LIFE OF DOCTOR BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, &c.

I HAVE amused myself with collecting some lit­tle anecdotes of my family. You may remember the enquiries I made, when you were with me in England, among such of my relations as were then living; and the journey I undertook for that pur­pose. To be acquainted with the particulars of my parentage and life, many of which are unknown to you, I flatter myself, will afford the same plea­sure to you as to me. I shall relate them upon pa­per: it will be an agreeable employment of a week's uninterrupted leisure, which I promise myself du­ring my present retirement in the country. There are also other motives which induce me to the un­dertaking. From the bosom of poverty and obscu­rity, in which I drew my first breath and spent my earliest years, I have raised myself to a state of opu­lence and to some degree of celebrity in the world. A constant good fortune has attended me through [Page 10] every period of life to my present advanced age; and my descendants may be desirous of learning what were the means of which I made use, and which, thanks to the assisting hand of providence, have proved so eminently successful. They may also, should they ever be placed in a similar situation, derive some advantage from my narrative.

When I reflect, as I frequently do, upon the fe­licity I have enjoyed, I sometimes say to myself, that, were the offer made me, I would engage to run again, from beginning to end, the same career of life. All I would ask should be the privilege of an author, to correct, in a second edition, certain errors of the first. I could wish, likewise, if it were in my power, to change some trivial incidents and events for others more favourable. Were this however denied me, still would I not decline the offer. But since a repetition of life cannot take place, there is nothing which, in my opinion, so nearly resembles it, as to call to mind all its cir­cumstances, and to render their remembrance more durable, commit them to writing. By thus employing myself, I shall yield to the inclination, so natural to old men, to talk of themselves and their exploits, and may freely follow my bent, without being tiresome to those, who, from respect to my age, might think themselves obliged to listen to me; as they will be at liberty to read me or not, as they please. In fine, (and I may well avow it, since nobody would believe me were I to deny it,) I shall perhaps, by this employment gratify my vanity. Scarcely indeed have I ever heard or read the introductory phrase, "I may say without vani­ty," but some striking and characteristic instance [Page 11] of vanity has immediately followed. The generali­ty of men hate vanity in others, however strongly they may be tinctured with it themselves; for my­self, I pay obeisance to it wherever I meet with it, persuaded that it is advantageous, as well to the in­dividual whom it governs, as to those who are with­in the sphere of its influence. Of consequence, it would, in many cases, not be wholly absurd, that a man should count his vanity among the other sweets of life, and give thanks to providence for the blessing.

And here let me with all humility acknowledge, that to divine providence I am indebted for the feli­city I have hitherto enjoyed. It is that power alone which has furnished me with the means I have em­ployed, and that has crowned them with success. My faith in this respect leads me to hope, though I cannot count upon it, that the divine goodness will still be exercised towards me, either by pro­longing the duration of my happiness to the close of life, or by giving me fortitude to support any melancholy reverse, which may happen to me, as to so many others. My future fortune is unknown but to him in whose hand is our destiny, and who can make our very afflictions subservient to our benefit.

One of my uncles, desirous, like myself, of col­lecting anecdotes of our family, gave me some notes, from which I have derived many particulars re­specting our ancestors. From these I learn, that they had lived in the same village (Eaton in North­amptonshire) upon a freehold of about thirty acres, for the space at least of three hundred years. How long they had resided there prior to that period, my uncle had been unable to discover; probably [Page 12] ever since the institution of surnames, when they took the appellation of Franklin; which had formerly been the name of a particular order of indi­viduals^*.

This pretty estate would not have sufficed for their subsistence, had they not added the trade of black­smith, which was perpetuated in the family down to my uncles time, the eldest son having been uni­formerly [Page 13] brought up to this employment: a custom which both he and my father observed with respect to their eldest sons.

In the researches I made at Eaton, I found no account of their births, marriages, and deaths, ear­lier than in the year 1555; the parish register not extending farther back than that period. This re­gister informed me, that I was the youngest son of the youngest branch of the family, counting five generations. My grandfather, Thomas, who was born in 1598, living at Eaton till he was too old to continue his trade, when he retired to Banbury in Oxfordshire, where his son John, who was a dyer, resided, and with whom my father was ap­prenticed. He died, and was buried there: we saw his monument in 1758. His eldest son lived in the family house at Eaton, which he bequeath­ed, with the land belonging to it, to his only daugh­ter; who, in concert with her husband, Mr. Fisher of Wellingborough, afterwards sold it to Mr. Est­ed, the present proprietor.

My grandfather had four surviving sons, Thomas John, Benjamin, and Josias. I shall give you such particulars of them as my memory will furnish, not having my papers here, in which you will find a more minute account, if they are not lost during my absence.

Thomas had learned the trade of blacksmith under his father; but possessing a good natural un­derstanding, he improved it by study, at the solici­tation of a gentleman of the name of Palmer, who was at that time the principal inhabitant of the vil­lage, and who encouraged in like manner all my uncles to improve their minds. Thomas thus ren­dered himself competent to the functions of a coun­try [Page 14] attorney; soon became an essential personage in the affairs of the village; and was one of the chief movers of every public enterprize, as well re­lative to the county as the town of Northampton. A variety of remarkable incidents were told us of him at Eaton. After enjoying the esteem and pa­tronage of Lord Halifax, he died, January 6, 1702, precisely four years before I was born. The re­cital that was made us of his life and character, by some aged persons of the village, struck you, I remember, as extraordinary, from its analogy to what you knew of myself, "Had he died," said you, "just four years later, one might have suppos­ed a transmigration of souls."

John, to the best of my belief, was brought up to the trade of a wool-dyer.

Benjamin served his apprenticeship in London to a silk-dyer. He was an industrious man; I re­member him well; for, while I was a child, he joined my father at Boston, and lived for some years in the house with us. A particular affection had always subsisted between my father and him and I was his godson: He arrived to a great age. He left behind him two quarto volumes of poems in manuscript, consisting of little fugitive pieces addressed to his friends. He had invented a short­hand, which he taught me, but having never made use of it, I have now forgotten it. He was a man of piety, and a constant attendant on the best preachers, whose sermons he took a pleasure in writing down according to the expeditory method he had devised. Many volumes were thus collect­ed by him. He was also extremely fond of poli­tics too much so perhaps for his situation. I lately found in London a collection which he had made [Page 15] of all the principal pamphlets relative to public af­fairs, from the year 1641 to 1717. Many volumes are wanting, as appears by the series of numbers; but there still remain eight in folio, and twenty four in quarto and octavo. The collection had fallen into the hands of a second-hand bookseller, who, knowing me by having sold me some books, brought it to me. My uncle, it seems, had left it behind him on his departure for America, about fifty years ago. I found various notes of his writing in the margins. His grandson, Samuel, is now living at Boston.

Our humble family had early embraced the Re­formation. They remained faithfully attached du­ring the reign of QUEEN MARY, when they were in danger of being molested on account of their zeal against Popery. They had an English Bible, and, to conceal it the more securely, they conceived the project of fastening it, open, with pack-threads a­cross the leaves, on the inside of the lid of a close-stool. When my great-grandfather wished to read to his family, he reversed the lid of the close-stool upon his knees, and passed the leaves from one side to the other, which were held down on each by the pack-thread. One of the children was stationed at the door to give notice if he saw the proctor (an offi­cer of the spiritual court) make his appearance: in that case, the lid was restored to its place with the Bible concealed under it as before. I had this anec­dote from my uncle Benjamin.

The whole family preserved its attachment to the Church of England till towards the close of the reign of Charles II. when certain ministers, who had been ejected as non-conformists, having held Conventicles in Northamptonshire, they were join­ed [Page 16] by Benjamin and Josias, who adheared to them ever after. The rest of the family continued in the Episcopal Church.

My father, Josias, married early in life. He went, with his wife and three children, to New England, about the year 1682. Conventicles be­ing at that time prohibited by law, and frequently disturbed, some considerable persons of his acquaint­ance determined to go to America, where they hoped to enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and my father was prevailed on to accompany them.

My father had also by the same wife four children born in America, and ten others by a second wife, making in all seventeen. I remember to have seen thirteen seated together at his table, who all arrived to years of maturity, and were married. I was the last of the sons, and the youngest child, excepting two daughters. I was born at Boston in New Eng­land. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first colonists of New England, of whom Cotton Ma­ther makes honourable mention, in his Ecclesiasti­cal History of that province, as ‘a pious and learn­ed Englishman,’ if I rightly recollect his expres­sions. I have been told of his having written a variety of little pieces; but there appears to be on­ly one in print, which I met with many years ago. It was published in the year 1675, and is in fami­liar verse, agreeably to the taste of the times and the country. The author addresses himself to the governors for the time being, speaks for liberty of conscience, and in favour of the anabaptists, qua­kers, and other sectaries, who had suffered perse­cution. To this persecution he attributes the wars with the natives, and other calamities which afflict­ed [Page 17] the country, regarding them as the judgments of God in punishment of so odious an offence, and he exhorts the government to the repeal of laws so contrary to charity. The poem appeared to be written with a manly freedom and a pleasing sim­plicity. I recollect the six concluding lines, though I have forgotten the order of words of the two first; the sense of which was, that his censures were dic­tated by benevolence, and that, of consequence, he wished to be known as the author; because, said he, I hate from my very soul dissimulation:

My brothers were all put apprentice to differ­ent trades. With respect to myself, I was sent, at the age of eight years, to a grammar school. My father destined me for the church, and already re­garded me as the chaplain of the family. The promptitude with which from my infancy I had learned to read, for I do not remember to have been ever without this acquirement, and the en­couragement of his friends, who assured him that I should one day certainly become a man of letters, confirmed him in this design. My uncle Benja­min approved also of the scheme, and promised to give me all his volumes of sermons, written, as I have said, in the short-hand of his invention if I would take the pains to learn it.

I remained however scarcely a year at grammar school, although, in this short interval, I had ri­sen from the middle to the head of my class, from [Page 18] thence to the class immediately above, and was to pass, at the end of the year, to the one next in or­der. But my father, burthened with a numerous family, found that he was incapable, without sub­jecting himself to difficulties, of providing for the expence of a collegiate education, and considering besides, as I heard him say to his friends, that per­sons so educated were often poorly provided for, he renounced his first intentions, took me from the grammar school, and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a Mr. George Brownwel, who was a skilful master, and succeed­ed very well in his profession by employing gen­tle means only, and such as were calculated to en­courage his scholars. Under him I soon acquired an excellent hand; but I failed in arithmetic, and made therein no sort of progress.

At ten years of age I was called home to assist my father in his occupation, which was that of soap-boiler and tallow-chandler; a business to which he had served no apprenticeship, but which he embraced on his arrival in New England, be­cause he found his own, that of a dyer, in too lit­tle request to enable him to maintain his family. I was accordingly employed in cutting the wicks, filling the moulds, taking care of the shop, carry­ing messages, &c.

This business displeased me, and I felt a strong inclination for a sea life; but my father set his face against it. The vicinity of the water, however, gave me frequent opportunities of venturing my­self both upon and within it, and I soon acquired the art of swimming, and of managing a boat.—When embarked with other children, the helm [Page 19] was commonly deputed to me, particularly on dif­ficult occasions; and, in every other project, I was almost always the leader of the troop, whom I sometimes involved in embarrassments. I shall give an instance of this, which demonstrates an early disposition of mind for public enterprises, though the one in question was not conducted by justice.

