ON this day, eighteen years, a nation was born at once, a new order of things arose, and an illustrious aera in the history of human af­fairs commenced. The ties which before had joined us to Great-Britain were severed, and we assumed a place among the powers of the earth.

Having delivered the first oration that was spo­ken in the United-States, to celebrate this great event, I feel myself doubly honored in being a­gain called upon, after a lapse of sixteen years, to perform the same duty. Were my abilities equal to the important subject, your entertainment would be great; but I must cast myself on your candor, and solicit indulgence, for falling far short of that display of eloquence, which this eventful day is calculated to inspire.

It is worthy of remark, that the discovery of America was nearly co-incident with the inventi­on of the art of printing and of the mariner's compass. From these three sources the condition of mankind has been greatly improved. By means of the art of printing, the darkness of ignorance, which for many centuries had overshadowed man­kind [Page 4] has given place to the light of knowledge, and learned men of every clime constitute but one republic. In consequence of the mariner's compass, all the nations of our globe form one extended family, reciprocally administering to the wants of each other. May I be allowed to add, that the discovery of America is the first [...]ink of a chain of causes, which bids fair to en­ [...]arge the happiness of mankind, by regenerating the principles of government in every quarter of the world. Among the events resulting from this discovery, and which lead to that great revo­ [...]ution, the declaration of independence is conspi­ciously preeminent. I will not would your ears, on this festive day, by a repetition of the many injuries received by this country from Great-Bri­tain, which forced us to cut the Gordian knot, which before had joined us together. Suffice it to observe, that for the twelve years preceeding the fourth of July, 1776, claim rose on claim, injury followed injury, and oppression trod on the heels of oppression, till we had no alternative left but that of abject slavery, or compleat independence. The spirit of freedom decided in favor of the latter. Heaven smiled on our exertions. After an eight years war in which our countrymen dis­played the patience, the perseverance, and the magnanimity of republicans, struggling for every thing that is dear to freemen, their most sanguine wishes were realised. The government of Great-Britain, which began the war to enforce their claim, to bind us in all cases whatsoever, after spending a hundred millions of money, and sacrificing a hun­dred thousand subjects, to no purpose, was obli­ged [Page 5] to give up the contest, to retire from our shores, and to relinquish, by a solemn treaty, all claim to bind us in any case whatsoever. Such a triumph of liberty could not fail of vibrating round the world. A great and mighty nation, on the other side of the Atlantic, in imitation of our example, has abolished a system of oppression, under which their forefathers for many centuries had groaned. We trust and hope, that they will discover as great abilities in planning and execu­ting a good new government, as they have hitherto done in destroying an ancient bad one. Should this well founded expectation be realised, we may hope, that revolutions will follow revolutions, till despotism is banished from our globe. In this point of view, the enlarged philanthropist must not only rejoice in the benefits acquired by this country from its independence, but still more in those, which are likely to flow from it to the op­pressed of every country.

It may seem presumptuous for us, who are a nation but of yesterday, to arrogate to ourselves the merit of having enlightened mankind in the art of government: but we became an independ­ent people, under circumstances so favorable to the rights of man, that great indeed must have been our stupidity, had we not done so. When we review the origin of other nations, we find that accidental circumstances had a principle share in forming their constitution. At one time a success­ful invader, at another a daring chieftain, fixed the constituent parts of their government; but it ne­ver was known, anterior to our days, that a great, wise, and enlightened people, were peaceably con­vened [Page 6] by their representatives to deliberate on the principles of a constitution, by which they were to be governed. From the first settlement of this country, every thing concured to inspire its inha­bitants with the love of liberty. The facility of procuring landed property, gave every citizen an opportunity of becoming an independent freehol­der. Remote from the influence of kings, bi­shops, and nobles, the equality of rights was in­culcated by the experience of every day. Having grown up to maturity under circumstances so fa­vorable to liberty, and then being at once severed from all connexion with the old world, the people of this country, in forming a constitution for their future government, had every incitement to esta­blish such principles, as promised to secure the greatest possible sum of political good, with the least possible portion of evil. When such a peo­ple were perfectly their own masters, and free to adopt any constitution they pleased, great would have been their shame, had they not improved on those forms of government which originated in times of darkness, and were instituted under the influence of privileged orders. On this anniversa­ry of independence, it cannot be improper to shew that this has actually been done, and that in con­sequence thereof we enjoy advantages, rights and privileges superior to most, if not to all of the human race. Bear with me then, while I attempt to demonstrate this, by a detail of particulars:

