduous in pr [...] ­ [...]uring them, and learning their exercise.

Matters at last proceeded to such an height, that General Gage thought proper to fortify the neck of land which joins the town of Boston to the continent. This, though undoubtedly a prudent measure in his situation, was exclaimed against by the Americans in the most vehement manner; but the general, instead of giving ear to their remonstrances, deprived them of all power of acting against himself, by seizing the pro­vincial powder, ammunition, and military stores at Cambridge and Charlestown. This excited such in­dignation, [Page 320]that it was with the utmost difficulty the people could be restrained from marching to Boston, and attacking the troops. Even in the town itself, the company of cadets that used to attend him disbanded themselves, and returned the standard he had as usual presented them with on his accession to the govern­ment. This was occasioned by his having deprived the celebrated patriot John Hancock, afterwards president of the congress, of his commission as colonel of the cadets. A similar instance happened of a provincial colonel having accepted a seat in the new council; up­on which 24 officers of his regiment resigned their com­missions in one day.

In the mean time, the proceedings of the governour occasioned the holding an assembly of delegates from the several towns and dis­tricts in the county of Suffolk, Sept. 9. of which Boston is the county town. The purport of this was publickly to renounce all obedience to the late acts of parliament, and to form an engagement to indemnify such as should be prosecuted on that account; the members of the new council were declared violaters of the rights of their country; all ranks and degrees were exhorted to learn the use of arms; and the receivers of the public revenue were ordered not to deliver it into the treasury, but to retain it in their own hands till the constitution should be restored, or a provincial congress dispose of it otherwise.

A remonstrance against the fortifications on Boston Neck, Sept. 12. was next prepared, and pre­sented to the governour; in which, however, they still declared their unwillingness to proceed to any hostile measures; asserting only as usual, their firm de­termination not to submit to the acts of parliament, they had already so much complained of. The governour, to restore tranquillity, if possible, called a general [Page 321]assembly; but so many of the council had resigned their seats, that he was induced to countermand its sitting by proclamation. This measure, however, was deem­ed illegal; the assembly met at Salem; and, after wait­ing a day for the governour, voted themselves into a provincial congress, of which Mr. Hancock was chosen president. A committee was instantly appointed, who waited on the governour with a remonstrance concerning the fortifications on Boston Neck; but nothing of con­sequence took place, both parties mutually criminating each other. The winter was now coming on, and the governour, to avoid quartering the soldiers upon the in­habitants, proposed to erect barracks for them; but the selectmen of Boston compelled the workmen to desist. Carpenters were sent for to New York, but they were refused; and it was with the utmost difficulty that he could procure winter lodgings for his troops. Nor was the difficulty less in procuring clothes; as the mer­chants of New York told him, that "they would never supply any article for the benefit of men sent as ene­mies to their country."

This disposition, known to be almost universal throughout the continent, was in the highest degree satisfactory to congress; they unanimously approved of the Suffolk resolutions, Sept. 17. and vot­ed that contributions should be raised for the relief of their brethren at Boston, as their occasions might require; and having accomplished the momen­tous business for which they met, they broke up the 26th of October; after appointing another meeting of congress, the 10th of May ensuing, unless grievances should be redressed before that time.

Every one saw that the ensuing spring was to be the season of commencing hostilities, and the most inde­fatigable diligence was used by the colonies to be well provided against such a formidable enemy. A list of [Page 322]all the fencible men in each colony was made out, and especially of those who had served in the former war; of whom they had the satisfaction to find that two thirds were still alive and fit to bear arms. Magazines of arms were collected, and money was provided for the payment of troops. The governour in vain at­tempted to put a stop to these proceedings by pro­clamations; the fatal period was now arrived; and the more the servants of government attempted to re­press the spirit of the Americans, the more violent it ap­peared.

In the mean time the inhabitants of Boston were re­duced to great distress. The British troops, now dis­tinguished by the name of the enemy, were absolutely in possession of it; the inhabitants were kept as prisoners, and might be made accountable for the conduct of the whole colonies, and various measures were contrived to relieve the latter from such a disagreeable situation. Sometimes it was thought expedient to remove the in­habitants altogether; but this was impracticable with­out the governour's consent. It was then proposed to set fire to the town at once, after valuing the houses and indemnifying the proprietors; but this being found equally impracticable, it was resolved to wait some other opportunity, as the garrison were not very num­erous, and not being supplied with necessaries by the inhabitants, might soon be obliged to leave the place. The friends of British government indeed attempted to do something in opposition to the general voice of the people; but, after a few ineffectual meetings and resolutions, they were utterly silenced, and obliged to yield to the superior number of their adversaries.

Notwithstanding the gloomy situation of affairs, the Americans had great expectations, as well from the petition to the king, as the address to the inhabitants of Great Britain. The indifference, however, with [Page 323]which this address was generally received, quickly con­vinced them, that nothing was to be hoped for from that quarter. This apparent indifference, so contrary to the expectation of the colonies, had arisen from va­rious causes. A great part of the people had always considered America as a country the property of Bri­tain, to whose laws and protection she had a claim; and that the mother country, on the other hand, had an equal title to demand from her colonies a reasona­ble quota towards defraying the expense of the empire in general. Their prejudices in favour of the omnip­otence of parliament, and their desire that America should bear a proportional share of the public expenses, hindered them from viewing any other security in the colonial charters, to the inhabitants of America, than a bar against taxation, by the king alone. The greater part of the people had no just conception of the grounds of the quarrel, nor acquaintance of the real situation of things in America. They were likewise farther bewildered in their opinions by the conduct of opposition. They observed that many of the members of both houses of parliament who stood forward in favour of America, were the men, who, when in office, had been most active in support of those obnoxious acts of parliament which gave birth to the disturb­ances in the colonies. The American contests were no longer new. They had engaged the attention of parliament, with very little intermission, for a period of ten years. Most of the subjects in dispute were ex­hausted by endless altercations; and the passions ex­cited by them, however violent at first, had now sub­sided, and been succeeded by that listlessness and lan­guor consequent on violent agitations of the mind. The former non importation agreement had been dis­solved, without producing any serious consequences, owing most probably to the divisions occasioned by the [Page 324]repeal of the several new taxes in 1767. Most people, therefore flattered themselves, that as things had so fre­quently appeared at the verge of a rupture, without actually arriving at it, some means would still be found for accommodating this dispute; or, at worst, it was supposed the Americans themselves would grow tired. An opinion was also circulated, with great in­dustry, that a show of resolution on the part of the British ministry, if persevered in for some time, would certainly put an end to the contest, which, it was said, had been wholly nourished by former concessions. The generality of the people, therefore, were inclined to leave the trial of the effects of perseverance and resolu­tion to the ministry, who valued themselves on these qualities. Thus administration, being little opposed at home, was left at leizure to prosecute such measures against America, as had either been already adopted, or were as yet in embryo.

The parliament at that time, had but one session more to run before it would expire of course. A pro­clamation for its dissolution, was, however, issued on the 30th of September, and the writs made returnable for a new one, on the 29th of November following. The proceedings of congress had not yet reached Eng­land; but it was thought the ministry dreaded a non-importation agreement; and wished to have the elec­tions over, apprehending that the news of this event might influence the trading and manufacturing towns to vote against the court party. In the city, the popu­lar party, carried every thing before them. Mr. Wilkes, was again elected for Middlesex, as well as lord mayor of London; and the ministry had now too much to risk, to give him any disturbance. The speech from the throne, Nov. 30. at the meeting of parliament, set forth the conduct of the Americans, particularly the inhabitants of Massachu­setts [Page 325]Bay, in the most atrocious light; and a firm reso­lution was announced of withstanding to the utmost every attempt to oppose the supreme legislative author­ity of Great Britain over all the dominions of the crown, the maintenance of which was held to be essen­tial to the welfare, safety, and dignity of the empire in general.

An address, in answer to the speech, was proposed in the usual form, by the minister; but the opposite party insisted, that a request should be made to his majesty, for a production of the whole intelligence he had received from America, as well as the letters, or­ders, and instructions relative to that business. This amendment was opposed by the ministry, on the ground that addresses were merely complimentary; that there was not then time for entering into a full discussion of American affairs; but that they would come before the house in their due order. After a warm debate, the original address was carried by a prodigious majority, no less than 264 to 73.

The debate in the house of lords was warm and ve­hement, though the minority was but 13 to 63 on the division. The dispute was, however, remarkable for a protest, being the first mentioned in the English histo­ry upon an address. It concluded thus: "But what­ever may be the mischievous designs, or the inconsider­ate temerity, which leads others to this desperate course, we wish to be known as persons who have ever disap­proved of measures so pernicious in their past effects and their future tendency, and who are not in haste, without inquiry or information, to commit ourselves in declarations which may precipitate our country into all the calamities of a civil war."

However it was, whether it proceeded from irresolu­tion, a want of system, doubts of parliamentary sup­port, or a difference of opinion in the cabinet, there [Page 326]was a strange suspension of American business previous to the Christmas recess, and the minister seemed evi­dently to shrink from all contest upon that subject. The national estimates were entirely formed upon a peace establishment. The land tax was continued at three shillings in the pound; no vote of credit was re­quired; the army remained upon its former footing, and a reduction of 4000 seamen took place, only 16,000 being demanded for the ensuing year.

The strange inconsistency of administration, with respect to American affairs, was severely scrutinized by the opposition. It was asserted, that the whole was a cheat, in order to delude the people into a war, render­ed doubly ruinous and disgraceful by a defective pre­paration; that the ministers obstinately resolved not to make peace by any reasonable political concession, nor war by any vigorous military arrangement; but, by fluctuating between both, deprived the nation of a possi­bility of deriving benefit from either. Far from serv­ing the public, this delay of incurring timely charge would certainly aggravate the future expense, as they would assuredly feel in due time. That they were far from desiring war; as little did they relish large peace establishments: but if, against their will, war must be carried on, common sense distated, that it ought to be carried on with effect; and that, if a peace establish­ment, and even lower than a peace establishment, was sufficient to support a war, this afforded a demonstra­tive proof, that the peace establishment had been shame­fully prodigal.

In answer to this, the minister of the naval depart­ment publicly asserted in the house of lords, that he knew the low establishment proposed would be fully sufficient for reducing the colonies to obedience. He spoke with the greatest contempt both of the power and the courage of the Americans. He held, that they [Page 327]were not disciplined nor capable of discipline, and that, formed of such materials, and so indisposed to action, the numbers, of which such boasts had been made, would only add to the facility of their defeat.

On this occasion, however, the most wary silence was observed by the ministers with regard to their de­signs against the Americans; being, in all probability, affraid that they would meet with a violent opposition from the mercantile interest; and in this they were not deceived. A general alarm had been spread during the recess; the merchants of several towns had met and prepared petitions to parliament; and lord Chat­ham, though now broken with age and infirmities, once more appeared in the house of lords, to testify his disapprobation of ministerial measures. 1775, Jan. 20. He made a motion for recalling the troops from Boston, and represented the measure not as matter of choice, but of necessity. An hour lost in allaying the present ferment might pro­duce years of calamity, as the situation of the inhab­itants and troops, with regard to one another, render­ed them continually liable to events which might cut off all possibility of a reconciliation: whereas, such a conciliatory measure on the part of Britain would re­move all jealousy and apprehension on the part of the colonies, and instantaneously produce the happiest ef­fects to both countries. He severely reproved admin­istration for refusing to take the American affairs in­stantly into consideration; for deluding and deceiving the people by misrepresentations of facts; persuading them that Boston stood unconnected with the other colonies in the dispute with Great Britain, and that quiet would be restored to that city by the appearance of a single regiment, as had been unwarily asserted. After condemning, in the most explicit manner, the whole series of ministerial conduct with regard to A­merica, [Page 328]he is said to have concluded his speech with the following words: "If the ministers thus persevere in misadvising and misleading the king, I will not say that they can alienate the affections of his subjects from his crown; but I will affirm, that they will make the crown not worth his wearing!—I will not say that the king is betrayed, but I will pronounce that the kingdom is undone." Lord Chatham's motion was lost by a majority of 68 to 18; and, on this occasion, the duke of Cumberland, the king's brother, divided with the minority. Such a decisive victory, however, as it discovered to the minister the true disposition of the new parliament, so it was thought to have given him confidence to go farther in his plan of coercion than he would otherwise have ventured to have done.

The American papers, at least such as the minister chose at this time to produce, were now laid before the house. A separate committee was proposed for considering the petitions of the merchants, and this committee was to begin its sittings on the 27th of January, the day after that appointed for taking the American affairs into consideration. On this occasion the most violent debates ensued, in which the utmost asperity of language was made use of, especially on the part of opposition. They said it was a pitiful shift to defeat the petitions which they durst not openly reject. The question, however, was carried by a majority of 197 to 81.

Thus were consigned to the Committee of Oblivion, as it was named by the members in opposition, the pe­titions from London, Bristol, Glasgow, Norwich, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Woolverhampton, Dudley, &c.

A petition was next presented by Mr. Bollan, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Lee, three American agents, setting forth, that they were authorized by the American con­tinental [Page 329]congress to present a petition from the congress to the king, which petition his majesty had referred to that house. They were enabled, they said, to throw great light upon the subject; and prayed to be heard at the bar in support of it. Their application had the same fate with the rest, being treated with the utmost indifference and contempt. The motion for receiving the petition was rejected by a majority of 218 to 68.

Lord Chatham persevered in the prosecution of his conciliatory scheme with America, and accordingly brought into the house of lords a bill entitled, "A provisional act for settling the troubles in America, and for asserting the supreme legislative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over the colo­nies." By this bill, the holding of a congress in the ensuing month of May was allowed, for the double purpose of duly recognizing the supreme legislative au­thority and superintending power of parliament over the colonies, and for making a free grant to the king, his heirs and successors, of a certain and perpetual revenue, subject to the disposition of parliament, and applicable to the alleviation of the national debt; taking it for granted, that this free aid would bear an honour­able proportion to the great and flourishing state of the colonies, the necessities of the mother country, and their obligations to her. On these conditions it re­strained the powers of the admiralty courts to their ancient limits: and, without repealing, suspended for a limited time those acts, or parts of acts, which had been complained of in the petition from the continen­tal congress. It placed the judges upon the same foot­ing, as to the holding of their salaries and offices, with those of England; and secured to the colonies all the privileges, franchises, and immunities granted by their several charters and constitutions. This proposal was treated with the utmost indignity and contempt; not [Page 330]being allowed even to lie upon the table. On this oc­casion, as on a former, the duke of Cumberland divided with the minority.

The measures now proposed by lord North were entirely of a coercive kind. Feb. 2. A greater force was to be sent to America, and a tempo­rary act passed to put a stop to all the foreign trade of the New England colonies, particularly the fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, until they returned to their duty. An address to his majesty was at the same time moved for, to "beseech him to take the most ef­fectual measures, to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature."

Unfortunately for the peace of both countries, the parliament of Great Britain believed that the claims of the colonists amounted to absolute independence, un­der the specious shew of a redress of grievances. On the other hand, the colonists were confident that Britain harboured designs not only hostile to their interests, but that it was resolved to introduce arbitrary government. Probably neither of these opinions were true in their ut­most extent; but matters had now proceeded so far, that every idea of reconciliation or friendship with Bri­tain was lost. The ministry, unhappily, listened for information only to those whose interest it was to de­ceive them; such as governours, judges, revenue offi­cers, and other servants of government; these men fancied that palatable information would prove the way to farther promotion; and those whose integrity re­strained them from stooping to such meanness, were so warped by prejudice, that their information had an ef­fect equally hurtful as that of the former.

In the debates on the measures proposed by the min­ister, all the arguments which had been used on form­er occasions by the members in opposition were now collected and urged with the utmost vehemence. The [Page 331]dangers that would attend a war with America, were pointed out; and the interference of foreign nations was foretold. The ministry did not deny the danger, but said, "it must be encountered; that every day's delay increased the evil, and that it would be base and cow­ardly to put off for the present, an unavoidable contest, which must fall with accumulated weight on the heads of their posterity. The danger of the foreign interfer­ence was denied; the very idea of it was treated as the creature of imagination, and it was said, that an ap­pearance of vigorous measures, with a farther rein­forcement of troops, would be sufficient to quell the dis­turbances: and it was added, that the friends of gov­ernment, were strong and numerous, and only waited for proper supplies, and favourable circumstances, to declare themselves.

The minister carried all his plans by great majorities, but not without long and warm debates, and several protests in the house of lords. At length, on the 9th of February, 1775, a joint address, from both houses, was presented to his majesty in which, "they returned thanks for the communication of the papers relative to the state of the British colonies in America, and gave it as their opinion, that a rebellion actually existed in the province of Massachusetts, and besought his majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to en­force due obedience to the laws and authority of the su­preme legislature, and begged in the most solemn man­ner to assure his majesty, that it was their fixed resolu­tion, at the hazard of their lives and properties, to stand by his majesty against all rebellious attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights of his majesty and the two houses of parliament."

The lords, Richmond, Craven, Archer, Abergaveny, Rockingham, Wycombe, Courtenay, Torrington, Pon­sonby, Cholmondeley, Abingdon, Rutland, Camden, [Page 332] [...], Stanhop [...], Scarborough, Fitzwilliam and [...]ankerville, protested against this address, "as found­ed [...]n no proper parliamentary information, being in­troduced by refusing to suffer the presentation of peti­titions against it, (though it be the undoubted right of the subjects to present the same) as following the re­jection of every mode of reconciliation—as holding out no substantial offer of redress of grievances, and as promising support to those ministers who had inflamed America, and grossly misconducted the affairs of Great Britain."

Thus the ministry, having proved ultimately victori­ous, no farther obstacle remained to the entering upon decisive measures with regard to America. In answer to the address, a message was sent from the throne, de­manding an augmentation of the forces by sea and land. This being referred to the usual committee of supply, a project was next formed of laying farther restrictions on the province of Massachusetts Bay, it being deemed absurd to send a military force, without making pro­per coercive laws, of which the military were to en­force the execution. For this purpose the minister de­clared he would make choice of a punishment so uni­versal, that all ranks and degrees of men could not but be affected by it, which, of course, he supposed, would pro­duce obedience to the former laws. A bill was therefore brought into the house of com­mons, Feb. 10. to restrain the trade and commerce of the provinces of Massachusetts Bay and New Hamp­shire, the colonies of Connecticut, and Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in North America, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Islands in the West Indies; and to prohibit such colonies and provinces from carrying on any fishery on the banks of New­foundland, or other places therein to be mentioned, under certain conditions, and for a limited time. That the [Page 333]extreme severity of this act, however, might be allevi­ated by such provisions as would not destroy its main object, the minister said he would only propose it as temporary, to continue either to the end of the year, or the next session of parliament; and he would also propose, that particular persons might be excepted, up­on their obtaining certificates from the governour of the province in which they resided, of their good be­haviour; or upon their subscribing a test, acknowledg­ing the rights of parliament. Every argument which wit or ingenuity could suggest was urged against this bill, by the minority. Petitions were presented and heard from the London merchants and the society of Friends, representing the cruelty and impolicy of the act, the nature and extent of the fishery, and the trade of New England, at different periods. [See New Eng­land, p. 165, &c.] The marquis of Rockingham, in his speech against the bill, entered into a very minute de­tail of the American trade, and took a comparative view of that of New England at different periods. In the year 1704, he shewed that the whole amount of the exports to New England was only about 70,000l. annually; that in 1754, it had increased to 180,000l. and in the succeeding ten years to 400,000l. and that in the last ten years it had been nearly doubled. He concluded his speech, by fortelling, "that an useful and constitutional agreement in sentiments, and coali­tion of interests, could never take place between them and the mother country, unless the former measures, preceding the laying on of any duties on the Americans, were recurred to and adopted."

The New England restraining act, having passed and received the royal assent, was accompanied with a de­mand of two thousand additional seamen, and four thousand three hundred and eighty three land forces; and the last demand was followed by an explanation [Page 334]from the minister, that the force at Boston would be augmented to ten thousand men. These proposals drew forth the fiercest wrath of opposition; the incon­sistency, folly, and cruelty of ministers resounded through the house. But whilst both parties were ex­hausting themselves in fruitless debates, lord North surprized the whole nation by his conciliatory motion, afterwards styled his Olive Branch. By this it was proposed, that when the governour, council, and assem­bly of any province, or the general court, should pro­pose to make provision according to their respective conditions, circumstances, and situations, for contrib­uting their proportion to the common defence, such proportion to be raised under the authority of the gen­eral court, or general assembly of such province or col­ony, and disposable by parliament; and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil govern­ment, and the administration of justice in such province or colony, it would be proper, if such proposal should be approved of by his majesty in parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to for­bear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy a­ny Suties, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce; the net produce of the duties last men­tioned to be carried to the account of such province, colony, or plantation respectively.

Such a proposition from the minister involved him in the most violent contests, even with those of his own party. However, he soon convinced the mal [...]con­tents, that the appearances of lenity and concession con­tained in his conciliatory motion, were by no means in­consistent with the most rigid measures; nay, so well did he succeed in the explanation of his own proposal, that he acknowledged he had no expectation of its be­ing well received by the generality of the Americans; [Page 335]but that, if it did no good there, it would do good in Britain: It would unite the people, by holding out to them a distinct object of revenue; and as it united Britain, it would disunite America: That whatever province came first to make a dutiful offer, would be kindly and gently treated; and if only one province accepted the offer, the whole confederacy would be broken.

By the members in opposition, this bill was reprobat­ed in the most violent manner. It was remarked that hitherto it had been constantly denied that they had a­ny contest about an American revenue; that the whole had been a dispute about obedience to trade laws, and the general legistative authority of parliament; but now ministers suddenly changed their language, and proposed to interest the nation, console the manufac­turers, and animate the soldiery, by persuading them that it is not a contest for empty honour, but for the acquisition of a substantial revenue. It was said that the Americans would be as effectually taxed, without their consent, by being compelled to pay a gross sum, as by an aggregate of small duties to the same amount. That this scheme of taxation exceeded in oppression any that the rapacity of mankind had hitherto devised. In other cases, a s [...]ecifie sum was demanded, and the people might reasonably presume that the remainder was their own; but here, they were wholly in the dark as to the extent of the demand. All their eloquence, however, was by no means sufficient to carry the point even here, when the minister had been deserted by some of his staunchest friends. The bill was passed by a majority of 274 to 88.

This bill was followed by another, seemingly of a contrary tendency, being a supplement to the New England Fishery Bill, and included the colonies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South [Page 335]Carolina. No debate of any consequence ensued on this subject; but the discussion of another petition from the West India planters, proved the means of ren­dering the importance of these islands, and their de­pendence on North America, more generally under­stood than before this time. From documents now produced, it appeared, that the capital in these islands, consisting of cultivated lands, buildings, negroes, and stock of all kinds, did not amount to less than sixty millions sterling. Their exports of late years to Great Britain Lad run to about 190,000 hogsheads and pun­cheons of sugar and rum annually; amounting in weight to 95,000 tons, and in value about four millions; besides a great number of smaller articles, as well as their immense export to North America. So rapid was the improvement of these islands, that within a few years, their export of sugar to Britain had been increased by 40,000 hogsheads annually, amounting to near 800,000l. in value; and it seemed probable, that no less than thirty millions of West India property be­longed to people in Britain; and that the revenue gain­ed above 700,000l. annually upon the West India trade, exclusive of its eventual and circuitous products, and of the African trade. It was also fully shown, that this immense capital and trade, as well as the African, neither of which could subsist without the other, were, both from nature and circumstance, totally dependent on North America.

This petition, as well as another from Waterford in Ireland, produced no good consequences. The minis­terial plan was unalterably determined. Conciliatory motions were proposed by Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley; but, whatever ingenuity might be displayed in the de­vising and framing these motions, very little regard was paid to them by administration. The only thing re­markable was the immense value of North America [Page 337]to Britain, as appeared from Mr. Barke's comparative view of the trade of Britain at different periods. From thence it was shown, that in 1704, the exports to North Ameri­ca, the West Indies, and Africa, amounted only to 569,930l. That in the year 1772, at an average of several years before and after the exports to the same places, including those from Scotland, (which, in the year 1704, had no existence) amounted to no less than 6,024,171l. being in the proportion of nearly eleven to one. He also shewed, that the whole ex­port trade of England, including that of the colonies, amounted, at the first period of 1704, only to 6,509,000l. Thus, the trade to the colonies alone was, at the latter period, within less than half a mil­lion of being equal to what Britain carried on at the beginning of the present century with the whole world. And, stating the whole export trade of Britain at present at sixteen millions, that to the colo­nies, which in the first period constituted but one twelfth of the whole, was now very considerably more than one third.

However astonishing this general increase of the whole colonies may appear, the growth of the prov­ince of Pennsylvania was still more extraordinary. In the year 1704, the whole exports to that colony amounted only to 11,459l. and in 1772 they were risen to 507,509l. being nearly fifty times the original demand, and almost equal to the whole colony export at the first period.

Towards the close of the session a memorial was presented to the house of commons, and another to the house of peers, from the assembly of New York, and both were rejected, upon the principle that they claimed to themselves rights derogatory to, and incon­sistent with, the legislative authority of parliament. Memorials from the British inhabitants of Quebeck [...] [Page 338]presented by lord Camden, and another from the in­habitants of Quebeck at large, were likewise rejected. The only remarkable circumstances attending these, were the two royal brothers voting in the minority, and the animated speech of lord Effingham, in the up­per house, in favour of the claims of America, when he declared his resignation of the military command he held.

The session concluded with the passing the money bills in the usual form. The speaker, in his address to the king, stated the heaviness of the grants, which, however, had been readily complied with, on account of the particular exigence of the times; at the same time assuring his majesty, that should the Americans persist in their resolutions, and thus render it necessary to draw the sword, the commons would do every thing in their power to support the dignity of the British legislature.

Doctor Franklin laboured hard to prevent the breach from becoming irreparable, and in union with Dr. Fothergill and Mr. David Barclay, two English gentle­men, highly esteemed by the British ministry, candidly stated the outlines of a compact which he supposed would procure a durable union of the two countries; but his well meant endeavours proved abortive, and in the mean time he was abused as the fomenter of those disturbances which he was anxiously endeavouring to prevent. That the ministry might have some opening to proceed upon, and some salvo for their personal hon­our, he was disposed to engage, that pecuniary com­pensation should be made for the tea destroyed; but he would not give up essential liberty, for the purpose of procuring temporary safety. Dr. Franklin finding the ministry bent on war, unless the colonists would consent to hold their rights, liberties and charters as the discretion of a British parliament, and well know­ing [Page 339]that his countrymen would hazard every thing, rath­er than consent to terms so degrading, as well as so incon­sistent with the spirit of the British constitution, he quit­ted Great Britain in March 1775, and returned to Phi­ladelphia; where he joined his countrymen, and exert­ed his great abilities in conducting them through a war which was now unavoidable.

CHAP. XIX.

WHILST the rulers of Britain were thus plum­ing themselves on their own wisdom and [...]udence in conducting the affairs of the empire, the [Page 14]Americans were preparing for a determined resistance. The southern colonies began to take up arms as well as the northern; and, as soon as news came of a procla­mation having been issued in Britain to prevent the exportation of arms and ammunition to the colonies, every method was taken to supply that defect. Th [...] people of Rhode-Island however, bolder than the rest, or not having equal resources, seized upon the ordnance belonging to the crown, amounting to about forty pie­ces of cannon of different sizes; whilst the assembly passed resolutions for the procuring of arms and mili­tary stores by every means, and from every quarter in which they could be obtained, as well as for train­ing and disciplining the inhabitants. Their example was followed by the people of New Hampshire, who, with the same view, surprized a small fort, called Wil­liam and Mary, from whence they were supplied with as much powder and ammunition as enabled them to put themselves in a posture of defence.

The determination of the colonies was confirmed by the news of the king's speech, and the address in answer to it. Dec. 14. The assembly of Pennsylva­nia unanimously approved and ratified th [...] acts of Congress; and the assembly of Maryland ap­pointed a sum of money for the purchase of arms and ammunition. A provincial congress, held a [...] Philadelphia in the end of January, 1775. recom­mended the encouragement of the most neces­sary manufactures; particularly salt, saltpetre, gu [...] powder, and steel; and at the same time declarin [...] their resolution to resist, in case the petition of Congre [...] to the king should prove ineffectual. Powder mill were erected in Pensylvania and Virginia, and encour­agement was given for the fabrication of arms through out the whole continent. The only exception to th [...] general voice, was the assembly of New-York, in whi [...] [Page 15]January 10, 1775, it was carried by a very small majo­rity not to accede to the resolutions of Congress; and at this meeting they drew up, with the consent of their lieutenant governour, the paper which, as we have already seen, the parliament refused to hear read.

The recess of the provincial congress of Massachusetts Bay, in the beginning of November 1774, had afforded an opportunity to the friends of government, or loyal­ [...]ists, as they now began to be called, to try their strength [...]in various places. Associations for mutual defence were accordingly formed, and resolutions taken to op­pose the provincial congress; but the associators were every where overwhelmed with prodigious majorities, and their attempts had no other effect than to mislead the governor, and through him the people of Great Britain, with regard to the general disposition of the people.

Doctor Gordon observes, that assemblies, conventions, congresses, towns, cities, private clubs and circles, were seemingly animated by one great, wise, active and noble spirit; one masterly soul, enlivening one vigorous [...]ody. All their acts tended to the same point, the supporting of the measures of the continental congress. But there were great numbers in every colony, who disapproved of these measures; a few, comparatively, from principle and a persuasion that the same were wrong, and that they ought to submit to the mother country; some through attachment to the late govern­mental authority exercised among them; many from [...]elf interest; but the bulk, for fear of the mischievous [...]onsequences likely to follow. The professing friends of [...]berty, acted in a spirited manner, whilst the others [...]y still. Such as discovered a disposition to oppose [...]opular measures were not supported; they therefore [...]eclined making further efforts, and absented them­selves from town and other meetings. The popular [Page 16]cry being against them, they sought personal peace and safety in remaining quiet. But could the truth have been ascertained, it would probably have been found that in most of the town and other meetings, even i [...] New-England, far more than half the parties having a right to attend, from various causes were absent; and that there were a great many among the absentees, who were such, because they knew that matters would be carried at such meetings contrary to their own senti­ments.

The truth of these latter remarks of our author, i [...] their full extent, appear rather problematical; bu [...] those readers who were in the scene of action are the best judges.

As the disturbances had originated in the province [...] of Massachusetts-Bay, and there continued all alon [...] with the greatest violence, so this was the provin [...] where the first hostilities were formally commenced. In the beginning of February the provincial congre [...] met at Cambridge, and elected John Hancock, esq th [...] president: and as no friends to Britain could now [...] admittance to that assembly, the only consideration [...] how to make proper preparations for war. Expertn [...] in military discipline was recommended in the strong [...] manner, and several military institutions enacted among which that of the Minute-men was one of th [...] most remarkable. These were chosen from the m [...] active and expert among the militia; and their busine [...] was to keep themselves in constant readiness at the [...] of their officers; from which perpetual vigilance th [...] derived their title.—It was now easily seen that a slig [...] occasion would bring on hostilities, which could [...] but be attended with the most violent and [...] ­tain destruction to the vanquished party; for bo [...] were so much exasperated by a long course [...] reproaches and literary warfare, that they seemed [Page 17]be filled with the utmost inveteracy against each other.

On the 26th of February general Gage, having been informed that a number of field pieces had been brought to Salem, dispatched a party to seize them. Their road was obstructed by a river, over which was a draw­bridge. This the people had pulled up, and refused to let down: upon which the soldiers seized a boat to ferry them over; but the people cut out her bottom. Hos­tilities would immediately have commenced, had it not been for the interposition of a clergyman, ^* who rep­resented to the military, on the one hand, the folly of opposing such numbers; and to the people, on the oth­er, that as the day was far spent, the military could not execute their design, so that they might without any fear leave them the quiet possession of the draw-bridge. This was complied with; and the soldiers, after having remained for some time at the bridge, returned without executing their orders.

The next attempt, however, was attended with more serious consequences. Generel Gage having been in­formed that a large quantity of ammunition and mili­tary stores had been collected at Concord, about 20 miles from Boston, for the support a provincial army, wished to prevent hostilities by depriving the inhabit­ants of the means necessary for carrying them on. It was likewise reported that he had a design to seize mes­sieurs Hancock and Adams, the leading men of the congress. Wishing to accomplish his design without bloodshed, he took every precaution to ef­fect it by surprize, April 18. and without alarming the country. At eleven o'clock at night, 800 grenadiers and light infantry, the flower of the royal army, embarked at the common, landed at Phipp's farm, and marched for Concord, under the command of lieu­tenant [Page 18]colonel Smith. Neither the secrecy with which this expedition was planned; the privacy with which the troops marched out, nor an order that no inhabit­ants should leave Boston, were sufficient to prevent intelligence from being sent to the country militia, of what was going on.

About two in the morning, 130 of the Lexington militia had assembled to oppose them, but the air being chilly, and intelligence respecting the regulars uncer­tain, they were dismissed, with orders to appear again at beat of drum. They collected a second time to the number of 70, between 4 and 5 o'clock in the morn­ing, and the British regulars soon after made their ap­pearance. Major Pitcairn, who led the advanced corps, rode up to them and called out, "Disperse you rebels, throw down your arms and disperse." They still con­ [...]ed in a body, on which he advanced nearer—dis­charged his pistol—and ordered his soldiers to fire. This was done with a huzza. A dispersion of the mil­itia was the consequence, but the firing of the regulars was nevertheless continued. Individuals, finding they were fired upon, though dispersing, returned the fire. Three or four of the militia were killed on the green. A few more were shot after they had began to disperse. The royal detachment proceeded on to Concord, and executed their commission. They disabled two 24 pounders—threw 500lb. of ball into rivers and wells, and broke in pieces about 60 barrels of flour.

Mr. John Butterick of Concord, major of a minute-regiment, not knowing what had passed at Lexington, ordered his men not to give the first fire, that they might not be the aggressors. Upon his approaching near the regulars, they fired, and killed captain Isaac Davis, and one private of the provincial minute-men. The fire was returned, and a skirmish ensued. The king's troops, having done their business, began their [Page 19]retreat towards Boston. This was conducted with ex­pedition, for the adjacent inhabitants had assembled in arms, and began to attack them in every direction. In their return to Lexington, they were exceedingly annoy­ed, both by those who pressed on their rear, and others who, pouring in from all sides, fired from behind stone walls, and such like coverts, which supplied the place of lines and redoubts.

At Lexington the regulars were joined by a detach­ment of 900 men, under lord Piercy, which had been sent out by general Gage to support lieutenant colonel Smith. This reinforcement having two pieces of can­non, awed the provincials, and kept them at a greater distance, but they continued a constant, though irreg­ular and scattering fire, which did great execution. The close firing from behind the walls by good marks­men, put the regular troops in no small confusion, but they nevertheless kept up a brisk retreating fire on the militia and minute-men.

A little after sunset, the regulars reached Bunker's Hill, worn down with excessive fatigue, having marched that day between thirty and forty miles. On the next day they crossed Charlestown ferry, and returned to Boston.

There never were more than 400 provincials engag­ed at one time, and often not so many. As some tired and gave out, others came up and took their places. There was scarcely any discipline observed among them. Officers and privates sired when they were ready, and saw a royal uniform, without waiting for the word of command. Their knowledge of the country enabled them to gain opportunities by crossing fields and fenc­es, and to act as flanking parties against the king's troops, who kept to the main road.

The regulars had 65 killed, 180 wounded, and 28 made prisoners. Of the provincials 50 were killed, and 88 wounded and missing.

[Page 20] This was the fatal day remarkable for the dismem­berment of the British empire, and the final separation of the American colonies. The provincial congress of Massachusetts, which was in session at the time of the battle, dispatched an account of it to Great Britain, accompanied with many depositions, to prove that the British troops were the aggressors. They also addressed the inhabitants of Great Britain, in which, after com­plaining of their sufferings, they say, "these have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign; we profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, and though hardly dealt with, as we have been, are still ready with our lives and fortunes, to defend his person, crown, and dignity. Nevertheless, to the persecution and tyranny of his evil ministry, we will not tamely submit. Ap­pealing to heaven for the justice of our cause, we de­termine to die or be free."

To prevent the people of Boston from joining their countrymen in the vicinity, in an attack which wa [...] threatened, general Gage agreed with the town com­mittee that upon the inhabitants lodging their arms [...] Faneuil hall, or any other convenient place, under th [...] care of the selectmen, such inhabitants as chose might depart with their families and effects. The arms de­livered up after this agreement was concluded, were 1778 fire arms, 634 pistols, 273 bayonets, and 38 blun­derbusses. The agreement was well observed in th [...] beginning, but after a short time obstructions we [...] thrown in the way of its final completion, on the ple [...] that persons who went from Boston to bring in th [...] goods of those who chose to continue within the tow [...] were not properly treated. The general, on a farth [...] consideration of the consequences of moving the whi [...] out of Boston, evaded it in a manner not consistent wit [...] good faith. He was in some measure compelled [...] adopt this dishonourable measure, from the clamo [...] [Page 21]of the tories, who alleged that none but enemies to the British government were disposed to remove, and that when they were all safe with their families and effects, the town would be set on fire. The selectmen gave repeated assurances that the inhabitants had delivered up their arms; on the other hand general Gage issued a proclamation, in which he asserted that he had full proof to the contrary. The provincial congress remon­strated, but without effect. Passports were not uni­versally refused, but were given out slowly. The gen­eral shewed a disinclination to part with the women and children, thinking, that, by retaining them, the provincials would be restrained from assaulting the town. This occasioned very distressing scenes—wives separated from their husbands—children from their parents—and the aged and infirm from their relations and friends: and this distress was heightened by the quibble which was made on the meaning of the word effects, which the general construed as not including merchandize; whereby he deprived the provincials of a supply of those articles of which they stood most in need. Thus, many who quitted the town were depriv­ed of their usual means of support.

The flame of civil discord now broke out in all its fury. The bravery shown by the American militia in their first essay at Lexington, and the advantages they imagined themselves to have gained, afforded great mat­ter of exultation.

The spirits of the people were so raised, that they meditated nothing less than the total expulsion of the British troops from Boston. An army of 20,000 men was assembled, who formed a line of encampment from Roxbury to Mystic; and here they were soon after pined by a large body of Connecticut troops, under general Putnam, an old officer of great bravery and experience. By this formidable force was the town of [Page 22]Boston now kept blocked up. General Gage, however, had so strongly fortified it, that the provincials, power­ful as they were, durst not make an attack; whilst, on the other hand, his force was by far too insignifi­cant to meet such an enemy in the field.

Resistance being universally resolved on by the A­mericans, the pulpit, the press, the bench and the bar severally laboured to encourage them. The clergy of New England were a numerous, learned, and respectable body, who had a great ascendency on the minds of their hearers. Their number is said to have amount­ed to 700, and their exertions in the public cause were important and effectual. In their prayers and in their sermons they represented the cause of America as the cause of heaven. The synod of New York and Philadelphia sent forth a pastoral letter, which was publickly read in their churches. This earnestly re­commended such sentiments and conduct as were suit­able to their situation. Writers and printers followed in the rear of the preachers, and next to them had the greatest hand in animating their countrymen. Gentle­men of the bench and of the bar denied the charge of rebellion, and justified the resistance of the colonists. A distinction, founded on law, between the king and his ministry, was introduced. The former, it was contended, could do no wrong. The crime of treason was charged on the latter, for using the royal name to varnish their own unconstitutional measures. The phrase of a ministerial war became common, and was use as a medium for reconciling resistance with allegiance▪

At the same time that the organization of an army was resolved on by the continental congress, a public fast was recommended to be observed on the 20th [...] July 1775, throughout the UNITED COLONIES, [...] "a day of public humiliation, fasting and prayer [...] Almighty God, to bless their rightful sovereign king [Page 23]George, and to inspire him with wisdom to discern and pursue the true interest of his subjects; and that the British nation might be influenced to regard the things that belonged to their peace, before they were hid from her eyes—that the colonies might be ever under the care and protection of a kind providence, and be prospered in all their interests—that America might soon behold a gracious interposition of heaven, for the redress of her many grievances; the restoration of her invaded rights, a reconciliation with the parent state, on terms constitutional and honourable to both."

The necessity of securing Ticonderoga was early at­tended to by many in New England. General Gage had set the example of attempting to seize upon mili­tary stores, and by so doing had commenced hostilities, so that retaliation appeared warrantable.

Colonel Allen was at Castleton with about 270 men, 230 of which were Green Mountain Boys, so called from their residing within the limits of the Green Mountains, the Hampshire grants being so denominat­ed, from the range of green mountains that run through them. Centinels were placed immediately on all the roads to prevent any intelligence being carried to Ticonderoga.

Colonel Arnold, who now joined colonel Allen, re­ported, that there were at Ticonderoga, 80 pieces of heavy cannon, 20 of brass, from four to eighteen pounders, ten or a dozen mortars, a number of small arms, and considerable stores; that the fort was in a ruinous condition, and, as he supposed, garrisoned by about forty men. It was then settled, that colonel Allen should have the supreme command, and colonel Arnold was to be his assistant.

They arrived at Lake Champlain, opposite Ticonde­roga, on the ninth of May at night. Boats were with difficulty procured, when he and colonel Arnold cross­ed [Page 24]over with 83 men, and landed near the garrison: The two colonels advanced along side each other, and entered the port, leading to the fort, in the grey of the morning. A centinel snapped his fusee at colonel Al­len, and then retreated through the covered way to the parade. The main body of the Americans then fol­lowed and drew up. Captain de la Place, the com­mander, was surprized in bed. Thus the place was taken without any bloodshed. They likewise surpriz­ed Crown Point, in which there was a garrison of twelve men. They took, also, two small vessels, and found materials at Ticonderoga for building others. By this expedition the provincials acquired great quan­tities of ammunition and military stores; and obtained the command of Lake Champlain, which secured them a passage into Canada. Colonel Allen went home, and colonel Arnold, with a number of men, agreed to re­main there in garrison. Colonel Arnold, after a series of successes, formed the bold plan of invading Canada. He wrote to congress, that with 2000 men he would reduce the whole province. His great exertions, when that measure was adopted, will be related hereafter.

Congress, before its dissolution on the 26th of October 1774, recommended to the colonies, to chuse members for another, to meet on the 10th of May 1775, unless the redress of their grievances was previously obtained. A circular letter had been addressed by lord Dartmouth to the several colonial governours, requesting their in­terference to prevent the meeting of this second con­gress; but these requisitions had lost their influence delegates were elected not only for the twelve colonies that were before represented, but also for the parish of St. John's in Georgia.

On their meeting, the day after the cap­ture of Ticonderoga, May 10. they chose Peyton Ran­dolph for their president, and Charles Thomson for [Page 25]their secretary. On the next day Mr. H [...]k, who soon after succeeded Mr. Randolph as president, laid before them an account of the late great events of Massachusetts: whereupon congress resolved itself in­to a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the affairs of America. The line of moderation and firmness which they pursued will be hereafter related.

Towards the latter end of May, a considerable rein­forcement having arrived with the British generals Howe, Burgoyne and Clinton, general Gage was ena­bled to attempt something of consequence; and this the boasts of the provincials, that they were besieging those who had been sent to subdue them, seemed to render necessary. Some skirmishes in the mean time happened in the islands lying off Boston harbour, in which the Americans had the advantage, and burned an armed schooner, which her people had been obliged to aban­don after she was left aground by the tide.

Hostilities were now forwarded by the resolves of the continental congress, which on the 8th of June, declared the compact between the crown and the peo­ple of Massachusetts Bay to be dissolved by the violation of the charter of William and Mary. They, at the same time, recommended to the people, to establish a new government, until a governour of his majesty's ap­pointment will consent to govern the colony according to its charter. They prohibited them from negociating any bill, or transacting any business with the sea or land officers of Britain, their agents or contractors, furnishing them with stores or provisions of any kind. A general post office was established at Philadelphia, at the head of which they placed Dr. Franklin, who had been deprived of the same place in England.

General Gage, on the other hand, issued a procla­mation, wherein he offered a pardon in the king's name, to all who should forthwith lay down their arms and [Page 26]return to their respective occupations and peaceable duties, excepting only from the benefit of that pardon, "Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose offences were said to be of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punish­ment." It was also declared, that not only the persons above named and excepted, but also all their adherents, associates, and correspondents, should be deemed guilty of treason and rebellion, and treated accordingly. "That all the courts of judicature were shut, and martial law should take place, till a due course of justice should be established."

The Americans, supposing this proclamation to be a prelude to hostilities, prepared for action. Orders were therefore issued by the provincial commander [...] that a detachment of one thousand men should intrench upon Bunker's Hill, a considerable height just at th [...] entrance of the peninsula at Charlestown; the situation of which rendered the possession of it of great importance to either party. By some mistake, Breed's Hill, high and large as the other, but situated nearer Boston, wa [...] marked out for the intrenchments instead of the other▪

In the night of the 16th of June, the provincials took possession of Breed's Hill, and worked with such indefatigable diligence, that, to the astonishment o [...] their enemies, they had between midnight and th [...] dawn of the next morning, thrown up a redoubt abou [...] eight reds square. They kept such a profound silenc [...] that they were not heard by the British, on board the [...] vessels, though very near. The dawn of day only dis­covered the work when near completion when the enemy poured an incessant show [...] of shot and bombs upon the redoubt fro [...] their ships, June 17. and from a battery on Copp's Hill in Bos­ton; which, however, did not hinder the provincial from throwing up a small breast work from the ea [...] [Page 27]side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill before mid-day; but they were prevented completing it by the intolerable fire of the enemy. By some unaccount­able errour, the detachment, which had been working for hours, was neither relieved nor supplied with re­freshments, but were left to engage under these disad­vantages.

Between twelve and one o'clock, and the day ex­ceedingly hot, a number of boats and barges filled with regular troops from Boston approached Charlestown, when the men were landed at Moreton's Point, a little to the eastward of the American works. They con­sisted of four battalions, two companies of grenadiers, and ten of light infantry, with a proportion of field ar­tillery; but, by some oversight, their spare cartridges were much too big for them: so that, when the Ame­ricans were at length forced from their lines; there was not a round of artillery cartridges remaining.

Major general Howe and brigadier general Pigot had the command. The troops formed and remained in that position, till joined by a second detachment of light infantry and grenadier companies, a battalion of the land forces, and a battalion of marines, amounting in the whole to about 3000 men. The generals Clinton and Burgoyne took their stand upon Copp's Hill, to observe and contemplate the bloody and destructive operations that were now commencing. The regulars formed in two lines, and advanced deliberately, fre­quently halting to give time for the artillery to fire, which was not well served. The light infantry were directed to force the left point of the breast work, and to take the American line in flank. The grenadiers advanced to attack in front, supported by two battal­ions, whilst the left, under general Pigot, inclined to the right of the American line. One or two of the continental regiments had been posted in Charlestown, [Page 28]but afterwards removed to prevent their being cut o [...] by a sudden attack; so that the British were not in the least hurt by the musquetry from thence.

General Gage had for some time resolved upon burn­ing the town, whenever any works were raised by the Americans upon the hills belonging to it: and whil [...] the British were advancing nearer to the attack, order [...] came to Copp's Hill for executing the resolution. Soo [...] after a carcase was discharged, which set fire to an old house near the ferry way; the fire instantly spread and most of the place was soon in flames; whilst the houses at the eastern end of Charlestown were set o [...] fire by men who landed from the boats.