The mill-pond was terminated on one side by a marsh, upon the borders of which we were accus­tomed to take our stand, at high water, to angle for small fish. By dint of walking, we had con­verted the place into a perfect quagmire. My pro­posal was to erect a wharf that should afford us firm footing; and I pointed out to my companions a large heap of stones, intended for the building a new house near the marsh, and which were well adapted for our purpose. Accordingly, when the workmen retired in the evening, I assembled a number of my playfellows, and by labouring dili­gently, like ants, sometimes four of us uniting our strength to carry a single stone, we removed them all, and constructed our little quay. The work­men were surprised the next morning at not find­ing their stones, which had been conveyed to our wharf. Enquiries were made respecting the au­thors of this conveyance; we were discovered; complaints were exhibited against us; many of us underwent correction on the part of our parents; and though I strenuously defended the utility of the work, my father at length convinced me, that nothing which was not strictly honest could be useful.

It will not, perhaps, be uninteresting to you to know what sort of a man my father was. He had [Page 20] an excellent constitution, was of a middle size, but well made and strong, and extremely active in whatever he undertook. He designed with a de­gree of neatness, and knew a little of music. His voice was sonorious and agreeable; so that when he sung a psalm or hymn with accompaniment of his violin, as was his frequent practice in an even­ing when the labours of the day were finished, it was truly delightful to hear him. He was versed also in mechanics, and could upon oc­casion, use the tools of a variety of trades. But his greatest excellence was a sound understanding and solid judgment in matters of prudence, both in public and private life. In the former indeed he never engaged, because his numerous family and the mediocrity of his fortune, kept him un­remittingly employed in the duties of his professi­on. But I very well remember that the leading men of the place used frequently to come and ask his advice respecting affairs of the town, or of the church to which he belonged, and that they paid much deference to his opinion. Individuals were also in the habit of consulting him in their private affairs, and he was often chosen arbiter between con­tending parties.

He was fond of having at his table, as often as possible, some friends or well informed neighbours capable of rational conversation, and he was al­ways careful to introduce useful or ingenious to­pics of discourse, which might tend to form the minds of his children. By this means he early attracted our attention to what was just, prudent, and beneficial in the conduct of life. He never talked of the meats which appeared upon the ta­ble, never discussed whether they were well or ill [Page 21] dressed, of good or bad flavour, high-seasoned or otherwise, preferable or inferior to this or that dish of a similiar kind. Thus accustomed, from my in­fancy, to the utmost inattention as to these ob­jects, I have always been perfectly regardless of what kind of food was before me; and I pay so little attention to it even now, that it would be a hard matter for me to recollect, a few hours after I had dined, of what my dinner had consisted. When travelling, I have particularly experienced the advantage of this habit; for it has often hap­pened to me to be in company with persons, who, having a more delicate, because a more exercised taste, have suffered in many cases considerable in­convenience; while, as to myself, I have had no­thing to desire.

My mother was likewise possessed of an excel­lent constitution. She suckled all her ten chil­dren, and I never heard either her or my father complain of any other disorder than that of which they died: my father at the age of eighty-seven, and mother at eighty-five. They are buried to­gether at Boston where, a few years ago, I placed a marble over their grave, with this inscription:

I perceive, by my rambling digressions, that I am growing old. But we do not dress for a private company as for a formal ball. This deserves per­haps the name of negligence.

To return. I thus continued employed in my father's trade for the space of two years; that is to say, till I arrived at twelve years of age. About this time my brother John, who had served his ap­prenticeship in London, having quitted my father, and being married and settled in business on his own account at Rhode-Island, I was destined, to all appearance, to supply his place, and be a can­dle-maker all my life: but my dislike of this occu­pation continuing, my father was apprehensive, that, if a more agreeable one were not offered me I might play the truant and escape to sea; as, to his extreme mortification, my brother Josias had done. He therefore took me sometimes to see masons, coopers, braziers, joiners, and other me­chanics employed at their work; in order to dis­cover the bent of my inclination, and fix it if he could upon some occupation that might retain me on shore. I have since, in consequence of these visits, derived no small pleasure from seeing skil­ful workmen handle their tools; and it has proved of considerable benefit, to have acquired [...] sufficient knowledge to be able to make little things for myself when I have had no mechanic at hand, and to construct small machines for my experi­ments, while the idea I have conceived has been [Page 23] fresh and strongly impressed on my imagination.

My father at length decided that I should be a cutler, and I was placed for some days upon trial with my cousin Samuel, son of my uncle Benja­min, who had learned this trade in London, and had established himself at Boston. But the pre­mium he required for my apprenticeship displeasing my father, I was recalled home.

From my earliest years I had been passionately fond of reading, and I laid out in books all the lit­tle money I could procure. I was particularly pleased with accounts of voyages. My first ac­quisition was Bunyan's collection in small separate volumes. These I afterwards sold in order to buy an historical collection by R. Burton, which con­sisted of small cheap volumes, amounting in all to about forty or fifty. My father's little library was principally made up of books of practical and polemical theology. I read the greatest part of them. I have since often regretted, that at a time when I had so great a thirst for knowledge, more eligible books had not fallen into my hands, as it was then a point de [...]d that I should not be edu­cated for the church. There was also among my father's books Plutarch's Lives, in which I read continually, and I still regard as advantageously employed the time I devoted to them. I found besides a work of De Foe's, entitled, an Essay on Projects, from which, perhaps, I derived impres­sions that have since influenced some of the prin­cipal events of my life.

My inclination for books at last determined my father to make me a printer, though he had alrea­dy a son in that profession. My brother had re­turned from England in 1717, with a press and [Page 24] types, in order to establish a printing-house at Bos­ton. This business pleased me much better than that of my father, though I had still a predilection for the sea. To prevent the effects which might result from this inclination, my father was impatient to see me engaged with my brother. I held back for some time; at length however I suffered myself to be persuaded, and signed my indentures, being then only twelve years of age. It was agreed that I should serve as apprentice to the age of twenty-one, and should receive journeyman's wages only during the last year.

In a very short time I made great proficiency in this business, and became very serviceable to my brother. I had now an opportunity of procuring better books. The acquaintance I necessarily formed with booksellers' apprentices, enabled me to borrow a volume now and then, which I never failed to return punctually and without injury. How often has it happened to me to pass the great­er part of the night in reading by my bed-side, when the book had been lent me in the evening, and was to be returned the next morning, lest it might, be missed or wanted.

At length, Mr. Matthew Adams, an ingenious tradesman, who had a handsome collection of books, and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of me. He invited me to see his library, and had the goodness to lend me any books I was desirous of reading. I then took a strange fancy for poetry, and composed several little pieces. My brother, thinking he might find his account in it, encourag­ed me, and engaged me to write two ballads. One, called the Light-house Tragedy, contained an ac­count of the shipwreck of captain Worth [...]lake and [Page 25] his two daughters; the other was a sailor's song on the capture of the noted pirate called Teach, or Black-beard. They were wretched verses in point of style, mere blind-men's ditties. When print­ed, he dispatched me about the town to sell them. The first had a prodigious run, because the event was recent, and had made a great noise.

My vanity was flattered by this success; but my father checked my exultation, by ridiculing my productions, and telling me that versifiers were al­ways poor. I thus escaped the misfortune of being, probably a very wretched poet. But as the faculty of writing prose has been of great service to me in the course of my life, and principally contributed to my advancement, I shall relate by what means, situated as I was, I acquired the small skill I may possess in that way.

There was in the town another young man, a great lover of books, of the name of John Collins, with whom I was intimately connected. We fre­quently engaged in dispute, and were indeed so fond of argumentation, that nothing was so agreea­ble to us as a war of words. This contentious temper, I would observe by the bye, is in danger of becoming a very bad habit, and frequently ren­ders a man's company insupportable, as being no otherwise capable of indulgence than by indiscri­minate contradiction. Independently of the acri­mony and discord it introduces into conversation, it is often productive of dislike, and even hatred, between persons to whom friendship is indispensi­bly necessary. I acquired it by reading, while I lived with my father, books of religious controver­sy. I have since remarked, that men of sense sel­dom fall into this error; lawyers, fellows of univer­sities, [Page 26] and persons of every profession educated at Edinburgh, excepted.

Collins and I fell one day into an argument rela­tive to the education of women; namely, whether it were proper to instruct them in the sciences, and whether they were competent to the study. Col­lins supported the negative, and affirmed that the task was beyond their capacity. I maintained the opposite opinion, a little perhaps for the pleasure of disputing. He was naturally more eloquent than I; words flowed copiously from his lips; and frequently I thought myself vanquished, more by his volubility than by the force of his arguments. We seperated without coming to an agreement up­on this point: and as we were not to see each other again for some time, I committed my thoughts to paper, made a fair copy, and sent it him. He an­swered, and I replied. Three or four letters had been written by each, when my father, chanced to light upon my papers and read them. Without entering into the merits of the cause, he embraced the opportunity of speaking to me upon my man­ner of writing. He observed, that though I had the advantage of my adversary in correct spelling and pointing, which I owed to my occupation, I was greatly his inferior in elegance of expression, in arrangement, and perspicuity. Of this he con­vinced me by several examples. I felt the justice of his remarks, became more attentive to language, and resolved to make every effort to improve my style. Amidst these resolves an odd volume of the Spectator fell into my hands. This was a publica­tion I had never seen. I bought the volume, and read it again and again. I was enchanted with it, thought the style excellent, and wished it were in [Page 27] my power to imitate it. With this view I selected some of the papers, made short summaries of the sense of each period, and put them for a few days aside. I then, without looking at the book endea­voured to restore the essays to their true form, and to express each thought at length, as it was in the original, employing the most appropriate words that occurred to my mind. I afterwards compared my Spectator with the original; I perceived some faults, which I corrected: but I found that I wanted a fund of words, if I may so express myself, and a fa­cility of recollecting and employing them, which I thought I should by that time have acquired, had I continued to make verses. The continual need of words of the same meaning, but of different lengths for the measure, or of different sounds for the rhyme, would have obliged me to seek for a variety of synonymes, and have rendered me mas­ter of them. From this belief, I took some of the tales of the Spectator, and turned them into verse; and after a time, when I had sufficiently forgotten them, I again converted them into prose.

Sometimes also I mingled all my summaries toge­ther; and a few weeks after, endeavoured to ar­range them in the best order, before I attempted to form the periods and complete the essays. This I did with a view of acquiring method in the ar­rangement of my thoughts. On comparing after­wards my performance with the original, many faults were apparent, which I corrected; but I had sometimes the satisfaction to think, that, in certain particulars of little importance, I had been fortu­nate enough to improve the order of thought or the style; and this encouraged me to hope that I should succeed, in time, in writing the English lan­guage, [Page 28] which was one of the great objects of my am­bition.

The time which I devoted to these exercises, and to reading, was the evening after my day's labour was finished, the morning before it began, and Sun­days when I could escape attending divine service. While I lived with my father, he had insisted on my punctual attendance on public worship, and I still indeed considered it as a duty, but a duty which I thought I had no time to practise.

When about sixteen years of age, a work of Try­on fell into my hands, in which he recommends vegetable diet. I determined to observe it. My brother, being a bachelor, did not keep house, but boarded with his apprentices in a neighbouring fa­mily. My refusing to eat animal food was found inconvenient, and I was often scolded for my sin­gularity. I attended to the mode in which Tryon prepared some of his dishes, particularly how to boil potatoes and rice, and make hasty puddings. I then said to my brother, that if he would allow me per week half what he paid for my board, I would undertake to maintain myself. The offer was in­stantly embraced, and I soon found that of what he gave me I was able to save half. This was a new fund for the purchase of books; and other ad­vantages resulted to me from the plan. When my brother and his workmen left the printing-house to go to dinner, I remained behind; and dispatching my frugal meal, which frequently consisted of a biscuit only, or a slice of bread and a bunch of raisins, or a bun from the pastry cook's, with a glass of water, I had the rest of the time, till their return, for study; and my progress therein was propor­tioned to that clearness of ideas, and quickness of [Page 29] conception, which are the fruit of temperance in eat­ing and drinking.