In entering on this subject, where shall I be­gin? Where shall I end? Proofs are unnecessary. I need only appeal to experience. I have a wit­ness in the breast of every one who hears me, [Page 7] and who knows the condition of the common peo­ple in other countries. In the United States, the blessings of society are enjoyed with the least pos­sible relinquishment of personal liberty. We have hit the happy medium between despotism and anarchy. Every citizen is perfectly free of the will of every other citizen, while all are equal­ly subject to the laws. Among us no one can ex­ercise any authority by virtue of birth. All start equal in the race of life. No man is born a legi­slator. We are not bound by any laws but those to which we have consented. We are not called upon to pay our money to support the idleness and extravagance of court favorites. No burdens are imposed on us, but such as the public good re­quires. No enormous salaries are received by the few at the expense of the many. No taxes are levied, but such as are laid equally on the legisla­tor and private citizen. No man can be deprived of his life, liberty or property, but by operation of laws, freely, fairly and by common consent previously enacted.

The liberty of the press is enjoyed, in these states, in a manner that is unknown in other countries. Each citizen thinks what he pleases, and speaks and writes what he thinks. Pardon me, illustrious Washington, that I have inwardly rejoiced on seeing thy much respected name abu­sed in our newspapers. Slanders against thy ada­mantine character, are as harmless as pointless ar­rows shot from broken bows; but they prove that our printing presses are free. The doors of our legislative assemblies are open, and the con­duct of our state officers may be safely questioned [Page 8] before the bar of the public, by any private citi­zen. So great is the responsibility of men in high stations among us, that it is the fashion to [...]ule well. We read of the rapacity, cruelty and oppression of men in power; but our rulers seem, [...]or the most part, to be exempt from these vices. Such are the effects of governments, formed on equal principles, that men in authority cannot ea­sily forget, that they are the servants of the com­munity, over which they preside. Our rulers, taken from the people, and at stated periods re­turning to them, have the strongest incitement to make the public will their guide, and the public good their end.

Among the privileges enjoyed by the ci­tizens of these states, we may reckon an exemption from ecclesiastical establishments. These promote hypocrisy, and uniformly have been engines of oppression. They have trans­mitted error from one generation to another, and restrained that free spirit of enquiry, which leads [...]o improvement. In this country, no priest can [...]ecimate the fruits of our industry, nor is any preference whatever, given to one sect above another. Religious freedom, banished from al­most every other corner of the globe, has fixed her standard among us, and kindly invites the distres­sed from all quarters to repair thither. In some places fire and faggot await the man, who pre­sumes to exercise his reason in matters of faith. [...]n others, a national creed is established, and ex­clusion from office is inflicted on all, however worthy, who dare to dissent. In these happy states, it is a fundamental constitutional point, [Page 9] "that no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust." The experience of eighteen years, has proved that this universal equality is the most effectual method of preserving peace among contending sects. It has also demonstrated, that the church and state are distinct societies, and can very well subsist with­out any alliance, or dependence on each other. While the government, without partiality to any denomination, leaves all to stand on an equal footing, none can prove successful but by the learning, virtue, and piety of its professors.

Our political situation, resulting from indepen­dence, tends to exalt and improve the minds of our citizens. Great occasions always produce great men. While we were subjects, the func­tions of government were performed for us, but not by us. To administer the public affairs of fifteen states, and of four millions of people, the military, civil, and political talents of ma­ny will be necessary. Every office, in each of these multifarious departments, is open to every citizen, who has the abilities requisite for the discharge of its duties. Such prospects cannot fail of exciting a laudable ambition in our youth to make them­selves worthy of public confidence.