The regulars derived no advantage from the smo [...] of the conflagration, for the wind suddenly shifting carried it another way, so that it could not cover the [...] in their approach. The provincials had not a riflema [...] among them, not one being yet arrived from the south ward; and many of their muskets wanted bayonet [...] However, they were almost all marksmen, being accus­tomed to sporting of one kind or other from the [...] youth. A number of Massachusetts people were [...] the redoubt, and the part of the breast work nearest [...] The left of the breast work, and the open ground stretch­ing beyond its point to the water side, through whi [...] there was not an opportunity of carrying the wor [...] was occupied partly by the Massachusetts forces, and partly by the people of Connecticut.

The British moved on slowly to the attack, inster [...] of using a quick step; which gave the provincials th [...] advantage of taking surer and cooler aim. These [...] served their fire, till the regulars came within ten [...] twelve rods, when they began a furious discharge [...] small arms, which stopped the regulars, who kept [...] the firing without advancing. The discharge from the Americans was incessant, and appeared like a contin­ued [Page 29]sheet of fire, and did such execution, that the reg­ulars retreated in disorder, and with great precipitation, towards the place of landing. Their officers used ev­ery effort to make them return to the charge, with which they at length complied; but the Americans again reserved their fire till the regulars came within five or six rods, when the enemy was a second time staggered. The troops were thrown into such disorder, that for a few moments general Howe was said to have been left almost alone, and all the officers near him ei­ther killed or wounded. In this critical moment, gen­eral Clinton, who arrived at the place of action from Boston during the engagement, rallied the troops almost instantaneously, and brought them back to the charge; at the same time the British reaped a farther advantage, by bringing some cannon to bear, so as to rake the in­side of the breast work from end to end. The works were now every where attacked with fixed bayonets, and, as many of the Americans were destitute of that weapon, and their powder beginning to fail, they were forced to yield, though not till after an obstinate resist­ance. At last they retreated over Charlestown neck, which was enfiladed by the guns of the Glasgow man of war and two floating batteries. They suffered but [...]ittle however, from this formidable artillery, though the fear of it had prevented some regiments, who were ordered to support them, from fulfilling their duty.

It was feared by the Americans, that the British [...]roops would push the advantage they had gained, and march immediately to the head quarters at Cambridge, about two miles distant, and in no state of defence. But they advanced no farther than to Bunker's Hill, where they threw up works for their own security. The provincials did the same on Prospect Hill, in front of them, about half way to Cambridge.

The loss of the peninsula depressed the spirits of the [Page 30]Americans, and their great loss of men produced [...] same effect on the British. There have been few [...] ­tles in modern wars, in which, all circumstances con­sidered, there was a greater destruction of men than [...] this short engagement. The number of American engaged, including those who dared to cross the [...] and join them, amounted only to fifteen hundred; [...] the unengaged, who appeared in various parts, did, [...] their different movements, lead may of the Bost [...] spectators to apprehend, at that distance, that they co [...] ­sisted of some thousands. The loss of the British, [...] acknowledged by general Gage, amounted to roy [...] Nineteen commissioned officers were killed, and seven [...] more wounded. Among those more generally regr [...] ­ted, were lieutenant colonel Abercrombie, and maj [...] Pitcairn. That the officers suffered so much, must [...] imputed to their being aimed at. From their [...] much confusion was expected; they were th [...] [...]ore particularly singled out. The light infantry [...] grenadiers lost three fourths of their men. Of [...] company not more than five, and of another, not mo [...] than fourteen escaped. The unexpected resistance [...] the Americans was such as wiped away the reproach [...] of cowardice, which had been cast on them by th [...] enemies in Britain. The spirited conduct of the B [...] ­ish officers merited and obtained great applause, [...] the provincials were justly entitled to a large porti [...] of the same, for having made the utmost exertions [...] their adversaries necessary to dislodge them from li [...] which were the work only of a single night.

The Americans lost five pieces of cannon. Th [...] killed amounted to 139. Their wounded and miss [...] to 314. Thirty of the former fell into the hand [...] the conquerors. General Gage, in his letter on [...] subject, was confident they must have been m [...] more, as the Americans were seen during the engage­ment, [Page 31]conveying away and burying their dead. This, if true, must be accounted a very extraordinary cir­cumstance, and bears some resemblance to the contests related by Homer concerning the dead bodies of his [...]heroes. The Americans deeply regretted the deaths of major general Warren, of colonel Gardner of Cam­bridge, of lieutenant colonel Parker of Chelmsford, who was wounded, taken prisoner, and afterwards died [...] Boston gaol; of major Moore and major M'Clary, who were the only officers of distinction that they lost.

In the opinion of many, general Howe was charge­ [...]ble with a capital errour in landing and attacking as [...]e did. It might originate in too great a confidence [...] the forces he commanded, and in too contemptuous [...]n opinion of the enemy he had to encounter. He [...]ertainly might have entrapped the provincials, by land­ [...]g on the narrowest part of Charlestown neck, under [...]he fire of the flooting batteries and ships of war. [...]ere he might have stationed and fortified his army, [...]nd kept up an open communication with Boston by [...] water carriage, which he would have commanded [...]hrough the aid of the navy, on each side of the penin­ [...]la. Had he used this manoeuvre, the provincials must have made a rapid retreat from Breed's Hill, to scape having his troops in the rear, and being inclosed. [...] was said that general Clinton proposed it. The re­ [...]ction of that proposal greatly weakened the British ar­ [...]y, and probably prevented the ruin of the Americans.

The British troops claimed the victory in this engage­ment; but it must be allowed that it was dearly bought; [...]d the Americans boasted that the real advantages [...]ere on their side, as they had so much weakened the [...]emy that they durst not afterwards venture out of [...]eir intrenchments.

In other places the same determined spirit of resist­ [...]ce appeared on the part of the Americans. Lord [Page 32]North's conciliatory scheme was utterly rejected by the assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and after wards in every other colony. The commencement [...] hostilities at Lexington determined the colony of New York, which had hitherto continued to waver, to unit [...] with the rest; and as the situation of New York re [...] ­dered it unable to resist an attack from the sea, it [...] resolved, before the arrival of a British fleet, to secu [...] the military stores, send off the women and children and to set fire to the city if it was still found incapable of defence.

At the same time that congress resolved on the estab­lishment of an army, they took measures to preser [...] the opposition to British power on a settled and per [...] ­nent basis, by establishing a large paper currency; th [...] United States being liable for the value. From [...] paper creation, they reaped as much benefit, for a con­siderable time, as would have resulted from a free [...] of as many Mexican dollars. Thus, whilst the Briti [...] ministry were puzzling themselves for new taxes, [...] funds on which to raise their supplies, congress rai [...] theirs by resolutions directing paper of no intrinsic va [...] ­ue to be struck off, in form of promissory notes, althou [...] without any certain funds for its support or redem [...] ­tion.

The troops which were shut up in Boston were fo [...] reduced to distress. Their necessities obliged them attempt the carrying off the American cattle on the [...] ­ands in Boston Bay, which produced frequent ski [...] ­es; but the provincials, better acquainted with [...] navigation of these shores, landed on the islands, [...] ­stroyed or carried off whatever was of any use, bur [...] the light house at the entrance of the harbour, [...] took prisoners the workmen sent to repair it, an [...] as a party of marines who guarded them. Thus [...] garrison were reduced to the necessity of send [...] [Page 33]armed vessels to make prizes indiscriminately of all that came in their way, and of landing in different places to plunder for subsistence as well as they could.

The congress in the mean time continued to act with all the vigour which its constituents had expected. Articles of confederation and perpetual union were drawn up and solemnly agreed upon; by which they bound themselves and their posterity for ever. These were in substance as follows.

1. Each colony was to be independent within itself, and to retain an absolute sovereignty in all domestic affairs.

2. Delegates to be annually elected to meet in con­gress, at such time and place as should be enacted in the preceding congress.

3. This assembly should have the power of determin­ing war or peace, making alliances; and, in short, all that power which sovereigns of states usually claim as their own.

4. The expenses of war to be paid out of the com­mon treasury, and raised by a poll tax on males between 16 and 60; the proportions to be determined by the laws of the colony.

5. An executive council to be appointed to act in place of the congress during its re [...]ess.

6. No colony to make war with the Indians without consent of congress.

7. The boundaries of all the Indian lands to be se­cured and ascertained to them; and no purchases of [...]ands were to be made by individuals, or even by a col­ony, without consent of congress.

8. Agents appointed by congress should reside among the Indians, to prevent frauds in trading with them, [...]nd to relieve, at the public expense, their wants and distresses.

[Page 34] 9. This confederation to last until there should be [...] reconciliation with Britain; or, if that event should no [...] take place, it was to be perpetual.

After the action at Bunker's hill, however, when the power of Great Britain appeared less formidable in the eyes of the Americans than before, congress proceed­ed formally to justify their proceedings, in a declaration showing the necessity of taking up arms against Gre [...] Britain. This, like all their other publications, [...] fraught with the utmost energy of language, whilst [...] the same time it was ushered in with a solemnity, whi [...] could not fail to make a deep impression on those [...] whom it was calculated. "Were it possible," said the [...] for men who exercise their reason, to believe that [...] divine Author of our existence intended a part of [...] human race to hold an absolute property in, and [...] bounded power over others, marked out by his infini [...] goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domi­nation, never rightfully resistible, however severe [...] oppressive; the inhabitants of these colonies might [...] least require from the parliament of Great Britain so [...] evidence that this dreadful authority over them [...] been granted to that body: but a reverence for [...] Great Creator, principles of humanity, and the d [...] ­tates of common sense, must convince all those [...] reflect upon the subject, that government was institu­ed to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought [...] be administered for the attainment of that end.

"The legislature of Great Britain, however, sti [...] ­lated by an inordinate passion for power, not only [...] justifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly rep [...] ­bated by the very constitution of that kingdom; and [...] spairing of success in any mode of contest where [...] gard should be had to law, truth, or right; have, [...] length, deserting those, attempted to effect their [...] and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by vi­olence, [Page 35]and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice in the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations to the rest of the world to make known the justice of our cause."

After taking notice of the manner in which their an­cestors left Britain, the happiness attending the mutual friendly commerce betwixt that country and her colo­nies, and the remarkable success of the late war, they proceeded as follows: "The new ministry, finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of grant­ing them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faith­ful friends.

"These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The un­ [...]terrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful be­ [...]aviour from the beginning of their colonization; [...]heir dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the [...]ar, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the [...]ate king, and by parliament, could not save them [...]rom the intended innovations. Parliament was influ­enced to adopt the pernicious project; and assuming a [...]ew power over them, has, in the course of eleven years given such decisive specimens of the spirit and conse­quences attending this power, as to leave no doubt of [...]he effects of acquiescence under it.

"They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised [...] exclusive right to dispose of our own property­ [...]tatutes have been passed for extending the jurisdic­ [...]on of the courts of admiralty and vice admiralty be­yond [Page 36]their ancient limits; for depriving us of the [...] customed and inestimable rights of trial by jury, in c [...] ­es affecting both life and property; for suspending [...] legislature of one of our colonies; for interdicting [...] commerce to the capital of another; and for alteri [...] fundamentally the form of government established [...] charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature and solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempti [...] the murderers of colonists from legal trial, and in [...] sect from punishment; for erecting in a neighbour [...] province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very ex [...] ­ence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists [...] time of a profound peace. It has also been resolv [...] in parliament, that colonists, charged with committ [...] certain offences, shall be transported to England to [...] tried.

"But why should we enumerate our injuries in [...] tail?—By one statute it was declared, that parliament can of right make laws to bind us in all eases what [...] ­er. What is to defend us against so enormous, so [...] limited a power? Not a single person who assumed is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or in [...] ­ence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them [...] empt from the operation of such laws; and an Ameri­can revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible [...] poses for which it is raised, would actually ligh [...] their own burdens in proportion as it increases our [...] ▪

"We saw the misery to which such despotism we [...] reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ine [...] ­tually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reason we remonstrated with parliament in the most mild [...] decent language; but administration, sensible that [...] should regard these measures as freemen ought to [...] ­ent over fleets and armies to enforce them.

[Page 37] "We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break off all commerical intercourse with our fellow subjects, as our last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation on earth would supplant our attachment to lib­erty; this we flattered ourselves was the ultimate step of the controversy; but subsequent events have shown how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies!

"The lords and commons, in their address in the month of February, said, that a rebellion at that time actually existed in the province of Massachusetts Bay; and that those concerned is it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engage­ments entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the colonies; and therefore they besought his ma­jesty that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature. Soon after the commerical inter­course of whole colonies with foreign countries was cut off by an act of parliament; by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their subsistence; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were in mediately sent over to general Gage.

"Fruitless were all the intreaties, arguments, and elo­quence of an illustrious band of the most distinguish­ed peers and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mit­ [...]gate the heedless fury with which these accumulated outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and of many other respectable towns in our favour."

After having reproached parliament, general Gage, and the British government in general, they proceed [Page 38]thus: "We are reduced to the alternative of chusin [...] an unconditional submission to tyranny, or resistance [...] force. The latter is our choice. We have counte [...] the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dread [...] as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which [...] received from our gallant ancestors, and which our [...] ­nocent posterity have a right to receive from us. O [...] cause is just; our union is perfect; our internal [...] sources are great; and, if necessary, foreign assistan [...] is undoubtedly attainable. We fight not for glory [...] conquest; we exhibit to mankind the remarkable sp [...] ­tacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemi [...] They boast of their privileges and civilization, and [...] ­proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death [...] In our native land, in defence of the freedom [...] is our birthright, for the protection of our proper [...] acquired by the honest industry of our forefathers [...] our own, against violence actually offered, we ha [...] taken up arms; we shall lay them down when host [...] ­ties shall cease on the part of our aggressors, and [...] danger of their being renewed shall be removed—a [...] not before."

These are some of the most striking passages of th [...] famous declaration, dated the 6th of July, 1775. T [...] people of Britain might have been convinced by [...] determined spirit which it breathes, without inquiri [...] whether the principles on which it is founded are rig [...] or wrong, that the conquest of America was an eve [...] scarcely ever to be expected.

In every other respect, an equal spirit was show [...] a military rage had seized the minds of almost all [...] colonists. Persons of fortune and family, who w [...] not appointed officers, entered cheerfully into the ran [...] Even many of the young Quakers took up arms, for [...] themselves into companies, and applied with the ut [...] [Page 39]assiduity, to acquire a proficiency in military discipline: nay, so universal was the ambition of distinguishing themselves in the cause of liberty, that no fewer than two hundred thousand men are said at this time to have been training throughout the continent.

Whilst the rulers of the British nation were intent upon conquering America, they had the mortification to see those whom they styled rebels and traitors, suc­ceed in negociations in which they themselves were utterly foiled. In the passing of the Quebeck bill, min­ [...]istry had flattered themselves that the Canadians would be so much attached to them on account of restoring the French laws, that they would very readily join in any attempt against the colonists who had reprobated that bill in such strong terms: but in this, as in every [...]hing else indeed, they found themselves mistaken. The Canadians having been subject to Britain for a period of 15 years, and being thus rendered sensible of the ad­vantages of British government, received the bill itself with evident marks of disapprobation; nay, reprobated [...]t as tyrannical and oppressive. A scheme had been formed for general Carleton, governour of the prov­ [...]nce, to raise an army of Canadians wherewith to act [...]gainst the Americans; and so sanguine were the [...]opes of administration in this respect, that they had [...]ent 20,000 stand of arms, and a great quantity of mil­itary stores, to Quebeck, for the purpose. But the peo­ple, though they did not join the Americans, yet were [...]ound immoveable in their purpose to stand neuter. Application was made to the bishop; but he declined [...] interpose his influence, as contrary to the rules of [...]e Popish clergy: so that the utmost efforts of gov­ernment in this province were found to answer little [...] no purpose.

The British administration next tried to engage the [...]dians in their cause. But though agents were dis­persed [Page 40]among them with large presents to the chief [...] they universally replied, that they did not understand the nature of the quarrel, nor could they distinguish whether those who dwelt in America or on the other side of the ocean were in fault: but they were surprised to see Englishmen asking their assistance against one another; and advised them to be reconciled, and [...] to think of shedding the blood of their brethren.—To the representations of Congress they paid more respect These set forth, that the English, on the other side [...] the ocean, had taken up arms to enslave, not only th [...] countrymen in America, but the Indians also; and [...] the latter should enable them to overcome the colonis [...] they themselves would soon be re [...]uced [...] a state [...] slavery also. By arguments of this kind, these savag [...] were engaged to remain neuter; and thus the coloni [...] were freed from a most dangerous enemy. On th [...] occasion, the congress thought proper [...] hold a solemn conference with the different tribes of Indians. July 13. The speech made [...] them on the occasion is curious, but too long to be ful [...] inserted. The following is a specimen of the mode of addressing these people.

"Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors!

"We the delegates from the Twelve United Pr [...] ­inces, now sitting in general congress at Philadelphia send their talk to you our brothers.

"Brothers and Friends, now attend!

"When our fathers crossed the great water, [...] came over to this land, the king of England gave [...] a talk, assuring them that they and their children should be his children; and that if they would leave [...] ­native country, and make settlements, and live [...] and buy and sell, and trade with their brethren bey [...] the water, they should still keep hold of the same [...] enant chain, and enjoy peace; and it was covenant [...] [Page 41]that the fields, houses, goods, and possessions, which our fathers should acquire, should remain to them as their own, and be their children's for ever, and at their sole disposal.

"Brothers and Friends, open an ear!

"We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors of King George and the inhabitants and colonies of America.

"Many of his counsellors have persuaded him to break the covenant chain, and not to send us any more good talks. They have prevailed upon him to enter into a covenant against us, and have torn asunder, and cast behind their backs, the good old covenant which their ancestors and ours entered into, and took strong hold of. They now tell us they will put their hands into our pocket without asking, as though it were their own; and at their pleasure they will take from us our charters, or written civil constitution, which we love as our lives; also our plantations, our houses, and our goods, whenever they please, without as [...]ing our leave. They tell us that our vessels may go to that or this island in the sea, but to this or that particular island we shall not trade any more; and in case of our non-compli­ance with these new orders, they shut up our harbours.

"Brothers, we live on the same ground with you; the same island is our common birth-place. We desire to sit down under the same tree of peace with you: let us water its roots, and cherish the growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies. If any thing disagree­able should ever fall out between us, the Twelve Unit­ed Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation of our affairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a small sire at Albany, where we may hear each other's voice, and disclose our minds fully to one another."

[Page 42] At the same time that the declaration setting forth their reasons for taking up arms was published, congress sent addresses to the inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland, and to the speaker and gentlemen of the assem [...] ­bly of Jamaica. In these, they gave reasons for the measures they had taken, vindicated themselves from the charge of aiming at independency, professed the [...] willingness to submit to the several acts of trade an [...] navigation which were passed before the year 1763, re­capitulated their reasons for rejecting lord North's con­ciliatory motion—stated the hardships they suffer [...] from the operations of the royal army in Boston, an [...] insinuated the danger the inhabitants of the empi [...] would be in of losing their freedom, in case their A­merican brethren were subdued.

All these addresses were executed in a masterly man­ner, and were well calculated to make friends to the colonies. A second petition to the king was move [...] for by Mr. Dickinson, and it was carried throug [...] congress, chiefly by him, and was the work of his [...] In this, among other things, it was stated, "that no [...] withstanding their sufferings, they had [...] tained too high a regard for the kingdom from which they derived their origin, July 8. to re­quest such a reconciliation as might in any manner [...] inconsistent with her dignity and welfare. Attach [...] to his majesty's person, family, and government, wi [...] all the devotion that principle and affection can inspi [...] connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties th [...] can unite society, and deploring every event that tend [...] in any degree to weaken them, they not only most [...] vently desired the former harmony between her [...] the colonies to be restored, but that a concord mig [...] be established between them, upon so firm a basis as [...] perpetuate its blessings uninterrupted by any futu [...] dissensions, to succeeding generations, in both countri [...] [Page 43]They therefore besought that his majesty would be pleased to direct some mode by which the united ap­plications of his faithful colonists to the throne, in pursuance of their common councils, might be improv­ed into a happy and permanent reconciliation." This well weant petition was presented on September 1st, 1775, by Mr. Penn and Mr. Lee, and, three days after, lord Dartmouth informed them, "that to it no answer would be given." The rejection of this petition served as a sufficient answer to those colomists who thought they had been too hasty in their opposition to the par­ent state.

The mother country wished for absolute submission to her authority, the colonists for a repeal of every act that imposed taxes, or that interfered in their internal legislation. The British ministry being determined not to repeal these acts, and the congress equally de­termined not to submit to them, the claims of the two countries were so wide of each other as to afford no reasonable ground to expect a compromise.

The other remarkable transactions of this congress were the ultimate refusal of the conciliatory proposal made by lord North; and appointing a generalissimo to command their armies, which were now very nu­merous. The person chosen for this purpose, was GEORGE WASHINGTON, esq of Virginia; a man so [...]niversally esteemed, that he was raised to such a high station by the unanimous voice of congress. This election was neither accompanied with competition nor followed by envy; but flowed from the same gen­eral impulse on the public mind, which led the colonists [...] agree in other particulars. Horatio Gates and Charles Lee, two English officers of considerable rep­ [...]tation, were also chosen; the former an adjutant [...]eneral, the latter a major general. Artemas Ward, [...]hilip Schuyler, and Israel Futnam, were likewise [Page 44]nominated major generals. Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathani [...]l Green, were chosen brigadier generals at the same time.

Congress had also the satisfaction to receive deputi [...] from the whole colony of Georgia, in July, expressing [...] desire to join the confederacy. The reasons they g [...] for renouncing their allegiance to Britain were, that [...] conduct of parliament towards the other colonies [...] had been oppressive; that though the obnoxious [...] had not been extended to them, they could view [...] only as an omission, because of the seeming little co [...] ­sequence of their colony, and therefore looked upon i [...] rather to be a slight than a favour. After the access [...] of Georgia, the confederacy assumed the title of [...] Thirteen United Colonies.

As the scene of action begins to open wherein [...] commander in chief acquired such distinguished glo [...] some account of that great man becomes necessary but to draw his character in his life time, would sav [...] of flattery. Posterity will do ample justice to action which being still fresh in remembrance, are the ampl [...] panegyric. George Washington, esq was born [...] Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 11th of Febru­ary, 1732. He is of English extraction, and descend [...] from one of the most opulent and respectable famil [...] in Virginia. His education and youthful exer [...] tended to form a solid mind and a vigorous body. [...] was naturally inclined, and early in life applied him [...] to the military profession; and acquired conside [...] experience in the command of different bodies of [...] provincial troops during the war against France. [...] gallant conduct in that war has been already not [...] After the peace of 1763, colonel Washington re [...] to his estate at Mount Vernon, and devoted himself a private and philosophic life, of which he was pass [...] ­ately [Page 45]fond, and which he certainly would not have re­linquished, had not the voice of his country and a sense of its danger, called him forth to public view, to assert her rights. He was appointed a delegate to the con­gress which met in September 1774. Born with abili­ties to be the leader of a brave and independent people in war, and to unite the jarring interests of a number of states, nature has not been less favourable to him in corporeal than in mental endowments. His person is majestic and striking: his physiognomy is prepossess­ing, and strongly expressive of the noble qualities of his soul. This was the man, in whom, next to God, America confided her fate, and his subsequent con­duct fully justified the choice; having led his country­men through the mazes of a tedious and bloody war, to the enjoyment of peace, liberty, and independence.

General Washington soon after his appointment to the command of the American army, set out on his way to the camp at Cambridge, June 21. accompanied by general Lee. In his prog­ress, he was treated with the highest honours in every place through which he passed, both by public bodies and by individuals. Large detachments of volunteers, composed of private gentlemen, turned out to receive him. When he reached the army, he was received with joyful acclamations. July 2. He pub­lished at the head of the troops, the declara­tion, previously drawn up by Congress, setting forth the reasons of taking up arms.

At this time, the British were entrenched on Bunk­er's Hill, having also three floating batteries in Myst [...] River, and a twenty gun ship below the ferry, between Boston and Charlestown. They had the neck strongly fortified, and a battery on Copp's Hill.

The continental army under the command of general Washington, amounted to about 14,500 men. They [Page 46]were entrenched at Winter Hill, Prospect Hill, and Roxbury, communicating with one another by small posts over a distance of ten miles. Parties were like­wise stationed in several towns along the sea coast. This whole force was thrown into three grand divsions: general Ward commanded the right wing, at Roxbury; general Lee, the left, as Prospect Hill; and the centre was commanded by general Washington. These dis­positions were so judiciously made, that the British were pent up in the town, and excluded from the pro­visions and forage which the adjacent country, and isl­ands in Boston Bay, afforded.

Great embarrassments occurred in forming the con­tinental army into a regular system. Enterprising leaders had come forward with their followers, with­out a scrupulous attention to rank; but it was impossi­ble to assign to every officer the station which hi [...] services merited, or his vanity aspired to; and to in­troduce discipline and subordination among freem [...] who were accustomed to think for themselves was [...] arduous task. Many of the southern riflemen dese [...] to the enemy, others were mutinous and repugnant [...] all kind of duty; and some officers were found w [...] w [...]erea disgrace to the Massachusetts colony, by prac­tising the meanest arts of peculation. ^* Every subtil [...] that avarice could invent or profligacy carry on, we [...] used to cheat the public, by men who procured com­missions, not to fight for the liberties of their country but to prey upon its distresses. But these abuses [...] soon checked by the commander in chief, and the arm [...] better officered; and the troops gradually acquired [...] mechanism and movements as well as the name of [...] army. Method and punctuality began to be introd [...] ­ed. The military skill of adjutant general Gates [...] of infinite service in these arrangements. The [...] [Page 47]of engineers to plan suitable works, and tools for their execution, were sensibly felt; yet the zeal and activity of the soldiers in general, greatly made up for these defects.

It was found on the 4th of August, that the whole stock of powder throughout the four New England provinces, could make but little more than nine rounds a man, to the army investing Boston. They remained in this destitute condition for a fortnight or more. During this interval, the scarcity of powder became a common camp talk; and a deserter carried an account of it to Boston. But the British, having been so often deceived, durst not rely upon the intelligence. Besides, though they had met with unexpected proofs of Ame­rican courage, yet they could not believe that the colo­nists were possessed of such consummate assurance, as to continue investing them, whilst so destitute of am­munition. They rather suspected a deep laid plot to insnare them. At length, the American army was re­lieved. The Jersey committee of Elizabeth Town, upon receiving the alarming news, sent a sew tons, with the greatest privacy, lest the fears of their own people, had it been known, should have stopt it for their own use, in case of an emergency. A supply of several thousand pounds weight of powder was soon after obtained from Africa, in exchange for New Eng­land rum. This was managed with so much address, that every ounce for sale in the British forts on the Af­rican coasts, was purchased and brought off for the use of the colonists.

The first attempts of the Americans at sea proved very successful. In the month of November, the Mas­sachusetts assembly and the continental congress both resolved to grant letters of marque and reprisal, and to establish coarts of admiralty. The object was first lim­ite [...] to the defence of the American coast, and inter­c [...]ing warlike stores and supplies designed for the use [Page 48]of their enemies; but as the prospect of accommodation gradually vanished, it was extended to all British proper­ty on the high seas.

In the end of the same month, the Lee privateer, Nov. 29. commanded by captain Manly of Marblehead, captured the brig Nancy, as ordnance ship from Woolwich, containing a large brast mortar, upon a new construction, afterwards called the Congress, several pieces of brass cannon, a large quan­tity of arms and ammunition, with all manner of tools utensils and machines necessary for camps and artillery; so that had congress sent an order for the articles most wanted, they could not have made out a more suitable invoice. The whole value of the vessel and cargo was computed at 50,000l. and this loss, in particular, occa­sioned much discontent in Britain.

About two months before this valuable capture, a ship from Bristol to Boston, with flour, having parted with her convoy, was decoyed into Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and secured for the benefit of the Ameri­cans. Several store ships were captured in the month of December. Among others, captain Manly took three, with various stores for the troops in Boston, and a brig from Antigua with rum.

These were part of the immense supplies which the British ministry had prepared for the relief of the troops in Boston. It is said that no fewer than five thousand oxen, fourteen thousand of the largest and fartest sheep, with a vast number of hogs, were purchased and sent out alive. Incredible quantities of vegetables were al­so bought up, and cured by new methods. Ten thou­sand butts of strong beer were supplied by two brewers. Five thousand chaldrons of coals were purchased i [...] the river Thames and shipped off for Boston; and e­ven the article of faggots was sent from London. The immense expense of maintaining armies at such [...] [Page 49]distance from Britain, was now, for the first time, exper­imentally felt. Some estimate of the expense of the whole may be formed, from that of the trifling arti­cles of vegetables, casks and vinegar, which amounted to little less than 22,000l. and the articles of hay, oats, and beans, for a single regiment of light cavalry, to nearly as much more. Besides all this enormous expense, and the charge of flour, corn, and salted pro­visions, near half a million of money was expended in the purchase of Spanish and Portuguese coin for the extraordinary and contingent articles in various branch­es of the military operations. In fine, the expense in every article, was swelled to the utmost.

It was not without reason supposed, in Britain, that by such unbounded supplies, the troops would be re­stored to health and spirits, and the general complaint silenced, that had for some time prevailed, concerning the bad and unwholesome quality of the provisions with which they had been supplied. But things turned out, however, in a manner directly opposite to every expec­tation of this kind. After every delay in fitting out had been surmounted, the vessels were detained for a long time on the coast of Britain, or tossed about by con­trary winds in the channel, until the greater part of the live stock, particularly the sheep, perished; so that the sea was every where strewed with their carcases. Con­trary winds and stormy weather pursued them on their voyage in the mid seas; and as they approached the place of their destination, the wind blew full in their teeth and drove them off the coasts. Several of them were blown to the West India Islands in great distress; others, entangled with the American coasts, were either taken at sea, or in the harbours and creeks where they put in for shelter. A few arrived at Boston, after hav­ing been beat about in stormy seas for three or four months, with their cargoes almost entirely spoilt, yield­ing [Page 50]a very inconsiderable portion of refreshments to the troops, after having been purchased at such an enormous cost.

The disasters which attended the Boston transports seemed also to have waited on the Newfoundland fish­ery for the year 1775. It did not at all realize the san­guine expectations of the ministry with respect to its easy translation from America to Britain. The Americans, by cutting off all supplies of provisions from the ships employed in the fishery, threw every thing into disor­der. So that by sending off a number of ships to Ire­land for provisions, such a neglect was occasioned in the fishery, that the value of more than half a million sterling of the usual produce was left in the bowels of the deep.

A dreadful tempest, likewise, which discharged itself chiefly on the shores of Newfoundland, contributed [...] render abortive the success of those who remained. The sea is said to have risen, almost instantaneously thirty feet above its level. Upwards of seven hundred boats, with a number of ships, with all on board, per­ished in the ocean, whilst the waves, surpassing their usual bounds so far, overwhelmed every thing with a rapid and unavoidable destruction. The shores pre­sented a shocking spectacle for some time after, and the fishing nets were hauled up loaded with dead bodies. These disasters were, by some, ascribed to the immedi­ate vengeance of the Deity on the opposite party.

The accumulated misfortunes of the British, as they gave new life and spirit to the colonists, could not but add greatly to the distresses of the troops and inhabit­ants blocked up in Boston. The British had the mor­tification to see a number of the transports taken in the very entrance of the harbour, whilst, from various causes, the ships of war were prevented from affording them any relief: thus the American camp obtained [Page 51]the stores and necessaries which had been destined for the sustenance and use of their enemies.

In order to supply the troops in Boston with pro­visions, it had been found necessary to carry on a kind of predatory war. In the course of which, the town of Falmouth, in Massachusetts Bay, having given some offence relative to the loading of a mast ship, was con­demned to the flames. The officer, captain Mowat, is said to have declared he had orders for burning all the towns on the coast between Boston and Halifax. However, he gave the people time to remove their families from the danger, which, under pretence of a negociation for delivering up their arms, was length­ened out till next morning; during which time, they had removed the greatest part of their effects. About nine in the morning, on the 18th of October, on their refusal to deliver up their arms, and some carriage guns, a violent discharge of cannon and mortars took place, from four armed vessels. Above three thousand shot, besides bombs and careases, were thrown into the town, by which the principal part of it, lying next the water, and consisting of 130 dwelling houses, and 278 warehouses, together with the church, a new handsome court-house, the old town-house, and public library, were reduced to ashes. About one hundred of the worst houses, favoured by their situation and distance, escaped without damage. This produced an alarm on the sea coast, and occasioned many to move with their families and effects farther into the country, but had no tendency to procure the submission of the people to the power and mercy of the armed British agents.

A few days after the burning of Falmouth, the Brit­ [...]ish took possession of the Old South meeting-house in Boston, and destined it for a riding school for the use of the light dragoons. These proceedings naturally increased the irritability of the minds of the people, and [Page 52]induced a more determined spirit of refistance and aversion to Great Britain.

The first hostilities that happened in New York, commenced in the month of August. The New York convention having resolved upon the removal of the cannon from the battery of that city, captain Sears w [...] appointed to the business. Captain Vandeput, of the Asia man of war, was privately informed of the design, and prepared to oppose its execution. Learning wh [...] it was to be attempted, he appointed a boat to watch the motions of the people assembled for the purpose, about the dead of night. The sailors in the boat, giving the signal, with a flash of powder, of what was going forward, the people on shore mistook it for an attempt to fire a musket at them, and immediately aimed [...] volley of shot at the boat, by which a man was kill [...] Captain Vandeput soon after commenced a firing from the Asia with grape shot, swivel shot, 18 and 24 pound­ers, without killing a single person, and wounded [...] three, two slightly, the other lost the calf of his leg [...] He then ceased a considerable time, supposing that th [...] people had desisted from their purpose, whilst they we [...] only changing their mode of operation.

Captain Sears provided a deceiving party, with in­tention to draw the Asia's fire from the line of the work­ing party. He sent the former behind a breastwork by which they were secured by dodging down up [...] observing the flash of the Asia's guns. When all [...] in readiness, they huzzaed and sung out their notes [...] though tugging in unison, and fired from the walls [...] whilst the working party silently got off twenty- [...] eighteen pounders, with carriages, empty carriages rammers, &c.

Upon hearing the noise and seeing the fire of the musketry, the captain ordered a whole broadside [...] be fired towards that part of the fort where the de­ceiving [Page 53]party had secured themselves, Aug. 24. with­out intending any particular injury to the city. However, some of the shot flew into the city and did damage.

This affair happened between twelve o'clock at night and two in the morning, and threw the inhabitants into the utmost consternation. The distress of the New Yorkers was very much increased by a painful appre­hension, that captain Vandeput would renew his firing upon the city. A removal of men, women, children, and goods commenced, and continued for some time. Matters were however so far adjusted, as to quiet the apprehensions of the people, in reference to their suf­fering farther from the fire of the Asia. To prevent it, the convention permitted Abraham Lott, esq to supply the king's ships, stationed at New York, with all necessaries, as well fresh as salted, for the use of those ships.

In the month of November, the general assembly of Rhode Island passed an act for the capital punishment of persons, who should be found guilty of holding a traitorous correspondence with the ministry of Great Britain, or any of their officers or agents, or of supply­ing the ministerial army or navy, employed against the United Colonies, with provisions, arms, &c. or of act­ing as pilots on board any of their vessels. They also passed an act for sequestering the estates of several persons, whom they considered as avowed enemies to the liberties of America.

Hostilities commenced in Georgia, between the op­posite parties, about the middle of November, when a number of royalists attacked the Americans, and oblig­ed them after three days, to surrender a fort they had taken possession of, in which they expected to make an effectual resistance.

Before the close of the year congress resolved to build five vessels of 32 guns, five of 28, and three of 24, in [Page 54]order to distress the enemy and protect their own coas [...]. They likewise resolved that a committee of five be ap­pointed for the sole purpose of corresponding with their friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and other part of the world. This committee is said to have render­ed very essential services to the common cause: and doubtless, their papers, if ever made public, will thr [...] great light upon the history of the American revo­lution.

In all the countries of Europe, in which public af­fairs were the subject, either of writing or conversation the general voice was in favour of the American. Even Voltaire and Rousseau agreed in this, though [...] scarcely ever in any thing else.

CHAP. XX.

THE success which had hitherto attended the A­mericans in all their measures, now embolde [...] them to think not only of defending themselves, [...] likewise of acting offensively against Great Britain. The conquest of Canada appeared an object within the [...] reach, and one that would be attended with many ad­vantages; and as an invasion of that province was al­ready facilitated by the taking of Crown Point and Ti­conderoga, it was resolved, if possible, to penetrate the [...] way into Canada, and reduce Quebeck during the winter before the fleets and armies, which they were well assured [Page 55]would sail thither from Britain, should arrive. By or­der of congress, therefore, 3000 men were put under the command of generals Montgomery and Schuyler, to whom were committed the management of their military arrangements in the northern department, with orders to proceed to Lake Champlain, from whence they were to be conveyed in flat bottomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorel, a branch of the great river St. Lawrence, and on which is situated a fort of the same name with the river. On the other hand, they were opposed by general Carleton, governour of Cana­da, a man of great activity and experience in war, who, with a very few troops, had hitherto been able to keep in awe the disaffected people of Canada, notwith­standing all the representations of the colonists.

As soon as general Montgomery arrived at Crown Point, he received information that several arm­ed vessels were stationed at St. John's, a strong fort on the Sorel, with a view to prevent his crossing the lake, on which he took possession of an island which commands the mouth of the Sorel, and by which he could prevent them from entering the lake. In conjunction with general Schuyler, he next proceeded to St John's: but finding that place too strong, it was agreed in a council of war, to retire to Isle aux Noix, where general Schuyler being taken ill, Montgomery was left to com­mand alone. His first step was to gain over the Indians whom general Carleton had employed, and this he in a great measure accomplished; after which, on receiv­ing the full number of troops appointed for his expe­dition, he determined to lay siege to St. John's, the first British post in Canada, being 115 miles to the northward of Ticonderoga. In this he was facilitated by the reduction of Chamblee, a small fort in the neighbour­hood, where he found a supply of six tons of gunpow­der. An attempt was made by general Carleton to re­lieve the place; for which purpose he with great pains [Page 56]collected about 1000 Canadians, whilst colonel Maclean proposed to raise a regiment of the Highlanders [...] had emigrated from their own country to America.

But whilst general Carleton was on his march [...] these new levies, he was attacked by the proving [...] and utterly defeated; which being made known to [...] other body of Canadians who had joined colonel Ma [...] ­lean, they abandoned him without striking a blow, [...] he was obliged to retreat to Quebeck.

The defeat of general Carleton was a sufficient [...] compence to the Americans for that of colonel Eth [...] Allen, which had happened some time before. The success which had attended this gentleman again Crown Point and Ticonderoga had emboldened [...] to make a similar attempt on Montreal; but being attacked by the militia of the place, supported [...] detachment of regulars, he was entirely defeated [...] taken prisoner, with forty of his men, the rest making their escape into the woods. The colonel, together with the prisoners, were sent in irons to England, [...] the express orders of general Carleton; on the grow [...] that colonel Allen was an uncommissioned adventure. They were, however, afterwards sent back to Ameri [...].

As the defeat of general Carleton and the desertion of Maclean's forces left no room for the [...] ­rison of St. John's to hope for any re [...] they now consented to surrender themsel [...] prisoners of war; Nov. 3. but were in other respects trea [...] with great humanity. They were in number 500 [...] ulars and 200 Canadians, among whom were many the French nobility, who had been very active in p [...] ­moting the cause of Britain among their countrym [...].

General Montgomery next took measures to prev [...] the British shipping from passing down the river [...] Montreal to Quebeck. This he accomplished so effec­tually that the whole were taken. Nov. 13. Th [...] town itself, being incapable of defence, [...] [Page 57]obliged to furrender at discretion; and it was with the utmost difficulty that general Carleton escaped in the night time in a boat with muffled paddles; and his escape [...]ved the province, which he found now in­volved [...] an unexpected danger from a new enterprise of the provincials.

This was an expedition against the lower part of the province of Canada, and the city of Quebeck itself, set on foot by by colonel Arnold, who [...] by the col­onels Green and En [...], and majors Megis and Bigelow, [...] about 1000 men, made an invasion from New England, through a way unfrequented by travellers, and thought to be altogether impassable to any body of forces. He set out from the camp at Boston, about the middle of September, from whence proceeding to Newbury Port, at the mouth of the river Merrimack, his troops were conveyed to the mouth of the Kenne­b [...]k. Up [...] they proceeded with great labour and difficulty, being imp [...]ed by a very rapid stream, with rocky [...]itles and bottom, cataracts, carrying places, and other obstacles. Their passage along the banks was not less difficult than by water, the country being every where covered with thick woods, deep swamps, mountains and pre [...]ipices; so that the general progress was only from four to ten miles a day. By this inces­sant labour, many fell sick. One third of the number which set not, were from want of necessaries obliged to return; the others proceeded with unabated forti­tude and constancy. Provisions became at length so scarce, that some of the men are their dogs, and some their shoes and cartouch boxes. Though the affair might now well be judged desperate, Arnold, with the few who adhered to him, scarcely four hundred in number, still proceeded with great constancy; and having crossed a ridge extending quite through that part of the continent, called the Heights of Land, they [Page 58]arrived at length at the head of the Chandiere, a bran [...] of the river St. Lawrence, after which they soon [...] ­proached the inhabited parts of Canada. On the [...] of November they procured some provisions, and fo [...] after came to a house, being the first they had seen [...] thirty-one days.

On the appearance of colonel Arnold, the Canadi­ans manifested the same good will to him that they [...] done to Montgomery; and he, on his part, affi [...] them of the good wishes of the American coloni [...] whom he invited them to join in perpetual friendship for which purpose he published a declaration, signed [...] general Washington. The American army, he [...] them, was not come to plunder, but to protect [...] animate them; they were requested therefore, not [...] desert their habitations, or fly from their friends, [...] to supply them with necessaries, for which he affar [...] them they should be amply recompensed. Ar [...] having accomplished this astonishing expedition, th [...] by acquired the name of the American Hannibal.

After the escape of general Carleton from Mont [...] in the manner already mentioned, general Presc [...] with some other officers, and all the armed force, am [...] whom were one hundred and twenty British soldi [...] with eleven armed vessels, fell into the hands of [...] provincials. Montgomery having found plenty [...] woolen manufactures, among other articles, at M [...] ­treal, took the opportunity of clothing his troops, [...] preparing for their future progress in his intended [...] pedition, which was now found to be attended [...] very great difficulties. One of the principal of th [...] arose from the nature of the engagements entered [...] by the provincial soldiers. Having enlisted only for certain time, and the term of their service being ne [...] expired, they were desirous of returning home to th [...] families; so that it was only by mere affection to th [...] [Page 59]general that they could now be kept together. Besides this, other difficulties arose from the want of proper subordination, owing to the excessive passion for liber­ty, and to which they could only be trained through numberless wants and distresses of every kind. Mont­gomery, however, happily possessed a genius calculated to remedy these evils; and having mostly by his per­sonal influence, prevailed on his troops to persevere in the enterprise he had so happily begun, pushed on to join Arnold, with as many men as he could spare from the defence of Montreal, and those detachments which were sent into different parts of the province, in order to encourage and persuade the inhabitants to join him.

It would probably have contributed greatly to the success of this enterprise, if neither of the command­ers had approached the town of Quebeck till joined by the other, as much depended on the effect of their first appearance before the place. Colonel Arnold, howev­er, instead of waiting for his superior, pushed on di­rectly to the capital, which he found in a very distructed situation. Nov. 9. An universal di­vision and discontent reigned among the in­habitants, owing to the opposition of the British mer­chants and others to the Quebeck act. The petitions [...] this subject had been greatly resented by their own government; and so far did they appear to have been suspected, that their application for leave to embody themselves as a militia for the defence of Montreal ha [...] not even met with any answer. With regard to the French inhabitants, the case was still worse; they were universally known to waver, and some to be so much disaffected, that no confidence whatever could be put in them for the defence of the city. The whole force, therefore, consisted of the handful of new raised emi­grants, who had retreated from Sorel under colonel Maclean, some marines which the governour had re­ceived from Boston, and the militia which had been [Page 60]embodied by the lieutenant governour, amounting [...] the whole to about 1520 men.

In this critical situation of affairs, colonel Arn [...] with his party suddenly appeared at Point Levi, op [...] ­site to the city, and had it not been for the intervent [...] of the river, would probably have reduced it, notwith­standing the smallness of the force he had with [...]. But though he was speedily supplied with boats so [...] purpose of crossing it, and found means to elude [...] vigilance of the ships of war stationed there, the [...] ­ment of opportunity was lost; the divided citi [...] quickly united in the common cause; the sailors [...] ­ed from the ships to manage the guns of the batteri [...] and Arnold, with his handful of men, became the [...] ­ject of contempt, instead of terror. After an una [...] ­ing parade, therefore, he found himself utterly un­to attempt any thing, and was obliged to content [...] ­self with cutting off the supplies of provisions as [...] as possible from the city, until general Montgo [...] could join him.

By reason of the difficulties attending a wi [...] march, through the first snows in Canada, it was [...] 1st of December before the American comman [...] reached Point aux Trembles; where, forming a j [...] ­tion with colonel Arnold, the siege of Quebeck [...] ­menced. But before that time, general Carleton [...] made such preparations as rendered every prospe [...] success precarious, if not desperate. Montgom [...] vain threatened, and made a boast of his stre [...]. The British commander well knew that this parad [...] intended only to cover his real weakness, and that [...] less by surprise, he had not the least chance of [...] ­ceeding. That no means of intimidating the en [...] however, might be left untried, the American g [...] set about erecting works, in spite of the inclement [...] the season. His batteries were composed of snow [...] [Page 61]water, which soon became solid ice. He then com­menced a bombardment with five small mortars, but with little effect. In a few days the general opened a six gun battery at the distance of 700 yards from the walls, but his metal was too light to make any impres­sion. The severities of the season, likewise, increased in such a manner, that human nature seemed no longer able to resist them, and he determined at last to put all to the issue of a general assault; it not being expected that the garrison would make much resistance. But whilst he was making the necessary preparations for this purpose, intelligence of the design is said to have been conveyed to the garrison by some deserters; so that, perceiving by the motions of the enemy, that they were taking proper measures to frustrate his de­sign, he was obliged to alter his mode of proceeding. On the 31st of December, 1775, he made the arduous attempt, under cover of a vicient storm [...]. The American army, consisting of about 800 men, Dec. 31. was divided into four bodies, of which two were directed to make false attacks on the upper town, one by colonel Livingston at the head of the Canadians, against St. John's gate; and the other by major Brown, against Cape Diamond; whilst general Montgomery and colonel Arnold were to make two real ones against the lower town. Signals were to be made for the combination of the attacks, which were to begin exactly at five o'clock in the morning. It is said that captain Praser, of the regulars, who was then on piquer, going his rounds, saw the rockets fired off as signals, and, forming a conjecture of what was going forward, [...] to arms without orders, and so prepared the garrison for defence.