It was about this period, that, having one day been put to the blush for my ignorance in the art of calculation, which I had twice failed to learn while at school, I took Cocker's Treatise of Arithmetic, and went through it by myself with the utmost ease. I also read a book of Navigation by Seller and Sturmy, and made myself master of the little geo­metry it contains, but I never proceeded far in this science. Nearly at the same time I read Locke on the Human Understanding, and the Art of Thinking by Messrs. Du Port Royal.

While labouring to form and improve my style, I met with an English Grammar, which I believe was Greenwood's having at the end of it two little essays on rhetoric and logic. In the latter I found a model of disputation after the manner of Socra­tes. Shortly after I procured Xenophon's work, entitled, Memorable Things of Socrates, in which are various examples of the same method. Charm­ed to a degree of enthusiasm with this mode of disputing, I adopted it, and renouncing blunt con­tradiction, and direct and positive argument, I as­sumed the character of a humble questioner. The perusal of Shaftsbury and Collins had made me a sceptic; and being previously so as to many doc­trines of Christianity, I found Socrates's method to be both the safest for myself, as well as the most embarrassing to those against whom I employed it. It soon afforded me singular pleasure; I incessantly practised it; and became very adroit in obtaining, even from persons of superior understanding, con­cessions of which they did not foresee the conse­quences. Thus I involved them in difficulties from [Page 30] which they were unable to extricate themselves, and sometimes obtained victories, which neither my cause nor my arguments merited.

This method I continued to employ for some years; but I afterwards abandoned it by degrees, retaining only the habit of expressing myself with modest diffidence, and never making use, when I advanced any proposition which might be contro­verted, of the words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that might give the appearance of being ob­stinately attached to my opinion. I rather said, I imagine, I suppose, or it appears to me, that such a thing is so or so, for such and such reasons; or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit has, I think, been of considerable advantage to me, when I have had occasion to impress my opinion on the minds of others, and persuade them to the adoption of the measures I have suggested. And since the chief ends of conversation are, to inform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I could wish that intelligent and well-meaning men would not themselves diminish the powers they possess of be­ing useful, by a positive and presumptuous manner of expressing themselves, which scarcely ever fails to disgust the hearer and is only calculated to ex­cite opposition, and defeat every purpose for which the faculty of speech has been bestowed upon man. In short, if you wish to inform, a positive and dog­matical manner of advancing your opinion may provoke contradiction, and prevent your being heard with attention. On the other hand, if, with a desire of being informed, and of benefiting by the knowledge of others, you express yourselves as being strongly attached to your own opinions, mo­dest and sensible men, who do not love disputation, [Page 31] will leave you in tranquil possession of your errors. By following such a method, you can rarely hope to please your auditors, conciliate their good-will, or work conviction on those whom you may be de­sirous of gaining over to your views. Pope judici­ously observes,

And in the same poem he afterwards advises us,

He might have added to these lines, one that he has coupled elsewhere, in my opinion, with less pro­priety. It is this:

If you ask why I say with less propriety, I must give you the two lines together:

Now want of sense, when a man has the misfortune [...] to be so circumstanced, is it not a kind of excuse for want of modesty? And would not the verses have been more accurate, if they had been constructed thus:

But I leave the decision of this to better judges than myself.

In 1720, or 1721, my brother began to prin [...] new public paper. It was the second that made its appearance in America, and was entitled the New-England Courant. The only one that existed be­fore was the Boston News Letter. Some of his friends, I remember, would have dissuaded him from this undertaking, as a thing that was not like­ly to succeed; a single newspaper being, in their [Page 32] opinion, sufficient for all America. At present, how­ever, in 1777, there are no less than twenty-five. But he carried his project into execution, and I was employed in distributing the copies to his customers, after having assisted in composing and working them off.

Among his friends he had a number of literary characters, who, as an amusement, wrote short es­says for the paper, which gave it reputation and in­creased its sale. These gentlemen came frequently to our house. I heard the conversation that passed, and the accounts they gave of the favourable re­ception of their writings with the public. I was tempted to try my hand among them; but, being still a child as it were, I was fearful that my bro­ther might be unwilling to print in his paper any performance of which he should know me to be the aut [...]. I therefore contrived to disguise my hand, and having written an anonymous piece, I placed it at night under the door of the printing-house, where it was found the next morning. My brother communicated it to his friends, when they came as usual to see him, who read it, commented upon it within my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure to find that it met with their approbation, and that, in the various conjectures they made re­specting the author, no one was mentioned who did not enjoy a high reputation in the country for ta­lents and genius. I now supposed myself fortunate in my judges, and began to suspect that they were not such excellent writers as I had hitherto suppos­ed them. Be that as it may, encouraged by this little adventure, I wrote and sent to the press, in the same way, many other pieces, which were equal­ly approved; keeping the secret till my slender [Page 33] stock of information and knowledge for such perfor­mances was pretty completely exhausted, when I made myself known.

My brother, upon this discovery, began to en­tertain a little more respect for me; but he still re­garded himself as my master, and treated me like an apprentice. He thought himself entitled to the same services from me as from any other person. On the contrary, I conceived that, in many in­stances, he was too rigorous, and that, on the part of a brother, I had a right to expect greater in­dulgence. Our disputes were frequently brought before my father; and either my brother was ge­nerally in the wrong, or I was the better pleader of the two, for judgement was commonly given in my favour. But my brother was passionate, and often had recourse to blows; a circumstance which I took in very ill part. This severe and tyrannical treatment contributed, I believe, to imprint on my mind that aversion to arbitrary power, which dur­ing my whole life I have ever preserved. My ap­prenticeship became insupportable to me, and I con­tinually sighed for an opportunity of shortening it, which at length unexpectedly offered.

An article inserted in our paper upon some poli­tical subject which I have now forgotten, gave of­fence to the Assembly. My brother was taken into custody, censured, and ordered into confine­ment for a month, because, as I presume, he would not discover the author. I was also taken up, and examined before the council; but, though I gave them no satisfaction, they contented themselves with reprimanding, and then dismissed me; con­sidering me probably as bound, in quality of ap­prentice, to keep my master's secrets.

[Page 34] The imprisonment of my brother kindled my resentment, notwithstanding our private quarrels. During its continuance the management of the pa­per was entrusted to me, and I was bold enough to insert some pasquerades against the governors; which highly pleased my brother, while others be­gan to look upon me in an unfavourable point of view, considering me as a young wit inclined to sa­tire and lampoon.

My brother's enlargement was accompanied with an arbitrary order from the house of assembly, ‘That James Franklin should no longer print the newspaper entitled the New-England Courant.’ In this conjuncture, we held a consultation of our friends at the printing-house, in order to deter­mine what was proper to be done. Some propos­ed to evade the order, by changing the title of the paper: but my brother foreseeing inconveniences that would result from this step, thought it better that it should in future be printed in the name of Benjamin Franklin; and to avoid the censure of the assembly, who might charge him with still printing the paper himself, under the name of his appren­tice, it was resolved that my old indentures should be given up to me, with a full and entire discharge written on the back, in order to be produced up­on an emergency: but that, to secure to my bro­ther the benefit of my service, I should sign a new contract, which should be kept secret during the remainder of the term. This was a very shallow arrangement. It was, however, carried into imme­diate execution, and the paper continued, in con­sequence, to make its appearance for some months in my name. At length a new difference arising between my brother and me, I ventured to take [Page 35] advantage of my liberty, presuming that he would not dare to produce the new contract. It was un­doubtedly dishonourable to avail myself of this cir­cumstance, and I reckon this action as one of the first errors of my life; but I was little capable of estimating it at its true value, embittered as my mind had been by the recollection of the blows I had received. Exclusively of his passionate treat­ment of me, my brother was by no means a man of an ill temper, and perhaps my manners had too much of impertinence not to afford it a very natural pretext.

When he knew that it was my determination to quit him, he wished to prevent my finding employ­ment elsewhere. He went to all the printing-houses in the town, and prejudiced the masters against me; who accordingly refused to employ me. The idea then suggested itself to me of going to New-York, the nearest town in which there was a printing-office. Farther reflection confirmed me in the design of leaving Boston, where I had al­ready rendered myself an object of suspicion to the governing party. It was probable, from the arbi­tary proceedings of the assembly in the affair of my brother, that, by remaining, I should soon have been exposed to difficulties, which I had the greater rea­son to apprehend, as, from my indiscreet disputes upon the subject of religion, I begun to be regarded, by pious souls, with horror, either as an apostate or an atheist. I came therefore to a resolution; but my father, in this instance, siding with my brother, I presumed that if I attempted to de­part openly, measures would be taken to prevent me. My friend Collins undertook [...] favour my [...]ight. He agreed for my passage with the captain [Page 36] of a New-York sloop, to whom he represented me as a young man of his acquaintance, who had had an affair with a girl of bad character, whose parents wished to compel me to marry her, and that of consequence I could neither make my appearance or go off publicly. I sold part of my books to procure a small sum of money, and went privately on board the sloop. By favour of a good wind, I found myself in three days at New-York, nearly three hundred miles from my home at the age only of seventeen years, without knowing an individual in the place, and with very little money in my pocket.

The inclination I had felt for a seafaring life was entirely subsided, or I should now have been able to gratify it; but having another trade, and believ­ing myself to be a tolerable workman, I hesitated not to offer my services to the old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the first Printer in Penn­sylvania, but had quitted that province on account of a quarrel with George Keith, the Governor. He could not give me employment himself, having lit­tle to do, and already as many persons as he wanted; but he told me that his son, printer at Philadelphia, had lately lost his principal workman, Aquila Rose, who was dead, and that if I would go thither, he believed that he would engage me. Philadelphia was a hundred miles farther. I hesitated not to embark in a boat in order to repair, by the shortest cut of the sea, to Amboy, leaving my trunk and effects to come after me by the usual and more te­dious conveyance In crossing the bay we met with a squall, which shattered to pieces our rotten [...]ails, prevented us from entering the Kill, and threw as upon Long-Island.

During the squall a drunken Dutchman, who [Page 37] like myself was a passenger in the boat, fell into the sea. At the moment that he was sinking, I seized him by the fore-top, saved him, and drew him on board. This immersion sober­ed him a little, so that he fell asleep, after having taken from his pocket a volume, which he request­ed me to dry. This volume I found to be my old favourite work, Bunyan's Voyages, in Dutch, a beautiful impression on fine paper, with copper­plate engravings; a dress in which I had never seen it in its original language. I have since learn­ed that it has been translated into almost all the languages of Europe, and next to the Bible, I am persuaded, it is one of the books which has had the greatest spread. Honest John is the first, that I know of, who has mixed narrative and dialogue toge­ther: a mode of writing very engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting passages, finds himself ad­mitted as it were into the company, and present at the conversation. De Foe has imitated, it with success in his Robinson Crusoe, his Moll Flanders, and other works; as also has Richardson in his Pamela, &c.

