An oration delivered in the Presbyterian Church, at Elizabeth-town, on the Fourth of July, 1794, at the request of the militia officers, it being the eighteenth anniversary of American independence. / By Isaac Watts Crane, A.M. ; Published at the request of a number of the auditors. ; [Two lines in Latin from Marcilius]

An oration delivered in the Presbyterian Church, at Elizabeth-town, on the Fourth of July, 1794, at the request of the militia officers, it being the eighteenth anniversary of American independence. / By Isaac Watts Crane, A.M. ; Published at the request of a number of the auditors. ; [Two lines in Latin from Marcilius]

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Title page

AN ORATION DELIVERED ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1794.

[Page]

AN ORATION DELIVERED ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1794.

THE little time allowed the speaker for preparation, together with the inexperience of youth, will lay claim to the indulgence of candor and benevolence, while a few observations are made with a desire to entertain this polite and respectable assembly.

It is of particular importance that a nation make choice of a pure and efficient government which shall preserve pure and inviolate, the rights and liberties of every individual, in which no evils can arise from the encroachments of arbitrary power, or from languor or want of energy in the administration. That government [Page] may be called the best, as best promoting the happiness of society, which will admit in its constitution the greatest share of wisdom, virtue, fidelity, unity, secrecy and dispatch. Republicanism alone will admit the union of these several powers.

In such a government the sovereign power rests in the people, who will most certainly be faithful to themselves, as they are bound from every principle in the wisest and best manner to promote the general welfare.

Wisdom and virtue no less than fidelity, are essential to a republican government. As a meeting of every individual in a nation, if not wholly impracticable, would be attended with numerous inconveniences, it is therefore wisely concerted, that in a republic, the people chuse persons delegated, to devise plans of general utility. As it is always the interest, so it is the practice of a free and an enlightened people, to chuse men as their representatives, who are celebrated for their wisdom and virtues; and in this way, the wisdom and virtue of a republican government becomes fixed upon a firm and permanent foundation. Unity, secrecy and dispatch, although generally allowed to prevail [Page] most in a monarchical form of government, may be equally enjoyed in a republic, where the people are cautious in chusing representatives in whom they are willing to repose confidence in difficult emergencies, and where a supreme magistrate is chosen, vested with suitable prerogatives.

Of such a nature is the government of the United States of America—such, my fellow citizens, is the government which we have the happiness to enjoy—we experience none of the evils of proud tyranny and arbitrary power on the one hand, or of mad democracy and extravagant anarchy on the other—no one here fears the tyrants haughty frown—no one here is subject to the wild phrenzy and confusion of those who are without any form of government at all; but true liberty founded on wise and equitable laws, pervades every part of the community. Wisdom, virtue, and integrity prevail in our legislative; unity, secrecy and dispatch in our executive departments. Our wise legislators, sensible of the danger of arbitrary power, have enacted, that no magistrate or [...] in government shall have any power, except what he receives from the laws—justice [Page] is administered to all with an impartial scale—every one must be subject to the laws of the state—neither birth, fortune nor the most honorable station, can exempt any from a strict obedience.

That the blessing of a government, founded on such principles, may be secured to us, is our highest interest and should be the object of all our endeavors. But, my fellow citizens, while we are enjoying so many of the rich bounties of heaven▪ let us not forget that liberty is a blessing, more easily obtained than preserved. It is natural for a people, who have been inured to habits of freedom and activity, when threatened with immediate oppression, to rise up as one man, and assert their liberties; but having a long time enjoyed the blessings of peace, and of a mild administration of government, they are too apt to grow languid, and by a negligence and inattention to those interests and concerns which appear more distant, to be lulled into a state of dangerous insensibility and unfitness so war. When in this condition, a sudden attack may be made upon the country, and if slavery be not the consequence, irreparable injuries may be committed. The [Page] security or perpetual safety of a nation, therefore, becomes justly an object of general concern. To shew in what consists the safety of a nation, and of ours in particular, is my present object.