The different routes the assailants had to make, the depth of the snow, and other obstacles, prevented the execution of Livingston's command. The general [Page 62]moved with his division, and passed the first barrier [...] he then advanced boldly to attack the second, which was much stronger. A violent discharge of grape-sh [...] from several cannon, together with a well directed [...] of musketry, here put an end to the life and hopes of this enterprising officer. His aid-de-camp, captain Jo [...] M'Pherson, captain Cheesman, and most of his other officers, fell at the same time. This so dispirited [...] ­men, that colonel Campbell, on whom the comman [...] devolved, thought proper to draw them off.

In the mean time colonel Arnold, with his pa [...] passed through St. Roques, and made a furious att [...] upon a two gun battery, which, although well defe [...] ­ed, was at length carried, but with considerable [...] In this attack colonel Arnold, having his leg shatter [...] was carried off the field of battle. His officers, how­ever, carried on the attack with great vigour, and pu [...] ­ing on made themselves masters of a second [...] The garrison having now driven off the provincials [...] every other quarter, and directing their whole fo [...] against this small body, entirely surrounded them, a [...] prevented every possibility of escape. Even in th [...] desperate circumstances, they did not yield till after th [...] had continued the fight three hours, during which [...] their numbers were greatly reduced, and, convin [...] that some misfortune must have befallen their frien [...] they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. [...] loss of the Americans in killed and wounded, was [...] 100, and 300 were taken prisoners. Among the [...] were captain Kenkricks, lieutenant Humphries, [...] lieutenant Cooper. On this occasion, the humanity [...] general Carleton was more conspicuous than in the [...] fair of Ethan Allen, as the prisoners were well trea [...] and the dead body of general Montgomery buried [...] all the honours due to his rank as an officer, and [...] character as a private gentleman.

[Page 63] "This deliverance of Quebeck," says Dr. Ramsay, "may be considered as a proof how much may be done by one man for the preservation of a country. It also proves that soldiers may in a short time be formed out of the mass of citizens."

The conduct and courage of general Carleton in the defence of his province, and the behaviour of the gar­rison, met with deserved applause; nor could the val­our of the American troops be exceeded. They had fought under as great disadvantages as those which at­tended the British at Bunker's hill, and had behaved equally well, although unsuccessful. Such a terrible difaster left no hope remaining of the accomplishment of their purpose, as the force under general Arnold was now greatly reduced. He did not, however, aban­don the province, or even remove to a greater distance than three miles from Quebeck.

The provincials strengthened their camp in the best manner they could, being apprehensive of an attack from the garrison. As there were few regular troops in the place, however, general Carleton did not chuse to venture [...]y attempt of this kind, as well knowing the resolution of his adversaries, and that any misfor­tune would still endanger the loss of the province. Arnold, indeed, in his present situation, discovered an amazing vigour of mind as well as perseverance in his enterprise. Though the severity of the winter was far beyond any thing they had hitherto experienced the snow lying four feet deep on a level, he made a shift not only to keep his troops together, but to render them formidable. An express was dispatched to general Wooster, who was at Montreal, to come with a rein­forcement, and assume the command; but as this could not be instantly done, he bore up, with the small force he had, against the difficulties which surrounded him, and by obstructing the supplies of provisions and other, [Page 64]necessaries into the town, rendered its situation [...] precarious, should any considerable reinforcement [...] ­rive in time to his little army. The Canadians, not­withstanding the bad success of the American [...] still continued friendly; and thus he was enabled [...] sustain the hardships of a winter [...] in [...] most severe climate. The congress, far from puff [...] any censure on him for his misfortune, created him [...] brigadier general.

Whilst hostilities were thus carried on with vigour [...] the north, the flame of contention was gradually [...] tending itself in the south. Lord Dunmore, the [...] ­ernour of Virginia, was involved in disputes similar [...] those which had taken place in other colonies. The [...] had proceeded so far that the assembly was dissolves and the governour had refused to call a new o [...] Hence a plausible reason was afforded to the people [...] assembling a provincial congress, where, by virtue [...] an old law of 1738, they took measures for array [...] the militia, on pretence of the danger they [...] from the negroes; and to remedy the defect of [...] bill, they recommended to each county to raise a volun­teer company for the better defence and protection of [...] province. Lord Dunmore, on this, removed the pow [...] from Williamburg; which created such discontents, [...] an immediate quarrel would probably have ens [...] had not the merchants of the town undertaken to [...] ­tain satisfaction for the injury supposed to be [...] the community. This tranquillity, however, was [...] interrupted; the people, alarmed by a report that [...] armed party were on their way from the man of [...] where the powder had been deposited, assembled [...] arms, and determined to oppose by force any farth [...] removals. In some of the conferences which pass [...] at this time, the governour let fall some unguard [...] expressions, such as threatening them with setting by [Page 65]the royal standard, proclaiming liberty to the negroes, destroying the town of Williamsburg, &c. which were afterwards made public, and exaggerated in such a manner as greatly to increase the public ferment.

The people now held frequent assemblies. Some of them took up arms with a design to force the gov­ernour to restore the powder, and to take the public money into their own possession; but on their way to Williamsburg for this purpose, they were met by the receiver general, who became security for the pay­ment of the gunpowder, and the inhabitants promised to take care of the magazine and public revenue.

By this insurrection the governour wa [...] so much in­timidated, that he sent his family on board the Fowey man of war. He himself, however, issued a proclama­tion, in which he declared the behaviour of the person who promoted the tumult treasonable, accused the peo­ple of dissaffection, &c. On their part they were by no means deficient in recriminating; and some letters of his to Britain being about the same time discovered, consequences ensued extremely similar to those which had been occasioned by those of Mr. Hutchinson at Boston.

In this state of confusion the governour thought it necessary to fortify his palace with artillery, and pro­cure a party of marines to guard it. Lord North's conciliatory proposal arrived also about the same time, and he used his utmost endeavours to cause the people to comply with it. The arguments he used were plausi­ble; and, had not matters already gone to such a pitch of distraction, it is highly probable that some attention would have been paid to them. "The view (he said) in which the colonies ought to behold this conciliatory proposal, was no more than an earnest admonition from Great Britain to relieve her wants: that the utmost condescendence had been used in the mode of applica­tion; [Page 66]no determinate sum having been fixed, as it [...] thought most worthy of British generosity to take wh [...] they thought could be conveniently spared, and [...] wise to leave the mode of raising it to themselves," [...] But the clamour and dissatisfaction were now so univer­sal, that nothing else could be heard [...] governour had called an assembly for the pur­pose of laying this conciliatory proposal [...] fore them; June 1. but it had been little attended to. T [...] assembly began their session by inquiries into the [...] of the magazine. It had been broken into by som [...] the townsmen; for which reason spring gun [...] had [...] placed there by the governour, which discharged the [...] ­selves upon the offenders at their entran [...] these circumstances, June 8. with others of a simil [...] kind, raised such a violent uproar, that, [...] soon as the preliminary business of the session was [...] the governour retired on board the Fowey man of [...] informing the assembly that he durst no longer [...] himself on shore. This produced a long course [...] disputation, which ended in a positive refusal of [...] governour to trust himself again in William [...] even to give his assent to the bills, which could [...] be passed without it, although the assembly offe [...] to bind themselves for his personal safety. In [...] turn he requested them to meet him on board [...] man of war, where he then was; but his prop [...] was rejected, and all farther correspondence, conti [...] ­ing the least appearance of friendship, was discon­tinued.

Lord Dunmore, having thus abandoned his govern­ment, attempted to reduce by force those whom he co [...] no longer govern. Some of the most strenuous [...] ­herents to the British cause, whom their zeal had r [...] ­dered obnoxious at home, now repaired to him. [...] was also joined by numbers of black slaves. With the [...] [Page 67]and the assistance of the British shipping, he was for some time enabled to carry on a kind of predatory war sufficient to hurt and exasperate, but not to subdue. Af­ter some inconsiderable attempts on land, pro­claiming liberty to the slaves, Nov. 7. and setting up the royal standard, he took up his residence at Nor­folk, a maritime town of some consequence, where the people were better affected to Britain than in most other places. A considerable force, however, was collected a­gainst him; and the natural impetuosity of his temper prompting him to act against them with more courage than caution, he was entirely defeated, and obliged to re­tire to his shipping, which was now crowded by the number of those who had incurred the resentment of the provincials.

In the mean time, a scheme of the utmost magnitude and importance was formed by one Mr. Connelly, a Pennsylvanian, attached to the cause of Britain. The first step of this plan was to enter into a league with the Ohio Indians. This he cummunicated to lord Dunmore, and it received his approbation: Upon which Connelly [...] out, and actually succeeded in his design. On his return, he was dispatched to general Gage, from whom he received a colonel's commission, and set out in order to accomplish the remainder of his scheme. The plan in general was, that he should re­turn to the Ohio, where, by the assistance of the Brit­ish and Indians in these parts, he was to penetrate through the back settlements into Virginia, and join [...]ord Dunmore at Alexandria. But by an accident very naturally to be expected, he was discovered, taken [...]risoner, and confined.

After the retreat of lord Dunmore from Norfolk, [...]hat place was taken possession of by the provin­cials, who greatly distressed those on board lord [Page 68]Dunmore's fleet, by refusing to supply th [...] with any necessaries; 1776, Jan. 1. and by firing on th [...] from behind the buildings and warehouses on the wharves. These proceedings drew a remon­strance from his lordship; in which he likewise insist that the fleet should be furnished with necessaries; [...] his request being denied, a resolution was taken to [...] fire to the town. After giving the inhabitants pr [...] warning, a party landed, under cover of a man of [...] and set fire to that part which lay nearest the sho [...] but the flames were observed at the same time to [...] sorth in every other quarter, and the whole town [...] reduced to ashes. This universal destruction, [...] ­sioned a loss of more than £.300,000.

In the southern colonies of Carolina, the government were expelled, and obliged to take refuge on board men of war, as lord Dunmore had been; Mr. Ma [...] governour of North Carolina, on a charge of attemp [...] to raise the back settlers, consisting chiefly of S [...] Highlanders, against the colony. Having [...] themselves against any attempts of these enemies, [...] ever, they proceeded to regulate their internal con [...] in the same manner as the rest of the colonies.

Towards the end of the year 1775, Britain b [...] the whole of America united against her in the [...] determined opposition. Her vast possessions of [...] tract of land (since known by the name of the [...] States) were now reduced to the single town of B [...] in which her forces were besieged by an enemy [...] whom they were apparently not able to cope, and whom they must of course expect in a very short [...] to be expelled. The situation of the inhabitan [...] Boston, indeed, was peculiarly unhappy. After [...] ­ing failed in their attempts to leave the town, in [...] as has been already related, general Howe, who [...] ­ceeded general Gage in October, 1775, being [...] ­hensive [Page 69]that they might give intelligence of the situa­tion of the British troops, strictly prohibited any per­son from leaving the place under pain of military execution. 1776, March. Thus matters contin­ued till the month of March 1776, when the town was evacuated.

General Washington opened a battery on the west side of the town, from whence it was bombarded, with a heavy fire of cannon at the same time; and three days after, it was attacked by another battery from the eastern shore. This terrible attack continued for 14 days without intermission; when general Howe, find­ing the place no longer tenable, determined if possible to drive the enemy from their works. Preparations were therefore made for a most vigorous attack, on a hill called Dorchester Neck, which, during one night, the Americans had fortified in such a manner as would in all probability have rendered the enter­prise next to desperate. No difficulties, however, were sufficient to daunt the spirit of the general; and every thing was in readiness, when a sudden storm prevented an exertion which must have been productive of a dreadful waste of blood. Next day, upon a more close inspection of the works they were to attack, it was thought advisable to desist from the enterprise alto­gether. The fortifications were very strong, and ex­tremely well provided with artillery; and, besides other implements of destruction, upwards of 100 hogsheads of stones were provided to roll down upon the enemy as they came up; which, as the ascent was extremely steep, must have done prodigious execution.

Nothing therefore now remained but to think of a retreat; and even this was attended with the utmost difficulty and danger. The Americans, however, know­ing that it was in the power of the British general to reduce the town to ashes, which could not have been [Page 70]repaired in many years, and being told by four of the selectmen, who were allowed to go to the American camp, that general Howe did not intend to burn the town unless he was impeded in his embarkation, did not think proper to give the least molestation; and for the space of a fortnight the troops were employed in the evacuation of the place, from whence they carried along with them 2000 of the inhabitants, who durst not stay, on account of their attachment to the British cause. Several ships were left behind, in order to pro­tect such vessels as should arrive from Britain; and the fortifications of Castle William were blown up, lest the Americans should, by their means, lock up the m [...] of war in the harbour, and render any future attempt on the town by sea, totally impracticable. From Bos­ton they sailed to Halifax; but all their vigilance could not prevent a number of valuable ships from fall­ing into the hands of the Americans. During the embarkation of the rear of the royal army, general Washington marched into the town of Boston with all the parade of vic­tory, March 17. and was received by the inhabitants, who now recovered their liberty, with every possible mark of gratitude and respect, as their deliverer. He likewise received the public thanks of the assembly of the province. Being apprehensive however, that general Howe, who had rather more than 7000 men embark­ed, might make some attempt on New York, he that very day sent off some regiments for the defence of the place, under the conduct of general Lee. A con­siderable quantity of cannon and ammunition had also been left at Bunker's Hill and Boston Neck; and in the town, an immense variety of goods, principally woollen and linen, of which the provincials stood very much in need. Some shops, it is said, were opened and stripped of their goods by the soldiers; part w [...] [Page 71]carried off, and part wantonly destroyed. These ir­regularities were forbidden in orders, and the guilty threatened with death; but nevertheless much mis­chief was committed. The estates of those who fled to Halifax were confiscated; as also those who were attached to government, and had remained in the town.

As an attack was expected as soon as the British forces should arrive, every method was employed to render the fortifications, already very strong, impreg­nable. For this purpose, some foreign engineers were employed, who had before arrived at Boston; and so eager were people of all ranks to accomplish this busi­ness, that every able bodied man in the place, without distinction of rank, set apart two days in the week, to complete it the sooner.

CHAP. XXI.

IN Canada, the American arms continued unsu [...] ­cessful; nor did they ever recover after the blo [...] they received before the walls of Quebeck. That un­successful assault made a deep impression on the Cam­dians and Indians, which the most animating addresse [...] of Congress were unable to remove.

Congress, in their letter to the Canadians, observed, "Such is the lot of human nature, Jan. 24. that the best of causes are subject to vicissitudes; but generous souls, enlightened and warmed with the fire of liberty, become more resolute as difficulties increase." They stated to them, that "eight battalions were raising to proceed to their province, and that if more force was necessary it should be sent." They request­ed them to seize with eagerness the favourable oppor­tunity then offered to co-operate in the present glori­ous enterprise.

[Page 73] The cause of the Americans had received such pow­erful aid from many patriotic publications in their ga­zettes, and from the fervent exhortations of popular preachers, connecting the cause of liberty with the principles of religion, that it was determined to employ these two powerful instruments, printing and preach­ing, to operate on the minds of the Canadians. A complete apparatus for printing, together with a printer and a clergyman, were therefore sent into Canada.

These powerful auxiliaries were, however, of no avail. Reinforcements had been promised to general Arnold, who still continued the blockade of Quebeck; but they did not arrive in time to second his opera­tions. Being sensible, however, that he must either desist from the enterprise, or finish it successfully, he recommenced in form; attempting to burn the ship­ping, and even to storm the town itself. The provin­cials were unsuccessful, by reason of the smallness of their number, though they succeeded so far as to burn a number of houses in the suburbs; and the garrison were obliged to pull down the remainder, in order to prevent the sire from spreading.

As the provincials, though unable to reduce the town, kept the garrison in continual alarms, and in a very disagreeable situation, March 25. some of the nobility collected themselves into a body under the command of one Mr. Beaujeu, in or­der to relieve the capital; but they were met on their march, and so entirely defeated, that they were never afterwards able to attempt any thing.

By the first of May so many new troops had arriv­ed, that the American army, in name, amounted to 3000; but they had little reason to plume themselves on their success or augmented numbers. Their want of artillery at last convinced them, that it was imprac­ticable in their situation to reduce a place so strongly [Page 74]fortified; the small pox at the same time made its ap­pearance in their camp, and carried off great numbers; intimidating the rest to such a degree, that they desert­ed in crowds. The affections of the Canadians were likewise alienated by the rapacity and love of plunder which led many of the invading army to practices, dis­graceful to themselves, and injurious to the cause in which they had taken up arms. To add to their mis­fortunes, the British reinforcements unexpectedly ap­peared, and the ships made their way through the ice with such celerity, that the one part of their army was separated from the other, and general Carle­ton, May 6. sallying out as soon as the reinforcement was landed, obliged them to fly with the ut­most precipitation, leaving behind them all their cannon and military stores; at the same time that their ship­ping was entirely captured by vessels sent up the river for that purpose. On this occasion the provincials fled so fast that they could not be overtaken; so that none fell into the hands of the British, excepting the sick and the wounded.

The humanity and generosity of general Carleton met with no less applause, on this prosperous turn in his favour, than what he acquired by the brave and ju­dicious defence he had made, whilst every thing seemed to conspire against him. A number of the sick and wounded Americans were scattered about in the woods and villages, not only destitute of every comfort neces­sary in their miserable situation, but in the utmost dan­ger of perishing for want. To prevent the melancholy fate which threatened these unfortunate men, the vio­torious general issued a proclamation, to re­move their doubts and fears, May 10. engaging "that they should have relief and assistance at the public expense;" at the same time assuring them, "that as soon as they were recovered, they should have free [Page 75]liberty to depart." "This humane line of conduct," says Dr. Ramsay, was more injurious to the views of the leaders in the American councils, than the severity practised by other British commanders. The truly po­litic, as well as humane general Carleton, dismissed these prisoners, after liberally supplying their wants, with a recommendation, "to go home, mind their farms, and keep themselves and their neighbours from all participation in the unhappy war."

It was during this calamitous state of affairs that congress were seriously deliberating upon a final separ­ation from Great Britain. And, at length, in the month of July, the declaration of independence was published. A particular account of this momentous transaction will be given hereafter. In the mean time we shall go on with an account of the northern cam­paign.

The British general, now freed from any danger of an attack, was soon enabled to act offensively against the provincials, by the arrival of the forces destined for that purpose from Britain. By these he was put at the head of about 13,000 men, among whom were those of Brunswick. With this force he instantly set out to the Three Rivers, where he expected that Ar­nold would have made a stand; but he had retired to Sorel, a place 150 miles distant from Quebeck, where he was at last met by the reinforcements ordered by con­gress. Here, though the preceding events were by no means calculated to inspire much military ardour, a very daring enterprise was undertaken; and this was, to surprise the British troops posted here under generals Fraser and Nesbit; of whom the former commanded those on land, the latter such as were on board of transports, and were but a little way distant. The en­terprise was undoubtedly very hazardous, both on ac­count of the strength of the parties against whom they [Page 76]were to act, and as the main body of the British forc­es were advanced within 50 miles of the place; beside [...] that a number of armed vessels and transports with troops lay between them and the Three Rivers. Two thousand chosen men, however, under general Thom­son, engaged in this enterprise. Their success was by no means answerable to their spirit and valour. Though they passed the shipping without being observed, gen­eral Fraser had notice of their landing; and thus be­ing prepared to receive them, they were soon thrown into disorder, at the same time that general Nesbit, having landed his forces, prepared to attack them [...] the rear. On this occasion some field pieces did prodigious execution, June 8. and a retreat [...] found to be unavoidable. General Nesbit, however, had got between them and their boats; [...] that they were obliged to take a circuit through a de [...] swamp, whilst they were hotly pursued by both parties at the same time, who marched for some miles on each side of the swamp, till at last the unfortunate provincials were sheltered from further damage by a wood at the end of the swamp. Their general, however, was tak­en, with 200 of his men.

By this disaster the provincials lost all hopes of ac­complishing any thing in Canada. They demolished their works, and carried off their artillery with the ut­most expedition. They were pursued, however, by general Burgoyne; against whom it was expected that they would have collected all their force, and made [...] resolute stand. But they were now too much dispirit­ed by misfortune, to make any farther exertions of val­our. On the 18th of June the British gen­eral arrived at Fort St. John's, June 18. which he found abandoned and burnt. Chamble [...] had shared the same fate, as well as all the vessels that were not capable of being dragged up against the cur­rent [Page 77]of the river. It was thought that they would have made some resistance at Nut Island, the entrance to Lake Champlain; but this also they had abandoned, and retreated across the lake to Crown Point, whither they could not be immediately followed. Thus was the province of Canada entirely evacuated by the A­mericans; whose loss in their retreat from Quebeck was not calculated at less than 1000 men, of whom 400 fell at once into the hands of the enemy at a place called the Cedars, about 50 miles above Montreal, by the bad conduct of colonel Cole and major Butterfield, who escaped deserved punishment, and were only cash­iered and disgraced. General Sullivan, however, who conducted this retreat after the affair of general Thom­son, had great merit in what he did, and received the thanks of congress accordingly.

Great numbers of Canadians had taken a decided part with the Americans; and although congress had assured them but a few months before, "that they would never abandon them to the fury of their com­mon enemies," the provincial commanders were, from the necessity of the case, forced to leave them to the mercy of that government against which they had of­fended. A short time before the Americans evacuated Canada, general Arnold was busily employed in plun­dering the merchants of Montreal, under pretence of supplying the army. And "his nephew, soon after, opened a store at Albany, and publicly disposed of goods which had been procured at Montreal."

General Sullivan left the northern army on the 12th of July, and was succeeded by general Gates. Gen­eral Sullivan's return of the troops serving in Canada was 7006. It appears that the whole loss sustained by the provincials at Quebeck, Three Rivers, Cedars, the consequent retreat from Canada, together with deaths and desertions which happened from the first of April, [Page 78]amounted to upwards of 5000 men, exclusive [...] 3000 sick.

Towards the end of July, one lieutenant W [...]combe, a Green Mountain boy, who was out [...] scouting party, was guilty of a most base and villan [...] action, from no other principle than a desire of pl [...] ­der. He wanted a sword and a watch; and in order to supply himself, shot general Gordon, as he was [...] ­ing unarmed from St. John's towards Chamblee. T [...] general died of the wound a few days after. This, [...] was [...]atural, raised the resentment of sir Guy Carlet [...] army. Through the weakness of government, [...] military discipline, at that time, he was neither de [...] ­ered up to the enemy, nor received deserved punis [...] ­ment.

Some transactions happened at Boston, after i [...] [...] evacuated, which deserve to be mentioned. One M [...] ­ford, who had been master of a trading vessel, app [...] to general Ward for the command of a continen [...] cruiser which lay unemployed. By his importun [...] and professions he prevailed, and had an order gi [...] him. The captain having procured powder and [...] with twenty men, pushed immediately into Boston [...] After he was gone from the general, the latter recei [...] such a bad character of him, that he sent off an expre [...] to recall the order; but it was too late, as Mug [...] had sailed. Soon after he had got into the bay, [...] ship Hope of 270 tons, 4 guns, and 17 men, preferm [...] to view. She was last from Corke, and had on bo [...] 1500 barrels of gunpowder, besides carbines and bay­onets, travelling carriages for heavy cannon, a vast va­riety of tools, implements, and necessaries for the ar [...] and artillery. Captain Mugford, in [...] cruiser of fifty tons and four guns, May 17. ran [...] to her, and ordered her to strike. The Hope, either from the sailors declining to fight, or [Page 79]from other motives, made no resistance. Commodore Banks lay a few miles off with his men of war, in sight; and his boats might soon have been up with the ship. The captain of the Hope, sensible of this advan­tage, gave orders to his men to cut the topfail hal­liards and ties. Mugford heard the orders, and knew the consequence of executing them—that the sailing of the ship would be so long prevented, that the men of war's boats would recover her. He therefore open­ed with a volley of oaths and execrations, and, in the most horrid manner, threatened the captain and every man on board with immediate death if the orders were executed, upon which the captain was so terrified as to desist. After taking possession of his prize, Mugford was joined by two other small cruisers, who assisted in carrying her safe through Pudding Point Gut. The [...]inhabitants of Boston, who had been engaged in keep­ing the continental fast, had, on leaving their respective places of worship in the afternoon, the peculiar plea­sure of seeing in the harbour the most valuable prize, on account of the powder, taken since the commence­ment of the war.

Two days after this exploit, Mugford's cruiser and another in company were attacked, when at anchor in Pudding Point Gut, by thirteen boats from the men of war at Nantasket. The boats were beaten off with the loss of the brave lieutenant who commanded, and sev­eral of his men; but Mugford, exerting himself heroic­ally, was killed, and was the only person lost on the side of the American cruisers.

Commodore Banks, omitting to leave cruisers in the bay, after he was forced to leave Nantasket, afforded an opportunity to the American privateers of taking a number of Highlanders. Three days after his quitting it, June 17. the George and Annabella transports entered, after a passage of seven [Page 80]weeks from Scotland, during which time, they had [...] an opportunity of speaking with a single vessel, th [...] could give them the smallest information of the British troops having evacuated Bost [...]n. They were attac [...] in the morning by four privateers, with whom [...] engaged till the evening, when she privateer [...] [...] away, and the transports pushed for Boston harbour not doubting but that they should receive protection either from a fort, or ship of force stationed for [...] security of British ships. They stood up for Nant [...] road, when an American battery opened upon th [...] which was the first serious proof they had of the fi [...] ­tion of affairs at the port to which they were desti [...] They were too far embayed to retreat, as the wind [...] died away, and the tide was half expended. The [...] ­vateers, with which they had been engaged, joined [...] two others, made towards them. They prepared [...] action, but by some misfortune, the Annabella [...] aground so far astern of the George, that the latter [...] ­pected but a feeble support from her musketry. [...] eleven at night, the privateers anchored close by, [...] hailed them to strike the British flag. The mate [...] George, and every sailor on board, the captain except­ed, refused to fight any longer; but every officer [...] private of the seventy-first regiment, who were in [...] ship, stood to their quarters, with ready obedience [...] the lieutenant colonel, until their ammunition was [...] ­pended. They were then forced to yield, after a [...] combat of an hour and an half. Their killed [...] eight privates and major Menzies, besides seven [...] wounded. The major was buried with the hon [...] of war at Boston; and the prisoners experienced [...] utmost civility and good treatment. A week b [...] the capture of these transports, the Ann, in the [...] service, was taken and carried into Marblehead. [...] number of Highlanders taken amounted to 267 [...] ­vates, [Page 81]and 48 officers, besides lieutenant colonel Ar­chibald Campbell.

The bad suecess of the provincials in Canada, was somewhat compensated by what happened in the south­ern colonies.—We have formerly taken notice that Mr. Martin, governour of North Carolina, had been obliged to leave his province and take refuge on board a man of war. Notwithstanding this, he did not despair of reducing it again to obedience. For this purpose be applied to the Regulators, a daring set of men, who lived in a kind of independent state; and though con­sidered by government as rebels, yet had never been molested, [...] account of their numbers and known skill in the use of fire arms. To the chiefs of these people commissions were sent, in order to raise some regiments; and a colonel Macdonald was appointed to command them. In the month of February he erected the king's standard, issued proclamations, &c. and collected some forces, expecting to be soon joined by a body of regu­lar troops, who were known to be shipped from Britain to act against the southern colonies. The Americans, sensible of their danger, dispatched immediately what forces they had to act against the royalists, at the same time that they diligently exerted themselves to support these with suitable reinforcements. Their present force was commanded by a general Moore, whose numbers were inforior [...] Macdonald; for which reason the lat­ter summoned him to join the king's stand­ard under pain of being treated as a rebel. Feb. 15. But Moore, being well provided with can­non, and conscious that nothing could be attempted a­gainst him, returned the compliment, by acquainting colonel Macdonald, that if he and his party would lay down their arms, and subscribe an oath of fidelity to congress, they should be treated as friends; but if they persisted in an undertaking for which it was evident [Page 82]they had not sufficient strength, they could not but [...] ­pect the severest treatment. He reminded them [...] their ungrateful behaviour to the colony, and the g [...] ­eral himself of an oath he and some of his efficers [...] taken a short time before, that they only came to [...] their friends and relations, without any concern wh [...] ­ever in public matters; upon which declaration al [...] they were allowed to enter the country; whilst on [...] other hand he and his officers were engaged in the [...] honourable and glorious cause in the world—the [...] ­fence of the liber [...]ies of their country.

In a few days general Moore found himself at the [...] of 8000 men, by reason of the continual supplice [...] daily arrived from all parts. The royal party amo [...] ­ed only to 2000, and they were destitute of artille [...] which prevented them from attacking the enemy [...] they had the advantage of numbers. They were [...] therefore obliged to have recourse to a desperate ex [...] ­tion of personal valour; by di [...]t of which they effec [...] a retreat for near 80 miles to Mo [...]re's Creek, within [...] miles of Wilmington. Could they have gained [...] place, they expected to have been joined by govern [...] Martin, lord William Campbell, and general Clint [...] who had lately arrived with a considerable detachme [...] whom they were to introduce into the heart of [...] country; by which means they hoped that all the [...] settlers would be united in the royal cause, the Indi [...] be brought forward, and the loyalists meet [...] encouragement to show themselves. But Moore [...] his army pursued them so close, that they were oblig [...] to attempt the passage of the creek itself, though a [...] ­siderable body of the Americans, under the comma [...] of colonel Caswell, with fortifications well planted [...] cannon, was posted on the other side. On attempt [...] the creek however, it was found not to be forda [...] They were obliged therefore to cross over a wooden [Page 83]bridge, which the provincials had not time to destroy entirely. They had, however, by pulling up part of the planks, and greasing the remainder in order to render them slippery, made the passage so difficult, that the royalists could not attempt it. In this situation they were, Feb. 27. on the 27th of Feb­ruary, attacked by Moore with his superior army, and totally defeated, with the loss of their general and most of their leaders, as well as the best and bravest of their men, and the victory on the part of the pro­vincials was every way complete.

Thus was the power of the provincials established in North Carolina. Nor were they less successful in the province of Virginia; where lord Dunmore, having long continued an useless predatory war, was at last driven from every creek and road in the province. The people he had on board were distressed to the high­est degree by confinement in small vessels. The heat of [...]he season, and the numbers crowded together, pro­duced a pestilential fever, which made great havoc, especially among the blacks. At last, finding them­selves in the utmost hazard of perishing by famine as well as disease, they set fire to the least valuable of their vessels, reserving only about 50 for themselves, in which they bid a final adieu to Virginia, some sailing to Florida, July. some to Bermuda, and the rest to the West Indies. Lord Dunmore, after he quitted Virginia, joined the Pritish forces, and arrived with sir Peter Parker off Staten island.

In South Carolina the provincials had a more for­midable enemy to deal with. A squadron, whose ob­ject was the reduction of Charleston, had been fitted out in December 1775; but by reason of unfavourable weather did not reach Cape Fear in North Ca­rolina, May. till the month of May 1776: and here it met with f [...]rther obstacles till the end of the [Page 84]month. Thus the Americans, always noted for their alertness in raising fortifications, had time to strength [...] those of Charleston in such a manner as rendered, extremely difficult to be attacked. The British squ [...] ­ron consisted of the Bristol, the admiral's ship, of [...] guns; the Experiment of the same force; the Act [...] Solebay, and Syren frigates of 28 guns each; [...] Sphinx of 20, a hired armed ship of 22, a small slo [...] of war, an armed schooner, and the Thunder [...] ketch, all under the command of sir Peter Parker The land forces were commanded by general Clint [...] lord Cornwallis, June. and brigadier general Vaugh [...] In the beginning of June the squadron anch [...] ­ed off Charleston bar.

The Americans were commanded by general L [...] who had been the constant antagonist of Clinton [...] since he left Boston: when the British general touch [...] at New York, such was the activity and diligence [...] the provincials, headed by general Lee, that he fou [...] no place open to attack: on his arrival at Virginia, [...] found every thing in the same state: when he came [...] Cape Fear, in North Carolina, the same general [...] present in the same state of preparation: and now, [...] his arrival at Charleston, the same opponent presen [...] himself, seemingly as well prepared for his recepti [...] as ever.

The fleet had some difficulty in passing Charle [...] bar, being obliged to take out the guns from two [...] the largest ships, which were, notwithstanding, seve [...] times in danger of sticking fast. The next obsta [...] was a strong fort on Sullivan's Island, six miles [...] from Charleston; which, though not completely fin­ished, was very strong. However, the British general resolved without hesitation to attack it; but though an attack was easy from the sea, it was very difficult to obtain a co-operation of the land forces. This was [Page 85]attempted by landing them on Long Island, adjacent to Sullivan's Island on the east, from which it is sepa­rated by a very narrow creek; [...]d not to be above two feet deep at low water. Opposite to this ford the provincials had posted a strong body of troops, with cannon and intrenchments; whilst general Lee was posted on the main land, with a bridge of boats betwixt that and Sullivan's Hand, so that he could at pleasure send reinforcements to the troops in the fort on Sulli­van's Island.

On the part of the British, so many delays occursed, that it was the 28th of June before matters were in readiness for an attack; and by this time the provin­cials had abundantly provided for their reception. On the morning of that day, the bomb ketch began to throw shells into Fort Sullivan, June 28. and about mid-day the two 50 gun ships and the three 28 gun frigates came up and began a severe fire. The three frigates were ordered to take their station between Charleston and the fort, in order to ensilade the batteries, and cut off the communication with the main land; but through the ignorance of the pilots they all stuck fast; and though two of them were disentangled, they were found to be totally unfit for service: the third was burnt, that she might not fall into the hands of the provincials.

The attack was therefore confined to the Bristol, Experiment, the three armed vessels, and the bomb ketch, between whom and the fort a [...]readful fire en­sued. The Bristol suffered excessively. The springs on her cable being shot away, she was for some time entirely exposed to the fire of the batteries. As the Americans poured in great quantities of red hot balls; she was twice in flames. The captain (Mr. Morris) after receiving five wounds, was obliged to go below deck in order to have his arm amputated. After undergo­ing [Page 86]this operation he returned to his place, where [...] received another wound, but still refused to [...] station: at last he received a red hot ball in his [...] which instantly put an end to his life. Of all the [...] ­cers and seamen who stood on the quarter deck of [...] vessel, not one escaped without a wound, excepting [...] Peter Parker alone; whose intrepidity and presen [...] mind on this occasion was very remarkable. The [...] en­gagement lasted till darkness put an end to it. [...] damage was done by the British, as the works of [...] Americans lay so low that many of the shot flew [...] and the fortifications being composed of pa [...] [...] mixed with earth, were extremely well calculate [...] resist the impression of cannon. During the heigh [...] [...] the attack, the provincial batteries remained for so [...] ­time silent, so that it was concluded that they [...] been abandoned; but this was found to proceed [...] from want of powder; for as soon as a supply of [...] necessary article was obtained, the firing was resum [...] as before. During this desperate engagement it [...] found impossible for the land forces to give the [...] assistance to the fleet. The American works [...] found to be much stronger than they had been ima [...] ­ed, and the depth of water effectually prevented th [...] from making any attempt. In this unsuccessful [...] ­tack, the killed and wounded on the part of the [...] ammounted to about 200. The Bristol and Experim [...] were so much damaged, that it was thought they [...] not have been got over the bar; however, this was last accomplished by a very great exertion of [...] skill, to the surprise of the provincials, who had [...] ­pected to make them both prizes. On the Americ [...] side the loss was judged to have been considerable, [...] was reported to be only ten men killed, and twenty- [...] wounded. Before morning, the ships had retired about two miles distant from the island, and in a few days [Page 87]more, the troops re-embarked, and the whole sailed for New York.

The Americans on this occasion justly boasted of their heroes. A serjeant, observing the flag staff shot away in the beginning of the action, jumped from one of the embrasures upon the beach, took up the flag, and fixing it upon a sponge staff, put it in its proper place, in the midst of the dreadful fire already men­tioned. For this distinguished act of bravery he was presented with a sword by the congress. Another, whilst exerting himself in a very distinguished manner, was c [...]lly shattered by a cannon ball: when about to expire, "My friends," said he, "I am dying, but don't let the cause of liberty expire with me."

The thanks of congress were given to general Lee, and also to colonels Moultrie and Thomson for their good conduct in this memorable action. In com­pliment to the commanding officer, the fort from that time was called Fort Moultrie.

This year also, the Americans, having so frequently made trial of their valour by land, became desirous of trying it by sea also, and of forming a navy that might in some measure be able to protect their trade, and do essential hurt to the enemy. In the beginning of March, Commodore Hopkins was dispatched with two ships, two brigs, and a sloop to the Bahama Islands, where he made himself master of the ordnance and military stores; but the gunpowder, which had been the principal object, was removed. On his return he captured several vessels; but was foiled in his attempt on the Glasgow frigate, which found means to escape, notwithstanding the efforts of his whole squadron.

The attempt upon the southern colonies, being the first part of the ministerial plan for 1776, being defeat­ed, what remained to be attempted was, an invasion of the Northern provinces from Canada, and an expedi­tion [Page 88]against the city of New York. The conduct of the former was given to general Burgoyne; the [...] to general Howe. From the attack on New York great advantages were expected. Its central position it was thought, would enable the British generals [...] carry on the war with equal facility, either in Connec­ticut or in the southern provinces, and to quit or vary the scene of action as they pleased; whilst its [...] time situation, being mostly inclosed with islands, [...] only promised to ensure success originally, but to [...] an easy defence and protection by the ships of [...]. By the junction of the army from Canada [...] under general Howe, it was also proposed to distre [...] the colonies in the most effectual manner, by cutting off the communication between the northern and southern provinces; and the abundant fertility [...] plenty of the province of New York, seemed to [...] ­der it a most eligible station for any body or troops.

Whilst the British northern army remained in Can­ada, general Carleton; as head of the province, too [...] the command. After the expulsion of the American from the province, they had crossed the lake Champla [...], and taken up their quarters at Crown Point, as has be [...] already mentioned. Here they remained for some [...] in safety, as the British had no vessels on the lake, and consequently general Burgoyne could not pursue them. To remedy this deficiency, there was no possible meth­od, but either to construct vessels on the spot, or [...] to pieces some vessels already constructed, and dra [...] them up the river into the lake. This, however, wa [...] effected in no longer a space than three months; and the British general, after incredible toil and difficulty, saw himself in possession of a great number of vessels, by which means he was enabled to pursue his enemies, and invade them in his turn. The labour undergone at this time by the sea and land forces must indeed [Page 89]have been prodigious; since there were conveyed over land, and dragged up the rapids of St. Lawrence, no fewer than thirty large long boats, 400 batteaux, besides a vast number of flat-bottomed boats, and a gondola of 30 tons. The intent of the expedition was to push forward, before winter, to Albany, where the army would take up its winter quarters, and next spring ef­fect a junction with that under general Howe, when it was not doubted that the united force and skill of these two commanders would speedily put a termination to the war.

By reason of the difficulties with which the equip­ment of this fleet had been attended; it was the begin­ning of October before the expedition could be un­dertaken. It was now, however, by every judge, al­lowed into be completely able to answer the purpose for which it was intended. It consisted of the Inflexible, a large vessel with three masts, carrying 18 twelve pounders; two schooners, the one carrying 14, the oth­er 12 six pounders; a large flat-bottomed radean with 6 twenty four and 6 twelve pounders; and a gondola with 8 nine pounders. Besides these, were 20 vessels of a smaller size, called gun-boats, carrying each a piece of brass ordnance from nine to twenty four pounders, or howitzers. Several long boats were fitted out in the same manner; and besides all these, there was a vast number of boats and tenders of various sizes to be used as transports for the troops and baggage. It was man­ned by a number of select seamen, and the guns were to be served by a detachment from the corps of artil­lery; the officers and soldiers appointed for this expedi­tion were also chosen out of the whole army. The whole was put under the command of captain Pringle.

To oppose this formidable armament, the Americans had but an inconsiderable naval force, under the com­mand of general Arnold. It consisted of a schooner [Page 90]which mounted only 12 six and four pounders, [...] fifteen vessels of inferior force. The British could [...] no step to accomplish their designs on the northern frontiers of New York until they had the command of Lake Champlain. Accordingly their [...] proceeded up the lake, Oct. 11. and, on the 11 [...] October, engaged the American fleet. Th [...] inequality between the contending fleets, was somewhat lessened by an unfavourable wind, which prevented [...] British ship inflexible and some other vessels of [...] from getting into action. The principal damage [...] ­tained by the Americans, was the loss of a scho [...] and gondola. At the approach of night the action [...] discontinued; and the vanquished effected their esca [...] during the darkness of the night, by the judgment [...] ability of their commander. By the next mor [...] [...] whole fleet under general Arnold was out of [...] but the British having a favourable wind, overtook [...] Americans, and brought them to action near [...] Point. An engagement of two hours [...] ­ed, Oct. 13. which was well supported on both [...]. Some of the American vessels which [...] most ahead escaped to Ticonderoga. Two gallies [...] five gondolas remained and made a desperate resista [...] One of the gallies struck and was taken. General Arnold finding escape impossible and resistance una [...] ­ing, determined to run his vessels on shore. This [...] executed with equal judgment and boldness. He [...] the Congress galley, on board of which he was, togeth­er with the five gondolas, ashore, in such a position, [...] to enable him to land his men and blow up the vessel nor did he quit his own galley till she was in flam [...] lest the British should board her and strike his [...] "The result of this action, though unfavourable to the Americans, raised the reputation of general Arnold higher than ever. In addition to the fame of a [...] [Page 91]soldier, he acquired that of an able sea officer." The garrison of Crown Point retired to Ticonderoga. Thither general Carleton intended to have pursued them; but the difficulties he had to encounter appeared so many and so great, that he thought it proper to march back to Canada, and desist from any farther op­erations till next spring. On the part of the British, although victorious, the object of a campaign, in which 13,000 men were employed, and near a million of money expended, was rendered in a great measure abor­tive. Whereas on the part of the Americans, although some men, and a few armed vessels were lost, yet time was gained, their army saved; and the frontier of the adjacent states secured from a projected invasion.

The ill success which had attended the provincial arms in Canada, did not in any degree damp the general spirit of the people. Matters had been carried to such extremities, that little hope of a reconciliation seemed to remain. The Americans were exasperated to the utmost degree by the proceedings of parliament, which placed them out of the royal protection, and engaged 16,000 foreign mercenaries in the plan of subduing them. These were hires from the langrave of Hesse Caffel, the duke of Brunswick, and the hered­itary prince of Hesse Caffel, by a treaty concluded on the 29th of February 1776. Congress began, there­fore, about the middle of May, to put in execu­tion the scheme with which they had been so long charged on the other side of the Atlantic, May [...] that of declaring the colonies independent, and separating from Britain entirely. As a proper intro­duction to a declaration of this kind, a circular letter, or manifesto, was seat through the different colonies, in which war set forth the necessity of suppressing the au­thority of the crown entirely, and taking all the powers of government into their own hands. In support of [Page 92]this position, they instanced the prohibitory act; [...] rejection of their petitions for redress of grievances [...] reconciliation; and the intended exertion of all [...] force of Britain, aided by foreign troops, for their de­struction. They concluded with a recommendati [...] those colonies, whose government was not already suf­ficiently well settled, to proceed to the establishment such a form as was necessary to the internal peace [...] the country, and the present exigency of affairs [...] the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties a­gainst the hostile invasions and cruel depredation [...] their enemies.

This address proved universally acceptable, except the provinces of Pennsylvania and Maryland; and [...] deputies sent to congress by the latter even left the as­sembly, after voting peremptorily against independent. The situation of the colonies, however, was extre [...] embarrassing, and the arguments on both sides [...] might have puzzled the most quick sighted politi [...] On the one hand, the separation from Great Bri [...] even supposing that it could be easily [...] be attended with many inconveniences. The [...] ­tion of the great parent state, and the utility of [...] power of a common sovereign to balance so many [...] ­arate, and probably discordant commonwealths, be [...] many political and commercial advantages derived [...] the union with Britain, were self-evident. On [...] other hand, they considered their liberty as their [...] ­est good, without which all other advantages cou [...] of no value. Were they to [...] to a great [...] army consisting of foreigners as well as Bri [...], [...] even partly of their own slaves, what terms could [...] hope for? The moment they laid down their [...] they must be at the mercy of the enemy. But to [...] purpose did they take up these arms? If to security liberty, then should they lay them down without [...] [Page 93]security, such an act must be supposed an acknowledg­ment that their first resistance was rebellion, and the pardon offered was the only security for the future, or satisfaction for the present, they could expect. As Britain, therefore, had uniformly rejected their entrea­ties, and now abandoned them to plunder without re­morse, except on unconditional submission, it was plain­ly by war alone that their object was to be gained.

Another weighty consideration was, that as long as they acknowledged the supremacy of Great Britain, their councils and generals would be equally destitute of authority civil or military;—the war they carried on must be feeble, irregular, and unsuccessful;—orders would be given which nobody would obey, and con­spiracies and mutinies formed which none could have a just power to punish or repress. Neither would any foreign power support them against the hostile attempts of Great Britain, as long as they held themselves to be her subjects. "We do not break the connexion," said they; "it is already broken and dissolved by act of parliament; and thus abandoned, all laws human and divine, not only permit, but demand of us, to provide every internal and external means of our preservation."

Whilst this eventful subject occupied the public mind, several writers placed the advantages of inde­pendence, and a republican government, in various lights. Among these, Thomas Paine, of Philadelphia, a native of England, took the lead. The stile, manner, and language of the author is singular and fascinating, and well calculated to rouse the passions. He under­took to prove, in a pamphlet entitled Common Sense, ^* the necessity, practicability and advantages of inde­pendence. He observed that every body allowed it would inevitably happen at some future period; and urged several reasons to evidence that the moment was [Page 94]at hand. That no lurking affection for the sovereign might impede the measure, kingly government and he­reditary succession were turned into ridicule. He like­wise brought to his aid several passages in the Old Tes­tament, from which he concludes, that the Almighty hath entered his protest against monarchical government. That the institution of kings was the most prosperous invention the devil ever set on foot, for the promotion of idolatry. Kings were placed in such a light, as tended not only to destroy all attachment to them, but, to make them distasteful, their office was attempted to be ren­dered odious; from whence the transition to the royal person was easy. Nothing could have been better tim­ed, to accomplish the end in view, than this perform­ance. It was received with applause; read by almost every American; and recommended as a work replete with truth, and against which none but the partial and prejudiced could form any objections. In union with the feelings and sentiments of the people, it produced surprising effects. It satisfied multitudes that it was their true interest immediately to cut the gordian knot by which the colonies had been bound to Great Britain, and to open their commerce as an independent people, to all the nations of the world.

These arguments, resounding from all quarters, sec­onded by the enmity against the mother country, which was now bred in the minds of the people, soon decided the matter. The Maryland delegates were instructed to return to congress, and act as they found most proper for the interests of their country. In Pennsylvania it had been fairly debated in their provin­cial assemblies, where it was carried by vast majorities that the delegates should agree to the determinations of congress: and John Dickinson, one of the delegates from that province was displaced, because he had [Page 95]spoken and voted against the motion for independency, made in congress by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, on the seventh of June.

On the first of July, congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, upon the subject of independ­ency; but neither colonies nor members being unani­mous, it was postponed till the next day. After a full discussion, the measure of declaring the colonies free and independent was approved, by nearly an unani­mous vote. And the fourth of July, 1776, announced to the world the erection of this new empire. July 4. The title of this act was; "A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled." And was ex­pressed in the following words:

On the 8th of July, at twelve o'clock, the declaration of independence was proclaimed at the state-house in Philadelphia, amidst the greatest acclamations. The next day, in consequence of general orders, it was read at the head of each brigade of the continental army at New York, and every where received with loud huz­zas, and the utmost demonstrations of joy. The same evening, the equestrian statue of the king was laid prostrate on the ground, and the lead of which it was made was doomed to be run into bullets.