In approaching the island we found that we had made a part of the coast where it was not possible to land, on account of the strong breakers produc­ed by the rocky shore. We cast anchor and veer­ed the cable towards the shore. Some men, who stood upon the brink, hallooed to us, while we did the same on our part; but the wind was so high, and the waves so noisy, that we could neither of us hear each other. There were some canoes upon the bank, and we called out to them, and made signs to prevail on them to come and take us up; but either they did not understand us, or they [Page 38] deemed our request impracticable, and withdrew: Night came on, and nothing remained for us but to wait quietly the subsiding of the wind; till when we determined, that is, the pilot and I, to sleep if possible. For that purpose we went below the hatches along with the Dutchman, who was drench­ed with water. The sea broke over the boat, and reached us in our retreat, so that we were presently as completely drenched as he.

We had very little repose during the whole night; but the wind abating the next day, we succeeded in reaching Amboy before it was dark, after having passed thirty hours without provisions, and with no other drink than a bottle of bad rum, the water upon which we rowed being salt. In the evening I went to bed with a very violent fever. I had somewhere read that cold water, drank plentifully, was a remedy in such cases. I followed the pre­scription, was in a profuse sweat for the greater part of the night, and the fever left me. The next day I crossed the river in a ferry-boat, and continued my journey on foot. I had fifty miles to walk, in order to reach Burlington, where I was told I should find passage-boats that would convey me to Philadelphia. It rained hard the whole day, so that I was wet to the skin. Finding myself fa­tigued about noon, I stopped at a paltry inn, where I passed the rest of the day and the whole night, beginning to regret that I had quitted my home. I made besides so wretched a figure, that I was sus­pected to be some runaway servant. This I disco­vered by the questions that were asked me; and I felt that I was every moment in danger of being taken up as such. The next day, however, I con­tinued my journey, and arrived in the evening at [Page 39] an inn, eight or ten miles from Burlington, that was kept by one Dr. Brown.

This man entered into conversation with me while I took some refreshment, and perceiving I had read a little, he expressed towards me considerable interest and friendship. Our acquaintance continued during the remainder of his life. I believe him to have been what is called an itinerant doctor; for there was no town in England, or indeed in Europe, of which he could not give a particular account. He was neither deficient in understanding nor literature, but he was a sad infidel; and, some years after, undertook to tra­vesty the Bible in burlesque verse, as Cotton has tra­vestied Virgil. He exhibited, by this means, many facts in a very ludicrous point of view, which would have given umbrage to weak minds, had his work been published, which it never was.

I spent the night at his house, and reached Bur­lington the next morning. On my arrival, I had the mortification to learn that the ordinary passage-boats had failed a little before. This was on a Saturday, and there would be no other boat till the Tuesday following. I returned to the house of an old woman in the town who had sold me some gin­gerbread to eat on my passage, and I asked her ad­vice. She invited me to take up my abode with her till an opportunity offered for me to embark. Fatigued with having travelled so far on foot, I ac­cepted her invitation. When she understood that I was a Printer, she would have persuaded me to stay at Burlington, and set up my trade: but she was little aware of the capital that would be neces­sary for such a purpose! I was treated while at her house with true hospitality. She gave me, with the [Page 40] utmost good-will, a dinner of beef-steaks, and would accept of nothing in return but a pint of ale.

Here I imagined myself to be fixed till the Tues­day in the ensuing week, but walking out in the evening by the river side, I saw a boat with a num­ber of persons in it approach. It was going to Philadelphia, and the company took me in. A [...] there was no wind, we could only make way with our oars. About midnight, not perceiving the town, some of the company were of opinion that we must have passed it, and were unwi [...]ling to row any farther; the rest not knowing where we were it was resolved that we should stop. We drew to­wards the shore, entered a creek, and landed near some old palisades, which served us for fire-wood it being a cold night in October. Here we stayed till day, when one of the company found the place in which we were to be Cooper's Creek, a little a­bove Philadelphia; which in reality we perceived the moment we were out of the creek. We ar­rived on Sunday about eight or nine o'clock in the morning, and landed on Market-street wharf.

I have entered into the particulars of my voyage, and shall in like manner describe my first entrance into this city, that you may be able to compare beginnings so little auspicious, with the figure I have since made.

On my arrival at Philadelphia I was in my work­ing dress, my best cloathes being to come by sea. I was covered with dirt; my pockets were filled with shirts and stockings; I was unacquainted with a single soul in the place, and knew not where to seek for a lodging. Fatigued with walking, rowing, and having passed the night without sleep, I was [Page 41] extremely hungry, and all my money consisted of a Dutch dollar, and about a shilling's worth of coppers which I gave to the boatmen for my pas­sage. As I had assisted them in rowing, they re­fused it at first; but I insisted on their taking it. A man is sometimes more generous when he has little, than when he has much money; probably because, in the first case, he is desirous of conceal­ing his poverty.

I walked towards the top of the street, looking eagerly on both sides, till I came to Market-street where I met a child with a loaf of bread. Often had I made my dinner on dry bread. I enquired where he had bought it, and went straight to the baker's shop which he pointed out to me. I asked for some biscuits, expecting to find such as we had at Boston; but they made it seems, none of that sort at Philadelphia. I then asked for a three-pen­ny loaf. They made no loaves of that price. Find­ing myself ignorant of the prices, as well as of the different kinds of bread, I desired him to let me have three penny-worth of bread of some kind or other. He gave me three large rolls. I was sur­prized at receiving so much: I took them, how­ever, and having no room in my pockets, I walked on with a roll under each arm, eating the third. In this manner I went through Market-street to Fourth-street, and passed the house of Mr. Read, the father of my future wife. She was standing at the door, observed me, and thought, with reason, that I made a very singular and grotesque appearance.

I then turned the corner; and went through Chesnut-street, eating my roll all the way; and having made this round; I found myself again on Market-street wharf, near the boat in which I had [Page 42] arrived, I stepped into it to take a draught of the ri­ver water; and finding myself satisfied with my first roll, I gave the other two to a woman and her child, who had come down the river with us in the boat, and was waiting to continue her journey. Thus refreshe [...], I regained the street, which was now full of well dressed people, all going the same way. I joined them, and was thus led to a large Quakers' meeting-house near the market-place. I sat down with the rest, and after looking round me for some time, hearing nothing said, and being drowsy from my last night's labour and want of rest, I fell into a sound sleep. In this state I continued till the as­sembly dispersed, when one of the congregation had the goodness to wake me. This was consequently the first house I entered, or in which I slept at Phi­ladelphia.

I began again to walk along the street by the river side; and looking attentively in the face of every one I met, I at length perceived a young quaker, whose countenance pleased me. I accost­ed him, and begged him to inform me where a stranger might find a lodging. We were then near the sign of the Three Mariners. They receive tra­vellers here, said he, but it is not a house that bears a good character; if you will go with me, I will shew you a better one. He conducted me to the Crooked Billet, in Water-street. There I ordered something for dinner, and during my meal a number of curious questions were put to me; my youth and appearance exciting the suspicion of my being a runaway. After dinner my drowsiness returned, and I threw myself upon a bed without taking off my clothes, and slept till six o'clock in the even­ing, when I was called to supper▪ I afterwards [Page 43] went to bed at a very early hour, and did not awake till the next morning.

As soon as I got up I put myself in as decent a trim as I could, and went to the house of Andrew Bradford the printer. I found his father in the shop, whom I had seen at New-York. Having travelled on horseback, he had arrived at Philadel­phia before me. He introduced me to his son, who received me with civility, and gave me some break­fast; but told me he had no occasion for a journey­man, having lately procured one. He added, that there was another printer newly settled in the town, of the name of Keimer, who might perhaps employ me; and that in case of a refusal, I should be wel­come to lodge at his house, and he would give me a little work now and then, till something better should offer.

The old man offered to introduce me to the new printer. When we were at his house: "Neigh­bour," said he, "I bring you a young man in the printing business; perhaps you may have need of his services."

Keimer asked me some questions, put a compos­ing stick in my hand to see how I could work, and then said, that at present he had nothing for me to do, but that he should soon be able to employ me. At the same time taking old Bradford for an inhabitant of the town will-disposed towards him, he communicated his project to him, and the pros­pect he had of success. Bradford was careful not to discover that he was the father of the other printer: and from what Keimer had said, that he hoped shortly to be in possession of the greater part of the business of the town, led him by artful ques­tions, and by starting some difficulties, to disclose [Page 44] all his views, what his hopes were founded upon, and how he intended to proceed. I was present, and I heard it all. I instantly saw that one of the two was a cunning old fox, and the other a perfect novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was strangely surprised when I informed him who the old man was.

I found Keimer's printing materials to consist of an old damaged press, and a small cast of worn-out English letters, with which he was himself at work upon an elegy on Aquila Rose, whom I have men­tioned above, an ingenious young man, and of an excellent character, highly esteemed in the town, secretary to the assembly, and a very tolerable poet. Keimer also made verses, but they were indifferent ones. He could not be said to write in verse, for his method was to set the lines as they flowed from his muse; and as he worked without copy, had but one set of letter-cases, and the elegy would proba­bly occupy all his type, it was impossible for any one to assist him. I endeavoured to put his press in order, which he had not yet used, and of which indeed he understood nothing: and having promis­ed to come and work off his elegy as soon as it should be ready, I returned to the house of Brad­ford, who gave me some trifle to do for the present, for which I had my board and lodging.

In a few days Keimer sent for me to print off his elegy. He had now procured another set of letter-cases, and had a pamphlet to reprint, upon which he set me to work.

The two Philadelphia printers appeared destitute of every qualification necessary in their profession. Bradford had not been brought up to it, and was [Page 45] very illiterate. Keimer, though he understo [...] a little of the business, was merely a compositor, and wholly incapable of working at the press. He [...] been one of the French prophets, and knew [...] to imitate their supernatural agitations. At the time of our first acquaintance he professed no par­ticular religion, but a little of all upon occasion. He was totally ignorant of the world, and a great knave at heart, as I had afterwards an opportunity of experiencing.

Keimer could not endure that, working with him, I should lodge at Bradford's. He had indeed a house, but it was unfurnished; so that he could not take me in. He procured me a lodging at Mr. Read's, his landlord, whom I have already mentioned. My trunk and effects being now ar­rived, I thought of making, in the eyes of Miss Read, a more respectable appearance than when chance exhibited me to her view, eating my roll, and wandering in the streets.

From this period I began to contract acquaint­ance with such young people of the town as were fond of reading, and spent my evenings with them agreeably, while at the same time I gained money by my industry, and, thanks to my frugality, lived contented. I thus forgot Boston as much as possi­ble, and wished every one to be ignorant of the place of my residence, except my friend Collins, to whom I wrote, and who kept my secret.

An incident, however arrived, which sent me home much sooner than I had proposed. I had a brother-in-law, of the name of Robert Holmes, master of a trading sloop from Boston to Delaware▪ Being at Newcastle, forty miles below Philadel­phia, [Page 46] he heard of me, and wrote to inform me of the chagrin which my sudden departure from Bos­ton had occasioned my parents, and of the affec­tion which they still entertained for me, assuring me that, if I would return, every thing should be adjusted to my satisfaction; and he was very pres­sing in his entreaties. I answered his letter, thank­ed him for his advice, and explained the reasons which had induced me to quit Boston with such force and clearness, that he was convinced I had been less to blame than he had imagined.