It is one of the peculiar privileges we enjoy, in consequence of independence, that no individual, no party interest, no foreign influence can plunge us into war. Under our excellent constitution, that scourge of nations will be avoided, unless unprovoked and unredressed injuries rouse the bo­dy of the people. Had we not asserted our rank among nations, we, as appendages to Great Bri­tain, would this day have been engaged in hostil­lities [Page 10] against France, though bravely struggling for the rights of man: and all this at the call of a foreign master, and without any voice or will of our own in the matter. Think of the cruel war now carrying on by kings and nobles against the equal rights of man—call to mind the slaughtered thousands, whose blood is daily shedding on the plains of Europe, and let your daily tribute of thanks ascend to the common parent of the uni­verse, who has established you in a separate go­vernment, exempt from participating in these hor­rid scenes.

To all the advantages of neutrality, we, as an independent people, are entitled by the laws of nations, of nature, and of God. But it must be acknowledged, that at present we are deprived of many of them. The same spirit, which influ­enced Great Britain to attempt the subversion of our independence, has led her to commit un­warranted outrages on our commerce, If the voice and interest of the people of that country, was the rule of their government, as it is with us, these aggressions on our rights would never have taken place; but unfortunately for them, and for us, the interests of the great body of their sub­jects have been sacrificed to the fears and jealousies of their privileged orders. In the madness of their zeal to restrain France from doing, what eve­ry independent nation has a right to do, they have needlessly plunged their own country into a ruinous war; and in the prosecution of it, instead of respecting our rights, as a neutral nation, they have treated us as if we were their subjects, bound to forego every branch of our accustomed lawful commerce, that might, in their apprehen­sion [Page 11] contravene their designs. Many thanks t [...] our worthy president, for his honest endeavors t [...] preserve to us the blessings of peace. May the [...] be successful; but if on their failure, the last ex­tremity must be resorted to, we may call heaven and earth to witness, that all the blood, and a [...] the guilt of war, will lie at the door of Great-Britain. Peace was our interest—peace was ou [...] wish; and for the preservation of it, the govern­ment and people of these states have done every thing that was reasonable and proper for them to do. May the sword of the United States never be unsheathed for the purposes of ambition; bu [...] if it must be uplifted in self defence, may it fal [...] with decisive effect on the disturbers of mankind. I beg pardon for this digression, and with pleasure turn away from contemplating the follies of that government, a separation from which we this day celebrate, that I may proceed in pointing out the superior advantages, which we, as an indepen­dent people enjoy.

If we are to judge of the excellence of a govern­ment from its fruits, in the happiness of its sub­jects, we have abundant reason to be pleased with our own—since the peace of 1783, our country has been in a state of progressive improve­ment—debts and other embarrassments growing out of the late war, are, in in most cases, nearly annihilated. Our numbers have been greatly augmented, both from the introduction of fo­reigners and the natural increase of our own citi­zens. Our exports and imports have overflowed all their ancient boundaries. A revenue sufficient to support national credit, and to satisfy all other [Page 12] public exigencies, has been easily raised, and that without burdening the people. Upon an average, [...] of our citizens do not pay as much to the support of government as one European subject. The whole sum expended in administering the public affairs of the United States, is not equal [...] the fourth part of what is annually spent in supporting one crowned head in Europe.

From the increase of our trade and population, new ports are daily opened, and new towns and cities lift their heads in all directions. The wil­derness on our western frontier, is constantly les­sening by the extension of new settlements. Ma­ [...]y who now hear me, have been witness to the legislature of a state comfortably accommodated [...] a place, where seven years ago the trees of the forest had never experienced the ax of the hus­bandman.

It was hoped by our enemies, and feared by our friends, that the people of independent America, would not readily coalesce under a government, sufficiently energetic for the security of property and the preservation of internal peace; but they have both been disappointed. In these states there is a vigorous execution of the laws, and an upright administration of justice. Property and personal rights are well secured. Criminals are easily brought to suffer the punishments due to their demerits: and no legal impediment exists in the way of creditors recovering the full amount of what is due to them. These blessings are se­cured to us without the intervention of a standing army. Our government resting on the affections of the people, needs no other support than that of [Page 13] citizen soldiers. How unlike this to foreign coun­tries, where enormous taxes are necessary to pa [...] standing armies, and where standing armies an necessary to secure the payment of enormous taxes.