That a nation be secure, it is necessary that it be not deficient in respect to arms, the situation of the country, military skill and courage among the inhabitants.

It is unnecessary to take up your time on the subject of military weapons—we have nothing to fear in this country from the want of arms, ammunition and military stores, if we have but prudence and courage to direct us, at what time, and in what manner to use them—from the watchful and provident care of our government, there is reason to believe, that our arsenals and magazines will soon be amply supplied.

The situation of a country is also a principal thing to be attended to, when we are considering the means of defence. Hills, vallies and rivers render a nation strong and impregnable; they not only afford places of refuge in time of danger, but by the assistance of these, [Page] an enemy may often be led into some dangerous and inconvenient situation, become surrounded and easily overcome—Let us on this subject call to mind, the brave Leonidas, the Spartan General, who at the head of only eight hundred men in the streights of Thermopylae, not only defended himself, but gained a compleat victory over the numerous armies of Xerxes. To come nearer the present time, some of us, my fellow citizens, have heard and others may have known from more evident testimony, that such was the fate of the fierce and too confident Burgoyne, in the late American war. Our country is peculiarly favorable on account of its situation, to the preservation of liberty. As a friend to liberty * has justly observed, in order to conquer America, it would require, that an enemy have forces so numerous as to cover every foot of land in our territory—the reason is obvious, because in proportion as we fall in one part, we rise and become more powerful in another—and although it may be called a disadvantage, that we have such an extensive sea coast, by which we lie open in so many places to foreign irruptions [Page] from the sea, yet it is to be considered, that our ports and harbors may be fortified, and that when invaded, we have time to rally our fortes and to act with united strength.*

Military skill is in like manner very necessary for the security of a nation—discipline in war is as necessary to ensure success in the field, as understanding and virtue to ensure the promotion of the common interests in the cabinet. Regularity in every thing is attended with advantage, but in nothing more than in troops destined to battle. From history it appears, that those nations have generally excelled in war, who have paid the greatest attention to military discipline. Among the ancient Romans, [Page] great attention was paid to the military art, and Rome never shone with so much lustre, as while this art was in the highest perfection; but when luxury and pride prevailed to such a degree, that the profession of arms became dishonorable, Rome sunk into a state of the most abject stupidity and ruin—she was in a desperate condition indeed, when the young men made a practice of cutting off their hands and fingers, that in their mutilated condition, they might be exempt from military service, and when she was obliged to have recourse to foreign mercenaries for aid against her enemies.*

Valour or courage among the inhabitants, is in like manner necessary to the security of a nation—courage is the great support and handmaid of discipline. They are both alike necessary, the best disciplined troops, without courage, would be little more than a lifeless mass, and the most fierce and intrepid without order, would only heighten the danger and [Page] hasten the ruin. The discipline of the Romans, would have availed but little, had active courage been wanting—it was their virtue which in their language meant valor or public spirit, that gained them such astonishing success in all their wars and preserved their liberty and independence; it was the want of this, that [...] the nation to a state of impotency and [...] bordering upon misery and ruin. The example of ancient Rome suggests in lively colours, this useful principle to every American, that a nation possessed of virtue, valour and public spirit, will be possessed of liberty and independence, and will never be at a loss for forces to repel incursions. In colours equally strong and lively, does the example of the same nation suggest an equally interesting and established truth, that luxury and effeminacy, pride and selfishness, and a want of that glow of affection, of that patriotic spirit, which seeks the happiness of the country at large, will be attended with the loss of liberty and the essential rights of man.