Sir William Keith, Governor of the province was at Newcastle at the time. Captain Holmes, being by chance in his company when he received my letter, took occasion to speak of me, and shewed it him. The Governor read it, and appeared sur­prised when he learned my age. He thought me, he said, a young man of very promising talents, and that, of consequence, I ought to be encourag­ed; that there were at Philadelphia none but very ignorant printers, and that if I were to set up for myself, he had no doubt of my success; that, for his own part, he would procure me all the public business, and would render me every other service in his power. My brother-in-law related all this to me afterwards at Boston; but I knew nothing of it at the time; when one day Keimer and I be­ing at work together near the window, we saw the Governor and another gentleman, Colonel French of Newcastle, handsomely dressed, cross the street, and make directly for our house. We heard them at the door, and Keimer, believing it to be a visit to himself, went immediately down: but the Go­vernor enquired for me, came up stairs, and, with [...] condescension and politeness to which I had not [Page 47] at all been accustomed, paid me many compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, obligingly re­proached me for not having made myself known to him on my arrival in the town, and wished me to accompany him to a tavern, where he and colonel French were going to taste some excellent Madeira wine.

I was, I confess, somewhat surprised, and Keimer appeared thunderstruck. I went however with the governor and the colonel to a tavern at the corner of Third-street, where, while we were drink­ing the Madeira, he proposed to me to establish a printing-house. He set forth the probabilities of success, and himself and colonel French assured me that I should have their protection and influ­ence in obtaining the printing of the public papers of both governments; and as I appeared to doubt whether my father would assist me in this enterprise, Sir William said that he would give me a letter to him, in which he would represent the advantages of the scheme, in a light which he had no doubt would determine him. It was thus concluded that I should return to Boston by the first vessel, with the letter of recommendation from the governor to my father. Meanwhile the project was to be kept secret, and I continued to work for Keimer as before.

The Governor sent every now and then to invite me to dine with him. I considered this as a very great honour; and I was the more sensible of it, as he con­versed with me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable.

Towards the end of April 1724, a small vessel was ready to sail for Boston. I took leave of Kei­mer, upon the pretext of going to see my parents. [Page 48] The governor gave me a long letter, in which he said many flattering things of me to my father; and strongly recommended the project of my set­tling at Philadelphia, as a thing which could not fail to make my fortune.

Going down the bay we struck on a flat, and sprung a leak. The weather was very tempestu­ous, and we were obliged to pump without inter­mission; I took my turn. We arrived however safe and sound at Boston, after about a fortnight's passage.

I had been absent seven complete months, and my relations, during that interval, had received no intelligence of me; for my brother-in-law, Holmes, was not yet returned, and had not written about me. My unexpected appearance surprised the fa­mily; but they were all delighted at seeing me again, and, except by brother, welcomed me home. I went to him at the printing-office. I was better dressed than I had ever been while in his service: I had a complete suit of clothes, new and neat, a watch in my pocket, and my purse was fur­nished with nearly five pounds sterling in mo­ney. He gave me no very civil reception; and having eyed me from head to foot, resumed his work.

The workmen asked me with eagerness where I had been, what sort of a country it was, and how I liked it. I spoke in the highest terms of Phila­delphia, the happy life we led there, and expressed my intention of going back again. One of them asked what sort of money we had, I displayed be­fore them a handful of silver, which I drew from my pocket. This was a curiosity to which they were not accustomed, paper being the current mo­ney [Page 49] at Boston. I failed not after this to let them see my watch; and at last, my brother continuing sullen and out of humour, I gave them a shilling to drink, and took my leave. This visit stung my brother to the soul; for when, shortly after, my mother spoke to him of a reconciliation, and a de­sire to see us upon good terms, he told her that I had so insulted him before his men, that he would never forget or forgive it: in this, however, he was mistaken.

The governor's letter appeared to excite in my father some surprise; but he said little. After some days, Capt. Holmes being returned, he sh [...]w­ed it him, asking him if he knew Keith, and what sort of a man he was: adding, that, in his opini­on, it proved very little discernment to think of setting up a boy in business, who for three years to come would not be of an age to be ranked in the class of men. Holmes said every thing he could in favour of the scheme; but my father firmly maintained its absurdity, and at last gave a positive refusal. He wrote, however, a civil let­ter to Sir William, thanking him for the protection he had so obligingly offered me, but refusing to assist me for the present, because he thought me too young to be entrusted with the conduct of so important an enterprise, and which would require so considerable a sum of money.

My old comrade Collins, who was a clerk i [...] the post-office, charmed with the account I gave of my new residence, expressed a desire of going thither; and while I waited my father's determination, he set off before me, by land, for Rhode-Island, leaving his books which formed a handsome col­lection in mathematics and natural philosophy, [...] [Page 50] be conveyed with mine to New-York, where [...] purposed to wait for me.

My father, though he could not approve Sir William's proposal, was yet pleased that I had ob­tained so advantegeous a recommendation as that of a person of his rank, and that my industry and oeconomy had enabled me to equip myself so hand­somely in so short a period. Seeing no appearance of accommodating matters between my brother and me, he consented to my return to Philadel­phia, advised me to be civil to every body, to en­deavour to obtain general esteem, and avoid sa­tire and sarcasm, to which he thought I was too much inclined; adding, that, with perseverance and prudent oeconomy, I might, by the time I be­came of age, save enough to establish myself in bu­siness; and that if a small sum should then [...]e wanting he would undertake to supply it.

This was all I could obtain from him, except some trifling presents, in token of friendship from him and my mother. I embarked once more for New-York, furnished at this time with their appro­bation and blessing. The sloop having touched at Newport in Rhode Island, I paid a visit to my bro­ther John, who had for some years been settled there, and was married. He had always been at­tached to me, and received me with great affection. One of his friends, whose name was Vernon, hav­ing a debt of about thirty-six pounds due to him in Pennsylvania, begged me to receive it for him, and keep the money till I should hear from him: ac­cordingly he gave me an order for that purpose. This affair occasioned me, in the sequel, much un­easiness.

At Newport we took on board a number of [Page 51] passengers; among whom were two young women, and a grave and sensible quaker lady with her ser­vants. I had shewn an obliging forwardness in rendering the quaker some trifling services, which led her, probably, to feel some interest in my wel­fare; for when she saw a familiarity take place, and every day increase, between the two young wo­men and me, she took me aside and said, "Young man, I am in pain for thee. Thou hast no parent to watch over thy conduct, and thou seemest to be ignorant of the world, and the snares to which youth is exposed. Rely upon what I tell thee: those are women of bad characters; I perceive it in all their actions. If thou dost not take care, they will lead thee into danger. They are stran­gers to thee, and I advise thee, by the friendly in­terest I take in thy preservation, to form no con­nection with them." As I appeared at first not to think quite so ill of them as she did, she related many things she had seen and heard, which had escaped my attention, but which convinced me she was in the right. I thanked her for her obliging advice, and promised to follow it.

When we arrived at New-York, they informed me where they lodged, and invited me to come and see them. I did not however go, and it was well I did not; for the next day, the Captain mis­sing a silver spoon and some other things which had been taken from the cabin, and knowing these women to be prostitutes, procured a search warrant, found the stolen goods upon them, and had them punished. And thus, after having been saved from one rock concealed under water, upon which the [Page 52] vessel struck during our passage, I escaped another of a still more dangerous nature.

At New-York I found my friend Collins, who had arrived some time before. We had been in­timate from our infancy, and had read the same books together; but he had the advantage of be­ing able to devote more time to reading and study, and an astonishing disposition for mathematics, in which he left me far behind him. When at Bos­ton, I had been accustomed to pass with him al­most all my leisure hours. He was then a sober and industrious lad; his knowledge had gained him [...] very general esteem, and he seemed to promise to make an advantageous figure in society. But, during my absence, he had unfortunately addicted himself to brandy, and I learned, as well from himself as from the report of others, that every day since his arrival at New-York he had been intoxi­cated, and had acted in a very extravagant man­ner. He had also played, and lost all his money; so that I was obliged to pay his expences at the inn, and to maintain him during the rest of the journey; a burthen that was very inconvenient to me.

The Governor of New-York, whose name was Burnet, hearing the Captain say that a young man who was a passenger in his ship had a great num­ber of books, begged him to bring me to his house, I accordingly went, and should have taken Collins with me, had he been sober. The Governor treat­ed me with great civility, shewed me his library▪ which was a very considerable one, and we talked for some time upon books and authors. This was the second Governor who had honoured me with [Page 53] his attention; and to a poor boy, as I then was these little adventures did not fail to be pleasing.

We arrived at Philadelphia. On the way I re­ceived Vernon's money, without which we should have been unable to have finished our journey.

Collins wished to get employment as a merchant's clerk; but either his breath or his countenance betrayed his bad habit; for, though he had re­commendations, he met with no success, and con­tinued to lodge and eat with me, and at my expence. Knowing that I had Vernon's money, he was con­tinually asking me to lend him some of it; pro­mising to repay me as soon as he should get employ­ment. At last he had drawn so much of this mo­ney, that I was extremely alarmed at what might become of me, should he fail to make good the deficiency. His habit of drinking did not all di­minish, and was a frequent source of discord be­tween us: for when he had drank a little too much, he was very headstrong.

Being one day in a boat together, on the Dela­ware, with some other young persons, he refused to take his turn in rowing. You shall row for me, said he, till we get home.—No, I replied, we will not row for you.—You shall, said he, or remain upon the water all night.—As you please.—Let us row, said the rest of the company: what signi­fies whether he assists or not. But, already angry with him for his conduct in other respects, I per­sisted in my refusal. He then swore that he would make me row, or would throw me out of the boat; and he made up to me. As soon as he was with­in my reach I took him by the collar, gave him a violent thrust, and threw him head-foremost into [Page 54] the river. I knew that he was a good swimmer, and was therefore under no apprehensions for his life. Before he could turn himself, we were able, by a few strokes of our oars, to place ourselves out of his reach; and whenever he touched the boat, we asked him if he would row, stricking his hands with the oars to make him let go his hold. He was nearly suffocated with rage, but obstinately refused making any promise to row. Perceiving at length that his strength began to be exhausted, we took him into the boat, and conveyed him home in the evening, completely drenched. The utmost coldness subsisted between us after this adventure. At last the captain of a West-India ship, who was commissioned to procure a tutor for the children of a gentleman at Barbadoes, meeting with Collins, offered him the place. He accepted it, and took his leave of me, promising to discharge the debt he owed me with the first money he should receive; but I have heard nothing of him since.

The violation of the trust reposed in me by Ver­non, was one of the first great errors of my life; and it proves that my father was not mistakes when he supposed me too young to be entrusted with the management of important affairs. But Sir William, upon reading his letter, thought him too prudent. There was a difference, he said, between individuals: years of maturity were not always ac­companied with discretion, neither was youth in every instance devoid of it. Since your father, ad­ded he, will not set you up in business, I will do it myself. Make out a list of what will be wanted from England, and I will send for the articles. You shall repay me when you can. I am deter­mined to have a good printer here, and I am sure [Page 55] you will succeed. This was said with so much seeming cordiality, that I suspected not for an in­stant the sincerity of the offer. I had hitherto kept the project, with which Sir William had in­spired me, of settling in business a secret at Phi­ladelphia, and I still continued to do so. Had my reliance on the governor been known, some friend, better acquainted with his character than myself, would doubtless have advised me not to trust him; for I afterwards learned that he was universally known to be liberal of promises, which he had no intention to perform. But having never solicited him, how could I suppose his offers to be deceitful? On the contrary, I believed him to be the best man in the world.