The declaration of independence was made at a time when no royal governour had even the shadow of au­thority in any of the colonies; and when no British troops had any footing in the United States. A for­midable force was indeed collected on the coasts ready for invasion, and in face of that armament this decisive step was taken. The Americans now knew the ground on which they stood, and every thing assumed a new appearance. The sophistical distinctions between the limits of authority on the one side, and of liberty on the other, were done away. Every person was now able to form his own judgment; the question being simply whether America should be conquered or inde­pendent.

The institution of new forms of government began [Page 102]to take place in the different states, as had been recom­mended by congress, in the month of May this year. Although the kingly office was abolished, yet, in most of the subordinate departments of government, ancient forms and names were retained. Each state appointed a supreme executive head, with the title of governour or president. They agreed, likewise, in deriving the whole powers of government, either mediately or im­mediately from the people.

As a farther security for the continuance of republi­can principles, in the American constitutions, they agreed in prohibiting any hereditary honours and dis­tinction of ranks. All religious establishments w [...] abolished. Some retained a constitutional distinction between Christians and others, with respect to eligibili­ty to office, but the idea of supporting one denomina­tion at the expense of others, or of raising any one [...] of Protestants to a legal preeminence, was universally reprobated. The alliance between Church and State was completely broken, and each was left to support it­self independent of the other. It was sixteen months after this time, before the plan of confederation was so far digested as to be ready for communication to the states. Nor was it ratified by all the states till nearly three years more had elapsed.

Many difficulties occurred in settling the rational contributions from each state. The value of lands [...] finally fixed upon as the criterion. The representati [...] of the states was not so easily settled, but the large states yielded the point, for the present, and consent­ed that each state should have an equal suffrage; being fearful of weakening their exertions against the com­mon enemy.

As a radical change of the whole system of the first constitution took place a few years after the termination of the war, it is neither necessary nor consistent with [Page 103]the limits of this work to give any account of it. Suffice it to say, that it answered the purpose of the times, "when the citizens of America were young in the science of politics, and when a commanding sense of duty, enforced by the pressure of a common danger, precluded the necessity of a power of compulsion."

It is amusing to recollect, at this distance of time, that one effect of independence was an aversion to every thing which bore the name and marks of royalty. Sign boards on which were painted the king's arms, or the crown and sceptre, or the portraits of any branches of the royal family, were pulled down or defaced. Pic­tures and escutcheons of the same kind in private hous­es were inverted or concealed. The names of streets, which had been called after a king or queen were al­tered; and the half pence, which bore the name of George III. were either refused in payment, or degrad­ed to farthings. These last have not yet recovered their value.

It was not long before the constancy both of the rul­ers and subjects of the new empire were to undergo a severe trial. Hitherto they had been upon the whole successful in their operations: but now they were doom­ed to experience misfortune, misery, and disappoint­ment; the enemy over-running their country, and their own armies not able to face them in the field. Imme­diately after the repulse the British had sustained at Charleston, they appeared off New York, with a for­midable armament. This was composed of the fleet and army which had left Boston, along with the new raised forces in Britain, and 13,000 Hessians and Wal­deckers. The whole number destined to act on this occasion was not less than 35,000 men; though all these never were at any time brought into one engage­ment. Such a force, however, had never before ap­peared in any part of America; nor was it perhaps [Page 104]ever exceeded by any European army of equal number, whether we consider the goodness of the troops, the abundant provision of all manner of military stores and materials, or the excellence and number of artillery of all kinds. It was besides supported by a very numer­ous fleet, well adapted for the service, consisting of six ships of the line, thirty frigates, besides other armed vessels, and a vast number of transports. The fleet was commanded by lord Howe, and the land forces by his br [...]her general Howe, men of approved valour and experience, who had already signalized themselves in the service of their country. General Howe, a consid­erable time before his brother arrived, had set sail from Halifax, and lay before New York, but without at­tempting to commence hostilities until he should be joined by his brother. The Americans had, according to custom, June 25. fortified New York and the adjacent islands in an extra [...] ­dinary manner. However, general Howe was suffered to land his troops on Staten Island, where he was soon joined by a number of the inhabitants. About the middle of July, July 14. lord Howe arrived with the grand arma­ment; and being one of the commissioners appointed to receive the submission of the colonists, he published a circular letter to this purpose to the several governours who had been expelled from their provinc­es, desiring them to make the extent of his commission, and the powers he was invested with by parliament, as public as possible. Here, however, congress saved him trouble, by ordering his letter and declaration to he published in all the newspapers, "That every one might see the insidiousness of the British ministry, and that they had nothing to trust to besides the exertion of their own valour."

[Page 105] Lord Howe next sent a letter to general Washing­ton; but as it was directed "To George Washington, esq" the general refused to accept of it, as not being directed in the style suitable to his station. To obviate this objection, adjutant general Patterson was sent with another letter, directed "To George Washing­ton, &c. &c. &c." But though a very polite recep­tion was given to the bearer, general Washington ut­terly refused the letter; nor could any explanation of the adjutant induce him to accept of it. The only interesting part of the conversation was that relating to the powers of the commissioners, of whom lord Howe was one. The adjutant told him, that these powers were very extensive: that the commissioners were de­termined to exert themselves to the utmost, in order to bring about a reconciliation; and that he hoped the general would consider this visit as a step towards it. General Washington replied, that it did not appear that these powers consisted in any thing else than granting pardons; and as America had committed no offence, she asked no forgiveness, and was only defending her unquestionable rights. Two days before adjutant gen­eral Paterson had the above-mentioned interview, in­dependence was solemnly proclaimed by the civil authority, as if in defiance of all the then formidable appearances: after which, the king's arms, and an elegant picture of his majesty, were destroyed. Upon those proceedings, the episcopal clergy shut up their churches.

The whole continental army in and near New York, at this critical period, Aug. 8. amounted only to 17,225 men. These were mostly new troops, and were much scattered, some being 15 miles apart.

The decision of every thing being now by consent of both parties lest [...] the sword, no time was lost, but hostilities commenced as soon as the British troops [Page 106]could be collected. This, however, was not [...] before the month of August; Aug. 22. when [...] landed without any opposition on Long Isl [...] opposite to the shore of Staten Island, be­tween two small towns, Utrecht and Gravesend. G [...] ­eral Putnam, with a large body of troops, lay encam [...] and strongly fortified on a peninsula on the opp [...] shore, with a [...]ge of hills between the armies, [...] principal pass of which was near [...] place called [...] [...]ush. Here the centre of the British army, consist [...] of Hessians, under general de Heister, took post; [...] left wing, under general Grant, lying near the sho [...] and the right, consisting of the greater part of the [...]ish forces, lay under lord Piercy, Cornwallis, and gen­eral Clinton. Putnam had ordered the passes to [...] secured by large detachments, which was executed [...] to those at hand; but one of the utmost importa [...] that lay at a distance, was entirely neglected. It [...] therefore secured by general Clinton, the night [...] the battle. This gave an opportunity to a large [...] of troops under [...] Piercy and Clin [...] pass the mountains and attack the A [...]cans in the rear, Aug. 27. while they were enga [...] with the Hessians in front. Through this piece [...] negligence, their defeat became inevitable. Those [...] were engaged with the Hessians first perceived [...] mistake, and began a retreat towards their camp; [...] the passage was intercepted by the British troops, [...] drove them back into the woods. Here they [...] met by the Hessians; and thus were they for [...] hours slaughtered between the two parties, no way escape remaining but by breaking through the Br [...] troops, and thus regaining their camp. In this att [...] many perished; and the right wing, engaged with g [...] ­eral Grant, shared the same fate. The victory [...] complete: six brass ordnance were taken; and the [Page 107]Americans lost on this fatal day, considerably upwards of 1000 men. Among the prisoners were two gen­eral officers, Sullivan and lord Sterling; 3 colonels, 4 lieutenant colonels, 3 majors, 18 captains, 43 lieuten­ants, and 11 ensigns, with a number of privates. Among the slain, a regiment, consisting of young gentlemen of fortune and family in Maryland, was almost entirely cut in pieces, and of the survivors not one escaped without a wound. The British accounts stated the killed, wound­ed, and prisoners, at 3000.

On the part of the British, this victory was cheaply gained; their loss in killed and wounded not exceed­ing 450 men, of whom the former did not amount to a fifth part. The ardour of the British troops, after the victory, was so great, that they could scarcely be restrained from attacking the lines of the provincials.

"In this action, a body of provincials were put to [...] after they had thrown down their arms, and ask­ed for quarter. The reason assigned for this piece of severity, was, that they had discharged their pieces be­fore they had asked for quarter. They were told that if they had expected quarter, they ought to have asked it before they fired; but now that they had fired, and done all the mischief they could, they had no mercy to expect."

During the continuance of this unfortunate engage­ment, general Washington passed over from New York, and is said to have burst into the most poignant exclamation of grief, when he saw the inevitable de­struction which involved some of his best troops. He had then, and subsequent to the engagement, passed over to Long Island the greatest part of his army, hop­ing and wishing that general Howe would attempt to storm the works on the island. These, although unfit to stand a regular siege, were strong enough to resist a coup de main. The British general, however, chose [Page 108]to proceed by siege, and broke ground within [...] yards of Putnam's redoubt.

A council of war being called, it was determined evacuate the island. Aug. 29. The intention [...] prudently concealed from the army, so [...] they knew not whither they were going, but imagi [...] it was to attack the enemy. The field artillery, [...] baggage, and about 9000 men, were conveyed to the city of New York, over East River, when it is more than a mile wide, Aug. 30. in less [...] thirteen hours, and without the knowle [...] of the British, though not 600 yards distant. Pro [...] ­dence seems to have ordered every circumstance [...] second the skill and conduct of the American com­mander. The wind, which seemed to prevent [...] troops getting over at the appointed hour, after [...] shifted to their wishes. Towards morning an ext [...] thick fog came on, which is very unusual at that [...] of the year, which hovered over Long Island, and [...] concealing the Americans, enabled them to com [...] their retreat without interruption, though the day [...] begun to dawn some time before it was finished. [...] a mistake of one of the officers in the transmission [...] orders, the American lines were evacuated for [...] three quarters of an hour, before the last embark [...] took place; but the British, though so near, that [...] working parties could be distinctly heard, being [...] ­veloped in the fog, knew nothing of the matter. [...] lines were repossessed until six o'clock in the morning when every thing except the heavy cannon was [...] moved. General Washington, though often intrea [...] would not leave the island until general Mifflin, [...] comanded the rear guard, left the lines. In about half an hour after the lines were finally abando [...] the fog cleared off, and the British were seen taking possession of the American works.

[Page 109] This victory, though complete, was very far from being so decisive as the congress imagined. Lord Howe, supposing that it would be sufficient to intimi­date the congress into some terms, sent general Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner in the late action, to con­gress, with a message, importing, that though he could not consistently treat with them as a legal assembly, yet he would be very glad to confer with any of the members in their private capacity; setting for [...] the same time the nature and extent of his powers as com­missioner. But the congress were not so humbled as to derogate in the least from the dignity of character they had assumed. They replied, that the congress of the free and independent states of America could not consistently send any of its members in another capaci­ty than that which they had publicly assumed; but as they were extremely desirous of restoring peace to their country upon equitable conditions, they would appoint a committee of their body to wait upon him, and learn what proposals he had to make.

This produced a new conference. The committee appointed by congress was composed of Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Rutledge. They were very po­litely received by his Lordship; but the conference proved as fruitless as before independency had been declared; and the final answer of the deputies was, that they were extremely willing to enter into any treaty with Great Britain that might conduce to the good of both nations, but that they would not treat in any other character than that of independent states. This positive declaration instantly put an end to all hopes of reconciliation; and it was resolved to prose­cute the war with the utmost vigour.

Before hostilities had commenced in this quarter, the congress attempted to detach the foreigners, who had come with the royal troops, from the service of [Page 110]his Britannic majesty. The following resolution, da [...] the 14th of August, was adopted and circulated am [...] those, on whom it was intended to operate: "Re [...] ­ed, that these states will receive all such foreig [...] who shall leave the armies of his Britannic majesty [...] America, and shall chuse to become members of [...] of these states, and they shall be protected in the [...] exercise of their respective religions, and be inve [...] with the rights, privileges and immunities of na [...] as established by the laws of these states, and moreo [...] that this congress will provide for every such per [...] fifty acres of unappropriated lands in some of the states, to be held by him and his heirs, as absol [...] property."

Lord Howe, on the other hand, now published manifesto, in which he declared the refusal of cong [...] and that he himself was willing to confer with all [...] disposed persons about the means of restoring pu [...] tranquillity; endeavouring in this manner to sep [...] those who preferred a reconciliation with Great [...] from those who were the friends of independence.

After the affair of Long Island, the American [...] was universally dispirited. The militia ran off by [...] ­panies, and their example infected the regular re [...] ­ments. Matters are thus described by general Me [...] who commanded the flying camp, in a letter [...] September the 4th, "General Washington has not far as I have seen, 5000 men to be depended on [...] the service of a campaign; and I have not 10 [...] Both our armies are composed of raw militia, perp [...] ­ually fluctuating between the camp and their farm; poorly armed, and still worse disciplined. These [...] not a match for, were their numbers equal to, ve [...] troops, well fitted and urged on by able officers. Num­bers and discipline must at last prevail. Giving sol­diers, or even the lower orders of mankind, the chose [Page 111]of officers, will forever ma [...] [...] [...]cipline of armies."

General Washington having called a council of war, it was determined to [...] on the defensive, and not to risk the army for the sake of New York. Sept. 7. A middle line between aban­douing and defending it was, however, adopted for a short time. The public stores were moved to Dobbs's ferry, about 26 miles from the city. 12,000 men were ordered to the northern extremity of New York Island, and 4,500 were left in the city. Before the British landed, it was impossible to tell what place would be first attacked, for this reason works were erected for the defence of a variety of places, as well as of New York; and these were occupied by the remainder of the troops. They had also strongly fortified a pass called King's Bridge, whence they could secure a pas­sage to the continent in case of any misfortune.

"The same short sighted politicians, says Dr. Ram­say, who had before censured general Washington, for his cautious conduct, in not storming the British lines at Boston, renewed their clamours against him, for adopting this evacuating and retreating system. Sup­ported by a consciousness of his own integrity, and by a full conviction that those measures were best calcu­lated for securing the independence of America, he, for the good of his country, voluntarily subjected his fame to be overshadowed by a temporary cloud."

General Howe, having prepared every thing for a descent on New York Island, began to land his men, Sept. 15. under cover of ships of war, be­tween Kepps' Bay and Turtle Bay. The troops landed in two divisions, the Hessians in one place, and the British in another. As soon as general Wash­ington heard the firing of the men of war, he rode with all dispatch towards the lines; but to his great mortification, he found that the troops, on the first ap­pearance [Page 112]of danger, ran off in the utmost precipitati [...] and those ordered to support them, Parsons's and [...] ­lows's brigade, flying in every direction, and in [...] greatest confusion. His attempts to stop them [...] fruitless, though he drew his sword, threatened to [...] them through, and cocked and snapped his pistols.

On the appearance of a small part of the enemy, [...] more than sixty or seventy, their disorder was increas [...] and they ran off without firing a single shot, and [...] the general in a hazardous situation, so that his att [...] ­ants, to extricate him out of it, caught the bridle of [...] horse, and gave him a different direction.

Three large ships were stationed in the North Ri [...] opposite to those in East River; which kept up a con­stant cannonading with grape and langrage shot, [...] across the island, which though 15 miles long, exceeds not two in any part in breadth. The Hessians, up [...] their landing, seized and secured in a neighbour [...] building as enemies, some persons who had been plac [...] there to serve as guides, which for a while subject [...] them to a difficulty.

When the British were completely landed, th [...] marched on towards the King's Bridge road. The A­merican brigades, that had fled upon the enemy's ap­proaching the lines, stopped not till met by colonel Glover's and five other brigades, who were hastening down to them. Upon the junction, the whole march­ed forward and took post on some heights, when sud­denly about 8000 of the enemy appeared on the ne [...] height, and halted. General Washington at first con­sented, that his troops should march forward, and give them battle; but, on a second consideration, he gave counter orders, as he could not have any dependence on the militia and the flying camp, which composed half the number then present. When the Americans retired, and no prospect of action remained, the Brit­ish [Page 113]generals repaired to the house of Mr. Robert Mur­ray, a gentleman of the Quaker persuasion. The lady of the house entertained them most civilly, and regaled them with some cakes and wine. They were well pleased with the entertainment, and stayed there rather more than two hours; governour Tryon, seasoning the repast, at times, by joking Mrs. Murray about her A­merican friends, for she was known to be a steady ad­vocate for the liberties of the country. In the mean time the Hessians and the British, except a strong corps which had marched to take possession of the city, re­mained upon their arms inactive; which gave general Putnam the opportunity of escaping with about 3500 men, including the guards, who had been left to shift for themselves, when colonel Glover had been ordered away from New York. Putnam, in order to avoid meeting any troops that might be advancing upon the direct road to the city, went by the road which lies along side the North River, and marched to the end, where it turns off short to the right, and leads on to another and narrower, towards Blooming-dale. By this last road he secured his retreat; although nothing could have been easier than to have prevented his get­ting into it. A good body of troops, with a couple of field pieces, could have taken such a position, in about twenty minutes or less, as would have certainly cut off Putnam's retreat. On this occasion it was said, hu­mourously, that "Mrs. Murray saved the American army." On the day that general Howe's forces landed and the following one, they took 354 privates and 17 officers prisoners.

The British and provincial armies were not now above two miles distant from each other. The former lay encamped from shore to shore for an extent of two miles, being the breadth of the island. The provincials who lay directly opposite, being masters of all the pass­es [Page 114]and defiles betwixt the two camps, were enabled [...] defend themselves against an army much more nu [...] ­ous than their own, and their passage to the contin [...] was secured by the possession of King's Bridge, wh [...] was strongly fortified.

On the day after the shameful flight of part of [...] American army, a skirmish took place between [...] battalions of light infantry and highlanders comman [...] [...] by brigadier Lesslie, and some detachments from [...] American army, under the command of lieutenan [...] [...] ­lonel Knowlton of Connecticut, and major Le [...] Virginia. The colonel was killed and the major [...] wounded. Their men behaved with great brav [...] and being supplied with fresh troops, fairly beat, [...] enemy from the field. Most of these were the [...] men who had disgraced themselves the day before, [...] running away. Struck with a sense of shame, [...] had offered themselves as volunteers, and requested [...] commander in chief to give them an opportunity [...] retrieve their honour. In this manner the general [...] ­ployed his troops in continual skirmishes, in order [...] inure them to actual service, and at the same time [...] annoy the enemy as much as possible; by which me [...] they soon recovered their spirits, and behaved with th [...] usual boldness.

As the situation of the two armies was now high [...] inconvenient for the British generals, it was resol [...] to make such movements as might oblige general Wa [...] ­ington to relinquish his strong situation. The pos [...] ­ion of New York had been less beneficial than [...] expected. A few days after it was evacu [...] ­ed by the Americans, Sept. 21. a dreadful fire broke out, which consumed about a thousand ho [...] ­es; and had it not been for the active exertions of the sailors and soldiery, the whole town might have b [...] consumed, the wind being high, and the weather re­markably [Page 115]dry. Some British writers attribute this ca­lamity to the Americans, who, say they having been forced to abandon the city, formed the atrocious design of setting it on fire, to render it of as little use to the captors as possible: That the fire broke out in several places at once, and some of the incendiaries being de­tected in the act, were thrown hea [...]ong into the flames, or killed on the spot by the soldiers; but no mention is made of these circumstances, in the account of this conflagration, by Dr. Gordon or Dr. Ramsay. The former relates that "the fire broke out at a dram shop, close in with the water side, on Whitehall slip, about one o'clock in the morning. The reports spread of its breaking out in several places at the same time, were erroneous." And the [...] observes, that this fire was "most probably occasioned by the disorderly conduct of some British sailors, who had been permitted to re­gale themselves on shore."

General Howe, in order to cut off general Washing­ton's communication with the eastern states, left lord Piercy, with a sufficient force to garrison New York, and embarking his army in flat-bottomed boats, passed through Hell Gate, Oct. 12. and landed on Frog's Neck, in West Chester county. The provincial army, fit for duty, present and on command, at different posts, militia included, now amounted to about 19,000 men. ^* Two days after the movement of the royal army, general Lee arrived from Charleston, and at a council of war, pressed the necessity of evac­uating Fort Washington, and the whole island of New York. General Green opposed the evacuation of Fort Washington, and Fort Lee opposite to it, on the Jersey shore, as they would divert a large body of the enemy from joining their main force, and would likewise cover the transportation of provisions and stores up the North [Page 116]River, for the service of the American troops. [...] opinion prevailed. New York Island was evacuated but garrisons were left in Fort Washington and [...] Lee: three thousand men being assigned for the defe [...], of the former.

General Howe having received a supply of men [...] provisions, after a halt of six days, advan [...] near to New Rochelle, Oct. 18. situated on the [...] which separates Long Island from the co [...] ­nent. The troops on their march sustained conside [...] ­ble loss by a party of Americans, whom general [...] posted behind a wall. After this, receiving still [...] reinforcements, they made such movements as th [...] ­ened to distress the provincials very much by [...] off their convoys of provisions from Connecticut, [...] thus force them to an engagement. This, however general Washington determined at all events to [...] well knowing that delay was, in the end, victor [...] him. He therefore extended his forces into a [...] line, opposite to the way in which the enemy march [...] keeping the river Brunx between the two armies, [...] the North River in his rear. Here again the pro [...] ­cials were employed in small skirmishes with the [...] army; until at last the latter moved in two col [...] and took a position with the Brunx in front, [...] which the Americans assembled their [...] force at White Plains behind intrench [...] On the 28th the British crossed the [...] and carried two posts, Oct. 25. and a broken and scatt [...] [...] ­gagement [...], in which some hundreds f [...]ll; [...] nothing decisive took place. The British [...] [...] ­mained upon their arms during the night, with [...] parent design of attacking the provincia [...]s camp [...] morning.

It was observed in the morning that general Wash­ington had drawn back his encampment in the [...] [Page 117]and greatly strengthened the lines by additional works. The British general, therefore, deferred all farther at­tack till the arrival of more troops, which he expected from New York. Upon the arrival of these troops, the British made dispositions in the evening for attack­ing the provincials early on the last of October; but an extreme wet night and morning prevented this de­sign from being carried into execution. General Washington having gained intelligence of this design from a deserter, quitted his camp on the night of the 1st of November, and took higher ground towards the North Castle district. One of the provincial colonels, being drunk, set fire to the town of White Plains, as well as to the houses and forage near the lines, unnec­essarily and without orders.

General Howe seeing that the Americans could not be enticed to an engagement, Nov. 5. and that the nature of the country did not admit of their being forced to it, determined not to lose time in a fruitless pursuit, and to take this opportunity of driving them out of the strong holds in York Island and in the vicinity; an operation which their army could not now possibly prevent. In this, the British general met with complete success. The Americans, on the approach of the king's forces, retreated from King's Bridge into Fort Washington, which, being attacked in four different places at once, was quickly reduced. The number of prisoners in the fort, and taken in lines, amounted to about 3000. They were considered by the articles of capitulation as prisoners of war, and the officers were allowed to keep their bag­gage and side arms. The loss of the British, inclusive of killed and wounded, was about 1200. Shortly after this, lord Cornwallis, with a considerable force, passed over to attack Fort Lee, situated on the Jersey side of North River. The garrison, which consisted [Page 118]of 2000 men, was saved by an immediate evacuation, but with the loss of their artillery and stores.

General Washington retreated to Newark, where his whole force consisted of no more than 3500 men. It appears he now considered the cause in the greate [...] danger; and said to colonel Reed, "Should we retr [...] to the back parts of Pennsylvania, will the Pennsylva­nians support us?" The colonel answered, "If the lower counties are subdued, and give up, the back counties will do the same." Upon which the general said, passing his hand over his throat, "My neck does not feel as though it was made for a halter. We must retire to Augusta county in Virginia. Numbers will be obliged to repair to us for safety; and we must [...]y what we can do in carrying on a predatory war: and if overpowered, we must cross the Alleghany moun­tains." The general, after tarrying near a week without being molested, obtained information that lord Co [...] ­wallis was in pursuit of him; Nov. 28. he therefore marched to Brunswick, leaving Newark the very morning that his lordship entered it. As his lord­ship's van advanced to Brunswick, by a forced march [...] the 1st of December, general Washington retreated [...] Princeton, having first taken care to break down a part of Brunswick bridge, and so secured his troops from being harassed. Lord Cornwallis having orders not to advance beyond Brunswick, discontinued his pursuit: however he sent an express to general Howe at New York, ac­quainting him, that, by continuing it briskly, he could disperse the army under general Washington, and [...] his heavy baggage and artillery, before he could [...] the Delaware. General Howe returned for answer that he would be with him in person immediately; but did not join him till the sixth. General Washington hoped to have made a stand at Brunswick; but [...] the day he quitted it, the service of the Jersey and [Page 119]Maryland brigades expired, and neither of them would serve an hour longer; he therefore wrote to general Lee, "Hasten your march as much as possible, or your arrival may be too late." On the 7th of December, lord Cornwallis's corps marched to Princeton, which the Americans quitted the same day. The pursuit was followed so close, that the British reached the Delaware, Dec. 8. just as the rear guard of gen­eral Washington's army, under colonel Hen­ley, gained the opposite shore, about twelve o'clock at night. The Americans having taken care to secure all the boats, lord Cornwallis, whose rear division halted within six miles of Trenton, was prevented from cross­ing into Pennsylvania next day as he intended. Had lord Cornwallis crossed into Pennsylvania, as he pro­posed, the consequence would probably have been fatal to the Americans. General Washington, when he crossed, had but 2,200 men: but the time of their ser­vice expiring, they left him in such a manner, that the second day after, he had but 1700.

Thus the Jersies were laid entirely open to the in­cursions of the British troops, and so fully were these provinces taken possession of by the royal army, that its winter quarters extended from New Brunswick to the river Delaware: and nothing could have prevented Philadelphia falling into their hands, had they had boats to have transported their army. Though they missed the boats, yet Trenton and the neighbourhood could have supplied materials, which industry might have soon constructed into sufficient conveniencies for the transportation of troops over a smooth river, and of no great extent in some places. So critical was this pe­riod, that general Washington trembled for the fate of America, which nothing but the infatuation of the enemy could have saved. ^*

[Page 120] As the retreating Americans marched through the Jersies, scarcely one of the inhabitants joined them, whilst numbers were daily flocking to the royal army, to make peace and obtain protection. Not only the common people changed sides in this gloomy state of public affairs, but some of the leading men in New Jersey and Pennsylvania adopted the same expedient. Among these, Mr. Galloway, and the family of the Allens, of Philadelphia, were most distinguished: the former, and one of the latter, had been members of congress. Only a few people of fortune stood firm [...] the cause. It was the middle rank of people in gen­eral that remained stedfast in this day of trial.

General Lee, with more than 3000 men, though re­peated expresses were sent to him, continued in [...] rear of the royal forces, marching so slowly that [...] commander in chief could not account for it. It [...] length proved fatal to his personal liberty: having i [...] prudently taken up his lodgings at Baskingridge, [...] some distance from his troops, information was giv [...] to colonel Harcourt, who happened to be at that [...] in the neighbourhood with a small detachment of ligh [...] horse, to observe the motions of the provincial troop.

The colonel conducted the exploit with [...] address and activity, Dec. 13. as to captivate [...] carry off the general. The British offic [...] greatly exulted on the capture of general Lee; th [...] boasted they had taken the American palladium; [...] was the opinion they had of the general deficiency [...] military skill among the Americans, and the inexpe [...] ­ence of their officers. The loss of this general [...] much regretted, the more especially as he was of supe­rior quality to any prisoner in the possession of [...] colonists, and could not therefore be exchanged. [...] field officers were offered in exchange for him, [...] refused; and the congress were highly irritated at the [Page 121]report that he was to be treated as a deserter, having been a half pay officer in the British service at the commencement of the war. In consequence of this, they issued a proclamation, threatening to retaliate on the prisoners in their possession whatever punishment should be inflicted on any of those taken by the British, and especially that their conduct should be regulated by the treatment of general Lee. Jan. 6.

A copy of the above resolution was transmitted to the council of Massachusetts Bay; and they were de­sired to detain lieutenant colonel Campbell, and keep him in safe custody till the further order of congress. "The Massachusetts council, instead of conforming solely to the words in the order, sent him to Concord gaol; where he was lodged in a dungeon, twelve or thirteen feet square, whose sides were black with grease and litter of successive criminals. Two doors, with double locks and bolts, shut him from the yard, with an ex­press prohibition from entering it, either for health, or the necessary calls of nature. A loathsome black hole, decorated with a pair of fixed chains, was granted him for his inner apartment; from whence a felon had been removed but the moment before, and in which his litter and excrements remained a fortnight after it was appropriated to the use of the colonel. The at­tendance of a single servant on his person was denied him, and every visit from a friend positively refused. When he had transmitted an account of these and other matters to general sir William Howe, on the 14th of February, and the same had been communicat­ed to general Washington, a letter was directly written on the 28th, in which the general says, "You will observe that exactly the same treatment is to be shown to colonel Campbell and the Hessian officers, that gen­eral Howe shows to general Lee; and as he is only confined to a commodious house with genteel accom­modations, [Page 122]we have no right or reason to be m [...] severe upon colonel Campbell, who I would wish, should be immediately removed from his present situa­tion, and put into a house where he may live comfort­ably." The British had in their power and subject [...] their call, near 300 provincial officers, whilst the A­mericans had not more than 50 belonging to the Brit­ish. The resolve, therefore, for putting into close confinement colonel Campbell and the Hessian officers, in order to retaliate Lee's treatment, seemed injurious in every point of view, and to have been entered into without due attention to the consequences."

The command of the troops after Lee's capture, fell to general Sullivan; who soon after crossed the Del [...] ­ware, and joined general Washington. The general, whilst retreating before lord Cornwallis, had sent gen­eral Mifflin to Philadelphia to raise the Pennsylvania militia. The representations of congress, and the ani­mated addresses of general Mifflin to his fellow citizens, had the desired effect, and the yeomanry of the back counties as well as those of the lower, readily came forward in support of the common cause.

During the royal successes in the Jersies, general Clinton with four brigades of British and Hessian troops, with a squadron of men of war under sir Peter Parker, was sent to attempt Rhode Island. It was taken without the loss of a man; the American force being incapable of making effectual resistance, so that on the day when general Washington crossed the Del­aware, the British took possession of the island, and at the same time blocked up commodore Hopkins's squad­ron, and a number of privateers at Providence.

In the mean time, congress proceeded with the most indefatigable diligence to recruit their army, and bound their soldiers to serve for a term of three years, or dur­ing the continuance of the war. The army designed [Page 123]for the ensuing campaign, was to consist of 88 battal­ions; of which each province was to contribute its quota; and 20 dollars were offered as a bounty to each soldier, besides an allotment of lands at the end of the war. In this allotment it was stipulated, that each sol­dier should have 100 acres; an ensign 150; a lieuten­ant 200; a captain 300; a major 400; a lieutenant colonel 450; and a colonel 509. No lands were promised to those who enlisted only for three years. All officers or soldiers disabled through wounds receiv­ed in the service, were to enjoy half pay during life. To defray the expense, congress borrowed five millions of dollars at five per cent. for payment of which the United States became surety. They likewise sent com­missioners to the court of France, to apply for assistance, Dec. 10. whose negociations will be hereafter mentioned. At the same time, in order to animate the people to vigorous exertions, a declaration was published, in which they set forth the necessity there was for taking proper methods to insure success in their cause: they endeavoured to palliate as much as possible the misfortunes which had already happened; and represented the true cause of the pres­ent distress to be the short term of enlistment.

This declaration, together with the imminent dan­ger of Philadelphia, determined the Americans to exert themselves to the utmost in order to reinforce general Washington's army. They soon received farther en­couragement, however, by an exploit of that general against the Hessians. As the royal army extended in different cantonments for a great way, general Wash­ington, perceiving the imminent danger to which Phi­ladelphia was exposed, resolved to make some attempt on those divisions of the enemy which lay nearest that city. These happened to be the Hessians, who lay in [Page 124]three divisions, the last only 20 miles distant from Philadelphia. Dec. 25. On the 25th of De­cember, having collected as considerable a force as he could, he set out with an intent to surprise that body of the enemy which lay at Trenton. His army was divided into three bodies; one of which he ordered to cross the Delaware at Trenton Ferry, a little below the town: the second at a good distance below, at a place called Bordentown, where the second division of Hessians was placed; whilst he himself, with the third, directing his course to a ferry some miles above Trenton, intended to have passed it at midnight, and attack the Hessians at break of day. But by reason of various impediments, it was eight in the morning be­fore he could reach the place of his destination. The enemy, however, did not perceive his approach till they were suddenly attacked. Colonel Ralle, who com­manded them, did all that could be expected from a brave and experienced officer; but every thing was in such confusion, that no efforts of valour or skill could now retrieve matters. The colonel himself was mor­tally wounded, his troops were entirely broken, their artillery seized, consisting of six pieces of brass cannon; and 23 Hessian officers, and 886 of the same nation taken prisoners. About 600 only escaped by the road leading to Bordentown. After this gallant exploit, gen­eral Washington again returned into Pennsylvania.

This action, though seemingly of no very decisive na­ture, was sufficient at that time to turn the fortune of wa [...] in favour of America. It tended greatly to lessen [...] apprehensions which the provincials had of the Hessians, at the same time that it equally abated the confidence which the British had till now put in them. It likewise contributed more to the formation of a new provincial army, than either the authority, commands, or exhortations of congress.

[Page 125] Neither force, distress, artifice, or persuasion, had yet influenced congress to entertain the most distant idea of purchasing peace, by returning to the condition of British subjects. However, affairs appeared so des­perate about this time, that some members, distrustful of their ability to resist the power of Great Britain, proposed to authorise their commissioners at the court of France to transfer to that country the same monop­oly of their trade, which Great Britain had hitherto enjoyed. But upon mature consideration, every pro­posal of concession was rejected. The more enlight­ened members observed, that, "Though the friendship of small states might be purchased, that of France could not." It was therefore supposed, that the only measure, likely to induce France to an interference, would be an adherence to their former resolution of independence, and proffered freedom of trade to all nations. This they resolved to do, trusting the event to Providence, and risking all consequences. Copies of their resolutions to this effect were sent to the princi­pal courts of Europe. These dispatches fell into the hands of the British, who made no other use of them than publishing them to the world; which was the ve­ry thing congress wished for.

On the 27th of December, the congress invested general Washington with almost dictatorial power throughout the United States, Dec. 27. for the limited term of six months, unless sooner determined by their authority. He was empowered to displace and appoint all officers under the rank of brigadier general—to reform and new model the mili­tary arrangements, in such manner as he judged best for the public service—to raise sixteen battalions of in­fantry; 3000 light horse; three regiments of artillery, and a corps of engineers, in addition to those already voted by congress—to establish their pay—to form [Page 126]magazines—to take whatever he may want for the use of the army, if the inhabitants will not fell it, on pay­ing a reasonable price for the same—to enforce the ac­ceptance of continental currency—to present the names and offences of the disaffected, together with the wit­nesses to prove them.

Reinforcements came in from several quarters to gen­eral Washington, so that he was soon in a condition once more to pass the Delaware, and take up his quar­ters at Trenton, where he was emboldened to maintain his station, notwithstanding the accounts that were re­ceived of the enemy's rapid advance towards him. Lord Cornwallis, accordingly, made his appearance in full force; and, on the evening of his arrival, the lit­tle town of Trenton contained the two hostile armies, separated only by a small creek, which was fordable in many places. This was, indeed, the crisis of the A­merican revolution; and had his lordship made an im­mediate attack, in pursuance of what is reported to have been the advice of sir William Erskine, general Wash­ington's defeat seems to have been inevitable: but a night's delay turned the fate of the war, and produced an enterprise, the magnitude and glory of which, can only be equalled by its success. General Washington having called a council of war, stated the calam­itous situation to which his army was reduced; 1777. Jan. 2. and having heard the various opinions of his offi­cers, finally proposed a circuitous march to Princeton, as the means of avoiding, at once, the imputation of a retreat, and the danger of a battle, with numbers so inferior, and in a situation so ineligible. The idea was unanimously ap­proved; and, as soon as it was dark, the necessary mea­sures were taken for accomplishing it. A line of fires was kindled, which served to give light to the Ameri­cans, whilst it obscured them from the observation of the enemy: and by a providential interposition, the [Page 127]weather, which had been for some time past warm, moist, and foggy, suddenly changed to a hard frost; and, in a moment, as it were, rendered the road, which had been deep and heavy, firm and smooth as a pavement. 1777. Jan. 3. At break of day general Washington arriving near Princeton would have completely surprised the British, had not a party, which was on their way to Trenton, des­cried his troops when they were about two miles distant, and sent back couriers to alarm their unsuspecting fel­low soldiers in their rear. These consisted of the 17th, the 40th, and 55th regiments of British infantry, and some of the royal artillery, with two field pieces, and three troops of light dragoons. The centre of the A­mericans, consisting of the Philadelphia militia, whilst on their line of march, was briskly charged by a party of the British, and gave way in disorder. The moment was critical. General Washington pushed forward, and placed himself between his own men, and the Brit­ish, with his horse's head fronting the latter. The A­mericans, encouraged by his example, and exhortations, made a stand, and returned the British fire. The gen­eral, though between both parties, was providentially uninjured by either. A party of the British fled into the college and were there attacked with field pieces which were fired into it. The seat of the muses became for some time the scene of action. The party which had taken refuge in the college, after receiving a few discharges from the American field pieces, came out and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. In the course of the engagement, sixty of the British were killed, and a greater number wounded, and about 300 of them were taken prisoners. The rest made their escape, some by pushing on towards Trenton, others by returning towards Brunswick. The Americans lost only a few, but colonels Haslet and Potter, and captain [Page 128]Neal of the artillery, were among the slain. General Mercer received three bayonet wounds, of which he died in a short time. He was a Scotchman by birth, but from principle and affection had engaged to support the liberties of his adopted country, with a zeal equal to that of any of its native sons. In private life he was amiable, and his character as an officer stood high in the public esteem.

During the action in Princeton, the British in Tren­ton were under arms, and on the point of making an assault on the evacuated camp of the Americans. With so much address had general Washington moved com­pletely off the ground with his whole force, stores, bag­gage, and artillery, unknown to, and unsuspected by his adversaries.

That part of the royal army, which having escaped from Princeton, retreated towards New Brunswick, was pursued for three or four miles. Another party, which had advanced as far as Maidenhead, on their way to Trenton, hearing the frequent discharge of small arms in their rear, wheeled round, and marched to the aid of their companions. The Americans, by destroying bridges, retarded these, though close in their rear, so long as to gain time to themselves to move off, in good order, to Plukemin.

Affairs now assumed a different aspect. Lord Corn­wallis found it necessary to return from the Delaware, to the defence of the magazines at Brunswick. The provincials still avoided any decisive action; but, in a few days over-ran both the Jersies and became masters of the coast opposite Staten Island, at the same time that their principal posts were chosen with such judg­ment, that it never was found practicable to dislodge them. The royal army retained only the two posts of Brunswick and Amboy, both holding communication by sea with New York. In th [...]se the army under lord [Page 129]Cornwallis continued during the whole winter very much straitened, the troops undergoing the hardships of a severe and incessant duty, whilst their numbers were thinned by a continued series of skirmishes, pro­ductive of little advantage on either side, farther than inuring the Americans to military service, and weaken­ing the royal army, whose numbers could not be replac­ed with the same ease as the provincials.

The bad effects of the late disorderly conduct of the royal army were now most seriously felt. The soldiers, particularly the Hessians, had given full scope to the selfish and ferocious passions of human nature. The inhabitants were cruelly plundered, and in particular instances rapes and murders were committed. Such, in all ages, has been the complexion of the bulk of ar­mies, that immediate and severe punishments are indis­pensibly necessary to keep them from flagrant enormi­ties. But it is certain that these culprits, in most in­stances, eluded punishment; either from the relaxation of discipline, or the want of due proof to lead to con­viction. The whole province now joined as one man, to revenge their former injuries. Every load of forage and every article of provision which did not come from New York, was purchased at the price of blood. So hostile was the province now become, that such as were incapable of bearing arms acted as spies, and watched continually for those who bore them. Thus the British were constrained to act with as much circumspection as if they had been besieged by a victorious army, in­stead of being themselves the conquerors. The char­acter of general Washington was exalted to the highest pitch among his countrymen, and in Europe he was held in such estimation, as to be stiled the American Fabius, from the famous Roman general of that name, who defended his country against Hannibal with success.

[Page 130] For the cause of the decline of the British affairs, no fault was ever alleged, with the smallest shew of reason, on the part of the generats or the troops they com­manded, except the disorderly conduct of the soldiers already mentioned; and which, from the employment of the Hessians in the service originally, seemed to be altogether unavoidable. The severity and inhumanity exercised towards the American prisoners in New York, operated powerfully against the royal cause. General Gates was heard to say, "Had general Howe seen to it, that the prisoners, and Jersey inhabitants, when subdued, had been treated with as much humanity and kindness as general Carleton exercised towards his prisoners, it would have been all over with the A­mericans."

Many other causes, however, concurred to retard the progress of their arms, during the whole course of the war. Among these the principal may be supposed to arise from the vast extent of the American continent, with its uncommon division into large tracts of terri­tory, some cultivated, and others in a state of nature; the great length of sea coast in its front, and the im­mense wastes at the back of the inhabited countries, affording shelter to the provincials in all possible circum­stances; the numberless impregnable posts, and natural barriers, formed by the various combinations of woods, mountains, lakes, and marshes. Added to these, the British found, to their cost, the unanimity of the colo­nies, and the judicious application of their strength, by suiting the defence of the country, to the nature, ge­nius and ability of the people, as well as to the natural advantages of the country itself; thereby rendering pitched battles useless, and consining the operations of war entirely to the defence of posts, making surprises, and fighting skirmishes. Add to this also, that the people were unfettered by strong cities; so that the re­duction [Page 131]of the capital of a province had little or no ef­fect upon the rest; and the army could retain no more territory than that which it immediately occupied, which was again lost as soon as it departed to another quarter.

The British likewise found the unanimity of the col­onies, in the fidelity of their adversaries to one anoth­er. They very seldom had true information of the situation of affairs either in the American camps or councils: And perhaps this was not one of the least causes of the frequent failure of their enterprises. Very few instances occurred, especially in the first years of the war, of any of the provincial soldiers deserting to the British. Those who deserted, generally went to their own homes or elsewhere into the country; where­as, on the other hand, numbers deserted to the provin­cials, and carried with them such intelligence as pro­cured them a favourable reception.

During the course of this campaign, attempts were made to stir up the Indians to make an attack on the back parts of the southern colonies. They were now informed, that a British force was to land in West Flor­ida; and after penetrating through the countries of the Creek, Chickesaw, and Cherokee Indians, where they expected to be joined by the warriors of all these na­tions, were to attack the Carolinas and Virginia; whilst another formidable armament, both of sea and land forces, was to make a powerful impression on the coasts of these provinces. Circular letters to the same pur­pose were distributed by a Mr. Stewart, principal agent for Indian affairs, among the back settlers, requiring them to repair to the royal standard as soon as it should be erected in the country of the Cherokees, setting forth the plan of operations, and demanding subscrip­tion to a written declaration of their allegiance, that [Page 132]they might be distinguished from the enemies to the royal cause.

With this proposal, the natural avarice, levity of temper and natural disposition of the Indians, induced them to comply. Even the Six Nations, who had for­merly agreed to the observance of a strict neutrality, now joined the general confederacy, and committed some acts of hostility, which, however, were afterwards disowned by their chiefs. The Creeks began the war in the southern parts with all that violence and barbar­ity which distinguishes American savages; but finding themselves not supported as had been promised, they suddenly stopped short, excused themselves as well as they could to the congress, and refused to assist the Cherokees, who applied to them for that purpose. The latter were then left to carry on the war alone, which they did for a short time with the utmost fury and barbarity. The perpetrators were, however, soon checked, and their cruelties fully retaliated. The mi­litia of the adjacent provinces assembled, marched into the country of the Cherokees, and not only defeated them in every encounter, but demolished their towns, destroyed their corn, and killed such numbers, that the nation being nearly exterminated, the wretched surviv­ors were glad to accept a peace upon any terms the victors chose to prescribe; none of the neighbouring nations daring to interpose in their behalf.

Thus ended, at present, all hopes from the assistance of the Indians. The effects of this expedition were exceedingly prejudicial to the royal cause, as it not only excited the utmost rancour of the Americans who had revolted, but even the well affected to the British government themselves. Such as had on this occasion declared for the cause of Britain, not only to a man expressed their abhorrence of such cruel measures, but some of their chief leaders are said to have avow­ed [Page 133]a recantation of their principles upon that very account.

Whilst these transactions were going forward in America, 1776. the people of Britain remained in a state of torpid indifference, expecting daily to hear of the submission of the colonies, from the splendid accounts of conquest exhibited in the news­papers, and the idea of the extreme imbecility of the Americans, which had been so industriously propagat­ed and kept up. The high language of authority, dignity and supremacy, which had filled the mouths of many for some years, fed the vanity of those who could not easily define, or who perhaps had never fully considered, the extent of the terms, or of the conse­quences which they were capable of producing; and the flattering idea of lessening the national burdens by an American revenue, whilst it was fitted to the com­prehension of the meanest capacity, was not less ef­fective in its operation upon those of a superior class and order. To the powerful principles of national pride and avarice, was added a laudable disposition to support those national rights which were supposed to be invaded, and a proper indignation and resentment to that ingratitude and insolence which were charged upon the Americans, and to which only the present troubles were attributed, by those who were most active in fomenting the principles of hostility, which at that time prevailed, far more than they had done at the beginning of this contest.

In such circumstances it is not to be wondered at, if a majority of the people gave at least a kind of tacit approbation to the war; but as it was not attended with national antipathy or rivalship, established enmity, or even a present competition for glory, they did not feel themselves so much interested in its success, or al­together so anxious about its consequence, as they [Page 134]would in those of another nature. On the other hand, that great body of the people, who had at all times reprobated the measures which led to the present troubles, and who considered them as not less danger­ous to the constitution than ruinous to the power and glory of the nation, could not be supposed sanguine in their wishes for a success which they dreaded as liable to more fatal consequences than any loss or defeat. The great distance of the seat of war, also rendered its ef­fects less interesting. For distance produces in some degree the effect of time with respect to sensibility; and the slaughter, cruelties, and calamities, which would wring the heart, if they happened in the next county, are slightly felt at three or four thousand miles distance. The distance also prevented all apprehension of imme­diate danger; the expenses of the contest were not yet sensibly felt; and the bulk of mankind never think of remote consequences. For when, at length, the American privateers not only scoured the Atlantic ocean, but spreading their depredations through the European seas, brought alarm to the coast of Britain; when the destruction which befel the homeward bound richly laden West India fleets, poured equal ruin upon the planters in the islands and the merchants at home; when an account of the failure of some capital house was almost the news of every morning; even in that state of public loss and private distress, an un­usual phlegm prevailed, and the same tranquil counte­nance and careless unconcern was preserved, by those who had not partaken of the calamity. A circumstance which is not sufficiently accounted for, even from the vast numbers who thought themselves officially, or by connexion or principle bound to give countenance to the war, nor the great number of those who profited by its continuance.