Allow me here to consider, whether a standing army be necessary for the defence and safety of the United States. By reason of the [Page] advantage in point of military discipline, it has been asserted, that a standing army is preferable to a militia, and if it be meant of a militia without regulations, the assertion will most undoubtedly be just. Standing troops bred up to habits of war, will act with more vigour and afford more resistance than an untrained militia; but a militia may be under such good regulations, as to have all the advantages without any of the disadvantages of a standing army. In despotic governments, where the principle of governing is fear, a standing army must be kept up, to awe the people into obedience—but in free governments, where the principle is virtue, there is no necessity for such an order of men; so far is it from being necessary, that on the other hand, it is wholly unable to answer the ends of such a government. In a land of liberty, like ours, it is extremely dangerous, to make a distinct order of the profession of arms—great opportunity is in this way afforded for the overturning of government and the introduction of all the horrors and calamities which attend a revolution; it was the standing army of Julius Caesar, which overturned the Roman commonwealth; it was the standing army of Oliver Cromwell, which turned the long parliament out of doors; [Page] but besides the danger of a revolution, it is not to be supposed that courage or public spirit will prevail as much among a standing army, as among a militia. An army which consists of the people, and is actuated by the same interests, which consists of men who have certain rights to protect, will act with more spirit than an army composed of men, who neither know, nor think any thing of the cause in which they are engaged—with the same discipline, therefore, they may be supposed to excel standing troops.

The militia of the United States is under good regulations, and daily improving in discipline—our wise and honest legislators have shewn their regard for our national security; as well as for the pure principles upon which all free governments depend, by the wisdom and impartiality manifested in our military establishments. Convinced of the danger of standing armies, they have not made a distinct order of the profession of arms, but wisely uniting the profession of the citizen and the soldier, have ordained, that every man (excepting only those who perform the sacred functions of the desk) shall prepare to meet the enemy in battle. No man in this government takes up arms, but with [Page] a view to defend his country and its laws. The soldier puts not off the citizen when he enters the camp, but it is because he is a citizen, and would wish to continue such, that he makes himself, for a while, a soldier.

While we oppose standing armies as tending to overturn the government, to support arbitrary power, and to introduce the greatest corruption of morals, and would contend that in a free government, an army should always be taken from the people, and actuated by the same interest; it is not denied that it may be necessary, under certain circumstances of a country, to appoint a number of the inhabitants, who shall be particularly disciplined, that th [...] may be a constitutional security for the public peace, and for protection against foreign or domestic violence. No one, viewing the present commotions of Europe, and the ignominious conduct of Great Britain towards us, can doubt the propriety of our having a certain number of men in readiness, upon whom reliance may be placed for our safety and honor.*

[Page] The late military arrangements of Congress, must strike every one as important; and it is presumed that there are not wanting brave. Americans in sufficient numbers, who, if called upon, by urgent necessity, will not only be willing, but will rejoice to have the honor of being defenders of their country.

A harmony or union in the measures of government among the citizens of the United States, is also highly essential to the national security.—It is the interest of every citizen to unite in the wisdom of our federal government, the grand palladium of our liberties—this only can make us secure as individuals; strong and powerful as a nation.—Let the jarring interests of individuals, subside and give way to the general good. That which will best promote the happiness of the nation at large, will best promote the happiness of every individual. Unless we act upon the principles of the confederation, we are in great danger, both from home and abroad; unless we act upon the principles of union [Page] and harmony, the most dreadful consequences may ensue; but if we adhere to these exalted principles, liberty and glory will attend us. It was for want of a confederation, in some measure similar to ours, that Europe remained so long in a state of tyranny, usurpation and darkness. But when a freedom of communication began to prevail, and the principles of the confederacy received among the different powers of Europe; when, in a word, civil government became fixed upon principles solid and permanent, then the security and happiness of Europe became established.*

It is for want of adherence to this noble principle, that she is now covered with blood, and experiencing all the horrors of war. From the misery of other nations let America take warning! It becomes us, my fellow citizens, to cultivate a spirit of peace and harmony with our friends, that we may be the more formidable to our enemies.