Time would fail to enumerate all the superior advantages our citizens enjoy under that free go­vernment to which independence gave birth. [...] may safely affirm, in general, that as it proceeded from the people, it has been administered for their benefit. The public good has been the pole star by which its operations have been direc­ted.

That we may rightly prize our political condi­tion, let us cast our eyes over the inhabitants of the old world, and contrast their situation with our own. A few among them are exalted to be more than men, but the great bulk of the people, bowed down under the galling yoke of oppression, are in a state of dependence which debases hu­man nature. In the benighted regions of Asia, and Africa, ignorance and despotism frown over the unhappy land. The lower classes are treated like beasts of burden, and transferred without ce­remony from one master to another. In some parts of Europe, the condition of the peasantry is not quite so bad, but in what country are the rights and happiness of the common people so much respected as in these states? In this enume­ration I purposely omit France. Her former go­vernment was one of the worst. We trust and hope, that when peace is restored, her enlighten­ed rulers will furnish a new and strong proof of the connexion between liberty and happiness.

Among the established governments of Europe [Page 14] that of Great-Britain deservedly stands high: that is faulty in that we have avoided, what is excellent in it we have transplanted into our own, with additions and improvements. Is trail by ju­ [...] the pride of Britain? It is in like manner the birthright of our citizens. Do Englishmen boast of the privileges they enjoy by virtue of the act of parliament, commonly called the Habeas cor­pus act? We enjoy the same, and with more faci­ [...]ty, for with us two magistrates (one of whom is of the quorum) are empowered to give all the re­ [...]eef to a confined citizen which is contemplated by that act. Do Englishmen glory in the revolution of 1633, and of the cotemporary acts of parlia­ment, which declared the rights and liberties of the subject? We have much more reason to be around of our constitution. Whoever examines [...]hese decalratory acts of the English parliament, will find, that all the provisions in favor of liberty which they contain, fly up and kick the beam, when weighed against the following single sentence in our constitution: "All power is originally vested on the people, and all [...] governments are found­ed on their authority, [...] [...]tuted for their peace, safety and happiness.

It is true, that by the revolution of 1688, the people of England got a foreign prince to rule over them, on better terms than their own domes­tic tyrants had done, but nevertheless, they only exchanged one master for another: For in their Act of settlement, to use their own words, "they most humbly and faithfully submitted themselves, their heirs and their posterities." This aera was only the early dawn of that liberty which now [Page 15] shines on us in its noontide blaze. It was reserved for Americans to put government on its proper foundation, the sovereignty of the people.

Do Englishmen value themselves on what is called Magna Charta? In the preamble to this ce­lebrated instrument, it is stated, that "the king, of his mere free will, gave and granted to all free­men of his realm, the liberties" which are there­in specified. What is thus said to be given and granted by the free will of the sovereign, we the people of America hold in our own right. The sovereignty rests in ourselves, and instead of re­ceiving the privileges of free citizens as a boon from the hands of our rulers, we defined their powers by a constitution of our own framing, which prescribed to them, that thus far they might go, but no farther. All power, not thus expressly delegated, is retained. Here, let us pause, and leisurely survey the difference, the im­mense difference, between a citizen and a subject. A free citizen, of a free state, is the highest style of man. A subject is born in a state of depen­dence, and bound to obey. A citizen has within himself a portion of [...], and is capable of forming or amend [...] [...] constitution, by which he is to be governed; and of electing, or of being elected, to the office of its first magi­strate. In monarchies, the subjects are what they are by the grace of their sovereign; but in free representative governments, rulers are what they are by the grace of the people.