[Page 135] Towards the end of the year 1776, the French and Spaniards began to shew a strong attachment to the Americans. The continental privateers appeared in great numbers in their ports, and the prizes they car­ried in were sold openly, and without disguise. The British court did not think it prudent at that time to push matters to extremities with the house of Bourbon; they, therefore, only made remonstrances; the only effect of these was, that sales were made less openly. In the West Indies, however, the depredations were carried on to a much greater extent than in Europe, and avowedly patronised by all the French colonies. Even French ships took out American commissions; and, with a few, or sometimes even no American sail­ors on board, made war on the British trade with im­punity. Letters of marque and reprisal were not granted against the inhabitants of the colonies until the spring of the year 1777; but the British ships of war took a vast number of prizes on their part, though this number was far from being able to balance the value of those taken by the Americans; which during the year 1776, alone, amounted to more than a million sterling.

Besides the direct loss by captures, the British trade suffered otherwise by the prodigious rise of insurance; that upon the West Indies now rising to no less than 23 per cent. The increasing armaments of France and Spain also threatened an approaching war with these powers; so that towards the end of October, 1776, the king issued a proclamation for raising the bounty to seamen, who enlisted, to 5l, per man. Six­teen additional ships of the line were also suddenly put into commission; and another proclamation was issued, recalling all seamen who were in any foreign service. This was quickly followed by two others; the one laying an embargo on the exportation of provisions [Page 136]from Great Britain and Ireland, the other for the ob­servation of a general fast.

The idea of being attacked by the combined powers of France and Spain, whilst engaged in a contest with the colonies, began at last to awaken the fears of the people. Suspicions of plots and treasons occurred; and these were increased to a great degree by the at­tempts of an enthusiastic miscreant, known by the name of John the Painter, but whose real name was James Aitken. This man was a native of Edinburgh, and bred a painter. Possessing an extraordinary spirit of rambling, with a strong propensity to vice, he had passed in the course of a few years through a variety of those scenes and adventures which attend the most profligate and abandoned state of a vagabond life.

Among his other exploits he had passed through sev­eral marching regiments of foot, from each of which he deserted as soon as opportunity served, after receiv­ing the bounty money. In his various peregrinations through the different parts of England, he alternately committed highway robberies, burglaries, petty thefts, rapes, and worked at his trade, as occasion invited, villany prompted, or fear or necessity operated. At last he passed over to America, where he remained for two or three years. His being of a melancholy solitary nature, which neither sought for associates in crimes, nor admitted of partners in pleasure, as it contributed much to his preservation for so long a time from the justice of those laws which he was continually break­ing, served equally to throw in utter darkness all those parts of his life, which he did not himself think fitting or necessary to communicate. His transactions in A­merica are accordingly unknown, any farther, than that he traversed, and worked at his trade, in several of the colonies.

[Page 137] As his pilgrimage on the continent, was in the be­ginning and during the progress of the troubles, it may well be imagined, that the violence of the language, and sentiments held in political matters, by that class of the people with whom he lived and conversed, gave birth to that madness of enthusiasm in him, which after­wards filled him with the most deadly antipathy to Britain. He accordingly returned to England, and soon after, if not originally, adopted the design of en­tirely subverting the power of the government and na­tion, by the sole machinations of his own industry and ingenuity. This arduous task was to be accomplished by setting fire to the royal dock yards, and burning the principal trading cities and towns, with their shipping. In the prosecution of this atrocious design, he again traversed a great part of the kingdom, in order to ob­serve the state of the several docks, and the manner in which they were guarded, which last he found as care­less as could be wished. Having procured all the in­telligence he desired, his next care was to provide fire works, machines, and combustibles proper for the execution of his purpose; and had it not been for his ignorance in the proper mode of applying or construct­ing these machines, it is probable that the naval power of Britain might have been irretrievably ruined.

One of these machines, which extinguished of its own accord, was found in the hemp house at Ports­mouth, which it had failed to set on fire. He suc­ceeded, however, in his design of setting the rope house on fire; but the flames were soon subdued, without communicating to the other magazines.

His next attempt was at Bristol, where, having failed two or three times in his endeavours to burn the shipping, Jan. 7. 1777. he at last determined to secure their destruction by setting fire to the houses next the qu [...]y. In this he partly succeeded. Six or seven warehouses were consumed; but still the [Page 138]shipping remained safe. So many attempts, which where abortive, were always discovered, and his machines being found, could not but excite the greatest alarm. It could not be imagined that all this could proceed from the mere political enthusiasm of a wretched vag­abond. The two great parties into which Britain was divided, mutually accused each other. The most big­otted and furious on the one side attributed them to the disaffection and republican principles of the other; whilst those of the same denomination on the other side were equally convinced, that they were the mere inventions or malicious acts of the tories, for the pur­pose of blackening their adversaries.

Soon after the departure of this miscreant from Bris­tol, he was taken up on some suspicious circumstances, but behaved with an uncommon air and boldness, nor did he appear in any manner embarrassed in his defence. At last he was circumvented by another painter, called Baldwin, an American, who pretended to sympathize with him under his misfortunes, and to hold principles similar to his own: thus the whole history of his crimes was brought to light. ^* "He told Baldwin that he had seen Mr. Silas Deane, when he was in France, who had given him some money; had encouraged him to set fire to the dock yards at Portsmouth, Plymouth, &c. as the best means of distressing Great Britain; and had promised to reward him according to the ser­vice he should do to the American cause. He said that Mr. Deane, as an earnest of what should follow, had given him a recommendation to and bills upon a merchant in London to the amount of 300l. which, however, he had found it necessary to burn to prevent a discovery; and that in consequence of this encour­agement, he procured a pass from the French king." ^†

[Page 139] On his trial at Portsmouth, notwithstanding the shock which the appearance and evidence of his pre­tended friend against him must have given, he behaved with the same boldness and address he had hitherto manifested—made a good defence—shrewd observa­tions on the nature of the evidence, and the baseness of the witness—and received sentence of death with perfect indifference. He was afterwards executed at Portsmouth dock gate, and then hung in chains. "Af­ter condemnation, and before being taken away to ex­ecution, he denied his having recommendations and bills, and burning the same. It was whilst working at Fitchfield, in Hampshire, that he conceived the idea of setting sire to the dock yards. He then went, as he said, to France, and applied to Mr. Deane, who told him, that when the work was done he should be re­warded. He added, that on his return, and after set­ting fire to the rope yard at Portsmouth, he went to London and waited on Dr. Bancroft, to whom he had a verbal recommendation from Mr. Deane, but that the doctor gave him no countenance, and did not ap­prove of his conduct." ^* He acknowledged his crime, to one of the principal officers at Portsmouth, whom he sent for, and likewise gave some cautions with re­spect to the future preservation of the royal dock yards from similar dangers. ^†

The proof of the connexion which the American agent was supposed to have had in this design, so alarm­ing to the British nation, rested only upon the assertion of this abandoned incendiary; notwithstanding which, it was credited by a great part of the people in Britain; and created a rancour and animosity against the Amer­icans, which the common operations of war had not hitherto engendered.

CHAP. XXII.

AS sir William Howe now perceived that the army he commanded, however powerful in the field, was far from being sufficient to effect the conquest of such an extensive and difficult country, or even to keep possession of what he had gained, he resolved to strengthen it by every possible method. For this pur­pose, [Page 141]he collected as many of the refugees as could be persuaded to enlist into a body. Over these he ap­pointed officers, chosen from among themselves, who for their attachment to the royal cause, had been oblig­ed to abandon their properties, or who lived under his protection in New York Island; governour Tryon being chosen their commander.

A commission of brigadier general had been confer­red on Mr. Oliver Delancy, a loyalist of great interest in New-York, and he was authorised to raise three battalions. Every effort was made to raise the men, both within and without the British lines, and also from among the American prisoners; but with all these exertions, only 597 were procured. Mr. Court­land Skinner, a loyalist well known in Jersey, was also appointed a brigadier, and authorised to raise five bat­talions; but all that he could raise by the middle of summer, amounted only to 517; by degrees, however, they were afterwards augmented considerably. These new levied forces were to be stationed in New York and the adjacent islands, in order to give a freer scope of operation to the grand army; and allow it to exert its whole strength to effect that for which it was orig­inally destined; whilst the vast numbers of large riv­ers, which every where intersected the country, laid it open to the naval power, to which the Americans had nothing to oppose, and by which they were all along exceedingly distressed.

With all these advantages, however, it was yet found impossible to effect any great or permanent conquest. The causes formerly mentioned still continued to oper­ate, and to militate effectually against the royal army, and, indeed, to appearance, must have been too powerful for any number of men which Britain could be supposed to bring into the field. The utmost that could now be done, therefore, was to carry on a kind of predatory war, [Page 142]and this, however it might distress particular places, or amuse the people in Britain with ideas of conquest, could never contribute any thing effectual to the sub­jugation of the country.

The provincials formed a plan, about the end of January, for taking Fort Independence, near King's Bridge, and by so doing to obtain a passage into New York Island. About 4000 militia of the Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York states, in four divisions, under generals Heath, Wooster, Parsons, and Lincoln, were destined for the service. General Heath, having the chief command, summoned the garrison to surren­der, with threats in case of non-compliance. Nine days after the siege had commenced, the enemy, being reinforced, made a sally, but were repulsed. Soon af­ter the besiegers retired, upon a report that some ships had gone up the North River. General Heath was much censured for his conduct in this expedition by many of those who accompanied him. His summons, as he did not fulfil his threats, subjected the army to the ridicule of their enemies. The Americans suffered much from the weather, and not less from the failure of the expedition. Many of them afterwards crossed the North River, and proceeded to Morristown, where general Washington wintered with his small army.

About the time this fruitless expedition commenced, plundering had become so prevalent among the Ameri­can troops, that the commander in chief had it inserted in general orders—"The general prohibits, both in the militia and continental troops, in the most positive terms, the infamous practices of plundering the inhab­itants, under the specious pretence of their being tories. It is our business to give protection and support to the poor distressed inhabitants, not to multiply and increase their calamities. After this order, any officer found plundering the inhabitants under the pretence of their [Page 143]being tories, may expect to be punished in the severest manner. The adjutant general to furnish the com­manding officer of each division with a copy of these orders, who is to circulate copies among his troops immediately."

It was thought by many a matter of astonishment, that the British suffered the dangerous interval between the disbanding of one American army, and the raising of another, to pass away without attempting something of consequence, against the remaining shadow of an armed force. Probably general Howe's information of the affairs of the provincials was as defective, at this time, as it had all along been to the royal commanders; or, perhaps, he did not chuse to run any risk of derang­ing the ministerial plan laid down for the campaign, especially his intended junction with general Burgoyne, by making an attack on the American army, which, if not doubtful in its issue, he had reason to believe, from past experience, would at least be attended with great loss on his side.

Had general Howe made a quick movement and at­tacked the provincials at that time, the event would probably have been fatal to America. The recruiting service went on so slowly, and was attended with so many untoward circumstances, that general Washing­ton, far from being formidable in the month of March, observes, in a letter dated the 6th of that month, "If the enemy do not move, it will be a miracle: nothing but ignorance of our numbers, and situation, can pro­tect us." He afterwards owned, that during the latter part of the winter, he and his army remained at the mercy of the royal troops, with sometimes scarcely a sufficient body of men to mount the ordinary guards, liable every moment to be dispersed, if the enemy had thought proper to march against them. The general's whole force, including militia, at Morristown, and the [Page 144]several outposts, amounted often to not more than 1500 men: and it has been asserted, upon apparently good authority, that he repeatedly could not muster more at Morristown than between three and four hundred. In writing officially upon the subject to the governour and council of Connecticut, the representation he gave of affairs, drew tears from the eyes of those who heard the letter read. Whilst general Washington was at this low ebb with his army, gentlemen of five thousand pounds fortune or more, and many others who were men of substance, though not equal to that, did duty as centinels at his doors and elsewhere.

Hitherto there had been a great deficiency of arms and ammunition, as well as of men. Fifteen hundred of the new troops from Massachusetts would have been upon their march to join the army, but the general court could not supply them with arms. This per­plexity was, however, of short continuance. On the day of its commencement, or the following, a vessel of 14 guns, from France, arrived at Portsmouth, with 11,987 stand of arms, and 1000 barrels of gunpowder. Congress, about the same time, were under a similar distress to supply general Wash­ington's army, March 24. and met with timely relief by the arrival of a vessel with 10,000 stand, besides a great number of gun locks.

Though general Howe made no capital stroke at the commander in chief of the Americans; yet he concerted an operation against the post at Peek's Kill, which gen­eral McDougal occupied, where a considerable quantity of provisions and stores was deposited. A detachment of 500 men, under colonel Bird, was con­voyed by the Brune frigate to Peek's Kill, March 23. nearly fifty miles from New York. The provincials, finding themselves unable to resist, set sire to the stores, and the British soldiers completed the [Page 145]conflagration, and destroyed some small craft laden with provisions. Colonel Bird, hearing that a rein­forcement was expected by the Americans, re-embark­ed the same day.

The stores destroyed at Peek's Kill, being found greatly inferior in magnitude and importance to what the general had been led to expect, another expedition was undertaken against Danbury, on the borders of Connecticut, and contiguous to Courtland Manor, where it was said immense stores had been collected. Major general Tryon, assisted by general Agnew and sir William Erskine, with a detachment of 2000 men, embarked, passed the sound, and having landed between Fairfield and Norwalk, April 26. reached Danbury in twenty hours: per­ceiving that the country was rising to intercept his return, and being destitute of carriages to remove the stores, general Tryon immediately gave orders to burn and destroy the whole. The troops accomplished these orders without injuring the property of such as were reputed tories. 18 houses, 800 barrels of pork and beef, 800 barrels of flour, 2000 bushels of grain, 1700 tents, and some other articles were lost to the Americans.

The royalists, on their return, were harassed by mil­itia under generals Wooster, Arnold, and Silliman, who retarded their march, until a greater force could be assembled to effect the design of cutting off their retreat. Wooster hung upon the rear of the detach­ment, whilst Arnold, by crossing the country, gained their front, in order to dispute their passage through Ridgefield, nor could the excellent order and formida­ble appearance of the British forces, which had large covering parties, well furnished with field pieces, on their flanks and rear, nor the tumultuary manner in which the American militia, not very numerous, had assembled, prevent them from taking advantage of [Page 146]every situation to interrupt the progress of the royal army.

In one of these skirmishes, general Wooster, an ex­perienced officer, was mortally wounded, whilst fight­ing with all the vigour and fire of youth, though then seventy years old. He died a few days after, much honoured and regretted by his country.

General Arnold, with about 500 men, next opposed them in the town of Ridgefield, where, having barri­cadoed the road, he kept up a brisk fire upon them, and sustained their attack till they made a lodgement on a ledge of rocks on his left. After the British had gained this eminence, a whole platoon levelled at gen­eral Arnold, when not more than 30 yards distant. His horse was killed, but he escaped. Whilst he was extricating himself from his horse, which he did with great agility, a soldier ran up to stab him with his bay­onet; upon which Arnold suddenly drew a pistol, and shot his enemy dead as he approached.

Next day, the Americans, having received some reinforcements with cannon, harassed the rear of the British in several detached parties, and profited by every difficulty of ground, keeping up a scattering fire upon them until they got within protection of their shipping.

The British accounts state their own loss to have been only 172 killed and wounded; of which the latter were more than two thirds: and that of the Americans to have been double the number. No officer of dis­tinction was lost on the British side. Three field of­ficers were wounded; one of whom was brigadier general Agnew. The Americans computed 2 or 300 men of the British to have been killed or wounded; and only 20 killed and 40 wounded on their side. Among the former, besides general Wooster, was Dr. Atwater, a gentleman of great respectability and in­fluence, and colonel Lamb was among the latter. [Page 147]Although the British accomplished the object of their expedition, yet the mischief done to the Americans was not at all equivalent to the trouble and loss they sustained.

Congress, in acknowledgment of the merit and ser­vices of general Wooster, resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory. They also resolved, that a horse, properly caparisoned, should be presented to general Arnold, in their name, as a token of their approbation of his gallant conduct.

In return for this incursion, the provincials under­took a similar one against Long Island, where they were informed that a quantity of forage, grain, and other necessaries lay at the little port called Sagg Harbour, protected only by a company of foot and an armed schooner.

This expedition was conducted by colonel Meigs, a brave and enterprising officer, who had attended Ar­nold in his expedition to Quebeck, and had been taken prisoner in the attempt to storm that place. On the 23d of May, he passed his detachment of 170 men, in whale boats, over the found which separates Con­necticut from Long Island, and landed on the north side of the island, under the convoy of two armed sloops, and another unarmed to bring off prisoners; but having a narrow bay to cross before they could reach the place of their destination, they were now obliged to carry their boats across a neck of land before they could reach it. Having surmounted this difficulty, colonel Meigs, with about 150 men, landed on the south branch of the island, within about four miles of Sagg Harbour, leaving their boats secured in the wood under a guard. They arrived at the place before day, April. 24. and speedily accomplished their purpose, notwithstanding the resistance of the soldiers, and the crews of the vessels, together with [Page 148]the vigorous efforts of the schooner, which kept up a continual fire of round and grape shot at not more than 150 yards distance. Twelve brigs and sloops which lay at the wharf were burnt, and every thing on shore entirely destroyed. Six of the soldiers were slain; and ninety prisoners were brought off, consisting of the officer who commanded the men, with most of the masters and crews of the vessels which they had destroyed; and the party returned to Guildford, in Connecticut, in no longer space than 25 hours after they had departed from it, having in that short time traversed 90 miles by land and water, besides destroying the vessels, without having a single man either killed or wounded. Colonel Meigs had an elegant sword pre­sented him by congress for his good conduct in this expedition.

The season for action was now far advanced, and towards the latter end of May general Washington be­ing somewhat reinforced, quitted Morristown, and took a strong position at Middlebrook; his army, how­ever, did not exceed 7292 at the opening of the campaign. June 9. Soon after this movement was effected, the British marched from Bruns­wick, and extended their van as far as Somerset court­house, but in a few days returned to their former station.

The great object of the campaign, on the side of New York, seems to have been, that sir William Howe should penetrate through the Jersies to the Delaware, to clear those provinces of the provincial troops, and reduce the inhabitants to such a state of subjection, that a safe and open communication between the army and the city of New York might be established. The single movement which the American general had now made, however, effectually prevented the accomplish­ment of this design, or indeed of any thing else of [Page 149]consequence. His camp, winding along the course of the hills, was strongly intrenched, fortified, and well covered with artillery. He commanded a view of the British encampment on the hills of Brunswick, and a great part of the intermediate country towards that place and Amboy. His army also increased daily in numbers. Several bodies of the New England troops under generals Gates, Parsons, and Arnold, advanced to the borders of the North River, where they were ready to pass over to the Jersies, whenever there was occasion; whilst the Jersey militia collected with the greatest alacrity from all quarters; so that whatever position the royal army could take, it was still watched on all sides by its enemies. A mistake, fortunate for the Americans, made the militia assemble in great force on this emergency. Signals had been agreed upon, and beacons erected on high places, to give instantane­ous notice of the approach of the British. A few hours before the royal army began to march, the signal of alarm, on the foundation of a false report, had been made. The farmers, resolved to try the effects of re­sistance, in preference to a second submission, with arms in their hands, ran to the place of rendezvous from considerable distances. They had set out at least twelve hours before the British, and on their appearance were collected in formidable numbers. General Howe left no means untried to induce his rival to quit the strong position he had taken. He pushed on detachments, and made feints as if he intended to pass him, and cross the Delaware. This manoeuvre proving ineffec­tual, he advanced in front of general Washington's lines, where he continued for four days exploring the approaches to his camp, and accurately examining the situation of his posts; hoping to find some unguarded place, upon which an attack might be made with some probability of success; or that chance, inadvertence, [Page 150]impatience, or error, might occasion some movement or circumstance, which might lead to a general engage­ment. All these hopes, however, were frustrated. General Washington knew the value of his situation; and as he could neither be provoked, nor surprised in such a manner as to oblig [...] him to quit the advantages he derived from it, so he had too much penetration and foresight to lose them by circumvention or artifice; and he had too long profited by this cautious conduct, of never committing the fortune of America to the haz­ard of a single battle, to depart from it on this occa­sion, when it was not even demanded by any urgent necessity.

General Howe now found it necessary to change his measures. On the 19th of June, he sudden­ly retreated with some apparent marks of precipitation; June 19. and withdrawing his troops from Brunswick, took the road with his whole army towards Amboy. The apparently retreating British, were pursued by large detachments of the Americans, commanded by generals Maxwell, lord Sterling and Conway, who gained some trifling advantages; whilst some excesses, committed by the soldiers during their retreat, inflamed the provincials still more with a desire of retaliation and revenge. In this, and the former retreat to Brunswick, farm houses were burnt and de­stroyed, nor did they spare those buildings which were dedicated to the Deity. At last, general Washington himself, with the whole army, left his strong camp on the hills, and advanced to Quibbletown, to be near at hand for the support of his advanced parties. This was no sooner perceived by the British com­mander, June 24. than he marched back from Amboy with the utmost expedition, hoping to cut off some of the American detachments, or bring on a general engagement near Quibbletown; or if neither [Page 151]of these could be accomplished, it was intended, that lord Cornwallis, with his division, should take a con­siderable circuit, and thus gain possession of some strong passes, which would oblige the American general to quit the advantageous ground he had taken. In all this, however, he was frustrated, through the skill and vigilance of his rival. General Washington no sooner perceived the real intent of the enemy, than he with­drew his army from the plains, and with the utmost expedition regained his strong camp, securing the pass­es, at the same time, so effectually, that nothing could be attempted against them. Lord Cornwallis, indeed, fell in with lord Sterling, who had posted himself in a strong situation with about 3000 troops, who seemed inclined to dispute his passage. These were broken, however, in a very short time, with the loss of a few men and three brass field pieces; but the neighbour­hood of the woods prevented the pursuit from being continued with any effect.

General Howe being now convinced that it would be im­possible to induce general Washington to quit his strong position, and hazard a general engagement; and sus­pecting that it would be too hazardous to attempt pass­ing the Delaware, whilst the country was in arms, and the American army in full force in his rear, determin­ed to make an attempt on Philadelphia by sea; which must be attended by these manifest advantages, that it would be impossible for general Washington to know where the storm was to fall. He must, therefore, keep his post, and the king's army would make a considera­ble progress, before he could be in a condition to op­pose them; and such a progress would not leave him that choice of posts from which he had hitherto deriv­ed such advantage. In order more effectually to de­ceive and perplex general Washington, the British general ordered some transports, with a ship cut down [Page 152]to act as a floating battery, up the North River, a little before the embarkation was completed; a feint which succeeded so far as to induce the American general to detach a considerable body of his army across that river.

Whilst the preparations necessary for this expedition were going forward, the Americans found means to make amends for the capture of general Lee by that of general Prescot, who was seized in his quarters in Rhode Island, together with his aid de camp, in much the same manner as general Lee had been. This was exceedingly mortifying to the general himself, as he had not long before set a price upon general Arnold, by offering a sum of money to any one that apprehended him; which the latter answered by setting a lower price upon general Prescot: the latter was, however, exchanged in the following year for general Lee.

The month of July was far advanced before the preparations for the expedition against Phila­delphia were completed; July 23. and it was the 23d before the fleet was able to sail from Sandy-Hook. The force employed in this expedition con­sisted of 36 battalions of British and Hessians, a regi­ment of light horse, and a body of loyalists raised at New York. The remainder of these, with 17 battal­ions, and another body of light horse, were stationed at New York under sir Henry Clinton. Seven battal­ions were stationed at Rhode Island. After a week's sailing, those forces, amounting in all to about 16,000 men, arrived at the mouth of the Delaware; but there having received intelligence, that the navigation of the river was so effectually obstructed, that no possibility of forcing a passage remained; or more probably that general Washington had marched within a short dis­tance of Philadelphia; it was resolved to proceed far­ther southward to Chesapeak Bay in Maryland, from [Page 153]whence the distance to Philadelphia was not very great, and where the provincial army would find less advan­tage from the nature of the country than in the Jersies.

The navigation from Delaware to Chesapeak took up the best part of the month of August, and that up the bay itself was extremely difficult and tedious. At last, having sailed up the river Elk, as far as was practicable, Aug. 25. the troops were landed with­out opposition at Turkey Point, and set for­ward on their intended expedition.

General Washington having heard that the British fleet had put out to sea after having looked into the Delaware, was confirmed in the opinion he had for­merly entertained, that the whole was a feint, calculated to draw the American army farther from the North River, so as to prevent their being at hand to oppose a junction between Howe and Burgoyne. With this view, the American general took a middle station; from which he could speedily return to the North Riv­er, or advance to the relief of Philadelphia.

Whilst both general Washington and congress were sufficiently engaged, by their attention to the move­ments, and apprehension of the designs, of the power­ful fleet and army which was conducted by the brother generals and commissioners, they were alarmed with the news of general Burgoyne's success on the Lakes and the abandonment of Ticonderoga by general St. Clair; which will be hereafter related in the account of the northern campaign. These were events, so un­expected, that they could not fail to perplex their counsels, and impede their defensive preparations in other parts. Congress, however, behaved with great firmness in this exigency. They directed general Washington to appoint other commanders, and to sum­mon such numbers of the militia from the eastern and [Page 154]central provinces, as he should deem sufficient for re­straining the progress of the enemy.

The British fleet, after leaving the capes of Dela­ware, were not heard of for near three weeks, except that they had been seen once or twice steering south­wardly. It was therefore concluded that the object of the British was Charleston, in South Carolina, and, as the army could not march in time for its relief, it was resolved to attempt something on New York Isl­and, or, by uniting with the northern army, to give more effectual opposition to Burgoyne; whose affairs at this time were in a most prosperous train, as will be hereafter described. Conformably to this system, a small change of position took place. The day before this resolution was adopted, the British fleet had en­tered the Chesapeak; and intelligence thereof reached the American army in a few [...]. The [...]oop; were now put in motion to [...]. Every appearance of confidence was assumed by them as they passed through Philadelphia, that the citizens might be intimidated from joining the British; and a number of the principal inhabitants, suspected of disaffection to the American cause, were taken into custody, and sent to Virginia.

Sir William Howe, soon after he had landed his troops in Maryland, put forth a declaration, in which he informed the inhabitants, that he had issued the strictest orders to the troops "for the preservation of regularity and good discipline, and that the most exem­plary punishment should be inflicted upon those who should dare to plunder the property, or molest the per­sons of any of his majesty's well disposed subjects." Sept. 3. The royal army set out from the eastern heads of the Chesapeak on the 3d of September, leaving their tents and baggage behind, and trusted their future accommodation to such quarters as [Page 155]their arms might procure. They advanced till they were within two miles of the American army, which was then posted near Newport. General Washington soon changed the position, and took post on the high ground near Chadd's Fort, on Brandywine Creek, with an intention of disputing the passage. His army con­sisted of 14,000 men, but the real effective force that could be brought into action did not exceed 8000; that of the British amounted to 16,000, when they left New York, but although the whole of these were not brought into action, the British were still superior in number to the provincials. General Washington was in a manner obliged to risk an action for the de­fence of Philadelphia. The opinion of the inhabitants, though founded on no circumstances more substantial than their wishes, imposed this species of necessity.

A general action was therefore hazarded. On the 11th of September, Sept. 11. at day break, the British army advanced in two columns. The right under general Knyphausen, marched direct­ly to Chadd's Ford, which lay in the centre of the A­merican lines, where they expected the principal attack, their right and left covering some less practicable fords for several miles on either hand. A heavy cannonade commenced about 10 o'clock on both sides, and repeat­ed dispositions for passing the ford were made by the British general in order to deceive the Americans. This feint had the desired effect. The American gen­eral, supposing the whole force of the royal army to be in his front, detached large parties across the river to impede or frustrate this design, and kept up a con­tinual series of skirmishes with the British troops, sometimes advancing, and at others obliged to retreat, until at last they were obliged to retreat with consider­able loss. In the mean time lord Cornwallis, at the head of the second column, took a large circuit to the [Page 156]left, until he gained the forks of the Brandywine, where, from the division of the river, it could be more ea [...] forded. Having accordingly passed both branches about two in the afternoon, he took the shortest road down the river, in order to fall upon the right flank of the provincials.

General Washington having been apprised of this movement, about two hours before, endeavoured as well as he could to provide against its effect, by detack­ing general Sullivan, with as many troops as he [...] spare, to oppose Cornwallis. This task was exe [...] with great military skill. General Sullivan posted his troops in the strong grounds above Birmingham church, his flanks being covered with very thick woods, and his front with artillery very advantageously disposed. The ardour of the British and Hessian troops, however, overthrew every obstacle. The action began about 4 o'clock, and the Americans, after a spirited opposi­tion, were driven from their posts, and pursued into the woods in their rear. Considerable resistance was made by a part of the right wing, which had not been broken. These took another strong position in a wood, and were not dislodged for some time.

As the main and collected body of the British army continued to advance; they fell in with a strong party of the provincials which had not been engaged. These had posted themselves advantageously, in order to cover that wing of the army which had been defeated, and maintained their ground so vigorously, that they could not be driven from it before the night was consider­able advanced, when the darkness prevented the con­querors from reaping any benefit of their victory.

General Knyphausen, at last, after having amused the provincials all day, made good his passage in the evening, when he found that they were already deeply engaged on the right. He carried the intrenchment, [Page 157]and took the battery and cannon, which defended Chadd's Ford; and at the same instant, some British troops who had been engaged in the woods, and at last made shift to penetrate through them, happening to make their appearance, the Americans were thrown into such consternation, that an immediate retreat or flight took place. General Weedon's brigade, and those under general Green covered the retreat of the flying troops: and nothing but the darkness of the night prevented a total and ruinous defeat to the Americans.

Though on this occasion the victory undoubtedly belonged to the British, it was far from being of that final and decisive kind, which people had been led to expect in the event of a meeting between the British and American armies, on nearly equal terms, both as to numbers and the nature of the ground. Such had been the case at present; and though the Americans were inferior in force, yet the whole day was nearly consumed before victory was obtained. The Ameri­cans lost in this action, including officers, 300 killed, 600 wounded, and 400 taken prisoners. Among the latter was the baron de St. Ouary, who served as a vol­unteer. They also lost ten small field pieces and one howitzer, of which all, but one, were brass.

The loss in the royal army was not in proportion, being somewhat under 500, of which the slain did not amount to one fifth. The officers suffered considera­bly, especially in wounded, though no one of higher rank than a captain was killed.

Here the celebrated marquis de la Fayette first bled in the cause of liberty, which he had espoused with enthusiastic ardour. His wound was slight, but it en­deared him to the Americans. General Woodford was likewise wounded. Monsieur du Coudray, a [Page 158]French officer of high rank, and great abilities, was drowned about this time in the river Schuylkill, whilst on his way to join the American army.

The evening after the battle of Brandywine, a party of the British was sent to Wilmington, who took Mr. McKinley, the governour of the Delaware state, prison­er. They also took a shallop lying in the creek, loaded with the rich effects of some of the inhabitants, to­gether with the public records of the county, and a large quantity of public and private money, besides articles of plate and other things.

The Americans retreated first to Chester, and then to Philadelphia, where general Washington used the utmost diligence to repair his loss. Within a few days he came out with a design to risk another action, and advanced as far as the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road. Near that place both armies were on the point of engaging with their whole force, Sept. 18. but were prevented by a storm of rain which lasted for a whole day and night. When the rain ceased, the Americans found that their ammuni­tion was entirely ruined; so they retired to a place of safety.

The British left their position near the White Horse tavern, and began to march towards Reading, where the provincials had a quantity of stores, upon which, general Washington took a new position, and left the British in undisturbed possession of the roads leading to Philadelphia.

General Howe having intelligence that general Wayne was lying in the woods with a corps of 1500 men and four pieces of cannon, Sept. 20. in the rear of the left wing of his army, de­tached general Grey, on the 20th of September, late at night, with two regiments and a body of light in­fantry, to surprise him. Grey gained Wayne's left [Page 159]about one o'clock in the morning. Some out sentries were very early missed by an American officer going his rounds, and an alarm being given, the general pa­raded them in the light of their fires, instead of with­drawing them to the back of their encampment. Thus the British were directed where to rush on with their bayonets, as ordered by their commander. About three hundred were killed and wounded on the spot. They took between 70 and 80 prisoners, including several officers, a great many arms, and eight waggons loaded with baggage and stores. The enterprise was conducted with such address that the loss of the assail­ants did not exceed eight.

Congress, which after a short residence at Baltimore had returned to Philadelphia, were obliged a second time to consult their safely by flight. They retired first to Lancaster and then to Yorktown. Nothing now prevented sir William Howe from taking posses­sion of Philadelphia. He therefore left the bulk of his forces in Germantown, and, with a small part, made his triumphant entry into the city, and was re­ceived with a hearty welcome of numerous citizens, Sept. 26. who, either from principle, interest, or cowardice, had hitherto separated them­selves from the class of active whigs.

Lord Howe was no sooner acquainted with the suc­cess of his brother, than he took the most speedy and effectual measures for conducting the fleet and tran­sports round to the Delaware. The voyage was intri­cate, tedious, and dangerous; and nothing less than his superior skill and ability, which was exerted in the conduct and management of [...] great a number of ships, could have prevented the loss from being con­siderable; but, as the passage to Philadelphia was yet impracticable, the fleet drew up and anchored along [Page 160]the shore of Pennsylvania from Reedy Island to New­castle.

The first object of the British troops, after taking possession of the city, was to cut off, by means of strong batteries, the communication between the upper and lower parts of the river; which was executed, not­withstanding the opposition of some American armed vessels; one of which, the Delaware frigate, carrying 36 guns, was taken. The next task was to open a com­munication with it by sea; and this was a work of no small difficulty. A vast number of batteries and forts had been erected, and immense machines formed like chevaux de frixe, from whence they took their name, funk in the river to prevent its navigation. As the fleet now cooperated with the army, this work, however difficult, was accomplished; nor did the pro­vincials give much opposition, as well knowing that all places of this kind were now untenable. General Washington, however, took the advantage of the royal army being divided to attack the camp of the principal division of it that lay at Germantown, Oct. 4. in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. In this he met with very little success; for though he reached the place of destination by three o'clock in the morning, the patroles had time to call the troops to arms. The morning was likewise extremely foggy. This, by concealing the true situation of the parties, who made the attack at different places, occasioned mistakes, and made so much caution necessary as to give the British time to recover from the effects of their first surprise, which the bold attack of the Americans had occasioned. The latter, notwithstanding, made a very resolute assault: but they were received with so much bravery, that they were compelled to abandon the attempt, and retreat in great disorder; with the advantage, however, of carrying off their cannon, [Page 161]though pursued for a considerable way, after having upwards of 200 killed, and about 500 wounded, and upwards of 400 taken prisoners, among whom were 54 officers. On the British side, the loss amounted to 430 wounded and prisoners, and 70 killed; but among the last were general Agnew and colonel Bird, with some other excellent officers.

There still remained two strong forts on the Dela­ware to be reduced. These were Mud Island and Red Bank. The various obstructions which the Ameri­cans had thrown in the way rendered it necessary to bring up the Augusta, a ship of the line, and the Merlin frigate, to the attack of Mud Island; but dur­ing the heat of action both were grounded. Upon this, the Americans sent down four fire ships, and di­rected the whole fire from their galleys against them. The former were rendered ineffectual by the courage and skill of the British seamen; but during the en­gagement both the Augusta and Merlin took fire and were burnt to ashes, and the other ships obliged to withdraw. The Americans, encouraged by this unsuc­cessful attempt proceeded to throw new obstructions in the way: but the British general having found means to convey a number of cannon and to erect batteries within a gunshot of the fort by land, and bringing up three ships of the line which mounted heavy cannon, the garrison, after making a vigorous defence for one day, perceiving that preparations were making for a general assault on the next, abandoned the place in the night. Those who defended Red Bank followed their example, and abandoned it on the approach of lord Cornwallis. In the attacks on these forts the British lost a considerable number of men. In that on Red Bank alone, there were not less than 400 men killed and wounded; and their leader, count Donop, was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. A great num­ber [Page 162]of the American shipping, now finding themselves entirely destitute of any protection, sailed up the river in the night time. Seventeen, however, remained, whose retreat was intercepted by a frigate and some armed vessels; on which the Americans ran them ashore and burnt them, to prevent their falling into the ene­my's hands.

Whilst sir William Howe was succeeding in every enterprise in Pennsylvania, intelligence arrived that general Burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war to the Americans at Saratoga, as will be related in the account of the northern campaign. General Washington soon after received a considerable reinforcement from the northern army, which had ac­complished this great event. With this increased force he took a position at and near White Marsh. At the same time the British general had received a similar re­inforcement from New York; and conceiving that general Washington, from the disposition of his army, might perhaps incline to venture an engagement, marched from Philadelphia on the 4th of December at night; Dec. 4. and next morning took post on Chesnut Hill, in the front of the right wing of the American army; but general Washington, though he ardently wished to be attacked, would not relinquish a position from which he hoped for repara­tion for the adversities of the campaign. General Howe remained three days in the neighbourhood, Dec. 7. and explored the right and left wings of their camp, supposing that some part of it might be found liable to an attack. Every part was found equally inaccessible; and though frequent skirmishes ensued, and the royal army advanced within a mile of the American lines, nothing could entice or provoke general Washington to leave his position. General Howe, therefore, gave up the thoughts of any farther [Page 163]attempt for the season, as his officers and soldiers suf­fered the most grievous severities of the weather from the want of tents, and other field equipage; he, accord­ingly, on the 8th of December, began his march for Philadelphia, in full view of the Americans, without being in the least incommoded on his return.

Three days after, Dec. 11. the American army marched from White Marsh to Swedes' Ford, and afterwards to Valley Forge, Dec. 19. on the Shuykill, about 15 miles from Philadelphia, where they remained in huts during the winter. In this march the army might have been tracked by the blood of their feet, upon the hard frozen road, occasioned by the want of shoes and stockings. This extreme want of clothing put the general under the necessity of granting warrants to impress what the holders would not willingly part with, agreeably to the power with which congress had invested him.

About this time the British fleet at Philadelphia re­ceived an alarm of so uncommon a nature, that some account of it becomes necessary. Early in the war, Mr. David Bushnel of Saybrook, in Connecticut, in­vented a machine for submarine navigation, different from any thing hitherto devised by the art of man. This machine was so constructed as that it could be rowed horizontally, at any given depth, under water, and could be raised or depressed at pleasure. To this machine, called the American Turtle, was attached a magazine of gun powder, which was intended to be fastened under the bottom of a ship, with a driving screw, in such a way as that the same stroke which dis­engaged it from the machine should put the internal clock work in motion. This being done, the ordinary operation of a gun lock, at the distance of half an hour, or any determinate time, would cause the powder to explode and leave the effects to the common laws of [Page 164]nature. The simplicity, yet combination discovered in the mechanism of this wonderful machine, have been acknowledged by those skilled in physics, and particu­larly hydraulics, to be not less ingenious than novel. Mr. Bushnel invented several other curious machines for the annoyance of the British shipping, but from accidents, not militating against the philosophical prin­ciples, on which their success depended, they but par­tially succeeded. He destroyed a vessel in the charge of commodore Symmonds. One of his kegs also de­molished a vessel near the Long Island shore. About Christmas 1777, he committed to the Delaware river a number of kegs, destined to fall among the British fleet at Philadelphia; but this squadron of kegs, having been separated and retarded by the ice, demolished but a single boat. This catastrophe, however, produced an alarm, unprecedented in its nature and degree; which has been humourously described by the late honourable Francis Hopkinson, in a song, styled "The Battle of the Kegs."

The issue of the campaign upon the Delaware af­forded room for the most serious reflections to the British. Their arms were crowned with the most brilliant success. Two very considerable victories were obtained. In all lesser actions, excepting the affair at Red Bank, they were equally triumphant. Yet with all this tide of success, all the fruit they derived from their victories at the close of the campaign, amounted to no more than simply a good winter lodging for their army in the city of Philadelphia; whilst the troops possessed no more of the adjacent country than what they immediately commanded with their arms. It was still more discouraging, that general Washington had given repeated proofs that however he might engage them when he thought it to his advantage, it was im­possible for the royal army to bring him to action a­gainst [Page 165]his consent. This gave occasion to much unea­siness in Britain, where the news of the first successes had caused the greatest exultation, which was now suc­ceeded by very gloomy reflections on the peculiar and fatal circumstances, which, from the nature of the country, and other operating causes, had distinguished this war, from all others in which they had ever been concerned, and in which victory and deseat were near­ly productive of the same consequences.

CHAP. XXIII.

ONE great object in the ministerial plan for the campaign of 1777, was, to effect a free commu­nication between New York and Canada, and to main­tain the navigation of the intermediate lakes. On the other hand, the Americans were very early attentive to their security in that quarter, and had placed every pos­sible obstruction in their way.

This expedition had been projected by the British ministry as the most effectual method that could be taken to crush the colonies at once. The four provinc­es of New England had originally begun the confede­racy again Britain, and were still considered as the most active in the continuation of it; and it was thought, that any impression made upon them, would contribute in an effectual manner to the reduction of all the rest. For this purpose, an army of 4000 chosen British troops and 3000 Germans were put under the command of general Burgoyne; general Carleton was directed to use his interest with the Indians to persuade them to join in this expedition; and the province of Quebeck was to furnish large parties to join in the same. Those who commanded under general Burgoyne were, gene­ral Philips of the artillery, generals Fraser, Powell, and Hamilton, with the German officers generals Reidesel and Speecht, all officers of distinguished merit. The [Page 167]soldiers were all excellently disciplined, and had been kept in their winter quarters with all imaginable care, in order to prepare them for the expedition on which they were going. The brass train of artillery that was sent out, was perhaps the finest, and the most excel­lently supplied, both as to officers and men, that had ever been allotted to second the operations of an equal force. To aid the principal expedition, another was projected on the Mohawk River, under colonel St. Le­ger, who was to be assisted by sir John Johnson, son to the famous sir William Johnson who had so greatly distinguished himself in the war of 1755.

A considerable force was left in Canada for its inter­nal security, and sir Guy Carleton's authority was re­stricted to the limits of that province. His military command extended before to every part of America, whither he might find it sitting to conduct the army under his direction. Though the British ministry at­tributed the preservation of Canada to his abilities, yet he was now called upon to act a secondary part in sub­serviency to the grand expedition committed to general Burgoyne. His behaviour in this trying and difficult situation was conformable to the greatness of his soul. He shewed that resentment could not warp him from his duty, and he applied himself with the same diligence and energy, to forward and support the expedition in all its parts, as if the arrangement had been entirely his own.

Lieutenant general Burgoyne arrived in Quebeck on the 6th of May, May 6. and exerted all diligence to prosecute in due time the objects of the expedition. He proceeded up Lake Champlain, and, on the 21st of June, having landed near Crown Point, June 21. he encamped on the western side of the lake, where being joined by a considerable body of Indians, the general made a speech, [Page 168]in which it is said he exhorted these new allies, but in­effectually, to lay aside their ferocious and barbarous manner of making war; to kill only such as opposed them in arms; and to spare prisoners, with such women and children as should fall into their hands. After issuing a proclamation, in which the force of Britain, and that which he commanded, was set forth in very ostentatious terms, the campaign opened with the siege of Ticonderoga. The place was very strong, and gar­risoned by 2546 continentals, and 900 militia, under general St. Clair; nevertheless, the works were so ex­tensive, that even this number was scarce sufficient to defend them properly. They had therefore omitted to fortify a rugged eminence called Sugar Hill, the top of which overlooked and effectually commanded the whole works; imagining, perhaps, that the difficulty of the ascent would be sufficient to prevent the enemy from taking possession of it. On the approach of the first division of the army, the provincials abandoned and set fire to their out works; and so expeditious were the British troops, that by the 5th of July every post was secured which was judged necessary for investing it completely. July 6. A road was soon after made to the very summit of that eminence which the Americans had supposed could not be ascend­ed; and so much were they now disheartened, that they instantly abandoned the fort entirely, taking the road to Skenesborough, a place to the south of Lake George; while their baggage, with what artillery and military stores they could carry off, were sent to the same place by water. But the British generals were determined not to let them pass so easily. Both were pursued and both overtaken. Their armed vessels con­sided only of five galleys; two of which were taken, and three blown up; on which they set fire to their boats and fortifications at Skenesborough. On this oc­casion [Page 169]the provincials lost 200 boats, 130 pieces of cannon, with all their provisions and baggage. Their land forces under colonel Francis made a brave defence against general Fraser; July 7. and superior in number, had almost overpowered him, when general Reidesel with a large body of Ger­mans came to his assistance. The Americans were now overpowered in their turn; and their commander being killed, they fled on all fides with great precipita­tion. In this action 200 were killed, as many taken prisoners, and above 600 wounded, many of whom perished in the woods for want of assistance.

During the engagement general St. Clair was at Castleton, about six miles from the place; but instead of going forward to Fort Anne, the next place of strength, he repaired to the woods which lie between that fortress and New England. General Burgoyne, however, detached colonel Hill with the ninth regi­ment, in order to intercept such as should attempt to retreat towards Fort Anne. On his way he met with a body of the Americans, said to be six times as number­ous as his own; but after an engagement of three hours, they were obliged to retire with great loss. After so many disasters, despairing of being able to make any stand at Fort Anne, they set sire to it and retired to Fort Edward. In all these engagements the loss of killed and wounded in the royal army did not exceed 200 men.

General Burgoyne was now obliged to suspend his operations for some time, and wait at Skenesborough for the arrival of his tents, provisions, &c. but employ­ed this interval in making roads through the country about St. Anne, and in clearing a passage for his troops to proceed against the Americans. The direct distance from Fort Anne, where the batteaux navigation ended, or even from Skenesborough to Fort Edward, was no [Page 170]more than what in easy ground, or a cultivated country, would be termed a moderate ride for exercise; yet such is the savage state of that country, and such were the difficulties thrown in the way by the provincials, that the progress of the army thither was rendered very tedious and laborious; scarcely indeed exceeding one mile a day; a circumstance, to after ages, and in a cultivated state of the country, perhaps hardly credible. Almost every part of the passage was a wilderness. The provincials had cut large trees on both sides of the road, in such a manner as to fall across and lengthways, with their branches interwoven; so that the troops had several layers of these frequently to remove, in places where they could not possibly take an opposite direction. The face of the country was likewise so broken with creeks and marshes, that, in this short space, they had no fewer than forty bridges to construct, besides others to repair; one of which was of log work, two miles in length. In short, after undergoing the utmost dif­ficulty that could be undergone, and making every ex­ertion that man could make, he arrived with his army before Fort Edward about the end of July. July 30. Here general Schuyler had been for some time endeavouring to recruit the shattered American forces, and had been joined by general St. Clair with the remains of his army; the garrison of Fort George also, situated on the lake of that name, had evacuated the place and retired to Fort Edward on Hudson's River.