Moderation and calmness among the people, [Page] and particularly among those delegated to represent the people, are also in a high degree necessary for the preservation of our liberties and the security of the nation. The misfortune, however, always is, that when there is the greatest necessity for an unbiassed judgment and a calm investigation, these qualities are most wanting, by which means the nation becomes hurried into an expensive and unprofitable war, or undergoes some weighty calamities. The want of these qualities in an individual, is attended with great disadvantage, but of much geater disadvantage is the want of them in a nation. When an individual is insulted, forbearance and moderation are esteemed as superior to revenge and the impulse of passion, and as far more likely to obtain redress. The former are frequently attended with a reconciliation, the latter with fatal and alarming consequences. In like manner, are the consequences of passion and revenge, in a nation fatal and alarming, with this difference, that instead of the fate of one, the fate of millions is concerned. It becomes Americans, the favoured of Heaven, to cultivate that spirit of prudent moderation, for which they have hitherto [Page] been so remarkably distinguished, and although never afraid of war, always to prefer the arts of peace. When therefore, we feel a desire for war rankling in our breasts, we would do well to examine, whether it proceed from a cool and impartial regard to justice, or whether revenge be not the instigator. Passion should never be allowed to predominate ever reason. When we last fought, we had reason, religion, and GOD on our side—we were not in haste to sound the alarm of war—we took up arms, not to revenge ourselves, but free our country—we fought and conquered—Heaven was on our side—We consulted and fought under the God of battles, whom we ought to consult again, before we involve ourselves in all the horrors and calamities of war.

What wisdom and calmness has our government manifested in all its measures! Had it not been for the prudence and moderation of our government, and particularly for the well timed proclamation of our President, our country might now be experiencing the ravages and desolations of an unprincipled soldiery. But, my fellow citizens, we have cause to rejoice, [Page] that amidst all the storms and tempests with which our political vessel has been assailed; the careful management of some of our most experienced pilots has prevented its dashing upon the rocks. Instead of blindly rushing into war upon the abusive and mysterious conduct of Great-Britain towards us, an Envoy extraordinary to the British court was appointed. Mr. Jay was made choice of, who whether we consider the proof he has given of his talents as a negociator, his local situation, or his judicial character, is in every respect well qualified for the important trust. Let good citizens unite in their prayers that the divine blessing may attend his mission, and that war with all its concomitant evils may be banished from our coasts.

But, my fellow citizens, should the British government persist in her refusal to fulfil her treaty, should she in defiance of justice, deny us indemnification for the injuries we have received, should she continue in her ignominious conduct towards us, and, allow injuries and insults to go unpunished, should it be necessary to appeal to her fears and a war, notwitstanding our exertions, should again be rendered inevitable; [Page] have we courage and resolution sufficient to support us on such an occasion?

In our late glorious struggle for liberty, every patriotic American felt himself interested in the cause and was willing to sacrifice life or property for the attainment of so desirable an object. It is presumed that those patriotic principles have not yet been obliterated, and that they glow with as much ardor in your breasts, and in the breasts of all free Americans, throughout the United States, on the celebration of this day, as they did the Fourth of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.

Many of those who fought have the satisfaction to see their children, whom perhaps they were once obliged to leave helpless and exposed, now growing up in the love and spirit of the same noble principles, and as if divinely influenced by the sacred planet of liberty under which they were born, partaking of the temper and genius of the parent and shewing marks of their parents bravery in every action.

Courage may be called a distinguishing trait in the American character. There is neither [Page] age nor sex here but what feels the sacred fire—the names of liberty and independence convey the [...] pleasing and lively ideas to the young, as well as to the aged.—Our fathers have related to us instances of valor and patriotism which they saw—in lively colours have these virtues been impressed upon our minds, and we hope that they will not vanish like a thrice told tale, but be forever preserved pure and uncontaminated.

Should any of you, who are now present in this assembly, be ever called out in the defence and service of your country, remember that you are to support the character of brave Americans; remember that you are the defenders of liberty and of the rights of man; that heaven is therefore on your side; and when you fight resolve to conquer or resolve to die!