In comparing the construction of the legisla­tive assemblies of these states, with the parlia­ment of Great Britain, how striking the contrast [...] [Page 16] Here the representatives are apportioned on such principles as collects and transmits the real senti­ments of the represented: But in Great Britain the parliament is a mockery of representation. The electors are but a handful of the whole mass of subjects. Large towns have few or no re­presentatives, while decayed boroughs are author­ised to send infinitely more than would be their quota on any reasonable system. In these states the legislative assemblies are like miniature pictures of the whole community, where each part re­tains its comparative importance, though on a re­duced scale. In the parliament of Great Britain, the few give law to the many. It has been de­monstrated by calculations on this subject, that a majority of the English house of commons is cho­sen by less than 8000 persons, though the king­dom contains more than eight millions of sub­jects. Here the views and wishes of the legisla­ture, are for the most part the views and wishes of the people; but in England the reverse is often the case. In the British parliament, the minister with a pensioned majority, may carry what schemes he pleases; but in our legislative assemblies, every overture must stand or fall according to its real or apparent tendency▪ to help or hurt the people. Thus might I go on till I outraged your patience, in demonstrating the superiority of our govern­ment over those which are reputed the best in the old world.

With such a constitution, and with such exten­sive territory, as we possess, to what heighth of national greatness may we not aspire? Some of our large states have territory superior to the island [Page 17] of Great Britain, and the whole together are lit­tle inferior to Europe itself. The natural advan­tages of our country are many and great. We are not left to depend on others for our support and strength. Our luxuriant soil is capable of producing, not only enough for the encreasing multitude that inhabits it, but a surplusage for exportation, sufficient to supply the wants of hun­dreds of thousands in foreign countries. Our numbers, if they continue to encrease, as they hitherto have done, will, in less than a century, amount to forty millions. The light of science is kindling up in every corner of these states. Ma­nufactures, and all the useful arts are making rapid progress among us, while agriculture, the first and best employment of man, surpasses all its ancient limits. With pleasure I could dwell on the pleasing prospect of our rising greatness; but I hasten to point out what is the line of con­duct proper to be pursued by those who are so highly favored. We ought, in the first place, to be grateful to the All-wise disposer of events, who has given us so great a portion of political happiness. To possess such a country, with the blessings of liberty and peace, together with that security of person and property, which results from a well ordered efficient government, is, or ought to be matter of constant thankfulness.

Industry, frugality and temperance, are vir­tues which we should eminently cultivate. These are the only foundation, on which a popular go­vernment can rest with safety. Republicans should be plain in their apparel—their entertain­ments, their furniture and their equipage. Idle­ness [Page 18] extravagance and dissipation of every kind, should be banished from our borders. It is from the industrious alone that we can gather strength. The virtues now recommended, are those which prepared infant Rome for all her greatness. It is only from the practice of them, that we can ex­pect to attain that rank among nations, to which our growing numbers and extensive territory, en­title us to aspire.

While we celebrate this day, we should call to recollection those who have nobly fallen in sup­port of independence. Time would fail to do them justice individually. To mention the names of some, seems a species of injury to others, who are equally deserving of our praise. It is the bu­siness of the historian to recite their names and to tell their gallant deeds. Let us, while we re­collect their virtues, be animated with the love of our country, that like them, when called upon, we may die in its defence.

Many of those tried friends, who bravely fought our battles, or who wisely conducted our civil af­fairs, through the late revolution, have taken their leave of this earthly stage, and a new generation has nearly grown up in their places. On them it depends to finish what their fathers have begun. Much is still wanting to perfect our internal po­lice. As our government rests on the broad base of the people, every exertion should be made to diffuse virtue and knowledge among them. The uninformed and misinformed, are fit tools to sub­serve the views of the turbulent and ambitious. Ignorance is the enemy of liberty, & the nurse of despotism. Let it, therefore, be our study to [Page 19] multiply and facilitate the means of instruction, through every part of our country. This would be a safe and constitutional antidote to aristocracy. In these states, where the rights of primogeniture are abolished—where offices are open to all—where elections are frequent, and the right of suf­frage is universal and equal; if we go one step further, and give the poor the means of educa­tion, as well as the rich, our yeomanry can have nothing to fear from any man, or any association of men, however distinguished by birth, office, fortune or abilities.