Notwithstanding the great success of the British general, the people, far from shewing the least disposi­tion to submit, seemed only to consider how they might make the most effectual resistance. For this purpose, the militia was every where raised and draughted to join the army at Saratoga; and such numbers of vol­unteers were daily added, that they soon began to [Page 171]recover from the alarm into which they had been thrown.

The terror excited by the Indians, likewise, instead of disposing any of the inhabitants to court the British protection, had a tendency directly opposite. They had no other means of security, but to abandon their habitations and take up arms. The friends of the royal cause, as well as its enemies, suffered from their indiscriminate barbarities. The murder of Miss M'Rea, especially, excited universal horrour. This young lady, in the innocence of youth, and the bloom of beauty— she daughter of a steady loyalist, and engaged to be married to a British officer, was, whilst dressed to re­ceive her promised husband, murdered by her savage conductors, the auxiliaries of the British army. Occa­sion was thereby given to inflame the populace, and to blacken the royal cause. The cruelties of the In­dians and the cause in which they were engaged, were associated together, and presented in one view to the alarmed inhabitants. This melancholy story, though true, was no premeditated barbarity. The circumstan­ces were as follow: Mr. Jones, her lover, from an anxiety for her safety, engaged some Indians to remove her from among the Americans, and promised to re­ward the person who should bring her safe to him, with a barrel of rum. Two of the Indians who had conveyed her some distance on the way to her intended husband, disputed which of them should present her to Mr. Jones. Both were anxious for the reward; and one of them killed her with his tomahawk, to prevent the other from receiving it. General Burgoyne obliged the Indians to deliver up the murderer, and threatened to put him to death. His life was only spared, upon the Indians agreeing to terms, which the general thought would be more efficacious than an execution, in preventing similar mischiefs.

[Page 172] The wisdom and propriety of general St. Clair's re­treat from Ticonderoga was soon after evident, even to those, who censured his conduct; as the army, saved by that means, stood as a barrier between the inhabit­ants and general Burgoyne. This abated the panic of the people, and became a centre of rendezvous for them to repair to: And when an inquiry into his con­duct took place afterwards, all the charges against him were found groundless, and he was honourably acquit­ted. In the mean time general Gates was placed at the head of the northern army. At the same time general Arnold repaired to Saratoga with a considerable train of artillery; but receiving intelligence that colonel St. Leger was proceeding with great rapidity in his expe­dition on the Mohawk River, he removed to Still Wa­ter, a place about half way between Saratoga and the junction of the Mohawk and Hudson's River.

Colonel St. Leger had advanced in the beginning of August as far as Fort Schuyler, formerly called Fort Stanwic; the siege of which he pressed with great vig­our. On the 6th of August, understanding that a supply of provisions, Aug. 6. escorted by 800 or 900 men, under general Harkimer, was on the way to the fort, he dispatched sir John Johnson with a number of tories and Indians, who surprised the Americans and took the convoy. A scene of great confusion followed. Some of Harkimer's men ran off, but others posted themselves behind logs, and contin­ued to fight with bravery and success. The loss on the side of the Americans was 160 killed, besides many wounded. ^* General Harkimer was among the former. Several of the principal people in that part of the country were among the killed and wounded. Colo­nel Willet, the second in command in the fort, under [Page 173]general Gansevoort, sallied out with 250 men, about the time of this battle, and routed two of the Indian and tory encampments, carrying off provisions, baggage, arms and five colours, which on their return to the fort were displayed under the continental flag.

Colonel St. Leger now endeavoured to induce the garrison to surrender, by stating the impossibility of their receiving relief, and threatening them in case of resistance; but the commander replied, that he was determined to defend it to the last extremity, against all enemies whatever, without any concern for the consequences of doing his duty: And so little were the garrison intimidated, that colonel Willet and lieu­tenant Stockwell, passed by night through the besiegers' works, and, eluding the vigilance of the enemy, made their way through the greatest dangers and dissicul­ties to hasten the march of general Arnold to their assistance.

Thus the affairs of Colonel St. Leger seemed to be in no very favourable situation notwithstanding his late success, and they were soon totally ruined by the deser­tion of the Indians. They had been alarmed by the report of general Arnold's advancing with 2000 men to the relief of the fort; and whilst the colonel was attempting to give them encouragement, another report was spread, that general Burgoyne had been defeated with great slaughter, and was now flying before the provincials. On this he was obliged to do as they thought proper; and the retreat could not be effected without the loss of the tents and some of the artillery and military stores.

General Burgoyne, in the mean time, notwithstand­ing all the difficulties he had already sustained, found that he must still encounter more. The roads he had made with so much labour and pains were destroyed, either by the wetness of the season or by the Ameri­cans; [Page 174]so that the provisions he brought from Fort George could not strive at his camp without the most prodigious toil. On hearing of the siege of Fort Schuyler by colonel St. Leger, he determined to move forward, in hopes of enclosing the enemy betwixt his own army and that of St. Leger, or of obtaining the command of all the country between Fort Schuyler and Albany; or, at any rate, a junction with colonel St. Leger would be effected, which could not but be attended with the most happy consequences. The only difficulty was the want of provisions; and this it was proposed to remedy by reducing the provincial magazines at Bennington. For this purpose, colonel Baum, a German officer of great bravery, was chosen with a body of 500 men. The place was about twenty miles from Hudson's River; and to support colonel Baum's party, the whole army marched up the river's bank, and encamped almost opposite to Saratoga, with the river betwixt it and that place. An advanced party was posted at Batten Kill, between the camp and Ben­nington, in order to support colonel Baum. In their way the British seized a large supply of cattle and pro­visions, which were immediately sent to the camp; but the badness of the roads retarded their march so much, that inrelligence of their design was sent to Ben­nington. Understanding now that the American force was greatly superior to his own, the colonel acquainted the general, who immediately dispatched colonel Brey­man with a party to his assistance; but through the same causes that had retarded the march of colonel Baum, this assistance could not arrive in time. Gen­eral Starke, in the mean time, who commanded at Bennington, determined to attack the two parties sep­arately; and for this purpose advanced against colonel Baum, Aug. 16. whom he surrounded on all sides and attacked with the utmost [Page 175]violence. The troops defended themselves with great valour, but were to a man either killed or taken prison­ers; among the latter was colonel Baum. Colonel Breyman, after a desperate engagement, had the good luck to effect a retreat through the darkness of the night, which otherwise he could not have done, as his men had expended all their ammunition, being 40 rounds to each. In these two actions the Americans took 4 brass field pieces, 12 brass drums, 250 dra­goon swords, 4 ammunition waggons, and about 700 prisoners. The loss of the Americans, inclusive of their wounded, was about 100 men.

General Burgoyne, thus disappointed in his attempt on Bennington, applied himself with indefatigable dili­gence to procure provisions from Fort George; and having at length amassed a sufficient quantity to last for a month, he threw a bridge of boats over the river Hudson, which he crossed about the middle of Septem­ber, encamping on the hills and plains near Saratoga. As soon as he approached the provincial army, at this time encamped at Stillwater, under general Gates, he determined to make an attack; for which purpose he put himself at the head of the central division of his army, having general Fraser and colonel Breyman on the right, Sept. 19. with generals Reide­sel and Philips on the left. In this position he advanced towards the Americans on the 19th of September. But the Americans did not now wait to be attacked: on the contrary, they attacked the central division with the utmost violence; and it was not until general Philips with the artillery came up, and at 11 o'clock at night, that they could be induced to retire to their camp. In this action a continual blaze of sire was kept up, and both armies seemed to be determined on death or victory. The Americans and British al­ternately drove, and were driven by each other. Men, [Page 176]and particularly officers, dropped every moment, and on every side. Several of the Americans placed them­selves on high trees, and as often as they could distin­guish an officer's uniform, took him off by deliberately aiming at his person. The British troops lost about 500 in killed and wounded, and the Americans about 319. The former were very much alarmed at the ob­stinate resolution shown by the Americans, but this did not prevent them from advancing towards them, and posting themselves the next day within cannon shot of their lines. But their allies the Indians began to desert in great numbers; and at the same time the general was in the highest degree mortified by having no intelligence of any assistance from [...] Henry Clinton, Sept. 21. as had been stipulated. He now received a letter from him, by which he was informed that sir Henry intended to make a di­version on the North River in his favour. This afford­ed but little comfort: however, he returned an answer by several trusty persons, whom he dispatched different ways, stating his present distressed situation, with in­structions to press the immediate execution of the pro­posed co-operation, and mentioning that the provisions and other necessaries he had would only enable him to hold out till the 12th of October.

In the mean time the Americans, in order to cut off the retreat of the British army in the most effectual manner, undertook an expedition against Ticonderoga; but were obliged to abandon the enterprise after hav­ing surprised all the out posts, and taken a great num­ber of boats, with some armed vessels, and a number of prisoners.

The army under general Burgoyne, however, con­tinued to labour under the greatest distresses; so that in the beginning of October he had been obliged to [Page 177]diminish the soldiers' allowance. On the 7th of that month he determined to move towards the Americans. Oct. 7. For this purpose he sent a body of 1500 men to reconnoitre their left wing; in­tending, if possible, to break through it in order to ef­fect a retreat. The detachment, however, had not proceeded far when a dreadful attack was made upon the left wing of the British army, which was with great difficulty preserved from being entirely broken by a reinforcement brought up by general Fraser, who was kill­ed in the attack, and, on account of his distinguished merit, was the subject of particular regret. After the troops had with the most desperate efforts regained their camp, it was most furiously assaulted by general Ar­nold; who, notwithstanding all opposition, would have forced the intrenchments, had he not received a dan­gerous wound, which obliged him to retire. Thus the attack failed on the left, but on the right the camp of the German reserve was forced, colonel Breyman kill­ed, and his countrymen defeated with great slaughter, and the loss of 9 pieces of brass artillery and all their baggage. This day was fatal to many brave men. Sir James Clark, Burgoyne's aid de camp, was mortally wounded. The general himself had a narrow escape, a musket shot passing through his hat, and another through his waistcoat. Majors Williams and Ackland were taken, and the latter was wounded. The loss of the Americans was inconsiderable.

This was by far the heaviest loss the British army had sustained since the action at Bunker's Hill. The list of killed and wounded amounted to near 1200, ex­clusive of the Germans; but the greatest misfortune was, that the Americans had now an opening on the right and rear of the British forces, so that the army was threatened with entire destruction. This obliged general Burgoyne once more to shift his position, that [Page 178]his opponents might also be obliged to alter theirs. This was accomplished on the night of the 7th, with­out any loss, and all the next day he continued to offer the Americans battle; but they were now too well as­sured of obtaining a complete victory, by cutting off all supplies from the British, to risk a pitched battle. Wherefore they advanced on the right side, in order to inclose him entirely; which obliged the general to di­rect a retreat towards Saratoga. But the Americans had now stationed a great force on the ford at Hud­son's River, so that the only possibility of retreat was by securing a passage to Lake George; and to effect this, a body of workmen were detached, with a strong guard, to repair the roads and bridges that led to Fort Edward. As soon as they were gone, however, the Americans seemed to prepare for an attack; which rendered it necessary to recal the guard, and the work­men being of course left exposed, could not proceed.

The royal troops were under arms the whole day of the 8th, Oct. 8. in continual expectation of an action, and were cannonaded during the greatest part of it; but all that happened was a succession of skir­mishes which occasioned loss on both sides. General Lincoln was wounded in his leg by a random shot, when riding in company with general Gates. About sunset, a strange spectacle was presented to view. The corpse of general Fraser was brought out of the unfor­tunate British camp, and carried up the hill, attended only by the officers who had lived in his family, for he desired it might be carried, without parade, by the fol­diers of his corps, to the great redoubt, and there bu­ried. It necessarily passed within view of both armies: generals Burgoyne, Philips, and Reidesel, standing to­gether, were unable to restrain their natural propensity to pay their last attention to his remains—jealous lest their conformity to his request might be construed into [Page 179]neglect—they followed the corpse to the grave. The incessant cannonading during the solemnity;—the stea­dy attitude, and unaltered voice with which the chaplain, Mr. Brudenell, officiated, though frequently covered with dust, thrown up on all sides of him by the shot; —the mute but expressive mixture of sensibility and indignation upon every countenance, together with the duskiness of the evening, might make one of the finest subjects for the pencil of a master that the field ever exhibited. But had general Burgoyne acquainted the American commander with the intended procession, there is no doubt but the magnanimity and generosity of general Gates would have varied the scene, and done due honour to the memory of his brave enemy.

In the mean time, the boats which conveyed pro­visions down Hudson's River were exposed to the con­tinual fire of the American marksmen, who took many of them; so that it became necessary to convey the provisions over land. In this extreme danger, it was resolved to march by night to Fort Edward, forcing the passages at the fords either above or below the place; and, in order to effect this the more easily, it was resolved that the soldiers should carry their pro­visions on their backs, leaving behind their baggage and every other incumbrance. But before this could be executed, intelligence was received that the Americans had raised strong intrenchments opposite to these fords, well provided with cannon, and that they had likewise taken possession of the rising ground between Fort George and Fort Edward, which in like manner was provided with cannon.

"On the morning of the 11th of October, general Gates called the general officers to­gether, Oct. 11. and informed them of his having re­ceived certain intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main body of Burgoyne's army was [Page 180]marched off for Fort Edward with what they could take, and that a rear guard only was left in the camp, who after a while were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. On this it was concluded to attack the camp in half an hour. The officers repaired to their commands. General Nixon's, being the eldest brigade, crossed the Saratoga creck first. Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had a line form­ed behind a parcel of brush wood to support the post of artillery, where the others meant to make their at­tack. General Glover was on the point of following Nixon, when he saw a British deserter whom he ex­amined. The soldier told him the truth, that the whole army was in camp; that a small detachment had been sent off a day or two ago, but had returned, on finding the passes occupied by the Americans. General Glover dispatched his aid de camp to general Gates with the deserter behind him, and at the same time sent a mes­sage to general Nixon, which reached him in the critical minute; before he could re-cross, the fog, which had prevailed, cleared off, and his rear was gall­ed by the enemy's cannon, which killed several of his men: a quarter of an hour later would proba­bly have proved fatal to his whole brigade, and giv­en a new turn of affairs in favour of the royal army. Thus the rise and fall of mighty empires may depend upon the minutest incidents. Are these to be consid­ered as blind unmeaning casualties? Are they not rather the direct acts of a Divine Being, for the estab­lishment of his own purpose, by a Providence superin­tending the jarring devices of mortals?

All this time the American army was increasing by the continual arrival of militia and volunteers from all parts. Their parties extended all along the opposite bank of Hudson's River, and some had even passed it in order to observe the least movement of the British [Page 181]army. The whole force under general Gates was com­puted at 16,000 men, whilst the army under general Burgoyne scarce amounted to 6000; and every part of their camp was reached by the grape and rifle shot of the enemy, besides a discharge from their artillery, which was almost incessant. In this state of extreme dis­tress and danger, the army continued with the greatest constancy and perseverance till the evening of the 13th of October. Oct. 13. General Burgoyne finding that the troops had only three days provision in store, on short allowance, and no apparent means of retreat remaining, called into council all the generals, field officers, and captains commanding corps. There was not a spot of ground in the whole camp for holding the council of war, but what was exposed to cannon or rifle shot. While the council was deliberat­ing, an eighteen pound ball crossed the table. By the unanimous advice and concurrence of the council, the general was induced to open a treaty with general Gates. The first proposals of the latter were rejected, and the sixth article with disdain, wherein it was re­quired, that the British army should lay down their arms in the intrenchments. Burgoyne's counter pro­posals were unanimously approved; and being sent to Gates were agreed to, on the 15th, without any mate­rial alteration. The proposals not being signed by either party, and captain Campbell returning in the night of the 16th to Burgoyne, with the news of the reduction of Fort Montgomery and other intelligence, the general submitted it to consideration, whether it was consistent with public faith, and, if so, expedient to suspend the execution of the treaty, and trust to events. The opinion of different officers was asked in regard to the condition of their respective corps, and what might be expected from them severally in desper­ate cases. Some entertained doubts of part of the [Page 182]troops, if the negociation ceased; and others of a greater part for want of bodily strength, if desperate enterprises were to be afterward undertaken. The majority of the council determined, that the public faith was bona side plighted. ^* Burgoyne, from the in­telligence brought in the night by Campbell, entertain­ed a slight hope of remote relief, and accordingly gave his voice against the majority; but the majority having determined differently, the concurrence for signing the treaty was unanimous. ^† Gates, jealous lest the sign­ing would be unnecessarily delayed, and fearful of the consequences which might follow, should general Vaughan with his troops come up in time to Bur­goyne's assistance, determined to bring the matter to an immediate issue. On the morning of the 17th, Oct. 17. he got every thing in readiness for at­tacking the royal army. This done, he took out his watch, the time agreed upon for signing being come; sent colonel Greaton on horseback to Burgoyne with a message, requiring the general to sign; and al­lowed him no more than ten minutes to go and return. He was back in time. The treaty was signed; all hostile appearances ceased; and the Americans ma [...] ­ed into their lines, to the tune of Yankee Doodle.

The terms granted were moderate: the army were allowed to march out with all the honours of war and its camp artillery, to the verge of the river, where they were to deposit their arms. The troops were to be allowed a free passage to Europe, on condition of their not serying again in North America during the war. The army were not to be separated, particularly the men from the officers; roll calling, and other duties of regularity to be admitted; the officers on parole to be allowed to wear their side arms, and to be quartered according to their rank; all private property to be [Page 183]held sacred, and the public delivered upon honour; no baggage to be searched or molested; all persons, of whatever country, appertaining to, or following the camp, to be fully comprehended in the capitulation; and the Canadians to be returned to their own country liable to its conditions. All these, as far as general Gates was or could be concerned, were executed with the utmost punctuality. Nay, so much attention was paid to the delicacy of military honour, that when the British troops went to the place appointed to lay down their arms, the provincials were strictly kept within their lines, and not allowed to be spectators of so great humiliation on the part of Britain. Such conduct was the more praise worthy, as some late as well as former circumstances, had highly enraged the militia. The extraordinary and severe measures pursued by the Brit­ish on the North River, as related below, might also have afforded much colour for a different mode of conduct.

When the arms were deposited agreeably to treaty, the royal troops were served with bread by the Ameri­cans, as they had none left, nor flour to make it. They had only one day's salt meat remaining.

The number of those who surrendered at Saratoga amounted to 5791; the list of sick and wounded left in the camp when the army retreated to Saratoga, to 528; and the number of those lost by other accidents since the taking of Ticonderoga, to near 3000. 35 brass field pieces, 7000 stand of arms, clothing for an equal number of soldiers, with the tents, military chest, &c. constituted the booty on this occasion. The American forces, at the time of the convention, were in all 13,222, of which 4129 were militia. In commemoration of this event, congress voted that a gold medal should be struck and presented in the name of the United States to major general Gates.

[Page 184] Sir Henry Clinton, in the mean time, had sailed up the North River, Oct. 6. and destroyed the two forts called Montgomery and Clinton, with Fort Constitution, and another place called Conti­nental Village, where were barracks for 2000 men. Seventy large cannon were carried away, besides a number of smaller artillery, and a great quantity of stores and ammunition; a large boom and chain reach­ing across the river from Fort Montgomery to a point of land called St. Anthony's Nose, and which cost not less than 70,000l. sterling, were partly destroyed and partly carried away, as was also another boom of little less value at Fort Constitution. The loss of the British army was but small in number, though some officers of great merit were killed in the different attacks.

Another attack was made by sir James Wallace with some frigates, and a body of about 3,600 land forces under general Vaughan. The place which now suffered was named Esopus: Oct. 13. the forti­fications were destroyed, and the town itself was wantonly reduced to ashes, as that called Conti­nental Village had been before.

Whether policy or revenge led to this destruction of property is uncertain, but it cannot admit of a doubt, that it had no tendency to relieve general Burgoyne. General Gates had express upon express, urging him to send down troops to oppose the ravages of the ene­my. On the 14th he wrote to governour Clinton; "I have ordered the commanding officer at Fort Schuy­ler to send Van Shoak's regiment without delay to Albany—desired brigadier general Gansevort to repair to that city, and take the command of all the troops that may assemble there—and have sent down the two Esopus regiments, the Tryon county militia, and most of the militia of Albany county." But he would not weaken his hold of Burgoyne by any detachment of continentals from his own army, or of New England militia.

[Page 185] The passage of the North River was made so prac­ticable by the advantages gained on the 6th of October, that sir Henry Clinton, with his whole force, amount­ing to full 3000 men, might not only have reached Al­bany, but general Gates's encampment, before the 12th; the day till which Burgoyne had agreed to wait for aid from New York, or at least twenty four hours before Burgoyne's necessity compelled his submission to articles of capitulation. Why this opportunity was neglected has never been satisfactorily explained. Whilst general Vaughan was busied in destroying Esopus, he might with a flood tide have reached Albany in four hours, as there was no force to hinder him. Had he proceeded thither, and burnt the stores, general Gates, as he him­self afterwards declared, must have retreated into New England.

After the convention was signed, general Gates mov­ed forward to stop the devastations of the British on the North River, but they, on hearing the fate of general Burgoyne, retired to New York. About the same time those of the British who had been left in the rear of the royal army, destroyed their cannon, and abandoning Ticonderoga, retreated into Canada. Thus the whole country, which had for several months experienced the confusions of war, was instantaneously restored to per­fect tranquillity.

The intelligence of this great event spread no less joy through the United States, than grief and dejection throughout Britain. The generality of the people in Britain had presumed that all the northern parts of the United States would be subdued before the end of the campaign. The quality of the troops, the zeal, talents and courage of the commander, together with the good fortune which for some time followed him, justified their expectations in a great degree; but the catastrophe proved the folly of planning distant expeditions, the [Page 186]success of which depended upon the coincidence of circumstances, which were, at most, only within the verge of possibility.

When the captured troops began their march to Bos­ton, the Americans lined the road and hill on each side. When passing through the centre of them, they were looked at, in this reverse of fortune, with a generous sedateness; not even the least gesture was made use of by way of insult. On their arrival at Boston they were quartered in the barracks on Winter and Prospect Hills. The general court of Massachusetts passed proper reso­lutions for the accomodation of prisoners; but from the feebleness of their authority, at that time, over the property of their fellow citizens, it was difficult to pro­vide immediately for so large a number of officers and soldiers, in such a manner as their convenience requir­ed, or as from the articles of the convention they had a right to expect. The officers remonstrated to general Burgoyne, that six or seven of them were crowded to­gether in one room, without any regard to their respec­tive ranks, in violation of the 7th article of the conven­tion. Notice of this being forwarded to general Gates, he sent general Burgoyne's letter to congress. Taking hold of the declaration of the general, that "the pub­lic faith was broken," and eager to justify the measures they were desirous of adopting, they concluded from thence, that the captured troops, on their embarkation, would make a junction with the British garrisons in A­merica. The declaration of the general, whilst in the power of congress, was construed by them as destroy­ing the security which they before had in his personal honour; alleging, that, in every event, he might ad­duce his previous notice to justify his future conduct. They therefore postponed the embarkation of the troops, making a nice distinction between the suspension and abrogation of the convention; and alleged, that ground [Page 187]for suspecting an intention to violate it, was a justifying reason for suspending its execution on their part, till it was properly ratified by the court of Great Britain. General Burgoyne explained the intention and con­struction of the passage objected to in his letter, and pledged himself that his officers would join with him in signing any instrument that might be thought neces­sary for confirming the convention; but congress would never recede from their resolution. If was easily seen, that the measure which they had adopted was not so lightly taken as to be easily given up; and that expla­nations and securities could produce no effect on their determination.

The capture of Burgoyne gave new strength to the minority of the British parliament; prevented the gov­ernment there from acting with collected force, which an union of sentiments would have enabled it to do; encouraged the Americans by well grounded hopes of final success, and soon procured them powerful friends in Europe.

The American privateers and continental shipping sent in a number of British prizes into their own har­bours this year, and insulted the coast of Britain in a manner never before ventured upon by her hardiest enemies; so as to produce the appointment of a con­voy, for the first time ever known, to protect the linen ships from Dublin and Newry. The General Mifflin privateer, after making repeated captures, arrived at Brest, and saluted the French admiral, who returned the salute in form, as to the vessel of a sovereign and independent state. Though lord Stormont, on his threatening to return immediately to Great Britain, unless satisfaction should be given, obtained an order for American privateers and their prizes to leave the French ports, the same was evaded. However, the king's ships captured many valuable prizes in the [Page 188]West Indies and on the American coast. But the balance of property was greatly in favour of the A­mericans. The continental frigate Hancock, of 32 guns, mostly twelve pounders, commanded by captain Manly, was taken on the 8th of July, by sir George Collier, of his majesty's ship the Rainbow. The Han­cock's complement was 290 men, nearly as many as the Rainbow's. The Flora frigate, likewise, gave chace to the Fox of 28 guns, on the 7th of July, and afterwards captured her. The Fox had been taken some time be­fore by captain Manly, on the banks of Newfound­land.

On the first of December the ship Flamand, captain Landais, arrived at Portsmouth from Marseilles with a rich supply of warlike stores. Among other articles were 48 pieces of brass cannon, four pounders, with carriages complete, and 2000 balls; 19 nine inch mor­tars, with 250 bombs; a quantity of intrenching tools; 3000 fusees; 1100 of another quality for dragoons; 18,000 pounds of gun powder, and 61,000 of brim­stone.

During this year and some time after, the views of a few factious men were bent on rendering the com­mander in chief unpopular, and thus pave the way for his removal from the command of the American army. But his fellow citizens had such unlimited and well grounded confidence in his patriotism and abilities, that the machinations of his enemies tended, in the end, only to establish more firmly that authority which they industriously laboured to subvert.

The plan seems to have been to engage the Massa­chusetts assembly and Virginia house of burgesses, to give instructions to their delegates in congress, to more for an inquiry into the causes of the ill success of the campaign of 1776: and then contrive that such re­solves [Page 189]should be agreed to, as would either remove general Washington or produce his resignation.

The following passages in two of the general's letters to a correspondent, who applied to him on this subject, are too valuable to be omitted. In the first letter, dat­ed Valley Forge, January 23d, 1778, he writes "Wheth­er a serious design of placing general Lee (before cap­tivation) at the head of the army, had ever entered in­to the head of a member of congress or not, I never was at the trouble of enquiring. I am told a scheme of that kind is now on foot by some, in behalf of anoth­er gentleman—whether true or false—serious or mere­ly to try the pulse—I neither know nor care. Neither interested, nor ambitious views, led me into the service. I did not solicit the command; but accepted it after much entreaty, with all that diffidence, which a con­scious want of ability and experience, equal to the dis­charge of so important a trust must naturally excite in a mind not quite devoid of thought: and after I did engage, pursued the great line of my duty, and the object in view (as far as my judgment could direct) as pointedly as the needle to the pole. So soon as the public gets dissatisfied with my services, or a person is found better qualified to answer her expectation, I shall quit the helm with as much pleasure, and retire to a private station with as much content, as ever the wea­ried pilgrim felt upon his safe arrival at the holy land, or haven of hope; and shall wish most devoutly, that those who come after may meet with more prosperous gales than I have done, and less difficulty. If the ex­pectation of the public has not been answered by my endeavours, I have more reasons than one to regret it; but at present I shall only add, that a day may come, when the public cause is no longer to be benefited by a concealment of our circumstances, and till this peri­od arrives, I shall not be among the first to disclose such [Page 190]truths as may injure it, however my character in the mean while may suffer." On the 15th of February he had occasion for writing—"I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services, while they are considered of importance in the present con­test. But to report a design of this kind, is among the arts which those, who are endeavouring to effect a change, are practising to bring it to pass."

CHAP. XXIV.

SOON after the intelligence of the capture of Bur­goyne's army reached Europe, the king of France concluded at Paris treaties of alliance and commerce with the United States. This important transaction was the fruit of long negociation. The colonists had taken up arms, uninfluenced by the enemies of Great Britain, and conducted their opposition for several months after they had raised troops, without any reference to foreign powers. As they began the contest with no other view than to obtain a redress of grievances, they shew­ed no inclination, in the first period of their opposition, to involve the mother country in a war, nor to ask aid from her enemies. But when the policy of Great Britain attempted to deprive the Americans of arms, it became indispensible for them to seek foreign con­nexions. For this purpose, Silas Deane was sent to Paris, early in the year 1776, as a political and com­merical agent, with instructions to solicit the friendship of the French king, Louis XVI. and to procure milita­ry stores. Soon after his arrival, he was instructed to found count de Vergennes, the French minister for foreign affairs, on the subject of the American contro­versy. In the month of June, Mr. Deane obtained a [Page 192]supply of arms, ammunition, and soldiers' clothing, sufficient for loading three vessels. It is not yet pub­licly known what agency the court of France had in furnishing these supplies, or whether they were sold or given as presents. However, the business was so con­ducted, that it might assume such a complexion as cir­cumstances might render expedient. And, during the whole negociation, Great Britain was amused with de­clarations of the most pacific dispositions on the part of France, whilst the Americans were supplied with the means of defence.

Congress having agreed upon the plan of the treaty which they intended to propose to his most Christian majesty, elected Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Ar­thur Lee to solicit its acceptance. It was resolved, that no member should be at liberty to divulge any thing more of these transactions than "that congress had taken such steps as they judged necessary for obtaining foreign alliances." The secret committee was directed to make an effectual lodgement of 10,000l. sterling, subject to the order of these commissioners. Dr. Franklin, who was employed as agent in the business, and afterwards as minister plenipotentary at the court of France, enjoyed a greater proportion of foreign fame, than any other native of America. He was eminent­ly distinguished as a politician, and a scholar, and, if possible, more so as a man and a citizen. His genius was vast and comprehensive, and could with equal ease investigate the mysteries of philosophy and the laby­rinths of politics. Shortly after his appointment he failed for France. His high rank in literature and his agreeable manners, had procured him the highest re­spect and veneration when in that country, on his trav­els, in 1767; and now his increased same smoothed the way for his reception in a public character. The three agents having rendezvoused at Paris, opened their [Page 193]business in a private audience with count de Vergennes on the 28th of December 1776. Instead of grasping at too much, the French minister aimed at nothing more than, by granting generous terms to the Ameri­cans, to perpetuate the separation of the colonies from Great Britain. France was at this period no way pre­pared for war. The peace of Europe was supposed to be unstable, from a prevailing belief that the death of the elector of Bavaria was an event extremely probable. But the principal reason that induced a delay, was an opinion, that the dispute between the mother country and the colonies would be compromised.

In these circumstances the French court observed a middle line of conduct. They avoided equally an haughty reserve, which would have discouraged the A­mericans, or a legal countenance of their deputies, which might, by alarming the rulers of Great Britain, have induced them to a compromise with their colonies, or have brought on an immediate rupture between France and England. The French government, there­fore, were not over hasty in openly espousing their cause. They prohibited, threatened, and even punished the A­mericans; whilst private persons were winked at, in encouraging, supplying, and supporting them.

The Americans in the mean time assiduously em­ployed their agents at the courts of Spain, Vienna, Prussia, and Tuscany, in order, if possible, to conclude alliances with them, or at least to procure an acknowl­edgment of their independency. As it had been re­ported that Britain intended to apply for assistance to Russia, the American commissioners were enjoined to use their utmost influence with the German princes to prevent such auxiliaries from marching through their territories, and to endeavour to procure the recal of the German troops already sent to America. To France they offered a cession of such West India islands as [Page 194]should be taken by the united strength of France and A­merica; and should Britain by their joint endeavours be dispossessed of Newfoundland, Cape Breton, and Nova Scotia, these territories should be divided betwixt the two nations, and Great Britain be totally excluded from the fishery. The proposals to the Spanish court were, that in case they should think proper to espouse their quarrel, the American states should assist in reducing Pensacola under the dominion of Spain, provided their subjects were allowed the free navigation of the river Missisippi and the use of the harbour of Pensacola; and they further offered, that, if agreeable to Spain, they would declare war against Portugal, should that power expel the American ships from its ports.

At this time the congress did not so much expect any direct aid from France, as the indirect relief of a war between that country and Great Britain. To pro­mote which, they resolved that "their commissioners at the court of France should be furnished with war­rants and commissions, and authorised to arm and fit for war in the French ports any number of vessels, not exceeding six, at the expence of the United States, to war upon British property, provided they were satisfied this measure would not be disagreeable to the court of France." This resolution was carried into effect, and, in the year 1777, marine officers, with American com­missions, both failed out of French ports, and carried prizes of British property into them. They could not procure their condemnation in the courts of France, nor sell them publicly, but they found means to turn them into money.

Whilst private agents on the part of the United States were endeavouring to embroil the two nations, the American commissioners were still urging the ac­ceptance of the treaty proposed by congress. They received assurances of the good wishes of the court of [Page 195]France, but were frequently informed that the import­ance of the transaction required farther consideration, and were enjoined to preserve the most profound se­cresy. Matters remained in this uncertain state from December 1776 till December 1777. The defeat on Long Island, the reduction of New York, and the dis­astrous events of 1776, which have been already re­lated, sunk the credit of the Americans very low. The subsequent successes at Trenton and Princeton effaced those impressions, but the fate of Burgoyne turned the scale. This great event convinced the French, and might have convinced the British, that the opposition of the Americans was not the work of a few factious leaders who had usurped the reins of power, but that it was the work of the people, whose efforts were likely to prove finally successful. Louis, therefore, determin­ed to espouse their cause.

The commissioners of congress were informed, on the 16th of December, 1777, by M. Gerard, one of the secretaries of the king's council of state, "That it was decided to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and to make a treaty with them. That his most christian majesty desired the treaty once made should be durable, and their amity to subsist forever, which could not be expected, if each nation did not find an interest in its continuance, as well as in its commencement. It was therefore intended that the terms of the treaty should be such as the new formed states would be willing to agree to if they had been long since established, and in the fulness of strength and power; and such as they should approve of when that time should come. That his most christian ma­jesty was fixed in his determination not only to ac­knowledge, but to support, their independence. That in doing this he might probably soon be engaged in a war, yet he should not expect any compensation from [Page 196]the United States on that account, nor was it pretend­ed that he acted wholly for their sakes, since besides his real good will to them, it was manifestly the inter­est of France, that the power of England should be diminished, by the separation of the colonies from its government. The only condition he should require and rely on would be, that the United States in no peace to be made, should give up their independence and return to the obedience of the British government."

Conformably to the preliminaries proposed by M. Gerard, 1778. Feb. 6. his most christian majesty Louis XVI. on the 6th of February, 1778, entered into treaties of amity and commerce with the United States of America, on the footing of the most perfect equality and reciprocity; and copies of them were sent to congress, in order to counteract any proposals that might be made in the mean time by the British ministry.

This event, though foreseen by many, and often foretold, was disbelieved by the British ministry; their zeal to reduce the colonies to submission, blinded them to danger from any other quarter. Transported with indignation against their late fellow subjects, they were so infatuated with the American war, as to suppose that the fear of future evils would induce the court of France to forego the opportunity of securing great and immediate advantages, and at the same time, humbling a powerful rival.

The alliance between France and America had not been concluded three days before the British ministers were secretly acquainted with the unwelcome news; and eight days after, lord North introduced his concil­iatory propositions. Feb. 17. His plan was to enable the crown to appoint commissioners to treat with the colonies concerning the means of putting an end to the present contest between [Page 197]them and Great Britain. Five persons were to be invested with ample powers; and authorised to treat with congress as a lawful assembly, representing America—with any of the provincial assemblies— and with any individuals. They were to be empow­ered to order a suspension of arms; to suspend the operation of laws; and to grant pardons, immunities and rewards. The title of Independent States might be allowed till the treaty had been ratified by the king and parliament. The commissioners were to negociate, upon a re-union of the empire, for a reasonable contri­bution to its common exigencies; but this demand was not to be insisted on, and to be given up rather than not terminate the quarrel. His lordship said in his speech, that sir W. Howe had been, in the late ac­tions and in the whole course of the campaign, not only in the goodness of troops, and in all manner of supplies, but also in point of numbers, much superior to the American army which oppo [...]ed him in the field; that general Burgoyne had been in numbers, until the affair at Bennington, near twice as strong as the army of the enemy: that he promised a great army should be sent out; and that a great army had accordingly been sent out, to the amount of 60,000 men and up­ward. The speech was long, able, and eloquent, and kept him up two full hours.—A dull melancholy silence for some time succeeded. It was heard with profound attention; but without a single mark of approbation. Astonishment, dejection and fear, overclouded the whole assembly. It was conjectured that some power­ful motive had induced ministry to adopt such an al­teration of measures. The idea was confirmed by the positive assertion of Mr. Fox, that a treaty had been signed at Paris, between the colonies and France, by which she recognized their independence. Some of the country gentlemen being piqued at lord North's [Page 198]having said, that "they had not been misled or de­ceived," rose with great warmth, and asserted with in­dignation, that they had been grossly deceived and mis­led by the uniform language of government for three years past. In general the party declared, that as the point of taxation, which could be the only rational ground of the war, was now given up, peace should be procured by any means, and in the speediest man­ner."

His lordship should have early attended to the hints contained in the letter to Dr. Fothergill, which the doctor got transcribed and sent him, but the minister thought the doctor's correspondent too sanguine. The intimation that a foreign power might interfere, should have produced a determination to treat immediately— a message to the American commissioners assuring them of it—and the introduction, if possible, of the passing of the conciliatory bills before the delivery of the preliminaries to the commissioners on the 16th of December; whereas they were not passed till the 2d of March.

The day before the conciliatory propositions were introduced, a particular incident happened in the house of lords. After the Saratoga convention, general Gates wrote a very pathetic and interesting letter to the earl of Thanet, with whom he had formerly lived upon a footing of great intimacy. It related chiefly to the situation of affairs between Great Britain and America. He lamented the misfortunes that had be­fallen his native country, and the danger to which it was exposed; and then stated the necessity of speedily applying the only remedy remaining, for the cure of the many evils that afflicted or threatened Great Brit­ain. This remedy he declared to be an acknowledg­ment of American independence, which he said the United States never would part with. "A wise min­ister," [Page 199]he added, "by rescinding the resolutions passed to support that system which no power on earth can establish, will endeavour to preserve so much of the empire in prosperity and honour, as the circumstances of the times, and the mal-administration of those who ruled before him, have left to his government. The United States of America are willing to be the friends, but never will submit to be the slaves of the parent country. They are by consanguinity, by language, and by the affection which naturally springs from these, more attached to England than to any other country under the sun. Therefore spurn not the bless­ing which yet remains; instantly withdraw your fleets and armies; cultivate the commerce and friendship of America. Thus, and thus only can England hope to be great and happy. Seek that in a commercial alli­ance; seek it ere it be too late; for there only you must expect to find it." The earl of Thanet produced this letter in the house; and after some controversy it was read: and the duke of Richmond moved that it should lie upon the table. The motion was rejected after a warm debate, to the concern of several, who flattered themselves that the letter might have afforded an opening to a favourable accommodation.

The conciliatory bills were hurried through both houses of parliament, and before they passed into acts, were copied and sent across the Atlantic, to lord and general Howe: and on their arrival, were sent by a flag to congress at Yorktown, who were as yet uninformed of the conclusion of the treaty with France; April 21. nor had they received any information from their commissioners at Paris for upwards of a year. One packet had in that time been re­ceived, but the letters therein had been taken out before it was put on board the vessel which brought it from France, and blank paper put in their stead. The com­mittee [Page 200]of congress appointed to examine the bills, made a report, which was unanimously adopted. By this they rejected the proposals of Great Britain.

Congress finding that the royal commissioners were industriously circulating these bills in a partial and se­cret manner, ordered them to be printed in all the news papers, with the resolutions of congress upon them, which were in substance as follows: That who­ver presumed to make a separate agreement with Brit­ain should be deemed a public enemy; that the United States could not with any propriety keep correspond­ence with the commissioners until their independence was acknowledged, and the British fleet and armies removed from America. At the same time, the colo­nies were warned not to suffer themselves to be deceiv­ed into security by any offers that might be made; but to use their utmost endeavours to send their quotas with all diligence into the field.

On this occasion governour Tryon inclosed several copies of the bills to general Washington, in a letter, entreating him to allow them to be circulated; to which the general returned for answer a copy of a news paper, in which the bills, together with the reso­lutions of congress, were inserted: and governour Trumbull, upon a similar letter and application, re­turned an answer to the following effect: There was a day when even this step, from the then ac­knowledged parent state, might have been accepted with joy and gratitude; but that day is past irre­vocably; and there are insuperable bars to the very idea of concluding a peace with Great Britain, on any other conditions, than the most absolute, perfect, in­dependence.

The season for action was now approaching; and congress was indefatigable in its preparations for a new campaign, which it was confidently said would be the [Page 201]last. Among other methods taken for this purpose, it was recommended to all the young gentlemen of the colonies to form themselves into bodies of cavalry to serve at their own expence during the war. General Washington at the same time, to remove all incum­brances from his army, lightened the baggage as much as possible, by substituting sacks and portmanteaus in place of chests and boxes, and using pack horses instead of waggons. On the other hand, the British army, ex­pecting to be reinforced by 20,000 men, thought of nothing but concluding the war according to their wishes before the end of the campaign. It was with the utmost concern, as well as indignation, therefore, that they received the news of lord North's concilia­tory bills. This m [...]ture was universally looked upon as a national disgrace; and some even tore the cock­ades from their hats, and trampled them under their feet as a token of their indignation.

On the 3d of May, 1778, Mr. S. Deane arrived in America express from France, and brought with him copies of the two treaties of alliance and commerce with France, to be ratified by congress. This joyful news was quickly announced to the people in a gazette, wherein the chief articles of the treaty were mentioned, together with the pleasing accounts from other parts, setting forth that almost all the European powers view­ed America with an eye of friendship. The treaties were duly weighed, and considered separately the next day, and upon each it was unanimously resolved, "That the same be, and is hereby accepted." The next resolution was, That this congress entertain the highest sense of the magnanimity and wisdom of his most christian majesty, so strongly exemplified in the treaty of amity and commerce; and the commissioners representing these states, at the court of France, are di­rected to present the grateful acknowledgments of this [Page 202]congress to his most christian majesty, for his truly magnanimous conduct respecting these states, in the said generous and disinterested treaties, and to assure his majesty, on the part of this congress, it is sincerely wished, that the friendship so happily commenced be­tween France and these United States may be per­petual."

The congress, after receiving the treaties, had a stronger feeling of their own importance than before, and resolved, "That the commissioners appointed for the courts of Spain, Tuscany, Vienna, and Berlin, should live in such style and manner at their respective courts, as they may find suitable and necessary to sup­port the dignity of their public character."

On the eighth of May, they agreed to a draught of "An address to the inhabitants of the United States of America." In this publication, when they come to the French treaty, they say, "You have still to expect one severe conflict. Your foreign alliances, though they secure your independence, cannot secure your country from desolation, your habitations from plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children from butchery. Foiled in the principal design, you must expect to feel the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise then! to your tents, and gird you for battle! It is time to turn the headlong current of vengeance upon the head of the destroyer. They have filled up the measure of their abominations, and, like ripe fruit, must soon drop from the tree. Although much is done, yet much remains to do. Expect not peace, whilst any corner of America is in the possession of your foes. You must drive them away from this land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and honey. Your brethren at the extremities of the con­tinent already implore your friendship and protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger [Page 203]and thirst after liberty. Be it yours to dispense to them the heavenly gift. And what is there to pre­vent it?"

The alliance between France and America was pub­licly announced to the British court, on the 13th of March, in a rescript delivered to lord Weymouth, by the French ambassador: And the communication was made under the pretence of cultivating a good under­standing between France and Great Britain.

The reception of this rescript was notified by the minister to the house of commons on the 17th; and was accompanied with a message from the king, inti­mating that he should be under the necessity of resent­ing so unprovoked and so unjust an aggression on the honour of his crown and the essential interests of his kingdom, and expressing his firm confidence on the zealous and affectionate support of his faithful people. An address was moved for in answer to it, to assure the king of the readiness of the people to stand by him in afferting the dignity of his crown, and the honour of the nation, and to submit with cheerfulness and spirit to the expenses that would be requisite, which was car­ried after a long debate. In the house of lords, the debates upon the like occasion were attended with an acrimony of language, and a freedom of thought, that seemed to scorn all restraint; but the question for an address was carried by a majority of near three to one.

On the 21st of March, a public audience and recep­tion was given to the American deputi [...]s, Messrs. Franklin, Deane, and Lee, by the French monarch. They were introduced by Mr. Vergennes, and received by the king with the usual formalities and ceremonials. This striking acknowledgment of the [...]enipotentaries from the United States, must have mortified the minis­try and crown of Great Britain; and may be pro­nounced the political phenomenon of Europe. The [Page 204]day before it was exhibited, the French ambassador, in consequence of orders to quit London, set out for Paris.

An inquiry into the state of the nation had been proposed some time back, and continued with unabat­ed assiduity in both houses. It was warmly contended by the members in opposition, that the present minis­try ought to be removed on account of their number­less blunders and miscarriages in every instance. Sev­eral of the most respectable members in opposition, and even some of the opposite party, were of opinion, that the only way to extricate the nation from its trouble was to acknowledge the independency of A­merica at once; and thus do with a good grace what must inevitably be done at last, after expending much more blood and treasure than had yet been lavished in this unhappy contest. Their independence, they said, was not only already established, but had obtained such time to six and settle upon its foundations, that it ap­peared now too firm to be shaken by the utmost efforts of Britain, even supposing it were left, without any foreign support, merely to the exertions of its own in­ternal strength. But in that situation, to form any hope of being equal to its overthrow, under the ac­knowledgment and support of the House of Bourbon, was, they said, an idea only fit to be entertained by bedlamites.

On this occasion lord Chatham made his last and most affecting speech in the house of lords, "My lords," says he, "the times are alarming; the state is indeed in danger! and nothing but the poor condition of my health could so long have prevented me from at­tending to my duty in parliament at this very import­ant period. But advice is now so necessary, that al­though sorely pressed by the hand of infirmity, I have made an effort, almost beyond my constitution, to come [Page 205]down to the house to give my best advice to your lord­ships, and to express my indignation at the pusillanim­ous, the disgraceful idea of giving up the dependence of America on the sovereignty of Britain. Feeble as I am, I rejoice that I am yet alive, that the grave has not altogether closed on me, before I had an opportu­nity of giving my vote against so impolitic a measure, as the acknowledgment of the independence of A­merica.

"That our public affairs have, for some years past, been shamefully managed, I have frequently endeavour­ed to convince your lordships; and although I con­demned the measures which have for some time been adopted by the majority of this house, yet I have been always against the independence of America, and nev­er would support measures carried on in unrecanted error; but after a full recantation of these erroneous measures, and after a repeal of all the oppressive acts, it is the duty of every lever of his country, of every good citizen, to take care, while, on the one hand, he preserves the rights and privileges of the colonies, he does not, on the other, tarnish the lustre of his royal master's crown, nor sink the glory of the British nation. The tendency and plain language of the present motion is, to disgrace our sovereign, and to bring reproach up­on us as a nation. It is, in a manner, totally to anni­hilate this once great empire. I chuse to speak my sentiments, even though there may be danger in doing so. I always hated reserve; and never did approve of halting between two opinions, when there was no mid­dle path to steer with certainty. The perfidy of France ought to rouse us, and make us strain every nerve, open every vein, to preserve our national charac­ter, and to preserve us from being scoffed and laughed at by foreigners. It is now absolutely necessary to de­clare for peace or war; and when the former cannot [Page 206]be preserved with honour, the latter ought to be com­menced without hesitation. What is life without rep­utation? And does that person deserve the name of a man, of an Englishman, who would not lay down his life, to preserve the ancient dignity of his country? We may possibly fail in the attempt, but still let us make an effort, one united effort, to prevent such national disgrace. If we fall in the attempt, Europe will at least be convinced, that we had as much virtue left as to fall like men.