I gave him an inventory of a small printing-of­fice; the expence of which I had calculated at a­bout a hundred pounds sterling. He expressed his approbation; but asked if my presence in Eng­land, that I might choose the characters myself, and see that every article was good in its kind, would not be an advantage. You will also be a­ble, said he, to form some acquaintance there, and establish a correspondence with stationers and book­sellers. This I acknowledged was desirable. That being the case, added he, hold yourself in readiness to go with the Annis. This was the annual vessel, and the only one, at that time, which made regu­lar voyages between the ports of London and Phi­ladelphia. But the Annis was not to sail for some months. I therefore continued to work with Ke [...] ­mer, unhappy respecting the sum which Collins had drawn from me, and almost in continual ago­ny at the thoughts of Vernon, who fortunately [Page 56] made no demand of his money till several years after.

In the account of my first voyage from Boston to Philadelphia, I omitted I believe a trifling cir­cumstance, which will not perhaps be out of place here. During a calm which stopped us above Block-island, the crew employed themselves in fish­ing for cod, of which they caught a great number. I had hitherto adhered to my resolution of not eat­ing any thing that had possessed life; and I consi­dered on this occasion, agreeably to the maxims of my master Tryon, the capture of every fish as a sort of murder, committed without provocation, since these animals had neither done, nor were ca­pable of doing, the smallest injury to any one that should justify the measure. This mode of reason­ing I conceived to be unanswerable. Meanwhile I had formerly been extremely fond of fish; and when one of these cod was taken out of the frying­pan, I thought its flavour delicious. I hesitated some time between principle and inclination, till at last recollecting, that when the cod had been opened, some small fish were found in its belly, I said to myself, If you eat one another, I see no reason why we may not eat you. I accordingly dined on the cod with no small degree of pleasure, and have since continued to eat like the rest of mankind, returning only occasionally to my vege­table plan. How convenient does it prove to be a rational animal, that knows how to find or invent a plausible pretext for whatever it has an inclina­tion to do!

I continued to live upon good terms with Kei­mer, who had not the smallest suspicion of my pro­jected establishment. He still retained a portion [Page 57] of his former enthusiasm; and being fond of ar­gument, we frequently disputed together. I was so much in the habit of using my Socratic method, and had so frequently puzzled him by my ques­tions, which appeared at first very distant from the point in debate, yet nevertheless led to it by de­grees, involving him in difficulties and contradic­tions from which he was unable to extricate him­self, that he became at last ridiculously cautious, and would scarcely answer the most plain and fami­liar question without previously asking me—What would you infer from that? Hence he formed so high an opinion of my talents for refutation, that he seriously proposed to me to become his colleague in the establishment of a new religious sect. He was to propagate the doctrine by preaching, and I to re­fute every opponent.

When he explained to me his tenets, I found many absurdities which I refused to admit, unless he would agree in turn to adopt some of my opi­nions. Keimer wore his beard long, because Mo­ses had somewhere said, Thou shalt not mar the cor­ners of thy beard. He likewise observed the Sab­bath; and these were with him two very essential points. I disliked them both; but I consented to adopt them, provided he would abstain from ani­mal food. I doubt, said he, whether my constitu­tion will be able to support it. I assured him on the contrary, that he would find himself the bet­ter for it. He was naturally a glutton, and I wish­ed to amuse myself by starving him. He consent­ed to make trial of this regimen, if [...] would bear him company; and in reality we continued it for [Page 58] three months. A woman in the neighbourhood prepared and brought us our victuals, to whom I gave a list of forty dishes; in the composition of which there entered neither flesh nor fish. This fancy was the more agreeable to me, as it turned to good account; for the whole expence of our li­ving did not exceed for each eighteen-pence a week.

I have since that period observed several Lents with the greatest strictness, and have suddenly re­turned again to my ordinary diet, without experi­encing the smallest inconvenience; which has led me to regard as of no importance the advice common­ly given, of introducing gradually such alterations of regimen.

I continued it cheerfully; but poor Keimer suf­fered terribly. Tired of the project, he sighed for the flesh pots of Egypt. At length he ordered a roast pig, and invited me and two of our female acquain­tance to dine with him; but the pig being ready a little too soon, he could not resist the temptation, and eat it all up before we arrived.

During the circumstances I have related, I had paid some attentions to Miss Read. I entertained for her the utmost esteem and affection; and I had reason to believe that these sentiments were mutu­al. But we were both young, scarcely more than eighteen years of age; and as I was on the point of undertaking a long voyage, her mother thought it prudent to prevent matters being carried too far for the present, judging that if marriage was our object, there would be more propriety in it after my return, when, as at least I expected, I should be established [Page 59] in my business. Perhaps also she thought that my expectations were not so well-founded as I ima­gined.

My most intimate acquaintance at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph; young men who were all fond of reading. The two first were clerks to Mr. Charles Brock­don, one of the principal attornies in the town, and the other clerk to a merchant. Watson was an upright, pious and sensible young man: the others were somewhat more loose in their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, whose faith, as well as that of Collins, I had contributed to shake; each of whom made me suffer a very adequate pu­nishment. Osborne was sensible, and sincere and affectionate in his friendships, but too much inclin­ed to the critic in matters of literature. Ralph was ingenious and shrewd, genteel in his address, and extremely eloquent. I do not remember to have met with a more agreeable speaker. They were both enamoured of the muses, and had alrea­dy evinced their passion by some small poetical pro­ductions.

It was a custom with us to take a charming walk on Sundays, in the woods that border on the Skuylkill. Here we read together and afterwards conversed on what we read. Ralph was disposed to give himself up entirely to poetry. He flattered himself that he should arrive at great eminence in the art, and even acquire a fortune. The sublim­est poets, he pretended, when they first began to write, committed as many faults as himself. Os­borne endeavoured to dissuad him from it, by as­suring him that he had no genius for poetry, and [Page 60] advised him to stick to the trade in which he had been brought up. In the road of commerce, said he, you will be sure, by diligence and assiduity, though you have no capital, of so far succeeding as to be employed as a factor, and may thus, in time, acquire the means of setting up for yourself. I concured in these sentiments, but at the same time expressed my approbation of amusing ourselves sometimes with poetry, with a view to improve our style. In consequence of this it was proposed, that, at our next meeting, each of us should bring a copy of verses of his own composition. Our ob­ject in this competition was to benefit each other by our mutual remarks, criticisms, and corrections; and as style and expression were all we had in view, we excluded every idea of invention, by agreeing that our task should be a version of the eighteenth psalm, in which is described the descent of the deity.

The time of our meeting drew near, when Ralph called upon me, and told me his piece was ready. I informed him that I had been idle, and, not much liking the task, had done nothing. He showed me his piece, and asked what I thought of it. I expressed myself in terms of warm approbation; because it really appeared to have considerable me­rit. He then said: Osborne will never acknow­ledge the smallest degree of excellence in any pro­duction of mine. Envy alone dictates to him a thousand animadversions. Of you he is not so jea­lous: I wish therefore you would take the verses and produce them as your own. I will pretend not to have had leisure to write any thing. We shall then see in what manner he will speak of them. I agreed to this little artifice, and immediately transcribed the verses to prevent all suspicion.

[Page 61] We met. Watson's performance was the first that was read. It had some beauties, but many faults. We next read Osborne's, which was much better. Ralph did it justice, remarking a few im­perfections, and applauding such parts as were excellent. He had himself nothing to show. It was now my turn. I made some difficulty; seem­ed as if I wished to be excused; pretended that I had had no time to make corrections, &c. No excuse, however, was admissible, and the piece must be produced. It was read and re-read. Wat­son and Osborne immediately resigned the palm, and united in applauding it. Ralph alone made a few remarks, and proposed some alterations; but I defended my text. Osborne agreed with me, and told Ralph he was no more able to criticise than he was able to write.

When Osborne was alone with me, he expressed himself still more strongly in favour of what he considered as my performance. He pretended that he had put some restraint on himself before, ap­prehensive of my construing his commendation into flattery. But who would have supposed, said he, Franklin to be capable of such a composition? What painting, what energy, what fire! He has surpassed the original. In his common conversa­tion he appears not to have choice of words; he hesitates, and is at a loss; and yet, good God, how he writes!

At our next meeting Ralph discovered the trick we had played Osborne, who was rallied without mercy.

By this adventure Ralph was fixed in his reso­lution of becoming a poet. I left nothing unat­tempted to divert him from his purpose; but he [Page 62] persevered, till at last the reading of Pope^* effected his cure: he became, however, a very tolerable prose writer. I shall speak more of him hereafter; but as I shall probably have no farther occasion to mention the other two, I ought to observe here, that Watson died a few years after in my arms. He was greatly regretted; for he was the best of our society. Osborne went to the islands, where he gained considerable reputation as a barrister, and was getting money; but he died young. We had seriously engaged, that whoever died first should return, if possible, and pay a friendly visit to the survivor, to give him an account of the other world; but he has never fulfilled his engagement.

The governor appeared to be fond of my company, and frequently invited me to his house. He always spoke of his intention of settling me in business, as a point that was decided. I was to take with me let­ters of recommendation to a number of friends; and particularly a letter of credit, in order to obtain the ne­cessary sum for the purchase of my press, types, and paper. He appointed various times for me to come for these letters, which would certainly be ready; and when I came, always put me off to another day.

These successive delays continued till the vessel, whose departure had been several times deferred, was on the point of setting sail; when I again went to Sir William's house, to receive my letters and take leave of him. I saw his secretary, Dr. Bard, who told me that the governor was extremely bu­sy [Page 63] writing, but that he would be down at Newcas­tle before the vessel, and that the letters would be delivered to me there.

Ralph, though he was married and had a child, determined to accompany me in this voyage. His object was supposed to be the establishing a corre­spondence with some mercantile houses, in order to sell goods by commission; but I afterwards learned, that, having reason to be dissatisfied with the parents of his wife, he proposed to himself to leave her on their hands, and never return to America again.

Having taken leave of my friends, and inter­changed promises of fidelity with Miss Read, I quitted Philadelphia. At Newcastle the vessel came to anchor. The governor was arrived, and I went to his lodgings. His secretary received me with great civility, told me on the part of the go­vernor that he could not see me then, as he was engaged in affairs of the utmost importance, but that he would send the letters on board, and that he wished me, with all his heart, a good voyage and speedy return. I returned, somewhat astonish­ed, to the ship, but still without entertaining the slightest suspicion.

Mr. Hamilton, a celebrated barrister of Phila­delphia, had taken a passage to England for him­self and his son, and, in conjunction with Mr. Den­ham a quaker, and Messrs. Oniam and Russel, proprietors of a forge in Maryland, had agreed for the whole cabin, so that Ralph and I were obliged to take up our lodging with the crew. Being unknown to every body in the ship, we were looked upon as the common order of people: but Mr. Ha­milton and his son (it was James, who was [Page 64] afterwards governor) left us at Newcastle, and re­turned to Philadelphia, where he was recalled, [...] a very great expence, to plead the cause of a vessel that had been seized; and just as we were about to sail, colonel Finch came on board, and shewed me many civilities. The passengers upon this pai [...] me more attention, and I was invited, together with my friend Ralph, to occupy the place in the cabin which the return of the Mr. Hamiltons had made vacant; an offer which we very readily ac­cepted.

Having learned that the dispatches of the gover­nor had been brought on board by colonel Finch, I asked the captain for the letters that were to be intrusted to my care. He told me that they were all put together in the bag, which he could not open at present; but before we reached England, he would give me an opportunity of taking them out. I was satisfied with this answer, and we pursued one voyage.

The company in the cabin were all very socia­ble, and we were perfectly well off as to provisions, as we had the advantage of the whole of Mr. Ha­milton's, who had laid in a very plentiful stock▪ During the passage Mr. Denham contracted a friend­ship for me, which ended only with his life: in other respects the voyage was by no means an agree­able one, as we had much bad weather.