But it is unnecessary to recommend courage to you my respected audience—allow me to say, that the appearance of this house to day, affords sufficient proofs of valour and of love for our country—whence else this glow of martial zeal in every countenance, whence else the smile of generous bravery in every face?—The standard [Page] of liberty which you have just erected, with its colours floating in the air and [...] senting the fifteen United States, as so [...] stars in the moral firmament, bespeaks aloud your unshaken patriotism—Your past conduct is like wise a sufficient proof of your present courage and public spirit—Let yon fields bear witness, with what patriotic ardour, with what undaunted courage, the brave citizens of Elizabeth pursued and harrassed a [...]erce, a cruel, and a turbulent foe.

Whose heart does not glow with gratitude to our military guardians, to the gallant general as well as to the brave soldier for freedom from the threatened yoke of oppression?—Who will not shed the tear of sympathetic gratitude over our departed heroes? The names of Warren, Mercer and Montgomery, who died fighting the battles of their country, shall never, never be forgotton.

But ye are not dead illustrious captains! Ye are not dead but removed to the armies of heaven! It is there with a complacent and holy submission, ye are waiting to be rejoined by your renowned CHIEF, and with him to mingle [Page] among the innumerable hierarchies that surround the throne of God; while your names with his, embalmed by your glorious and shining actions, shall be had in sweet remembrance, by your countrymen to the remotest ages of the world.

" The stars shall fade away,

" The sun himself grow dim with age

" And nature sink in years;"

But virtuous acts and glorious deeds like thine

Shall never suffer in the general wreck,

But stand unmov'd amid the direful clang

Of falling nature and expiring worlds.—

Notes

*

Governor Livingston.

↵

*

"Admit that your fleets could destroy our towns and ravage our sea coasts; these are inconsiderable objects, things of no moment to men, whose bosoms glow with the ardor of liberty. We can retire beyond the reach of your navy, and, without any sensible diminution of the necessaries of life, enjoy a luxury, which from that period you will want; the luxury of being free."—Address of the Congress of 1775 to the inhabitants of Great Britain.

↵

*

See the second volume of Gibbon's decline and fall of the Roman empire.

↵

*

The late insurrection at Pittsburgh, and in the western country, which has taken place since this Oration was delivered, proves the truth of this observation.

↵

*

See Robertson's Charles V. Introduction.

↵

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN ORATION DELIVERED IN THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, AT ELIZABETH-TOWN, ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1794, At the request of the Militia Officers, IT BEING THE EIGHTEENTH ANNIVERSARY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.

By Isaac Watts Crane, A. M.

Published at the request of a number of the auditors.

T [...] Reipublicae quasi membra comple [...] est;

Artes belli, artes pacis, religla [...]e [...]

Theod. [...]

[...]—PRINTED BY JOHN WOODS—1795.

Information about this book

Title statement

An oration delivered in the Presbyterian Church, at Elizabeth-town, on the Fourth of July, 1794, at the request of the militia officers, it being the eighteenth anniversary of American independence. / By Isaac Watts Crane, A.M. ; Published at the request of a number of the auditors. ; [Two lines in Latin from Marcilius]

Crane, Isaac Watts, d. 1856.

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Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2006-02.

ID [DLPS]

N21665

ID [TCP]

N21665

ID [STC]

Evans 28499

ID [NOTIS]

APW6200

ID [IMAGE-SET]

28499

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99012334

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 28499.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N21665)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 28499)

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Source

— An oration delivered in the Presbyterian Church, at Elizabeth-town, on the Fourth of July, 1794, at the request of the militia officers, it being the eighteenth anniversary of American independence. / By Isaac Watts Crane, A.M. ; Published at the request of a number of the auditors. ; [Two lines in Latin from Marcilius], Crane, Isaac Watts, d. 1856..

Extent

23, [1] p.

--Printed by John Woods,. Newark [N.J.] :: --1795..

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