"But, it is said, we ought to make peace with A­merica on any terms, and bring home our troops in or­der to protect ourselves; in short, that we should al­low a foreign ambassador insolently to tell us, that his master had made a bargain for that commerce which was our natural right, and entered into a treaty with our own subjects, without so much as resenting it.— Merciful God! to what a low ebb must this once great empire be now reduced, when any of her senators (pointing to the duke of Richmond) can raise up his head, and with a grave face openly hold forth such tim­id, such dastardly counsels?—This never was the lan­guage of Britain, and never shall be mine.—What! can it be possible that we are the same people, who a­bout sixteen years ago were the envy and admiration of all the world? Is not this England?—Is not this the senate of Great Britain? And can we forget that we are Englishmen? Can we have forgot that the nation has stood the Danish irruptions—the Scotch inroads— the Norman conquests—the Spanish armada—and the various efforts of the Bourbon compacts?—Why are we blinded by despair? Why should we sit down in ig­nominious tameness; and, with a desponding face, say to France, "Take from us what you will; take all we have; but do, pray, let us live and die in peace."— Shame upon such disgraceful, such pitiful counsels! [Page 207]My God! How are we altered! What can have occa­sioned so sudden an alteration? Is the king still the same? I hope he is; but I fear there is something in the dark, something rotten near him, something lurking between him and his people, which has thus dismem­bered his empire, and tarnished his glory. But I trust that we have still resources, and still have courage to punish the perfidy of France. Why then should we now give up all? and that too without a blow; with­out an attempt to resent the insults offered to us? If France and Spain are for war, why not try the issue with them? For, I again say, if we should fall in the attempt, let us fall decently; and if we cannot live with honour, let us die like men. Heaven forbid that we should be permitted to live one day for the purpose of making scourges for our own backs!

"At present I cannot point out the means for car­rying on the war; but I wish to recall to your lordships remembrance, the extent and revenue of the crown when king George III. came to take possession of it. Your lordships will then be satisfied, that the internal resources of the kingdom are great."

He then asserted the American provinces to be the inheritance of the crown, which the house had no right to vote away: And that before he would give his con­sent to the present motion, the rising hopes of the roy­al blood should be brought to the house of lords to grant their consent to giving up what they have a legal and natural right to expect to possess.

"Feeble and shattered as I am," says he, "yet so long as I have strength to raise myself on my crutches, —so long as I can lift my hand, or utter a syllable, I will vote against the giving up the dependence of A­merica on the sovereignty of Great Britain. Even if I should stand single, I will, to the last moment of my existence, vote against a measure so dishonourable to [Page 208]my country. From my bad state of health, I am sen­sible that my abilities are not now such as to insure suc­cess even to the best concerted measures; but I shall always be ready, when called upon, to give an honest advice to my beloved sovereign.

"I wage war with no set of men, nor do I wish to get into any of their employments. I think the king has a right to chuse his own servants; but if they shall betray the trust reposed in them, I shall always be for an inquiry into their conduct; and, if they are found guilty, I hope there is still spirit enough in the nation to bring ministers to condign punishment. I trust in God, however, that his majesty will be directed to make a proper choice of his servants. There never was a king who stood more in need of honest and able min­isters.—But I feel my constitution fails me.—I am al­ways much indebted to your lordships for your indul­gence. If my health would permit, if my frail carcase could be supported, I could speak forever on this sub­ject, when the dignity of my king and the honour of my country are at stake. The good of the nation is my sole ambition, and although I do earnestly pray for an honourable peace, yet I hope never to live so long as to see such disgrace brought on the kingdom as must arise from a peace produced by pusillanimous counsels, which any peace with America as independ­ent states must be; I feel my mind agitated at the thoughts of it. My soul revolts—it spurns at the idea of American independency; and therefore I will, on every occasion, give it a negative."—Here his lord­ship's speech was cut short by extreme weakness.

The duke of Richmond, after passing the highest compliments on the great success of lord Chatham's administration, appealed to the noble lord himself if such successes could be attained, even by the talents of a Chatham, unassisted by circumstances. Could he ob­tain [Page 209]a conquest without means, without an army, with­out a navy, without money, without a revenue, with­out credit? He begged leave to recal to the noble lord's memory, that, when he was called to the management of affairs, the empire was in a flourishing state; the finances were delivered to him in the highest state of improvement to which the abilities of a Pelham could raise them. The national debt was seventy millions less when he came to the helm than when he left it. Could any analogy be deduced from those times to the pre­sent? America was then with us; she is now against us. Our commerce was then extended and profitable; we have since lost the most profitable branches of our trade. The African trade was diminished £1,400,000 a year. Our merchant ships were now destroyed by those who then protected and employed them. We have lost shipping to the value of £2,600,000 in the contest with America, as had been proved at their lord­ship's bar. These were circumstances unknown in other times, and required new measures. The bravest princes, and the proudest states, have been obliged to temporize, and submit to circumstances; and this was a moment for us to imitate them. But, in fact, what was the shocking humiliation? Acknowledge the inde­pendence of America, and you have no farther quarrel with France. And what was the mighty difference between dependence and independence? It was a quarrel about words, a mere difference about sounds: For, if we gave up taxation, if we gave up the appointment of governours, and other officers in the provinces, if we did not insist on keeping up a standing army there, they would only stand bound to us by inclination and interest, and the name of dependence and independence could only be descrip­tive of the same connexion. He might be called dastardly and pusillanimous, for advising peace; but he would shew his courage, by persisting in the same plan, in [Page 210]spite of such painful and undeserved appellations; and he held himself amply justified in wishing to save his country, by recommending a pacification on any terms, when so great a man as lord Chatham had publicly de­clared, he did not know the means of saving it by mak­ing war. The ministers who had advised the violent measures against America, were the persons who had deprived the heirs of the crown of their inheritance, and not those who recommended a salutary acquiesc­ence under the losses which they had rendered inevita­ble, and which must increase by resistance.

Lord Chatham rose to reply; but, after two or three unsuccessful attempts to stand, fell down in a swoon on his seat. Being carried out he recovered a little, but continued in a languishing condition till the 12th of May, when he expired, in the 70th year of his age; and left behind him the character of one of the great­est orators and statesmen that any country has ever pro­duced. His remains were interred at the public ex­pense; and both parties seemed inclined to make a­mends, by the honours they paid to his memory, for the neglect with which he had been treated during the latter part of his life.

When the sentiments expressed in the last speech of lord Chatham are considered, it cannot appear any way extraordinary that inferior politicians, and the great body of the people, fostered prejudices to a still great­er extent, concerning the dependency of the colonies on the mother country; or that the point of honour, which had before precipitated the nation into the war, now predominated over every suggestion of prudence and interest.

Accordingly the king and parliament of Great Brit­ain determined at once to resent the arrogance of France, and prosecute hostilities with America, with more vig­our than ever, should the terms now offered be rejected.

[Page 211] From this time the British and French were busied in fitting out their respective fleets. Though war was not actually declared, yet there could be no doubt but that these rival nations were in a state of hostility. A French squadron, consisting of 12 ships of the line and 4 frigates, April 13. commanded by count D'Estaing, sailed from Toulon for America, on the 13th of April. On the 4th of May authentic intelligence of the sailing of the French fleet arrived at St. James's. On the 8th, a fleet of 12 sail of the line was ready for sea, under admirals Byron and Hyde Parker. A foul wind detained them until the 20th, when they sailed from Portsmouth. The British min­istry, being uncertain whither D'Estaing's squadron was destined, sent an express with orders for the return of the fleet, so that they put into Plymouth. At length, on the 5th of June they were relieved from their doubts; and admiral Byron set sail on the 9th, for A­merica, to command in that station, in the room of lord Howe, who had required permission to resign.

The fleet destined for the defence of the island of Great Britain was put under the command of admiral Keppel, an officer of distinguished merit; that of France was conducted by admiral D'Orvilliers.

The fleets met on the 27th of July, when a running fight took place, but no decisive action. Admiral Keppel was afterwards accused of not having done his duty, by admiral Palliser, the second in command. He was therefore tried, but was honourably acquitted. Palliser himself was likewise tried for disobedience of orders, and was partly acquitted and partly condemned. The event of this engagement became a source of se­vere criticism in Britain; and the arguments were car­ried on with a warmth and vehemence that set the whole nation into a ferment of the most outrageous nature. Such was the height of passion that prevailed [Page 212]through all classes of society, that the critical circum­stances of the nation were wholly forgotten, and the attention of the public was entirely absorbed in this dispute. The discontent originating from this engage­ment had another very serious effect. The ministry were at a loss to get an officer to head the navy. Sir Charles Hardy, an able commander, but who had been twenty years retired from actual service, was appointed, rather because nobody else would accept of it, than any great expectations of his activity or success. Nothing of consequence happened during his com­mand, but some unavailing parades of the French fleet in the Channel, without effecting or seeming to wish the attempting any thing.

General sir Henry Clinton arrived at Phil­adelphia, May 8. on the 8th of May, to take the com­mand of the army, in the room of sir William Howe; who returned to England, to the great regret of the British officers and soldiery in general. In the beginning of June, the three commissioners from Brit­ain, being the earl of Carlisle, Mr. Eden, and governour Johnstone, arrived in the Delaware, and joined sir Hen­ry Clinton, who was included in the commission.

The commissioners immediately dispatched a letter, with the acts of parliament, a copy of their commission, June 9. and other papers, to the presi­dent of the congress; but their secretary, Dr. Adam Ferguson, who was intended to convey the papers and to act as an agent for conducting the ne­gociation upon the spot with the congress, being re­fused a passport for that purpose, they were obliged to forward them by common means.

The commissioners proposed, even at this outset, sev­eral concessions and arrangements, which, at an earlier period would have restored peace and felicity to the whole empire. They offered to consent to an imme­diate [Page 213]cessation of hostilities by sea and land.—To re­store a free intercourse, and renew the common bene­fits of naturalization through the several parts of the empire.—To extend every freedom to trade, that the respective interests on both sides could require.—To agree, that no military force should be kept up in the dif­ferent states of North America, without the consent of the general congress, or of the particular assemblies.—To concur in measures calculated to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation.—To perpetuate the common union, by a reciprocal deputation of an agent or agents, from the different states, who should have the privilege of a seat and voice in the parliament of Great Britain; or if sent from Britain, in that case to have a seat and voice in the assemblies of the different states to which they might be deputed respectively, in order to attend to the several interests of those by whom they were deputed.—And, in short, to establish the power of the respective legislatures in each particular state, to settle its revenue, its civil and military establishment, and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal government; so that the British states throughout North America, acting with Great Britain in peace and war, under one common sovereign, might have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege, that was short of a total separation of interest, or consistent with that union of force, on which the safety of the common religion and liberty depends.

The commissioners, not being aware that the style and manner of thinking in the United States had un­dergone a far greater revolution than that of the gov­ernment, and that with their new situation new attach­ments had taken place, vainly endeavoured, in their letter, to prepossess congress with the ancient national antipathy to France.

[Page 214] A decided negative having been already given, pre­vious to the arrival of the British commissioners, to the overtures contained in the conciliatory bills, there was little ground left for farther deliberation: and al­though these papers produced very considerable de­bates, which were renewed on different days, from the 11th to the 17th of June, in the congress, yet the an­swer which they returned, through the medium of their president, Henry Laurens, esq. was sufficiently brief, however conclusive. They observed to the com­missioners, that, nothing but an earnest desire to spare the farther effusion of human blood could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disres­pectful to his most christian majesty, the good and great ally of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honour of an independent nation. They observed, that the acts of the British parliament, the commission from their sovereign, and their letter, supposed the people of these states to be subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and were founded on the idea of dependence, which was totally inadmissible. They informed them that they were inclined to peace, not­withstanding the unjust claim from which the war originated, and the savage manner in which it had been conducted. They would therefore be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already sub­sisting, when the King of Great Britain should demon­strate a sincere disposition for that purpose. But the only solid proof of that disposition would be an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of these states, or the withdrawing of his fleets and armies.

Such were the conditions which a concurrence of events induced on the one side, and which the opera­tion of the same causes rendered inadmissible on the other. The congress, at the same time, issued an unan­imous [Page 215]approbation of general Washington's conduct in refusing a passport to Dr. Ferguson.

Although the congress, as a body, did not enter into any litigation with the commissioners upon the general subject of their mission, yet some of their members, particularly Mr. Drayton, one of the delegates for South Carolina, and others, perhaps not officially con­nected with them, entered the lists of controversy in the public papers, with no small degree of acrimony as well as ability. For, as the commissioners seemed to carry along with them an idea, which at the time of their appointment, was endeavoured with great care to be established in Britain, viz. "that the bulk of the Americans were well affected to the British govern­ment, and that the greater part of the remainder were only held in a state of delusion by the congress," they accordingly, upon the failure of their negociation with that body, directed their future publications in the manner of appeals to the people at large; seeming thereby to realize in some degree, the charge so repeat­edly made by their antagonists, that their only object was under the insidious appearance of conciliation, to excite either a separation among the colonies, or the people to tumult against their respective governments. And, as the congress not only permitted, but affected to forward, the publication of all matters upon the sub­ject, so the writers already mentioned, undertook to obviate the effect which those issued by the commission­ers might have upon the people at large.

The strongest argument which they held out upon this occasion to the people was, that as they had already concluded a solemn treaty with France, on the footing of, and for the establishment of their independency— that if they now treated with the commissioners upon the ground of dependence, they should at once break their faith with France, forfeit their credit with all [Page 216]foreign nations, be considered as a faithless and infa­mous people, and for evermore be cut off even from the hope of foreign succour or resource. At the same time they would be thrown totally on the mercy of those who had already pursued every measure of fraud, force, cruelty, and deceit for their destruction; as neither the king, the ministers, nor the parliament of Britain, would be under a necessity of ratifying any one condition which they might agree upon with the commis­sioners, or if they found it necessary to ratify them for present purposes, it would be only to call a new par­liament to undo the whole. Nothing, they said, could be trusted to an enemy whom they had already found so faithless, and so obstinately persevering in malice and cruelty. The fraudulent intention of the proposed negociation, they said, was strongly evinced, by the commissioners' holding out conditions which went far beyond their avowed powers; being neither warranted by the commission, nor by the acts of parliament which they presented.

The peremptory denial of congress to the first offers of accommodation not only proved very morti­fying to the commissioners, but excited their resent­ment to no small degree. The individuals with whom they conversed on the subject of the conciliatory bill, generally returned for answer, that the day of recon­ciliation was past; and that the haughtiness of Britain had extinguished all filial regard in the breasts of the Americans. In their attempts to treat with the people at large, governour Johnstone distinguished himself be­yond all the other commissioners, by endeavouring to obtain the object on which he had been sent, by open­ing a private correspondence with some of the mem­bers of congress, or other influential characters, and drew upon himself of consequence, a greater share of the resentment of congress. They accused him as a [Page 217]spy, whose only view was to sow dissension among them; nay, who had attempted to bribe Joseph Reed, esq. Robert Morris, esq. also George Washington, esq. and president Laurens, to desert the cause of their country, and betray it to the British; absolutely refus­ing, at the same time, to have any connexion with him as a commissioner. The proceedings in this business were expressed in the form of a declaration, a copy of which was ordered to be signed by the president, and sent by a flag to the commissioners at New York.

These proceedings produced a very angry and vio­lent declaration from governour Johnstone, in which the immediate operations of passion and disappointment were too conspicuous. The language of his publica­tion but poorly agreed with the high and flattering compliments he had so lately lavished on the Ameri­cans in those very letters which were laid before con­gress, and which were the subject of the present contest. It was dated the 26th of August, and transmitted to congress; together with a declaration of the same date from lord Carlisle, sir Henry Clinton, and Mr. Eden, which went to a solomn and total disavowal, so far as as related to the present subject, of their having had any knowledge, directly or indirectly, of those matters specified by congress.

Thus were all hopes of further negociation with con­gress at an end. And the issue of this last effort which Great Britain made by way of negociation, to regain her colonies, convinced France of the sincerity of her ally, and promised to secure the success of her favourite scheme, to lessen the power of Great Britain, beyond the reach of accident.

It would swell this work to an enormous size, were we to enter minutely into the paper war which ensued: we shall therefore now proceed to give an account of [Page 218]those more serious operations which the arrival of the commissioners had scarcely interrupted.

In the beginning of the year, some successful preda­tory excursions had been made by the British into the Jerseys, and on the banks of the Delaware, by which the Americans sustained a prodigious loss. In one of these, the British destroyed at Bordentown four store houses; and before their return to Philadelphia they burned two frigates, nine ships, six privateer sloops, twenty three brigs, with a number of sloops and schooners.

In the end of May, an excursion from Rhode Island was made by 500 British and Hessians, un­der the command of lieutenant colonel Campbell. May 25. These having landed in the night, marched next morning in two bodies, the one for Warren, the other for the head of Kickemuet Riv­er. They destroyed about 70 flat bottomed boats, and burned a quantity of pitch, tar, and plank. They also set fire to the meeting house at Warren, and seven dwelling houses. At Bristol they burned the church and 22 houses. Several other houses were plundered, and some of the soldiers stripped the women of their shoe buckles, gold rings, and handkerchiefs. They carried off peaceable and defenceless inhabitants of the country, to be exchanged for an equal number of sol­diers taken on their side in arms. Of this the Ameri­can general having made a complaint, it was replied, "that by the laws of America, every inhabitant from sixteen to sixty was liable to be called on to take up arms, and was therefore to be considered at all times, and treated as a soldier. It could be no injustice there­fore to carry off, and detain as prisoners of war, as ma­ny of them as could be taken, whether armed or not, to be exchanged for soldiers or sailors."

[Page 219] The design of evacuating Philadelphia was put in execution on the 18th of June, at 3 o'clock in the morning, Mr. Eden, one of the commissioners, having brought with him secret instructions from England for that purpose. The troops proceeded to Gloucester Point, three miles down the river, and before ten the whole had passed in safety across the Delaware into New Jersey.

General Washington having penetrated into their de­sign of evacuating Philadelphia, had previously detached general Maxwell's brigade, to co-operate with the Jer­sey militia, in obstructing their progress, until he could overtake them with his army. This detachment was afterwards strengthened by a body of 600 men under colonel Morgan; but being unable to cope with the British force, could do nothing but break down the bridg­es, after abandoning a strong post they had occupied, with a view to dispute the passage of the enemy. The troops therefore, pursued their march for some time without any interruption from the Americans, though greatly encumbered with a vast quantity of baggage, the number of loaded horses and wheel carriages being so great as to occupy a line of twelve miles in length, though in this were included the provisions necessary for their whole retreat, and which could not have been procured in a country so extremely inimical to the British cause. The march was exceedingly retarded by the heat of the weather, which at that time was excessive, the closeness of the narrow roads through the woods, and the constant labour of renewing or re­pairing bridges, in a country every where intersected with creeks and marshy brooks.

The slow advance of sir Henry Clinton led general Washington to suspect, that he had a design of bringing on a general action, if he could draw the Americans into the low country. Having halted within five miles [Page 220]of Princeton, he represented to the general officers that the enemy's force was between 9 and 10,000 rank and file—the American army on the ground 10,684 rank and file, June 24. besides the advanced brigade under general Maxwell of about 1200, and about 1200 militia, and proposed, "Will it be adviseable to hazard a general action?" They answered in the negative, but recommended a detach­ment of 1500 men, to be immediately sent, to act as occasion might serve, in conjunction with the troops and militia already hanging about the left flank and rear of the enemy.

After various movements on both sides, sir Henry Clinton, with the royal army, arrived at a place called Freehold; where judging that the Ameri­cans would attack him, June 27. he encamped in a very strong situation. Here general Wash­ington determined to make an attack as soon as the army had begun its march. The night was spent in making the necessary preparations, and Lee, who hav­ing been lately exchanged had joined the army, was ordered to have his division ready by daybreak. But [...]ir Henry Clinton, apprehending that the chief object of the Americans was the baggage, committed it to the care of general Knyphausen, whom he ordered to set out early in the morning, whilst he followed with the rest of the army some hours after, in the road towards Middletown, a place distant about twelve miles, in a high and strong country. The attack was accordingly made; but the British general had taken such care to arrange his troops properly, June 28. and so effectually supported his forces when engaged with the Americans, that general Lee, although his troops behaved with great spirit, thought proper to retreat; and they were with difficulty preserved from a total defeat by the advance of general Washington [Page 221]with the whole army; who intended to have renewed the engagement the next day; but the British troops marched away in the night, without the loss of either their covering party or baggage; and with such silence, that general Poor, who lay very near them, knew noth­ing of their departure until it was too late to urge a pursuit.

From the discordant accounts of this battle, it is dif­ficult to collect the real truth. By the consequences it is natural to suppose that very little was gained on ei­ther side. Both parties, however, seem to have exerted themselves to the utmost, as by the British accounts it appears that fifty-nine of their soldiers died of mere fatigue, without any wound; and the like happened to several American soldiers, notwithstanding their be­ing so much accustomed to the climate. The loss of the Americans in killed and wounded, was about 250; that of the royal army, inclusive of prisoners, was about 350. Among the latter were four officers and about forty privates, all so badly wounded, that they could not be removed. Their other wounded they carried off. Lieutenant colonel Monckton, one of the British slain, on account of his singular merit, was universally lamented. Colonel Bonner of Pennsylvania, and major Dickenson of Virginia, officers highly esteemed by their country, fell in this action.

In this action general Lee was charged by general Washington with disobedience and misconduct in re­treating before the British army. He was tried by a court martial, and sentenced to be suspended from his com­mand in the American army for a twelvemonth. Ma­ny were displeased with this sentence, because it had been submitted to his discretion whether to attack or not, and likewise when and in what manner: and they thought that suspension from command, was not a sufficient punishment for his crimes, if guilty. They [Page 222]therefore inferred his innocence from the lenient sen­tence of his judges.

The British army pursued their march without any interruption to the neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, and on the 5th of July crossed the narrow channel to Sandy Hook on a bridge of boats, and were afterwards safely conveyed to New York. During the march from Phil­adelphia, the royal army was much reduced, upwards of 800 having deserted, a great number of whom were Hessians.

Soon after the battle of Freehold, or Monmouth, at it is sometimes called, the American army took post at the White Plains, a few miles beyond King's Bridge; and the British, though only a few miles distant, did not molest them. They remained in this position from an early day in July till a late one in the autumn, and then the Americans retired to Middle Brook in Jersey, where they remained in huts, as they had done at Valley Forge.

In the mean time the French fleet from Toulon had arrived at Virginia. On the 7th of July, lord Howe received advice of its arrival. Count D'Estaing an­chored on the 8th at night at the entrance of the Del­aware. The next morning he weighed and sailed towards the Hook, and on the evening of the 11th an­chored about four miles without it. Had not bad weather and unexpected impediments prevented, the count would have surprised Howe's fleet in the Dela­ware, as the latter would not have had time to escape after being apprised of his danger. The destruction of the fleet must have been the consequence of such a surprisal, and that must have occasioned the inevitable loss of the royal army, which would have been so en­closed by the French squadron on the one side, and the American forces on the other, that the Saratoga catastrophe must have been repeated. Lord Howe's [Page 223]fleet consisted only of 6 sixty-four gun ships, 3 of fifty, and 2 of forty, with some frigates and sloops; whereas count D'Estaing's consisted of 12 sail of the line and several large frigates. Among the former, one carried 90 guns, another 80, and six 74 guns each. The French fleet had, exclusive of its complement of sailors, 6000 marines and soldiers on board.

The British admiral had the advantage of possessing the harbour formed by Sandy Hook; the entrance of which is covered by a bay, and from whence the inlet passes to New York. As it could not be known wheth­er the French would not attempt passing in force over the bar, it was necessary the British should be prepared to oppose them. Accordingly, the commanders made every disposition that consummate military skill could suggest, for withstanding the formidable power which threatened to assail them. On this occasion a spirit displayed itself not only in the fleet and army, but through every order and denomination of seamen, that is not often equalled. Transported with indignation against the French for interfering in what they called a domestic quarrel, the British displayed a zeal and magnanimity which could not be exceeded. The crews of the transports hastened with eagerness to the sleet, that it might be completely manned. The mas­ters and mates of the merchantmen at New York, took their stations at the guns with the common sailors: others put to sea in light vessels, to watch the motions of their enemies. The light infantry, grenadiers, and even wounded officers contended so earnestly to serve as marines on board the men of war, that the point of honour was obliged to be decided by lot.

During this time the British had the mortification of seeing the blockade of their fleet, and the capture of about twenty vessels under British colours. On the 22d, the French fleet appeared under weigh. The [Page 224]British, in this anxious moment, supposed that count D'Estaing would force his way into the harbour; when nothing less than destruction or victory would have ended the contest. Had the first been their lot, the vast fleet of transports and the army must have fallen. July 22. D'Estaing, however, left the Hook and sailed for Newport. He was led to this measure by the advice of general Washington; the pilots likewise assured him that it was impossible to carry the large ships over the bar, on account of their draught of water.

By D'Estaing's departure the British had a second escape. Had he staid a few days longer, admiral By­ron's fleet would have fallen a defenceless prey into his hands. That squadron had met with unusual bad weather, and being separated in different storms, and lingering through a tedious passage, arrived scattered, broken, sickly, dismasted, or otherwise damaged, in va­rious degrees of distress, upon different and remote parts of the American coast. Between the departure of D'Estaing and the 30th of July, the Renown of 5 [...] guns from the West Indies, the Raisonable and Cen­turion of 64 and the Cornwall of 74 guns, all arrived singly at Sandy Hook. A number of provision ships from Cork escaped also, together with their convoy. They went up the Delaware within fifty miles of Phil­adelphia after lord Howe had quitted the river, before they obtained information of what had happened. Great rejoicings were made at New York, upon their safe arrival, especially as provisions were much wanted both by the fleet and army.

The next attempt of the French admiral was, in conjunction with the Americans upon Rhode Island, which had been in possession of the British since De­cember 1776. For this purpose, general Sullivan as­sembled a body of troops in the vicinity of Providence, [Page 225]with a view to invade the island from the continent, whilst the French fleet was to enter the harbour of Newport, near its southern extremity, and after destroy­ing the shipping by a powerful assault on the works fac­ing the sea, to place the British troops between two fires. The commanding officer, general Pigot, having been lately reinforced, had about 6000 troops, and had taken every precaution which the military art could furnish, in order to obviate the very great danger in which he was. General Sullivan, however, having collected about 10,000 men, of whom one half at least were volunteers from New England and Con­necticut, August 8. passed over into the island on the 8th of August, when the French fleet also entered the harbour, cannonading the batteries as they passed along, and receiving their fire without any ma­terial effect on either side. Their entrance, however, obliged the British commanders to burn three frigates, and sink two others.

Lord Howe no sooner received advice of the danger which threatened Rhode Island, than he [...]ened to its relief. The British fleet exceeded the French in point of number, but was inferior in point of effective force and weight of metal. The result of lo [...] Howe's com­munication with general Pigot was, that in the present circumstances, he could afford no essential [...]d. The bad conduct of D'Estaing, however, soon altered the face of affairs. The wind no sooner shifted, than, as if he had forgot that his design was, to reduce [...]he British forces in Rhode Island, not to sight their [...], he abandoned the harbour, and sailed out to attack them. The engagement was prevented by a violent tempest, in which both fleets suffered extremely, but the French much more than the British; the consequence of which was, that D'Estaing, having returned to Newport on the 20th of August, was induced, by the advice of his [Page 226]officers, the second day after, to set sail for Boston to refit his ships, leaving general Sullivan to carry on the enterprize against Rhode Island as he thought proper.

The loss sustained by the French fleet was so consid­erable, that some of their capital ships were in the ut­most danger of being taken. D'Estaing's own ship, the Languedoc, of 90 guns, having lost all her mast [...] was met in that condition by the Renown of 50 [...] captain Dawson, who engaged her with such fury, that nothing but the approach of night prevented the ad [...] ­ral from becoming a prize; nor could she possibly have escaped next morning, had not six French men of w [...] come up and forced the British captain to move off.— The Tonnant of 80 guns, with only her mainmast standing, was attacked the same evening by the Pre [...] of 50 guns, and escaped in the very same way. The most remarkable action, however, was between the Is [...] of 50, captain Raynor, and the Caesar of 74 guns; both of which had entirely escaped the effects of the tem­pest. Between these two a desperate and close engage­ment, within pistol shot, was maintained for an [...] and a half; at the end of which time, the Isis had ob­tained such a manifest superiority that the Frenchman was glad to put before the wind, in order to escape from so furious an adversary. The Isis, however, had suffered so much in her sails and rigging, as [...] capable of pursuit.

In the mean time the extreme bad weather had pre­vented general Sullivan for some days from bringing for­ward his artillery and stores; but on the 17th of Au­gust, he began his operations by erecting batteries, and making approaches to the British lines. But general Pigot had taken such measures, that without the assist­ance of a marine force it was altogether impossible to attack him with any probability of success. The con­duct of D'Estaing, therefore, who had abandoned them [Page 227]when master of the harbour, gave the greatest disgust to the people of New England, and Sullivan began to think of a retreat, on the British fleet being seen off the coast. The garrison, on perceiving his intentions, fallied out upon him with so much vigour, that it was not without difficulty that he could effect his retreat; August 30. which, however, he did in such excellent order, that although he was re­peatedly attacked by the British forces, wherever an op­portunity occurred, he met with very inconsiderable loss, nor did he leave a single article behind. Nor was his good fortune inferior to his conduct; as sir Henry Clinton arrived at Rhode Island immediately after his departure, with such a force as must have decided the fate of the American army, had they been there at that time.

The same day that Sullivan abandoned Rhode Island lord Howe entered the bay of Boston, where, to his great mortification, he found D'Estaing already arrived, and so effectually protected by batteries in Nantasket road, that it was utterly impossible to attack him with any prospect of success; on which he proceeded for Rhode Island; but finding that place already out of danger, he returned to New York, where he resigned the command of the fleet to admiral Gambier, and re­turned to England.

Sir Henry Clinton now returned to New York, Sept. 5. but directed general Grey to proceed to Bedford and the neighbourhood, where several American privateers resorted. On the 5th of September, the party landed, and in a few hours de­stroyed 70 sail of shipping, besides a number of small craft. They also burned wharves, stores, vessels on the stocks, and a considerable number of dwelling hous­es. The royal troops proceeded to Martha's Vineyard. There they destroyed a few vessels, and made a requi­sition [Page 228]of the militia arms, the public money, 300 oxen and 2000 sheep, which was complied with.

Another expedition took place up the North River, under lord Cornwallis and general Knyphausen, the principal event of which was the destruction of a reg­iment of American cavalry, commanded by lieutenant colonel Baylor, whilst watching to intercept a British foraging party. The officer, who commanded the par­ty which surprised them, was major general Grey. He had acquired the name of the "No flint general," from his common practice of taking out the flints, and con­fining the men to the use of the bayonet. Grey's men proceeded with such silence and address, that they out off a serjeant's patrol without noise, and surrounded the barn near Tapan, in which the dragoons were asleep. A most shocking scene ensued. Many were put [...] death, or repeatedly wounded, whilst asking for quar­ter. A few escaped, and others who were wounded, were restored in a course of time, to perfect health. Baylor himself was wounded, but not dangerously. He lost in killed, wounded and taken 67 privates out of 104. About 40 were made prisoners. These were indebted for their lives, it is said, to the humanity of one of Grey's captains, who gave quarters to the whole fourth troop, though contrary to the orders of his su­perior officers.

A third expedition was directed to Little Egg Har­bour, in New Jersey, a place noted for priva­teers, Oct. 5. the destruction of which was its prin­cipal intention. It was conducted by captains Ferguson and Collins, and ended in the destruction of the privateers and other vessels, as well as the place it­self. Soon after this, another body of American troops, called Pulaski's legion, were surprised, and 50 of them put to the sword; Oct. 15. among them were baron de Bose and lieutenant de la Borderis. [Page 229]The attack being in the night, little quarter could be given; more would probably have been granted, had not a French captain and some privates, who had de­serted from count Pulaski, falsely reported that he had issued public orders to grant no quarter to British troops. The slaughter would not have ended so soon, had not Pulaski hastened with his cavalry to support the infantry; and the British, being only 250 in num­ber, made a hasty retreat, and returned to their boats.

But however reprehensible the conduct of the Brit­ish and Hessians might have been in the mode of treat­ing their opponents, as abovementioned, their severities were far exceeded by those of their allies, the Indians and American refugees. As leaders in these scenes of destruction, the names of colonel Butler and Brandt must stand consigned to perpetual infamy. The form­er, a Connecticut tory, had been an Indian agent in the wars in Canada; and had great influence with some of the northern Indians; the other was an half Indian by blood, and possessed the ferocity, cruelty, and desperate courage, which are often found united in the savage state. It is easy to conceive how miserable the situation of those unhappy captives must have been, who fell into their hands, where no submission could procure mercy, nor any condition, age or sex, allay their fury.

In the course of their ravages, the ruin of the fine settlement of Wyoming was particularly affecting. That district, situated on the eastern branch of the Sus­quehannah, though naturally seeming to belong to Pennsylvania, had been peopled by a numerous colony from Connecticut. This, however, was so much re­sented by the Pennsylvanians, that, after much alterca­tion, it became the cause of actual war between the two colonies, which was not terminated until the con­test with the mother country obliged both parties to suspend their hostilities. The district consisted of eight [Page 230]townships, each containing a square of five miles, beau­tifully situated on both sides of the river. The climate was mild, and the soil luxuriously fertile; every person possessed an abundance, the fruit of moderate labour and industry. So that upon the whole, this settlement exhibited such a picture of primeval happiness, as can scarcely be supposed to be exceeded, indeed very seldom equalled, in the present state of humanity.

In these happy circumstances, the population of Wy­oming had become so great, that it had already [...] 1000 men to serve in the continental army; and the supplies which it sent in grain and cattle bore an equal proportion to that which it afforded in men. Nor had the people been deficient in providing against those dangers to which their remote situation particularly ex­posed them; they had constructed for that purpos [...] four forts, which seemed at least sufficient to cover the country from the incursions of the savages. In this remote settlement, where government was feeble, the tories were under less control, and could easily assemble undiscovered. However, at one time, 27 of them were taken and sent to Hartford in Connecticut, but they were afterwards released. These and others of the same description, instigated by revenge against the Americans, from whom some of them had suffered banishment and loss of property, made a common cause with the Indians, and in the beginning of July 1778, attacked the Wyoming settlement with their combined forces, estimated at 1100 men, 900 of which were Indians. One of the smaller forts, mostly garri­soned by those called tories, was by them given up, or, as it was said, betrayed; another was taken by storm, where although they massacred the men in the most inhuman manner, they spared the women and children.

Colonel Zebulon Butler, a near relation to the invader, July 3. leaving a small number to guard Wilkesburgh, crossed the river with about [Page 231]400 men, and marched into Kingston fort, whither the women, children and defenceless of all forts crowded for protection. He suffered himself to be enticed by his kinsman to abandon the security afforded by this fortress. Under colour of holding a parley for the conclusion of a treaty, he was led into an agreement to march out to hold a conference in the open field, on the enemy withdrawing their force. Yet such was his distrust of the enemy's designs, that he marched out with 400 men, being nearly his whole force. On his arrival he found no body to treat with, and yet advan­ced to the foot of the mountain, where, at a distance, he saw a flag, the holders of which, seemingly afraid of treachery on his side, retired as he advanced, whilst he, endeavouring to remove this pretended ill impres­sion, pursued the flag, till his party was entirely enclos­ed, when he was suddenly freed from his delusion, by finding it attacked at once on every side. His beha­viour in this dangerous situation, was such as could scarcely have been expected from his former conduct: he and his party fought with resolution and bravery, keeping up a continual and heavy fire for three quar­ters of an hour, and seemed to be gaining ground on his numerous enemies. In this critical moment, some sudden impulse of fear, or premeditated treachery in a soldier, which induced him to cry out that "the colo­nel had ordered a retreat," determined at once the fate of the party. Universal confusion ensued, and no quar­ter was given. Colonel Zebulon Butler, and about 70 of his men escaped; the latter got across the river to Wilkesborough, the colonel made his way to Fort King­ston, which was invested the next day on the land side. July 4. The enemy, to sadden the droop­ing spirits of the weak remaining garrison, sent in for their contemplation the bloody scalps of 196 of their late friends and comrades; and kept up a con­tinual [Page 232]fire upon the garrison the whole day. In the evening the colonel quitted the fort and went down the river with his family. He was thought to be the only officer who escaped.

Colonel Dennison, who succeeded to the command of the fort, July 5. seeing the impossibility of any effectual resistance, not having force sufficient to man the works for even one effort, went with a flag to Butler to know what terms he would grant upon a surrender. To this application of weak­ness and misery, Butler, with all the phlegm of a real savage, answered, in two short words, "The hatchet." In these dreadful circumstances, the unfortunate gover­nour having defended his fort until the most of the garrison were killed or disabled, was at length com­pelled to surrender at discretion. Some of the unhap­py persons were carried away alive; but the barbaro [...] conquero [...]s, to save the trouble of murder in detail, shut up the rest promiscuously in the houses and barracks, which, having then set on fire, they enjoyed the savage pleasure of beholding the whole consumed in one gen­eral blaze. They then proceeded to the only remain­ing fort, called Wilkesburgh, which, in hopes of obtain­ing mercy, surrendered without resistance, or without even demanding any conditions. Here the traged [...] was renewed with aggravated horrors. They found about 70 continental soldiers, who had been engaged merely for the defence of the frontiers. With these, as objects of particular enmity, the slaughter was be­gun, and they were butchered with every circumstance of the most deliberate, wanton and savage cruelty. A captain Bedlow, who had been taken prisoner, being stripped naked, had his body stuck full of sharp pine splinters, and then a heap of knots of the same wood being piled around him, the whole was set on fire; and his two companions, the captains Ranson and Durgee, [Page 233]thrown alive into the flames. The remainder of the men, with the women and children, not demanding so much attention, were shut up as before, in the houses, which being set on fire, they perished altogether in the flames.

A general scene of devastation was now spread through all the townships. Fire and sword alternately triumph­ed. Nay, the merciless ravagers, when the main ob­jects of their cruelty were exhausted, seemed to direct their animosity against every part of animated nature; and, as if it were a relaxation or amusement, cut out the tongues of the horses and cattle, leaving them still alive only to prolong their agonies.

Though the Americans were fully resolved to take ample vengeance for the barbarities committed at Wy­oming, their attention was so much engaged by affairs of the utmost importance that they cou [...]d not for some time undertake any thing of consequence against those who had been perpetrators of that horrid tragedy. A small expedition, however, was, during the course of the summer, undertaken from Virginia, by colonel Clarke, with no more than 200 or 300 men. The ob­ject was to reduce those French settlements which had been planted by the Canadians on the upper Mis­sisippi, situated in a fine fertile country called the Illi­nois, from a nation of Indians of that name. Much of the mischief which had fallen upon the back settle­ments was attributed to the governour of those colonies, who, it was said, had acted as an agent for the British, and besides his paying a large reward for scalps, had been indefatigable in his endeavours to excite the Ohio and Missisippi Indians to attack the defenceless parts of the colonies. In prosecution of this design, the troops were obliged to traverse 1200 miles of a boundless un­cultivated desert, in which they endured indescribable hardships and fatigue, both by land and water; and [Page 234]on the two last days of their march to the principal town of the settlement named Kaskaskias, they were without any subsistence. The town consisted of about 250 houses, and was fortified in such a manner as would have sufficed to withstand a much stronger en­emy. The Americans were so distressed with hunger and fatigue that they were determined to succeed or perish in the attempt. They arrived at the town about midnight; and so complete was the surprise, that the town and sort were taken without opposition, before the people were well awake; and the inhabitants were so effectually secured, that not a single person escaped to alarm the neighbouring settlements. The governour, Philip Rocheblave, was considered as such an inveter­ate enemy to the United States, that he was sent to Virginia with all the written instructions he had re­ceived from Detroit, Quebeck, and Michillimackinack, for instigating and paying the Indians. The inhabit­ants were obliged to take an oath of allegiance to the United States; and the conquerors took up their head quarters at Kaskaskias. The smaller towns were sub­dued without difficulty; and the inhabitants, without compulsion, flocked in by hundreds, to take the oath to their new masters.

Those called tories, who had been the immediate actors in the massacre at Wyoming, now became the object of vengeance. In October 1778, [...] expedition was undertaken against them from the remote and upper parts of Pennsylvania, Oct. 1. under the conduct of colonel Butler, of the Pennsylva­nia troops. The enemy inhabited the country about the upper parts of the Susquehannah, and were so in­termixed with the Indians, as to be in a manner united to them. The difficulties which colonel Butler's men encountered in this expedition, could not be undergone but by men possessed of a great share of hardiness both [Page 235]of body and mind. They were obliged to carry their provisions on their backs, and thus loaded, frequently to wade through creeks and rivers. They, however, accomplished the destruction of the Tory and Indian villages on both sides of the Susquehannah; but the inhabitants escaped. The fruits of a plentiful harvest, together with the only saw mill and grist mill in that whole country, shared the fate of the houses, and every other article useful or necessary to man. This de­structive expedition was completed in sixteen days. Nov. 4. About four weeks after colonel But­ler's return, some hundreds of Indians, a large body of tories, and about fifty regulars, entered Cherry Valley, within the state of New York. They made an unsuccessful attempt on Fort Alden, but they killed and scalped thirty-two of the inhabitants, mostly women and children, and also colonel Alden and ten soldiers.

An expedition was designed against the Virginia back settlers by Henry Hamilton, lieutenant governour of Detroit, but, by the spirited exertions of colonel Clarke, his plan was entirely deranged. Clarke, on hearing the weak situation in which Hamilton was at St. Vincents, attacked him in the beginning of the year 1779; and having taken the town, the inhabitants assisted him in taking the fort. 1779. Feb. 23. The next day Hamilton, with the garrison, agreed to surrender prisoners of war on ar­ticles of capitulation. Clarke, on hearing that a convoy of British goods and provisions was on its way from Detroit, sent a party of sixty men who made prize of the whole.

Colonel G. Van Schaick, with 55 men, marched from Fort Schuyler to the Onon­dago settlements, April 19. and burned and destroyed their houses and provisions. Horses, and stock of ev­ery [Page 236]kind were killed. Twelve Indians were killed, and thirty-four made prisoners; and their arms and ammunition were either destroyed or carried off.

The account of the war with the Indians being but little connected with the military transactions to be hereafter described, we shall in this place finish the re­view of the savage scenes.

The expeditions against the Indians already related, were, however, but a small part of the chastisement to which these barbarians were destined. The languid manner in which the campaign at that time happened to be carried on at New York, afforded leisure to con­gress to pour forth upon them that exemplary vengeance which they had threatened. The objects of this ven­geance were the Six Nations, commonly called the Mohawks, whose confederacy seems to form in these deserts the wide outlines of a republic. These nations inhabit that immense and fertile tract of country which lies between New England, the middle states and the province of Canada; and had long been renowned for the courage, constancy and fidelity, with which they had adhered to the English in their wars with the French; and had even assisted them frequently against different nations of their own countrymen. They had been advised by congress, and they had promised to observe a neutrality in the war, but they soon departed from this line of conduct. The Oneidas and a few others were friends to the Americans, but a great ma­jority took part decidedly against them. Overcome by the presents of sir John Johnson and other British agents, and their own native appetite for depredation, they invaded the frontiers, carrying slaughter and des­clation wherever they went.

It was therefore thought expedient to dispatch gen­eral Sullivan on this expedition. The army, when joined on the 21st of August by general James Clinton, [Page 237]amounted to 5000 men, including batteaux men, wag­goners, &c. The train of artillery consisted of six light field pieces and two howitzers; and, to quicken the celerity of the march, the army was furnished with 1400 horses. All these preparations were made against 550 Indians, accompanied by about 250 tories, mak­ing no more than 800 in all, headed by Butler, Brandt, Guy Johnson and Macdonald.

The Indians marched boldly towards their frontiers to meet the invaders. They possessed themselves of a difficult pass in the woods, between Chemung and Newtown, in the neighbourhood of Teago River, where they constructed a strong breastwork, of about half a mile in extent, made of large logs; from whence other works of less-strength reachee for a mile and a half to the top of a mountain in their rear, where a second breastwork was formed. Here a fierce attack commenced on the 29th of August 1779, which con­tinued for two hours. The Indians resisted with un­common bravery; nor could the breastwork have been forced without the assistance of the artillery, which the provincial army had carried along with them. The Indians, however, on perceiving that some dispositions were made for turning their flank, and thereby cutting off their retreat, no persuasions could prevail on them to stand their ground any longer. They fled with the utmost precipitation; and so complete was the victory obtained by general Sullivan on this occasion, that the enemy never dared to make another stand to interrupt the desolation of their country.

The next and greatest difficulty which the invaders met with was want of provisions. Several causes pre­vented them from procuring above half the quantity necessary for the expedition, which it was not expected could be finished in less than a month. But the violent desire of being revenged on the barbarians [Page 238]against whom they were sent, with the animating speeches of their commander, removed all impedi­ments: the proposal of short allowance was received with the loudest shouts of approbation; and the ration for twenty-four hours was fixed at half a pound of flour, and as much beef per day; the reduction ex­tending even to salt.

In attempting to proceed into the Indian country, Sullivan found to his surprise that no guides could be found to direct him; and the only method he had of finding his way to their towns, was that which direct [...] the hunter to the den of a wild beast, namely, the trac [...] of the inhabitant. It was even more difficult in the present case, as the last of a file of Indians always cov­ers with leaves the tracks made by his fellows and him­self; so that it requires much experience, as well a [...] patience and industry to be able to develope and tr [...] them.

All these difficulties were, however, overcome; the towns were found out, and such a scene of desolation begun as must be read with horrour, and which noth­ing, not even the implacable nature of their enemies, could justify. Forty of their towns, the largest con­taining 128 houses, were destroyed; their corn, com­puted at no less than 160,000 bushels, shared the same fate; their fruit trees were cut down, and themselves pursued and slaughtered, till there was not, as far as the conquering army could perceive, a single house, field of corn, or inhabitant remaining in the whole country. Several officers, however, particularly gen­eral Hand and colonel Durbin, wished the general to spare the fruit trees; but he, when requested to retract his orders, continued relentless, and said, "The In­dians shall see that there is malice enough in our hearts to destroy every thing that contributes towards their support." Some of these officers, already mentioned, [Page 239]when sent out, would not see any apple or peach trees, so that a few were left to blossom and bear for the re­freshment of friend or foe that might chance to pass that way. In this expedition it was remarked, that the Indians had attained to a much higher degree of knowledge of the useful arts, [...]an what had ever been imagined by any person. The fize, construction and neatness of their houses, were objects of admiration to the American army. In some places the houses were not only large, but elegant, and built of frame work. The size of corn, some ears of which were twenty-two inches in length, and the high degree of cultivation of their grounds, also excited wonder; and so numerous were the fruit trees, that in one orchard, alone, they [...]t down 1300, many of which were observed to be of [...] age. The whole of this destructive expedition was comprised in the space of a month, as no more time could possibly be spared. It is not known how many of the Americans were lest; but the general brought back only 300 horses out of 1400 which he had taken with him. After this expedition, the fron­tiers, although not restored to perfect tranquility, were greatly freed from the calamities, in which they had been lately involved.