Had I a voice that could be heard from New Hampshire to Georgia, it should be exerted in urging the necessity of disseminating virtue and knowledge among our citizens. On this subject, the policy of the eastern states is well worthy of imitation. The wise people of that extremity of the union, never form a new township, without making arrangements, that secure to its inhabi­tants the instruction of youth and the public preaching of the gospel. Hence their children are early taught to know their rights, and to re­spect themselves. They grow up good mem­bers of society, and staunch defenders of their country's cause. No daring demagogue—no craf­ty Cataline—no ambitious Alexander, can make any impression on the liberties of such an enlight­ened people.

To France is assigned the task of defending re­publicanism by arms; but our duty is of a differ­ent kind. Separated by the wide Atlantic from the bloody dissentions of the old world, we should study to cultivate every useful art—to enjoy in [Page 20] peace with all mankind, the numerous blessings which providence has thrown in our way—to tran­smit them to posterity, and to extend them to all within our reach. This ought to be the ambi­tion of Americans, and not to seek an enlarge­ment of their dominion, or to build their ad­vancement on the degradation of others.

We should, above all things, study to promote the union and harmony of the different states. Perish the man was wishes to divide us into back country, or low country, into a northern and southern, or into an eastern and western interest. Forming one empire, we will be truly respectable, but divided into two, or more, we must become the sport of foreign nations, and peace will be forever exiled from our borders. The unity and indivisibility of the republic is an essential part of the French constitution, so it ought to be with us. We should consider the people of this country, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, from New­Hampshire to Georgia, as forming one whole, the interest of which should be prefered to that of every part. Even the prejudices, peculiarities, and local habits of the different states, should be respected and tenderly dealt with.

The art of government has never yet been brought near to that degree of perfection of which it is capable. It is lamentably true, that it seldom or never has been administered with an ex­press view to its proper object, the happiness of the governed. We should be fired with the ge­nerous ambition of teaching mankind, by our example, that the people are capable of govern­ing themselves to better purpose, than it ever has [Page 21] been done by kings and privileged orders. Men of high rank, in Europe, have asserted, that a go­vernment formed at noon, on the equal principles we have adopted, would terminate before the set­ting of the sun. This day begins the nineteenth year of ours, and it now stronger and more firmly established than it ever was. We know, by expe­rience, that the costly pageantry of kings and courts, is not essential to political happiness. From the vigor of our free government, and es­sentially from its answering every purpose, that a government ought to answer, the world may learn, that there is no necessity in the nature of things for man to lord it over man. Inferences may be fairly drawn from our present happy po­litical situation, which lead to the extirpation of despotism from the face of the globe. Let us forward this desirable revolution, not by officious­ly intermeddling with the internal polity of foreign countries, but by exhibiting such an accumulation of private virtue and public happiness, that other na­tions, struck with the fruits of our excellent consti­tution, may be induced, from free choice, to new model their own, on similar principles.

The eyes of the world are fixed on this coun­try and on France. The abettors of tyranny are anxiously looking for opportunities to discre­dit the new doctrines of the rights of man. They, on every occasion, represent them as leading to confusion and anarchy. Equality of rights, and equality of property, is, in their opinion, one and the same thing. Let the wisdom of our laws, and the orderly conduct of our citizens, dis­appoint their wishes, and give the lie to their ca­lumnies [Page 22] Let us teach them, by our example, that genuine republicanism is friendly to order and a proper subordination in society—that it is hostile to mobs and licentiousness of every kind, but the firm supporter of constitued authorities—the guardian of property, as well as of the rights of man.

France is daily proving, that a handful of citi­zens, fighting under the banners of liberty, is more than a match for an host of mercenaries, engaged in support of tyranny. It remains for us to recommend free governments, by the ex­ample of a peaceable, orderly, virtuous and hap­py people. We should press forward in accom­plishing every thing that can add to the common stock of public good. While war, with its hor­rid attendants, is the pastime of kings, let it be the study of republicans, to make unceasing ad­vances in every thing than can improve, refine, or embellish society. Animated with this noble ambition, the superior happiness of our country, will amply repay us for the blood and treasure which independence has cost. May that ambi­tion fire our breasts, and may that happiness in­crease, and know no end, till time shall be no more.