When we arrived in the river, the captain was as good as his word, and allowed me to search the bag for the governor's letters. I could not find a single one with my name written on it, as commit­ted to my care; but I selected six or seven, which I judged from the direction to be those that were intended for me; particularly one to Mr. Basket [Page 65] the King's printer, an another to a stationer, who was the first person I called upon. I delivered him the letter as coming from Governor Keith. ‘I have no acquaintance (said he) with any such person;’ and opening the letter, ‘Oh, it is from Riddlesden!’ he exclaimed. ‘I have lately disco­vered him to be a very arrant knave, and I wish to have nothing to do either with him or his letters.’ He instantly put the letter into my hand, turned upon his heel, and left me to serve some cus­tomers.

I was astonished at finding these letters were not from the Governor. Reflecting and putting cir­cumstances together, I then began to doubt his sincerity. I rejoined my friend Denham, and re­lated the whole affair to him. He let me at once into Keith's character, told me there was not the least probability of his having written a single let­ter; that no one who knew him ever placed any reliance on him, and laughed at my credulity in supposing that the Governor would give me a letter of credit, when he had no credit for himself. As I showed some uneasiness respecting what step I should take, he advised me to try to get employment in the house of some printer. You may there, said he, improve yourself in business, and you will be able to settle yourself the more advantageously when you return to America.

We knew already, as well as the stationer, at­torney Riddlesden to be a knave. He had nearly ruined the father of Miss Read, by drawing him in to be his security. We learned from his letter, that he was secretly carrying on an intrigue, in concert with the Governor, to the prejudice of Mr. Hamilton, who it was supposed would by this time [Page 66] be in Europe. Denham, who was Hamilton friend, was of opinion that he ought to be made acquainted with it; and in reality, the instant be arrived in England, which was very soon after, I waited on him, and, as much from good-will to him as from resentment against the Governor, put the letter into his hands. He thanked me very sincerely, the information it contained being of consequence to him; and from that moment bestow­ed on me his friendship, which afterwards proved [...] many occasions serviceable to me.

But what are we to think of a Governor who could play so scurvy a trick, and thus grossly de­ceive a poor young lad, wholly destitute of expe­rience? It was a practice with him. Wishing to please every body, and having little to bestow, [...] was lavish of promises. He was in other respects sensible and judicious, a very tolerable writer, and a good Governor for the people; though not so f [...]r the proprietaries, whose instructions he frequently disregarded. Many of our best laws were his work, and established during his administration.

Ralph and I were inseperable companions. We took a lodging together at three-and-sixpence 1 week, which was as much as we could afford. He met with some relations in London, but they were poor, and not able to assist him. He now, for the first time, informed me of his intention to remain in England, and that he had no thoughts of ever returning to Philadelphia. He was totally without money; the little he had been able to raise hav­ing barely sufficed for his passage. I had still fif­teen pistoles remaining; and to me he had from time to time recourse, while he tried to get em­ployment.

[Page 67] At first, believing himself possessed of talents for the stage, he thought of turning actor; but Wilkes, to whom he applied, frankly advised him to renounce the idea, as it was impossible to suc­ceed. He next proposed to Roberts, a bookseller in Paternoster-Row, to write a weekly paper in the manner of the Spectator, upon terms to which Roberts would not listen. Lastly, he endeavoured to procure employment as a copyist, and applied to the lawyers and stationers about the Temple; but he could find no vacancy.

As to myself, I immediately got engaged at Palmer's, at that time a noted printer in Bartho­lomew Close, with whom I continued nearly a year. I applied very assiduously to my work; but I ex­pended with Ralph almost all that I earned. Plays, and other places of amusement which we frequent­ed together, having exhausted my pistoles, we liv­ed after this from hand to mouth. He appeared to have entirely forgotten his wife and child, as I also, by degrees, forgot my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one let­ter, and that merely to inform her that I was not likely to return soon. This was another grand er­ror of my life, which I should be desirous of cor­recting, were I to begin my career again.

I was employed at Palmer's on the second edi­tion of Woolaston's Religion of Nature. Some of his arguments appearing to me not to be well founded, I wrote a small metaphysical treatise, in which I animadverted on those passages. It was entitled a Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain. I dedicated it to my friend Ralph, and printed a small number of copies. Pal­mer upon this treated me with more consideration. [Page 68] and regarded me as a young man of talents; tho' he seriously took me to task for the principles of my pamphlet, which he looked upon as abomina­ble. The printing of this work was another error of my life.

While I lodged in Little Britain I formed ac­quaintance with a bookseller of the name of W [...] ­cox, whose shop was next door to me. Circulating libraries were not then in use. He had an immense collection of books of all sorts. We agreed that, for a reasonable retribution, of which I have now forgotten the price, I should have free access to his library, and take what books I pleased, which I was to return when I had read them. I consider­ed this agreement as a very great advantage; and I derived from it as much benefit as was in my power.

My pamphlet falling into the hands of a surgeon, of the name of Lyons, author of a book entitled Infallibility of Human Judgment, was the occa­sion of a considerable intimacy between us. He expressed great esteem for me, came frequently to see me in order to converse upon metaphysical sub­jects, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the Fable of Bees, who had instituted a club [...] a tavern in Cheapside, of which he was the [...] he was a facetious and very amusing character. He also introduced me, at Baston's coffee-house, to Dr. Pemberton, who promised to give me an op­portunity of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, which I ve­ry ardently desired; but he never kept his word.

I had brought some curiosities with me from A­merica; the principal of which was a purse made of asbestos, which fire only purifies. Sir [...] Sl [...]ane hearing of it, called upon me, and invited [Page 69] me to his house in Bloomsbury square, where, af­ter showing me every thing that was curious, he prevailed on me to add this piece to his collection; for which he paid me very handsomely.

There lodged in the same house with us a young woman, a milliner, who had a shop by the side of the Exchange. Lively and sensible, and having received an education somewhat above her rank, her conversation was very agreeable. Ralph read plays to her every evening. They became inti­mate. She took another lodging, and he follow­ed her. They lived for some time together; but Ralph being without employment, she having a child, and the profits of her business not sufficing for the maintenance of three, he resolved to quit London, and try a country school. This was a plan in which he thought himself likely to succeed, as he wrote a fine hand, and was versed in arith­metic and accounts. But considering the office as beneath him, and expecting some day to make a better figure in the world, when he should be a­shamed of its being known that he had exercised a profession so little honourable, he changed his name, and did me the honour of assuming mine. He wrote to me soon after his departure, informing me that he was settled at a small village in Berk­shire. In his letter he recommended Mrs. T***, the milliner, to my care, and requested an answer, directed to Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster at N***.

He continued to write to me frequently, send­ing me large fragments of an epic poem he was composing, and which he requested me to criticise and correct. I did so, but not without endeavour­ing to prevail on him to renounce this pursuit. [Page 70] Young had just published one of his Satires. I copied and sent him a great part of it; in which the author demonstrates the folly of cultivating the Muses, from the hope, by their instrumentality, of rising in the world. It was all to no purpose; paper after paper of his poem continued to arrive every post.

Meanwhile Mrs. T*** having lost, on his ac­count, both her friends and her business, was fre­quently in distress. In this dilemma she had re­course to me; and to extricate her from her diffi­culties, I lent her all the money I could spare. I felt a little too much fondness for her. Having at that time no ties of religion, and taking advantage of her necessitous situation, I attempted liberties (another error of my life) which she repelled with becoming indignation. She informed Ralph of my conduct; and the affair occasioned a breach between us. When he returned to London, he gave me to understand that he considered all the obligations he owed me as annihilated by this pro­ceeding; whence I concluded that I was never to expect the payment of what money I had lent him, or advanced on his account. I was the less afflict­ed at this, as he was unable to pay me; and as, by losing his friendship, I was relieved at the same time from a very heavy burden.

I now began to think of laying by some money. The printing-house of Watts, near Lincoln's Inn-Fields, being a still more considerable one than that in which I worked, it was probable I might find it more advantageous to be employed there. I offered myself, and was accepted; and in this house I continued during the remainder of my stay in London.

[Page 71] On my entrance I worked at first as a pressman, conceiving that I had need of bodily exercise, to which I had been accustomed in America, where the printers work alternately as compositors and at the press. I drank nothing but water. The other workmen, to the number of about fifty, were great drinkers of beer. I carried occasionally a large form of letters in each hand, up and down stairs, while the rest employed both hands to carry one. They were surprised to see, by this and many other examples, that the American Aquatic, as they used to call me, was stronger than those who drank por­ter. The beer-boy had sufficient employment dur­ing the whole day in serving that house alone.—My fellow-pressman drank every day a pint of beer before breakfast, a pint with bread and cheese for breakfast, one between breakfast and dinner, one at dinner, one again about six o'clock in the after­noon, and another after he had finished his day's work. This custom appeared to me abominable; but he had need, said he, of all this beer, in order to acquire strength to work.

I endeavoured to convince him that bodily strength furnished by the beer, could only be in proportion to the solid part of the barley dissolved in the water of which the beer was composed; that there was a larger portion of flour in a penny loaf, and that consequently if he eat this loaf, and drank a pint of water with it, he would derive more strength from it than from a pint of beer. This reasoning, however, did not prevent him from drinking his accustomed quantity of beer, and pay­ing every Saturday night a score of four or five shillings a week for this cursed beverage; an ex­pence [Page 72] from which I was wholly exempt. Thus do these poor devils continue all their lives in a state of voluntary wretchedness and poverty.

At the end of a few weeks, Watts having occa­sion for me above stairs as a compositor, I quitted the press. The compositors demanded of me gar­nish-money afresh. This I considered as an impo­sition, having already paid below. The master was of the same opinion, and desired me not to comply. I thus remained two or three weeks out of the fra­ternity. I was consequently looked upon as ex­communicated; and whenever I was absent, no little trick that malice could suggest was left un­practised upon me. I found my letters mixed, my pages transposed, my matter broken, &c. &c. all which was attributed to the spirit that haunted the chapel^*, and tormented those who were not regular­ly admitted. I was at last obliged to submit to pay, notwithstanding the protection of the master; con­vinced of the folly of not keeping up a good under­standing with those among whom we are destined to live.

After this I lived in the utmost harmony with my fellow-labourers, and soon acquired considera­ble influence among them. I proposed some al­terations in the laws of the chapel, which I carried without opposition. My example prevailed with several of them to renounce their abominable prac­tice of bread and cheese with beer; and they pro­cured, like me, from a neighbouring house, a good bason of warm gruel, in which was a small slice of butter, with toasted bread and nutmeg. This was a much better breakfast, which did not cost more [Page 73] than a pint of beer, namely, three-halfpence, and at the same time preserving the head clearer. Those who continued to gorge themselves with beer, of­ten lost their credit with the publican, from ne­glecting to pay their score. They had then recourse to me, to become security for them; their light, as they used to call it, being out. I attended at the pay-table every Saturday evening, to take up the little sum which I had made myself answerable for; and which sometimes amounted to nearly thir­ty shillings a week.

This circumstance, added to my reputation of being a tolerable good gabber, or, in other words, skilful in the art of burlesque, kept up my impor­tance in the chapel. I had besides recommended myself to the esteem of my master by my assiduous application to business, never observing Saint Mon­day. My extraordinary quickness in composing always procured me such work as was most urgent, and which is commonly best paid; and thus my time passed away in a very pleasant manner.