Before, and after, the termination of the above ex­pedition, some detached parties distressed several settle­ments in the United States. A party of 60 Indians, and 27 white men, under Brandt, attacked the Minisink settlement, and burnt ten houses, twelve barns, July 23. a fort and two mills, and carried off much plunder, together with several prison­ers. The militia from Goshen and the vicinity, to the amount of 149, pursued the invaders with so little cau­tion, that they were themselves surprised and defeated. About the same time, general Williamson and colonel Pickens, both of South Carolina, burned and destroyed [Page 240]the corn of eight towns, adjacent to the frontiers of that state, and forced the Indians to remove into more remote settlements.

In the same month colonel Broadhead carried deso­lation into the settlements of the Mingo, Munsey and Seneca Indians. He left Pittsburgh with 605 men, and, having penetrated about 200 miles from the fort, destroyed a number of Indian huts and about 500 acr [...]e of corn.

In the months of August and October 1780, the frontiers of the state of New York suffered considerably from Indians and their tory asso­ciates. 1780. The principal part of Canijohary, a fine settle­ment about 56 miles from Albany, was destroyed. They burned 27 houses at Schoharie, and 20 at Nor­man's Creek. In another irruption they attacked Stone Arabia, Canafioraga and Schohavie. A great extent of country about the Mohawk River was likewise laid waste, numbers of the settlers killed, and many made prisoners.

The Cherokee Indians seeming to have for­got the consequences of provoking the Ameri­cans to invade their settlements in 1776, 1781. made an in [...]ursion into Ninety Six district in South Carolina, massacred some families, and burned several houses. General Pickens having collected 394 horsemen, pe [...] ­etrated into their country, and, in the space of fourteen days, burned thirteen towns and villages, killed up­wards of 40 Indians, and took a number of prisoner. The invaders, in this expedition, defeated a party of the enemy, with such decision that only three Indians escaped after having been once seen. A new and suc­cessful mode of fighting them was introduced. The American militia, after firing three rounds, rushed for­wards on horseback, and charged the Indians with drawn swords. The vanquished Cherokees sued for [Page 241]peace, on the most submissive terms, and obtained it, upon promising to deliver up such as should instigate them to make war upon the United States. General Pickens had the good fortune not to lose a single man upon this occasion, and had only two wounded.

Towards the end of the war, in 1782, there was a barbarous and unprovoked massacre of some civilized Indians, 1782. who had been settled near the Muskingum. These, under the influence of some pious missionaries of the Moravian persuasion, had been formed into some degree of civil and relig­ious order. They abhorred war, and would take no part therein. They said that "The Great Being did not make men to destroy men, but to love and assist each other." From a love of peace, they advised those of their own colour, who were bent on war, to desist from it. They were also led by humanity, to inform the white people of their danger, when they knew that their settlements were about to be invaded. This pro­voked the hostile Indians to such a degree, that they c [...]ried these pacific people quite away from Musking­um to a bank of Sandusky creek. They, finding corn dear and scarce in their new habitations, obtained lib­erty to come back in the fall of the same year to Mus­kingum, that they might collect the crops they had planted before their removal.

When the white people, at and near Monongahela, heard that a number of Indians were at the Moravian towns on the Muskingum, they gave out that their intentions were hostile. Without any farther inquiry, 160 of them crossed the Ohio, and put to death these harmless, inoffensive people, though they made no re­sistance. In conformity to their religious principles, these Moravians patiently submitted to their hard fate, without attempting to destroy their murderers. Up­wards of 90 of this pacific sect were killed by men, [Page 242]who; whilst they called themselves Christians, were in­finitely more deserving of the name of Savages th [...] those whom they inhumanly murdered.

Soon after this unprovoked massacre, a party of the Americans set out for Sandusky, to destroy the Indian towns in that quarter; but the Delawares, Wyand [...] and other Indians defeated them; some were killed, and several were taken prisoners. Among the latter was colonel Crawford and his son in law. The colo­nel was sacrificed to the manes of those Indians who were massacred at the Moravian towns; and the other prisoners were tomahawked.

In this manner the savage war was carried on in America. The desolation, and cruelty inflicted by the Indians, and retorted by the Americans, were sufficient to excite compassion in the most obdurate hearts.

TILL the autumn of 1778, the seat of war betwixt the British and Americans had been chiefly confined to New York, 1778. the Jersies, Penn­sylvania, and the borders of Connecticut; whilst the southern colonies enjoyed a profound tranquillity, ex­cepting only some petty hostilities between the colonies of Georgia and East Florida. The Americans had in the beginning of the year projected the conquest of West Florida. Captain Willing, with a party of reso­lute men, had made a successful incursion into the country called Natches, and greatly alarmed the whole colony of West Florida; and, although the people were totally in his power, granted them every condition which they required for their present and future security. His views, however, were thought at this time not to have been entirely confined to the reduction of these settlements, but to have extended to the opening of a correspondence with the Spaniards at New Orleans, as it was known that the court of Spain was about to make a declaration in favour of the Americans. This [Page 243]drew the attention of the British commander so much to the southward, that he resolved upon an immediate conquest of Georgia; which was also desirable on ac­count of the quantity of rice it produced. It was likewise known that the continental credit in Europe was chiefly upheld by the southern colonies, from whom France took off such quantities of their most valuable productions, that their trade seemed little affected by the war, farther than what it suffered from the British cruizers.

The motives just mentioned, and perhaps some oth­ers, now induced the British commanders to take the resolution, which afterwards proved fatal to their pros­pects, of dividing their force, by sending a detachment to the southward. The conduct of the expedition was committed to lieutenant colonel Archibald Campbell, a brave and able officer, whose severe and tedious im­prisonment in Concord gaol has been already related. He embarked at New York for Savannah, with a force of about 2000 men, Nov. 27. escorted by a small squadron of ships of war, command­ed by commodore Hyde Parker; whilst general Prevost, who commanded in East Florida, was directed to set out with all the force he could spare. The armament arrived at the island Tybee the 23d of December, Dec. 23. and lieutenant colonel Campbell being informed by two men whom he seized, that the batteries for the defence of the town were neg­lected and out of repair, and at the same time receiv­ed such exact accounts of the situation of two armed gallies, as effectually to cut off their retreat. The troops effected a landing, under the conduct of captain Stanhope, who acted as a volunteer on the occasion, at a place which seemed capable of defence against a su­perior force. The loss upon the occasion was only 7 men, one of which was a very brave officer, captain [Page 244]Cameron, of the light infantry. The subsequent con­duct of the Americans, under major general Robert Howe, displayed equal want of resolution in the men, and of military skill in the commander. Having taken what he supposed to be a very strong post, he con­tinued to amuse himself with an idle cannonade, to which the British never answered a single gun, until part of the light infantry, privately conducted by a negro through a woody swamp, were ready to fall upon their rear, at the same time that they found themselves attacked in front and in flank by the remainder of the army, with a well directed artillery. The Americans retreated with such rapidity, that only about 80 were killed and 30 more drowned in an attempt to cross a swamp. Thirty eight commissioned officers, 415 non commissioned officers and privates, 48 pieces of cannon, 23 mortars, the fort with its ammunition and stores, a large quantity of provisions, with the town of Savannah itself, and all the shipping, instantly fell into the hands of the victors. The broken remains of the American army retreated up the river Savannah for several miles, and then took refuge in South Carolina.

In ten days the whole province of Georgia was reduced, 1779. Sunbury alone excepted; and this was also brought under subjection by gen­eral Prevost in his march northward. Every proper method was taken to secure the tranquility of the country; and rewards were offered for apprehending committee and assembly men, or such as they judged inimical to the British cause. Such was the moderation, prudence and policy of lieutenant colonel Campbell, that he effected what had never happened in America after the declaration of independence. He not only secured the submission of the inhabitants, but, for a time, subverted every trace of republican government, and saw a legislative body convened under the authori­ty [Page 245]of Great Britain. On the arrival of general Prevost, the command devolved on him as senior officer; and the conquest of Carolina was next projected.

The affairs of the United States were at this period in the most distressed, deplorable, and ruinous condition. Idleness, dissipation, and extravagance, seemed to have engrossed the attention of the generality of the Ameri­can sons of liberty; and self interest, speculation, and an insatiable thirst for riches appeared to have got the better of every other consideration, and almost of every order of men. Party disputes and personal quarrels were too much the general object, whilst the moment­ous concerns of the empire, a vast accumulation of debt, ruined finances, depreciated money, and want of credit, which naturally brings on the want of every thing, were but secondary considerations, and postponed by congress from time to time, as if their affairs had been in the most flourishing condition. The paper curren­cy in Philadelphia was daily sinking, and at length fell so low as fifty per cent; yet an assembly, a concert, a dinner, or supper, which cost two or three hundred pounds, did not only take men off from acting, but even from thinking of what ought to have been nearest their hearts. Some of the most disinterested and pat­riotic Americans felt more distress from this review of things, than they had done at any other time, from the disappointments and losses in the course of the war.

In the mean time mons. Gerard, the French am­bassador, manifested a desire, that the war might not be prolonged by too high and unreasonable demands, and that the United States would reduce their ultimatum as low as possible. He strongly recommended moder­ation, as the fate of the war was uncertain; and he hinted, that a decisive naval engagement in favour of the British, might give a great turn to their affairs.

The South Carolina delegates had, towards the end of the former year, requested the congress to appoint [Page 246]general Lincoln, on whose character they justly repel­ed great confidence, to the command of all the forces to the southward. Accordingly they made the appoint­ment, and he repaired to Charleston.

In the attempt of the British upon Carolina that was no small probability of success. The country con­tained a great number of friends to government, who now eagerly embraced the opportunity of declaring themselves; most of the inhabitants of Georgia had joined the royal standard; and there was not in the province any considerable body of provincial forces ca­pable of opposing the efforts of regular and well disci­plined troops. On the first news of general Prevost's approach, the loyalists assembled in a body, imagining themselves able to stand then ground until their allies should arrive; but in this they were disappointed. The Americans attacked and defeated them with the loss of half their number. The remainder retreated into Georgia; and after undergoing many difficulties, at last effected a junction with the British forces.

In the mean time, general Lincoln, with a consider­able body of American troops, had encamped within 20 miles of the town of Savannah; and another strong party had posted themselves at a place called Briar's Creek, farther up the river of the same name. Thus the extent of the British government was likely to be circumscribed within very narrow bounds. General Prevost therefore determined to dislodge a party under general Ashe, consisting of about 2000 men; and the latter, trusting to their strong situation, and being remiss in their guard, May 3. suffered them­selves to be surprised; when they were ut­terly routed with the loss of more than 300 killed and taken, besides a great number drowned in the river or the swamps. The whole artillery, stores, baggage, and almost all the arms of this unfortunate party [...] tak­en, [Page 247]so that they could no more make any stand; and thus the province of Georgia was once more freed from the provincials, and a communication opened with those places in Carolina where the royalists chiefly re­sided.

The victory at Briar's Creek proved of considerable service to the British cause. Great numbers of the loyalists joined the army, and considerably increased its force. Hence general Prevost was enabled to stretch his posts farther up the river, and to guard all the principal passes: so that general Lincoln was re­duced to a state of inaction; and at last moved off towards Augusta, in order to protect the provincial assembly, which was obliged to sit in that place, the capital being now in the hands of the British.

Lincoln had no sooner quitted his post, than it was judged a proper time by the British general to put in execution the grand scheme which had been meditated against Carolina. Many difficulties indeed lay in his way. The river Savannah was so swelled by the ex­cessive rains of the season, that it seemed impassable; the opposite shore, for a great way, was so full of swamps and marshes, that no army could march over it without the greatest difficulty; and, to render the passage still more difficult, general Moultrie was left with a considerable body of troops in order to oppose the enemy's attempts. But in spite of every opposi­tion, the perseverance of the British troops at last pre­vailed. General Moultrie was obliged to retire tow­ards Charleston; and the pursuing army, after having waded through the marshes for some time, at last ar­rived in an open country, through which they marched with great rapidity towards the capital; whilst general Lincoln made preparations to march to its relief.

Certain intelligence of the danger to which Charles­ton was exposed animated the American general. A [Page 248]chosen body of infantry, mounted on horseback for the greater expedition, was dispatched before him; whilst Lincoln himself followed with all the forces he could collect. General Moultrie too, with the troops he had brought from the Savannah, and some others he had collected since his retreat from thence, had taken possession of all the avenues leading to Charleston, and prepared for a vigorous defence. But all opposition proved ineffectual; May 12. and the Brit­ish army was allowed to come within can­non shot of Charleston.

The town was now summoned to surrender, and the inhabitants would gladly have agreed to observe a neutrality during the rest of the war, and would have engaged also for the rest of the province. But these terms not being accepted, they made preparations for a vigorous defence. It was not, however, in the pow­er of the British commander at this time to make an attack with any prospect of success. His artillery was not of sufficient weight; there were no ships to sup­port the attack by land: and general Lincoln advancing rapidly with a superior army, threatened to inclose him between his own force and the town; so that should he fail in his first attempt, certain destruction would be the consequence. For these reasons he with­drew his forces from before the town, and took posses­sion of two islands, called St. James's and St. John's, lying to the southward; where having waited some time, his force was augmented by the arrival of two frigates. With these he determined to make himself master of Port Royal, another island possessed of an excellent harbour and many other natural advantages, from its situation also commanding all the sea coast from Charleston to Savannah River. The American general, however, did not allow this to be accomplished without opposition. Perceiving that his opponent had [Page 249]occupied an advantageous post on St. John's island, pre­paratory to his enterprise against Port Royal, he attempted to dislodge them from it; June 20. but, after an obstinate attack, the provincials were obliged to retire with considerable loss. On this occasion the success of the British arms was in a great measure owing to an armed float; which galled the right flank of the provincials so effectually, that they could direct their efforts only against the strongest parts of the lines, which proved impregnable to their attacks. This disappointment was instantly followed by the loss of Port Royal, which general Prevost took possession of, and put his troops into proper stations, waiting for the arrival of such reinforcements as were necessary for the intended attack on Charleston.

The profligate conduct of the refugees, and the offi­cers and soldiers of the British, in plundering the houses of individuals, during this incursion, is incredible. Ne­groes were seduced or forced from their masters; fur­niture and plate were seized without decency or au­thority; and the most infamous violations of every law of honour and honesty were openly perpetrated.

Whilst general Prevost was employed in the expe­ditions already related, sir Henry Clinton sent a naval and land force to make an inroad into Vir­ginia, May 10. under the command of sir George Collier and general Mathews. The fleet having safely passed the capes of Virginia, a man of war with some armed tenders were left to block up James's River, whilst sir George Collier, shifting his pendant to a frigate, proceeded with the smaller ships of war and transports up Elizabeth River. The town of Portsmouth, and the remains of Norfolk on the op­posite side of the river, fell of course into their hands. The Americans burned some of their own vessels, but others fell into the hands of the invaders. The British [Page 250]guards marched 18 miles in the night, and, arriving at Suffolk by morning, proceeded to the destruction of vessels, naval stores, and magazines of provisions. Ev­ery house in the town was consigned to the flames, ex­cept the church and one dwelling house. Similar destruction took place at Kemp's Landing, Shepherd's Gosport, Tanner's Creek, and other places in the vi­cinity. The frigates and armed vessels at the same time carried ruin along the margin of the rivers. Three thousand hogsheads of tobacco were taken at Portsmouth. Above 130 vessels in all were either destroyed or taken, exclusive of those which were on the stocks; and several thousand barrels of pork, with other provisions in proportion, which had been pre­pared for general Washington's army, were destroyed; as were likewise all kind of stores which could not be carried off. The fleet and army, after demolishing Fort Nelson, and setting fire to the store houses and other public buildings in the dock yard at Gosport, returned with their prizes and booty safe to New York, in the same month in which they had left it.

The success with which this expedition was attend­ed, induced sir Henry Clinton to attempt another. The provincials had been for some time engaged in erecting two strong forts on the North River; the one at Ver­plank's Neck on the east, and the other at Stoney Point on the west side. These, when completed, would have been of the utmost service to the Americans, as com­manding the principal pass called King's Ferry, between the northern and southern colonies. As these were nearly completed, but not yet defensible, sir Henry thought it a proper time to avail himself of their in­dustry, and to reap the fruits of their toil; general Washington being at too great a distance, and other­wise incapable of giving any interruption.

[Page 251] The troops embarked for this service, were commanded by major general Vaughan, May 30. and before they set sail were joined by the force from Chesapeak, with whom they proceeded up the North River. Next day general Vaughan, with the greater part of the army landed on the east side of the river about eight miles from Verplanks; whilst the remainder, under the conduct of general Pattison, and accompanied by the commander in chief, advancing farther up, landed within three miles of Stoney Point. On the appearrance of the ships, the Americans aban­doned the place, after setting fire to a large block house; and though some shew of resistance was made on the approach of the troops to take possession of Stoney Point, they did not venture to stand an en­gagement.

On the opposite side of the river, the Americans had completed a small but strong fort called La Fayette, which was defended by four pieces of artillery, and a garrison of between 70 and 80 men. But the little redoubt was effectually commanded by Stoney Point, which is situated at about 1000 yards distance on the opposite shore; and being exceedingly difficult of ap­proach on its own side, at least for the conveyance of artillery, the attack was accordingly intended from the other. For this purpose, a party under general Patti­son, with infinite fatigue and labour, during the night, overcame the difficulties of dragging the heavy artillery from a very bad landing place, up a steep precipice to the top of the hill, and by five in the morning had open­ed a battery of cannon, and another of mortars, on the summit of the difficult rocks of Stoney Point, which poured a dreadful fire on Fort la Fayette; whilst Vaughan with his division, making a long circuit round the hills, arrived and closely invested it by land. In the mean time sir George Collier advanced with the [Page 252]gallies and gunboats within reach of the sort; and as soon as it was dark anchored two of his gallies above it, so as to prevent the escape of the garrison by water. The garrison, finding their sire overpowered, and their escape cut off, surrendered themselves prisoners of war next morning, without any other stipulation than hu­mane treatment. Sir Henry Clinton, moving his main body up the North River, occasioned the American ar­my to move from their encampment at Middlebrook towards West Point, for which they were in fear, the garrison being few, and the fort not completed. Sir Henry Clinton gave directions for completing the works of both the captured posts. For their better support, and with a view to farther operations, he encamped his army at Phillipsburgh, about half way down the river towards New York Island. By the loss of these posts, the provincials in the Jer­seys were under a necessity of making a circuit of above ninety miles through the mountains, to commu­nicate with the countries east of Hudson's River.

The state of the hostile armies on both sides, with respect to actual force, together with the want of mon­ey and deficiency of military provisions on the one side, necessarily limited the views of the opposite command­ers, and prevented their undertaking any decisive or extensive operations. They were each in a strong state of defence, and neither had such a superiority [...] force as could compel the other to relinquish the advantages of his situation. General Washington was, besides, in expectation of foreign aid; and it would have been inconsistent with his usual caution and judgment, to have run the hazard, by any previous attempt, of weak­ening his strength to such a degree as might render him incapable of profiting by the assistance of his ally, and the American arms and force of course contempt­ible in his eyes. The campaign was accordingly lan­guid, [Page 253]and its operations confined to the surprise of posts and to desultory excursions; to the last of which, the Americans were now, as well as at all times ex­ceedingly exposed, and upon no footing of equality with their enemy.

The numberless small cruisers, whale boats, and oth­er small craft from the Connecticut coasts, which in­fested the Sound, lying between that state and Long Island, were so watchful in their depredations, and their situation afforded them such opportunities, that they had nearly destroyed the trade to and from New York on that side, to the great distress of the city, as well as of the fleet and army. Upon this account, sir Henry Clinton and sir George Collier, determined on a course of desultory invasions on that coast, with a view of curing the evil, by cutting off the means of depredation in the destruction of their privateers, and, as far as it could be done, of their other vessels and materials for building,

Governour Tryon was appointed to con­duct the land forces, July 5. consisting of about 2,600 men, and he was seconded by brigadier gen­eral Garth, an officer of distinguished merit and ability. The forces were landed at the town of New Heaven, which they instantly took possession of, as well as of a battery which covered it, without any great loss, though considerable resistance was made by the inhabitants and militia. The fort with all the naval and military stores were destroyed; but the town, though at first doomed to destruction, was spared, as the militia had not attempted to molest the troops in their retreat. From New Haven the sleet sailed to Fairfield, where the troops were again landed and again opposed. Here the town was set on fire, and consumed, with every thing of value; and the same desolation took place at Norwalk, where the militia were more numerous, and [Page 254]made a greater resistance than in other places. Here the loss of the Americans was great; both Norwalk and Greenfield, a small town in the neighbourhood, were totally destroyed, with a considerable number of ships either finished or on the stocks, and a still greater number of whale boats and small craft, with stores and merchandize to a large amount. The places taken were generally plundered: whigs and tories, indis­criminately, though not universally, had their money, plate, rings and other articles taken from them; and much of their furniture was wa [...]ly destroyed.

The fires and destruction which accompanied this expedition, were severely censured by the Americans, and apologised for by the British in a very unsatisfac­tory manner. The latter, in their vindication, alleged that the houses which they had burned gave shelter to the Americans, whilst they fired from them, and on other occasions concealed their retreat. Governour Tryon undertook to justify these measures on princi­ples of policy. "I should be very sorry," said he, "if the destruction of these villages would be thought less reconcileable to humanity, than the love of my coun­try, my duty to the king, and the laws of arms. The usurpers have professedly placed their hopes of severing the empire in avoiding decisive actions—upon the waste of the British treasures, and upon the escape of their own property during the protracting of the war. Their power is supported by the general dread of their tyranny and threats, practised to inspire a credulous multitude with a presumptuous confidence in our forbearance; I wish to detect this delusion."

Among other views of the British commander in the Connecticut expedition, it was supposed to be a probable method of drawing general Washington from his strong posts in the high lands into the low country, where he might be forced to a battle on disadvanta­geous [Page 255]terms; but this cautious general, in every in­stance, avoided the snare. And although general Par­sons was closely connected with Connecticut, and, from his small force, unable to make successful oppo­sition to the invaders, instead of pressing general Wash­ington for a large detachment of continental troops, he wrote to him as follows; "The British may prob­ably distress the country exceedingly, by the ravages they will commit, but I would rather see all the towns on the coast of my country in flames, than that the enemy should possess West Point."

These devastations, however, were sud­denly stopped by a peremptory order from general Clinton for the return of the troops, July 13. on the 13th of July, only eight days after they began. The loss sustained by the British troops was very tri­fling; not exceeding 150 in killed, wounded and miss­ing. The expedition, however, seems not to have been attended with any great effect as to its immediate pur­pose, for so bold and numerous did the American troops continue, that in a few days two of the royal sloops of war were taken by them.

On the surprise of Stoney Point and Verplank, gen­eral Washington had taken post among the high grounds farther up the North River, only with a de­sign of watching the motions of the British army. No sooner did he observe how sir Henry Clinton had strengthened these posts, than he entertained the de­sign of surprising them. Having received notice from a deserter, that there was a sandy beach on the south side o [...] Stoney Point, running along the flank of the works, and only obstructed by a single abbatis, which might afford an easy and safe approach to a body of troops; he formed the plan of attacking both posts at the same instant; the execution of which was intrust­ed to general Wayne and general Howe. The garri­son [Page 256]at Stoney Point consisted of a regiment of foot, British and loyalists, commanded by lieutenant colonel Johnson. That in the opposite post, at Verplank's Neck, of nearly equal force, was under the command of lieutenant colonel Webster. All the Massachusett light infantry marched from West Point under lieuten­ant colonel Hull, in the morning of the 15th of July, July 15. and joined general Wayne, at San­dy Beach, 14 miles from Stoney Point. The roads were exceedingly bad and narrow, and the troops having to pass over high mountains, through difficult defiles and morasses, were obliged to move in single files the greatest part of the way. By eight in the evening, the van arrived within a mile and a half of the enemy, where the men, being formed in two columns, remained till general Wayne and several of the principal officers returned from reconnoitring the works. General Wayne issued the most positive or­ders to both columns, which they seem to have exactly obeyed, not to fire a single shot on any account, but to place their whole reliance on the bayonet. At half past eleven at night the whole moved forward to the attack. Two attacks were, therefore, made on the op­posite sides of the fortification, to which the soldiers marched with unloaded muskets and screwed bayonets, whilst a detachment in front amused the garrison with a feint. They found the approaches more difficult than, from their knowledge of the place, they had been led to expect, the works being covered by a deep mo­rass, which at this time was overflowed by the tide.

But neither the deep morass, the formidable and double rows of abattis on the strong works in front and flank, could damp the ardour of the Americans, who, in the face of an incessant and tremendous fire of musket­ry, and cannon loaded with grape shot, forced their way through every obstacle, until the van of each col­umn [Page 257]met in the centre of the works, and the garrison were obliged to surrender at discretion. General Wayne was wounded in the head by a musket ball as he passed the last abbatis, but was gallantly supported and helped through the works by his two brave aids, Fishbourn and Archer. The killed and wounded of the Americans amounted to 98. Lieutenants Gibbons and Knox, who led the forlorn hope, escaped unhurt, although the first lost 17 men out of 20, and the last nearly as many. The killed of the garrison were 63, and the number of the prisoners 543. Two flags, two standards, 15 pieces of ordnance, and a considerable quantity of military stores, fell into the hands of the conquerors.

For this heroic action, congress gave thanks to gen­eral Wayne, and passed resolutions honourable to the officers and men concerned in it. They ordered a gold medal, emblematical of the action, to be presented to the general, and silver ones to lieutenant colonel Fleury and major Stewart; the former having struck the standard with his own hand.

The attack upon Verplank, entrusted with general Howe, miscarried, through delay occasioned by high winds which prevented the transportation of the artil­lery. The enemy, likewise, broke down the bridges, and thereby cut off the communication by land.

The Americans evacuated Stoney Point, after hav­ing removed the cannon and stores, and demolished the works: and the third day after the capture, sir Henry Clinton regained possession of it, and left a strong gar­rison for its defence.

The success of the late enterprise emboldened the Americans to make a similar attempt on Paulus Hook, a fortified post on the Jersey side, opposite to New York; but, although the heroism of the enterprise and the spirit with which it was executed deserves applause, July 19. after having [Page 258]completely surprised the posts, the American com­mander, major Lee, finding it impossible to retain them, made an orderly retreat, with about 161 prison­ers, among whom were seven officers.

Another expedition of greater importance was now projected on the part of the Americans. This was against a post on the river Penobscot, on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the British had lately taken possession, June 16. and where they had began to erect a fort which threatened to be a very great inconvenience to the colonists. A fleet of 18 armed vessels, besides transports, were fitted out, and put under the conduct of commodore Saltonstal. The land forces were commanded by general Lovel. The armament destined against it was so soon got in readi­ness, that colonel Macleane, the commanding officer at Penobscot, found himself obliged to drop the execution of part of his scheme; and instead of a regular sort, to content himself with putting the works already con­structed in as good a posture of defence as possible. The Americans could not effect a landing without a great deal of difficulty, and bringing the guns of their largest vessels to bear upon the shore. July 28. As soon as this was [...]ne, however, they erected several batteries, and kept up a brisk sire for the space of a fortnight; after which they proposed to give a general assault: but before this could be ef­fected, they perceived sir George Collier with a British fleet failing up the river to attack them. On this they instantly embarked their artillery and milita­ry stores, Aug. 3. sailing up the river as far as possible in order to avoid him. They were so closely pursued, however, that not a single vessel could escape so that the whole fleet, consisting of 18 armed vene [...] and 24 transports, was destroyed; most of them indeed being blown up by themselves. The soldiers and sa [...] ­ors were obliged to wander through immense desarts, [Page 259]where they suffered much for want of provisions; and to add to their calamities, a quarrel broke out between the soldiers and seamen concerning the cause of their disaster, which ended in a violent fray, wherein a great number were killed.

CHAP. XXV.

COUNT D'Estaing, as has been already observ­ed, had put into Boston harbour to refit. Zeal­ous in the cause of his master, he had published a proc­lamation to be dispersed through Canada, inviting the people to return to their original friendship with France, and declaring that all who renounced their allegiance [Page 260]to Great Britain, should certainly find a protector in the king of France. All his endeavours, however, proved insufficient to produce any revolution, or even to form a party of any consequence among the Ca­nadians.

As soon as the French admiral had repaired and victualled his fleet, he took the opportunity, while that of admiral Biron had been shattered by a storm, Nov. 3. of sailing to the West Indies. On the same day, commodore Hotham with five men of war, a bomb vessel and some frigates, set out from New York, to convoy a number of transports with general Grant and 5000 men to the same theatre of war.

The British took St. Lucia, and count D'Estaing took St. Vincent and Grenada. Dec. 13. Soon after the reduction of the latter, the count retired to Cape Francois. During his operations there, the Americans having represented his conduct as totally unserviceable to them, July, 1779. he received or­ders from Europe to assist the United States with all possible speed.

In compliance with these orders, he directed his course towards Georgia, with a design, in conjunction with general Lincoln, to recover that province out of the hands of the enemy, and to put it as well as South Carolina, in such a posture of defence as would effec­tually secure them from any future attack. This seem­ed to be no difficult matter, from the litle force with which he knew he should be opposed; and the next object in contemplation was no less than the destruc­tion of the British fleet and army at New York, and their total expulsion from the continent of America. Full of these hopes the French commander arrived off the coast of Georgia, with a fleet consisting of twenty sail of the line, Sept. 1. two of fifty guns and eleven frigates, and a large body of land [Page 261]forces on board. His arrival was so little expected, that several vessels, laden with provisions and military stores, fell into his hands. The Experiment also, a ves­sel of 50 guns, commanded by sir James Wallace, and three frigates, were also taken. On the 9th the fleet anchored off Tybee, at the mouth of the river Savan­nah. On the continent the British troops were divid­ed. General Prevost, with an inconsiderable part, remained at Savannah; but the main force was under colonel Maitland at Port Royal. On the first appear­ance of the French fleet, an express was sent to colonel Maitland: but it was intercepted by the Americans; so that before he could set out to join the commander in chief, the Americans had secured most of the passes by land, whilst the French fleet effectually blocked up the passage by sea. On the 15th, the French, with count Polaski's light horse, appeared so near the British lines as to skirmish with the piquets; and as the force under general Prevose did not admit of his having any other object in view than the mere defence of the town, he contracted his posts within the cover of the artillery on the works.

D'Estaing sent a summons to Prevost, commanding him, in the name of his most Christian majesty, to yield to a force he was utterly incapable of resisting. Though general Prevost, with the officers about him, were determined, even with the small force they had, to defend the place to the last extremity, yet they thought it prudent to gain as much time as possible. By send­ing different messages, therefore, he found means to protract the time considerably, and at last was allowed a truce of 24 hours for deliberation. During this in­terval colonel Maitland, taking advantage of creeks and inlets, and marching over land, arrived with the troops from Port Royal.

[Page 262] The face of affairs was now entirely changed, and instead of an easy conquest which presented itself on the arrival of D'Estaing, a most obstinate defence was resolved on. The general returned a positive answer to the summons, that he was determined to defend the place to the last extremity; and the sailors who had been all drawn from the ships to construct and man the batteries, expressed their approbation by three checes, when the gun was fired as a signal for the recommence­ment of hostilities.

On the day after delivering the summons D'Estaing was joined by general Lincoln, as he had been before by count Polaski. The allies took separate but adjoin­ing camps, and each began immediately to make ap­proaches as in a regular siege. Their joint force h [...] been computed at about 9000 men, whilst that of the garrison did not exceed 3000. The utmost exertions, however, were made on the part of the British. Every man, without distinction, was employed in the hardest labour, and cheerfully underwent his share of the com­mon toil. At the time that the French summons was received, the lines were not only weak and imperfect but were not protected by above eight or ten pieces of cannon, while at the conclusion of the siege or blockade, the works, by the assistance of the ship guns, were cor­cred with a numerous artillery amounting to near 100 pieces. Nor was the skill and dexterity with which they were used and directed by captain Moncrief, the engineer, at all inferior to the labour used in bringing them forward, as was owned both by friends and fo [...].

The allies were indefatigable in their efforts to in­terrupt the works, though without effect; nor did they spare any pains in carrying on their own, so that in a week they had pushed a sap within 300 yards of the abbatis. Few skirmishes took place, as the British com­mander wished to spare his men; but in the few that were fought the allies were worsted.

[Page 263] About midnight, between the 3d and 4th of October, the allies began a heavy bombardment, and at day light a violent cannonade from 37 pieces of heavy artillery, nine mortars from their land batteries, and 16 cannon from the water. Though this cannonade continued for five days, its destructive effects were felt only by the women, children and negroes, and by the houses of the town; the works, so far from being demolished, con­tinually acquired additional strength, through the in­dustry of the besieged.—In this distress of the women and children, which was farther increased by the car­casses, in order to set the town on fire, general Prevost sent a letter to D'Estaing requiring permission for the women and children to leave the place; but after three hours, during which the discharge of cannon and shells continued, the allied commanders, from motives of policy, refused compliance, and they resulved to give a general assault.

This attack was made in the morning of the 9th of October, Oct. 9. a little before day light, after a heavy discharge of cannon and mortars for several hours. The firing began on the left of the British lines, but soon after became general.

The nature of the ground on both flanks of the lines was so favourable to the approach of the assailants, that the defect could not be remedied by all the skill of the engineer: And as it was still too dark for the British to discern the movements of the allies, and uncertain where the storm would fall, each division waited cooly in its post; expecting what should happen. The grand attack was made however, to the right, whither D'Estaing in person led the flower of both armies, and was ac­companied by all the principal officers of each. They advanced in three columns, under cover of a swampy hollow, which reached within a very little distance of some of the principal works. By reason of the dark­ness [Page 264]of the night, they took a greater circuit, and went deeper into the bog than they needed to have done; a circumstance, which, besides a critical loss of time, could not fail of producing some disorder. The at­tack was made with great spirit, and supported with obstinate perseverance. One redoubt, particularly, was the scene of much gallantry. It was obstinately de­sended by captain Tawse. The assailants planted two stand of colours upon it; and at length the brave cap­tain fell, gallantly fighting in his redoubt, his sword being plunged, at the instant of death, in the body of the third man he had killed with his own hand.—But whilst the combat was still dubious and bloody, partic­ularly at that redoubt, three batteries, which were oc­cupied by the seamen, opened upon the allies in almost every direction, and made such havock in their ranks as caused some little disorder, or at least a pause in the violence of their attack. At that instant, a body of grenadiers and marines advanced suddenly from the lines, and charged the allies with such rapidity and fu­ry, throwing themselves into the ditches and works a­mong them, that in an instant the redoubt and a bat­tery to the right of it, were totally cleared of them. The advantage was pursued with the greatest vigour; the allies were instantly routed, and driven into the swamp with such celerity, that three companies of the most active troops of the besieged, could not, with all their exertion, come in for any share of the honour. The pursuit was prevented by a thick fog and darkness, which hindered the British general from perceiving how far it was proper to venture his troops out of the town. As the day cleared, the works and ditches near the redoubt presented a most shocking spectacle of kill­ed and wounded, said by some soldiers and officers to have been only equalled at Bunker's Hill. At 10 o'clock, the allies requested leave to carry off their wounded [Page 265]and bury their dead; which, with some restrictions as to the former, was granted.

In this fatal attack, which lasted fifty five minutes, the loss of the allies was computed at between 1000 and 1200 men in killed and wounded. The French owned 44 officers, and about 700 private men in killed and wounded.—The loss of the Americans, by the re­turn made to general Lincoln, was 234 continentals killed and wounded. Count Polaski, the celebrated conspirator against the reigning king of Poland, was mortally wounded. Count D'Estaing was likewise wounded, but slightly.

The loss on the British side was inconceivably small; and no other officer was lost except captain Tawse, who had so bravely defended the redoubt where the standards were placed.

General Prevost, lieutenant colonel Maitland, and major Moncrief deservedly acquired great reputation by this successful defence. The allies now thought of nothing but to get away with safety, and it was neces­sary to mask this with the appearance of continuing the blockade. Great civilities now passed between the French and the British; and numberless apologies were made for the refusal with respect to the women and children. They were now pressed to place themselves in the situation they had formerly requested; and a particular ship of war and commander were named for the reception of Mrs. Prevost, her children and compa­ny. But the answer was, that what had been refused and that in terms of insult, could not in any circumstance be deemed worth accepting. On the 18th of the month, Oct. 18. upon the clearing up of the fog, it was discovered that the French and Americans had abandoned their camps in the preceding night. Some pursuit was made, but without effect; the Ameri­cans having broken down the bridges behind them, and [Page 266]pursued their route with great dispatch. Count D'Es­taing had reembarked his troops, artillery and baggage, and left the continent; and general Lincoln returned to South Carolina.

This expedition of D'Estaing on the American coast, though unsuccessful as to its main object, was eventu­ally of benefit to the United States. It entirely discon­certed the measures already digested by the British commanders, and caused a considerable waste of time, before they could determine on a new plan of operations. It also occasioned the evacuation of Rhode Island; but this was rather a loss than advantage to America. For the British had stationed near 6000 men, for two years and eight months, on that island, where they were lost to every purpose of cooperation, and where they could render very little more service to the royal cause, than could have been obtained by a couple of frigates cruis­ing in the vicinity.

During the siege of Savarmah, a remarkable enter­prise was effected by colonel John White of the Geor­gia line. Captain French had taken post with about 100 men near the river Ogechee, some time before the fiege began. There were also at the same place forty sailors on board of five British vessels, four of which were armed. All these men, together with the vessels and 130 stand of arms, were surrendered to colonel White, captain Elholm, and four others, one of which was the colonel's servant. On the preceding night this small party kindled a number of fires in different places, and adopted the parade of a large encampment. By these and a variety of deceptive stratagems, captain French was fully impressed with the opinion, that noth­ing but an instant surrender, in conformity to a peremp­tory summons, could save his men from being cut to pieces by a superior force. He therefore gave up, with­out making any resistance.

[Page 267] The arms of France and America being almost ev­ery where unsuccessful, the independency of the latter seemed yet to be in danger, notwithstanding the assist­ance of so powerful an ally, when further encourage­ment was given by the accession of Spain to the con­federacy against Britain, in the month of June 1779.

The first effect of this appeared in the invasion of the infant colony on the Mississippi; which being yet too weak for a particular government, was annexed to that of West Florida; which was, however, too distant to afford any effectual protection. We have also taken notice of an expedition by the Americans, under cap­tain Willing, into that country, though they did not stay to enforce their dominion. The few troops which were in the colony were suddenly attacked by Don Bernardo de Gulves, August. governour of Lou­ismia, with the whole force he could collect; who, having first publicly declared the independency of British America by beat of drum, at New Orleans, set out on his expedition. His measures were so well concerted, that major general Campbell, who command­ed at Pensacola, did not receive the smallest intelligence of his proceedings, until the affair was almost over. The troops did not amount to 500 men; however, they stood a siege of nine days in a field redoubt at Batton Rouge, and capitulated on honourable terms, to which the Spanish governour strictly adhered.

Their next enterprise, was against the Bay of Hon­duras, where the British logwood cutters were settled. These, finding themselves too weak to resist, applied to the governour of Jamaica for relief; who sent them a supply of men, ammunition, and military stores, under captain Dalrymple. Before the arrival of this detach­ment, the principal settlement in those parts, called St. George's Key, had been taken by the Spaniards and retaken by the British. In his way captain Dalrymple [Page 268]fell in with a squadron from Admiral Parker in search of some register ships richly laden; but which, re­treating into the harbour of Omoa, were too strongly protected by the fort to be attacked with safety. A project was then formed, in conjunction with the peo­ple of Honduras, to reduce this fort. The design was to surprise it; but the Spaniards having dis­covered them, Oct. 16. they were obliged to fight. Victory quickly declared for the British; but the fortifications were so strong, that the artillery, they had brought along with them were found too light to make any impression. It was then determined to try the success of an escalade; and this was execut­ed with so much spirit, that the Spaniards stood aston­ished without making any resistance, and, in spite of all the efforts of the officers, threw down their arms and surrendered. The spoil was immense, being valued at three millions of dollars. The Spaniards chiefly la­mented the loss of 250 quintals of quicksilver; a com­modity indispensably necessary in the working of their gold and silver mines, so that they offered to ransom it at any price; but this was refused, as well as the ran­som of the fort, though the governour offered 300,000 dollars for it. A small garrison was left for the defence of the place: but it was quickly attacked by a superior force, and obliged to evacuate it, though not without destroying every thing that could be of use to the ene­my; spiking the guns, and even locking the gates of the fort and carrying off the keys. All this was done in sight of the besiegers; after which the garrison em­barked without the loss of a man.

The successful defence of Savannah, together with the subsequent departure of count D'Estaing from the coast of the United States, freed the British from all apprehensions for the safety of New York, and sir Henry Clinton set sail from that place in the end of [Page 269]the year, with a considerable body of troops, intended for the attack of Charleston in South Carolina.

Several detached events, which could not be introdu­ced without interrupting the narrative of the preced­ing campaigns, shall close this chapter.

The Randolph, an American frigate of 36 guns and 305 men, 1778, March 7. commanded by cap­tain Biddle, sailed on a cruise from Charles­ton. The Yarmouth of 64 guns, discovered her and five other vessels, and came up with her in the evening. Captain Vincent hailed the Randolph, to hoist colours, or he would fire into her; on which she hoisted American colours and immediately gave the Yarmouth her broadside, which was returned, and in about a quarter of an hour she blew up. Four men saved themselves upon a piece of her wreck, and sub­fisted for five days upon nothing but rain water, which they sucked from a piece of blanket. On the fifth day, captain Vincent of the Yarmouth, being in chase of a ship, happily discovered them, and humanely sus­pending the chase, took them on board. Three days before this, the Alfred frigate, of 20 nine pounders, was taken by the Ariadne and Ceres. The Americans also lost the Virginia frigate.

Major Talbot took the British schooner Pi­got, Oct. 8. of 8 twelve pounders, as she lay on the eastern side of Rhode Island. The major, with a number of troops, on board a small vessel, made directly for the Pigot in the night, and sustaining the fire of her marines, reserved his own till he had run his jib-boom through her fore shrouds. He then fired some cannon, and threw in a volley of musketry, loaded with bullets and buck shot, and immediately boarded her. The captain made a gallant resistance, but was not seconded by his crew. Major Talbot having gain­ed undisturbed possession, carried off his [...] in safety. [Page 270]Congress, as a reward of his merit, presented him with the commission of lieutenant colonel.

Although little was performed in the year 1779 by the contending fleets either in Europ [...] or in America, 1779. a great number of well fought and desperate actions took place between single ships both of the old and new world. Of these the battle between Paul Jones and sir Richard Pearson is as re­markable as any. Jones had for some time infested the coast of Scotland. In April 1778, he sailed from Portsmouth, New Hampshire, as commander of the Ranger privateer, and landed in the night at White haven, in Cumberland, with a party of 30 men; and set fire to one of the ships in the harbour; but the in­habitants extinguished the fire before it reached [...] rigging. He then landed some men in the west [...] coast of Scotland, and plundered the house of lord Sel­kirk, near Kircubright, of plate, jewels, and other valu­able articles. He was a Scotchman by birth, and is said to have lived formerly with his lordship. In the lat [...] end of July 1779, he sailed from Port l'Orient, as cont­mander of a squadron, consisting of the Bon Homme Richard, of 40 guns and 375 men, the Alliance of [...] guns, the Pallas, a French frigate of 32, the Vengeance an armed brig of 12, together with a cutter. Having alarmed the Scotch and Irish coasts, and made capture nearly to the value of £. 40,000, he at length fell i [...] with the Baltic fleet, off Flamborough Head under the protection of the Serapis, Sept. 23. captain Pearson, and the Countess of Scarborough captain Piercy. Captain Pearson, by four o'clock, plain­ly discerning from the deck, that the squadron consist­ed of three large ships, and a brig, (the cutter was not now with them) made the Countess of Scarborough a signal to join him, which was done about half past five. A little after seven, the Bon Homme Richard brought [Page 271]no within musket shot of the Serapis, when the fight legan, and was maintained with equal fury on both [...], each vessel using every possible means to gain an advantageous situation to rake the other. Captain person had infinitely the superiority over the Bon Homme Richard in working the Serapis, and obtained advantages in spite of every effort of Jones to prevent it. Jones, to render such superiority useless, aimed at lying his ship athwart the hawse of the other. Though he did not succeed to his wish, yet as the bowsprit of the Serapis ran between his poop and mizen mast, he seized the opportunity of lashing the vessels together, when the wind driving the head of the Serapis against the bow of the Bon Homme Richard, they became so close fore and aft, that the muzzles of their guns muched each others sides. In this position they engag­ed from half past eight till half past ten. But before it commenced, the Bon Homme Richard had received many 18lb. shot between wind and water, and was be­come very leaky. Her tier of 12 pounders was entire­ly silenced and abandoned. Her six 18 pounders, which were old, were of no service, and were fired but eight times in all. During the succeeding action, Jones made use only of three nine pounders, whose fire was second­ed by that of his men in the round tops. At the same time others threw such a quantity and variety of com­bustible matters into the decks, chains, and every part of the Serapis, that she was on fire not less than 10 or 12 times in different parts, and it was with the greatest difficulty that the same could be extinguished. At half past nine, by some accident, the Serapis had a cartridge of powder set on fire, the flames of which communi­cating from one to another all the way aft, blew up all the people and officers abaft the main mast, and ren­dered all those guns useless for the remainder of the action. When both ships were on fire together, as it [Page 272]happened at times, the spectacle was dreadful beyc [...]d expression. The Alliance repeatedly sailed round both while engaged, raking the Serapis fore and aft, and thereby killing or wounding many of her men on the quarter and main decks.—After ten she came up afre [...] and renewed the fire; but through the darkness of [...] night, and both ships being so close along side each oth­er, it was not poured into the Serapis alone, but also i [...] to the Bon Homme Richard, eleven of whose men were killed, beside an officer mortally wounded, by one [...] her broadsides. Captain Pearson however, perceiv [...] that it was impracticable to stand out any longer with the least prospect of success, struck, after having ( [...] his conduct and persevering bravery) secured to [...] convoy the opportunity of saving themselves. The Serapis was a much superior ship to the Bon Homme Richard, being built on an excellent model, and carry­ing 44 guns in two tiers, the lower 18 pounders. The number of men killed and wounded on each side was necessarily great. Both ships suffered much: but the Bon Homme Richard was reduced to a wreck; she had near seven feet water in her hold, which kept in­creasing. The wounded were removed, and only the first lieutenant of the Pallas, with some men, left [...] board to keep the pumps going, while the boats w [...] disposed within call to take them in when occasion [...] ­quired. On the 25th the water rose to her lower deck and she went down; but nobody was lost with her. It still remains to be mentioned, that the Countess of Scarborough engaged the Pallas for near two hours, when captain Piercy was obliged to strike. Comm [...]dore Jones, with the remains of his flying squadron and prizes, made for Holland, and on the 3d of October anchored off the Texel.