My lodging in Little Britain being too far from the printing-house, I took another in Duke-street, opposite the Roman Chapel. It was at the back of an Italian warehouse. The house was kept by a widow, who had a daughter, a servant, and a shop boy; but the latter slept out of the house. After sending to the people with whom I lodged in Little Britain, to enquire into my character, she agreed to take me in at the same price, three-and-sixpence a week; contenting herself, she said, with so little, be­cause of the security she would derive; [...]s they were all women, from having a man lodge in the house.

She was a woman rather advanced in life, the daughter of Clergyman. She had been educated [Page 74] a Protestant; but her husband, whose memory she highly revered, had converted her to the Catholic religion. She had lived in habits of intimacy with persons of distinction; of whom she knew various anecdotes as far back as the time of Charles II. Be­ing subject to sits of the gout, which often confined her to her room, she was sometimes disposed to see company. Hers was so amusing to me, that I was glad to pass the evening with her as often as she desired it. Our supper consisted only of half an anchovy a-piece, upon a slice of bread and butter, with a half a pint of ale between us. But the enter­tainment was in her conversation.

The early hours I kept, and the little trouble I occasioned in the family, made her loath to part with me; and when I mentioned another lodging I had found, nearer the printing-house, at two shil­lings a week, which fell in with my plan of saving, she persuaded me to give it up, making herself an abatement of two shillings: and thus I continued to lodge with her, during the remainder of my abode in London, at eighteen-pence a week.

In a garret of the house there lived, in the most retired manner, a lady seventy years of age, of whom I received the following account from my landla­dy. She was a Roman Catholic. In her early years she had been sent to the continent, and en­tered a convent with the design of becoming a nun; but the climate not agreeing with her consti­tution, she was obliged to return to England, where, as there were no monasteries, she made a vow to lead a monastic life, in as rigid a manner as cir­cumstances would permit. She accordingly dis­posed of all her property to be applied to charitable uses, reserving to herself only twelve pounds a [Page 75] year; and of this small pittance she gave a part to the poor, living on water-gruel, and never making use of fire but to boil it. She had lived in this garret a great many years, without paying rent to the successive Catholic inhabitants that had kept the house; who indeed considered her abode with them as a blessing. A priest came every day to confess her. I have asked her, said my landlady, how, living as she did, she could find so much em­ployment for a confessor? To which she answered, that it was impossible to avoid vain thoughts.

I was once permitted to visit her. She was cheerful and polite, and her conversation agreea­ble. Her apartment was neat; but the whole furniture consisted of a mattrass, a table, on which were a crucifix and a book, a chair, which she gave me to sit on, and over the mantle-piece a picture of St. Veronica displaying her handkerchief, on which was seen the miraculous impression of the face of Christ, which she explained to me with great gravity. Her countenance was pale, but she had never experienced sickness; and I may adduce her as another proof how little is sufficient to maintain life and health.

At the printing-house I contracted an intimacy with a sensible young man of the name of Wygate, who, as his parents were in good circumstances, had received a better education than is common with printers. He was a tolerable Latin scholar, spoke French fluently, and was fond of reading.—I taught him, as well as a friend of his, to swim, by taking them twice only into the river; after which they stood in need of no farther assistance. We one day made a party to go by water to Chel­sea [Page 76] in order to see the College, and Don Soltero's curiosities. On our return, at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I undressed myself, and leaped into the river. I swam from near Chelsea the whole way to Black, friars Bridge, exhibiting, during my course, a varie­ty of feats of activity and address, both upon the surface of the water, as [...]ell as under it. This sight occasioned much astonishment and pleasure to those to whom it was new. In my youth I took great delight in this exercise. I knew, and could execute, all the evolutions and positions of The▪ venot; and I added to them some of my own in­vention, in which I endeavoured to unite grace­fulness and utility. I took a pleasure in displaying them all on this occasion, and was highly flattered with the admiration they excited.

Wygate, besides his being desirous of perfecting himself in this art, was the more attached to me from there being, in other respects, a conformity in our tastes and studies. He at length proposed to me to make the tour of Europe with him, main­taining ourselves at the same time by working [...] our profession. I was on the point of consenting, when I mentioned it to my friend Denham, with whom I was glad to pass an hour whenever I had leisure. He dissuaded me from the project, and advised me to return to Philadelphia, which he was about to do himself. I must relate in this place▪ a trait of this worthy man's character.

He had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failing, he compounded with his creditors, and de­parted for America, where, by assiduous applica­tion as a merchant, he acquired in a few years a very considerable fortune. Returning to England [Page 77] in the same vessel with myself, as I have related above, he invited all his old creditors to a feast. When assembled, he thanked them for the readiness with which they had received his small composition; and, while they expected nothing more than a sim­ple entertainment, each found under his plate, when it came to be removed, a draft upon a banker for the residue of his debt, with interest.

He told me it was his intention to carry back with him to Philadelphia a great quantity of goods, in order to open a store; and he offered to take me with him in the capacity of clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy let­ters, and superintend the store. He added, that, as soon as I had acquired a knowledge of mercan­tile transactions, he would improve my situation, by sending me with a cargo of corn and flour to the American islands, and by procuring me other lucrative commissions; so that, with good manage­ment and oeconemy, I might in time begin business with advantage for myself.

I relished these proposals. London began to tire me; the agreeable hours I had passed at Phi­ladelphia presented themselves to my mind, and I wished to see them revive. I consequently engag­ed myself to Mr. Denham, at a salary of fifty pounds a year. This was indeed less than I earned as a compositor, but then I had a much fairer prospect. I took leave, therefore, as I believed forever, of printing, and gave myself up entirely to my new occupation, spending all my time either in going from house to house with Mr. Denham to purchase goods, or in packing them up, or in expediting the workmen, &c. &c. When every thing however was on board, I had at last a few days leisure.

[Page 78] During this interval, I was one day sent for by a Gentleman, whom I knew only by name, It was Sir William Wyndham. I went to his house. He had by some means heard of my performances be­tween Chelsea and Blackfriars, and that I had taught the art of swimming to Wygate and ano­ther young man in the course of a few hours. His two sons were on the point of setting out on their travels; [...] was desirous that they should previously learn to swim, and offered me a very liberal reward if I would undertake to instruct them. They were not yet arrived in town, and the stay I should make my­self was uncertain; I could not therefore accept his proposal. I was led however to suppose from this in­cident, that if I had wished to remain in London and open a swimming-school, I should perhaps have gained a great deal of money. This idea struck me so forcibly, that, had the offer been made sooner, I should have dismissed the thought of returning as yet to America. Some years after, you and I had a more important business to settle with one of the sons of Sir William Wyndham, then Lord Egremont. But let us not anticipate events.

I thus passed about eighteen months in London, working almost without intermission at my trade, avoiding all expence on my own account, except going now and then to the play, and purchasing a few books. But my friend Ralph kept me poor. He owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which was so much money lost; and when considered as taken from my little savings, was a very great sum. I had, notwithstanding this, a regard for him, as he possessed many amiable qualities. But though I had done nothing for myself in point of fortune, I had increased my stock of knowledge, either by [Page 79] the many excellent books I had read, or the con­versation of learned and literary persons with whom I was acquainted.

We sailed from Gravesend the 23d of July 1726. For the incidents of my voyage I refer you to my Journal, where you will find all the circumstances minutely related. We landed at Philadelphia on the 11th of the following October.

Keith had been deprived of his office of gover­nor, and was succeeded by Major Gordon. I met him walking in the streets as a private individual. He appeared a little ashamed at seeing me, but passed on without saying any thing.

I should have been equally ashamed myself at meeting Miss Read, had not her family, justly de­spairing of my return after reading my letter, advis­ed her to give me up, and marry a potter, of the name of Rogers; to which she consented; but he never made her happy, and she soon separated from him, refusing to cohabit with him, or even bear his name, on account of a report which prevailed, of his having another wife. His skill in his profes­sion had seduced Miss Read's parents; but he was as bad a subject as he was excellent as a workman. He involved himself in debt, and fled, in the year 1727 or 1728, to the West Indies, where he died.

During my absence Keimer had taken a more considerable house, in which he kept a shop, that was well supplied with paper, and various other articles. He had procured some new types, and a number of workmen; among whom, however, there was not one who was good for any thing; and he appeared not to want business.

Mr. Denham took a warehouse in Water-street, where we exhibited our commodities. I applied [Page 80] myself closely, studied accounts, and became [...] short time very expert in trade. We lodged and eat together. He was sincerely attached to me and acted towards me as if he had been my father▪ On my side, I respected and loved him. My [...] ­ation was happy; but it was a happiness of no long duration.

Early in February 1727, when I entered in [...] my twenty second year, we were both taken [...] I was attacked with a pleurisy, which had near [...] carried me off; I suffered terribly, and consider [...] it as all over with me. I felt indeed a sort of dis­appointment when I found myself likely to rece­ver, and regretted that I had still to experience sooner or later, the same disagreeable scene a­gain.

I have forgotten what was Mr. Denham's dis [...] ­der; but it was a tedious one, and he at last [...] under it. He left me a small legacy in his [...] as a testimony of his friendship; and I was [...] more abandoned to myself in the wide world; the warehouse being confided to the care of the te [...] ­mentary executor, who dismissed me.

My brother-in-law, Holmes, who happened [...] be at Philadelphia, advised me to return to [...] former profession, and Keimer offered me a [...] considerable salary if I would undertake the [...] ­nagement of his printing-office, that he might de­vote himself entirely to the superintendance of [...] shop. His wife and relations in London had giv [...] me a bad character of him; and I was loath, [...] the present, to have any concern with him. I [...] deavoured to get employment as a clerk to a mer­chant; but not readily finding a situation, I [...] induced to accept Keimer's proposal.

[Page 81] The following were the persons I found in his printing-house:

Hugh Meredith, a Pennsylvanian, about thirty­five years of age. He had been brought up to husbandry, was honest, sensible, had some experi­ence, and was fond of reading; but too much addict­ed to drinking.

Stephen Potts, a young rustic, just broke from school, and of rustic education, with endowments rather above the common order, and a competent portion of understanding and gaiety; but a little idle. Keimer had engaged these two at very low wages, which he had promised to raise every three months a shilling a week, provided their improve­ment in the typographic art should merit it. This future increase of wages was the bait he made use of to ensnare them. Meredith was to work at the press, and Potts to bind books, which he had en­gaged to teach them, though he understood neither himself.

John Savage, an Irishman, who had been brought up to no trade, and whose service, for a period of four years, Keimer had purchased of the captain of a ship. He was also to be a pressman.

George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time he had in like manner bought for four years, inten­ding him for a compositor. I shall speak more of him presently.

Lastly, David Harry, a country lad, who was apprenticed to him.

I soon perceived that Keimer's intention, in en­gaging me at a price so much above what he was accustomed to give, was, that I might form all these raw journeymen, and apprentices who s [...]arcely cost him any thing, and who, being len­tured, [Page 82] would as soon as they should be sufficiently instructed, enable him to do without me. I never­theless adhered to my agreement. I put the office in order, which was in the utmost confusion, and brought his people, by degrees, to pay attention to their work, and to execute it in a more masterly manner.

It was singular to see an Oxford scholar in the condition of a purchased servant. He was [...] more than eighteen years of age; and the follow­ing are the particulars he gave me of himself Born at Gloucester, he had been educated at a grammar school, and had distinguished himself among the scholars by his superior style of acting when they represented dramatic performance▪ He was member of a literary club in the town and some pieces of his composition, in prose as well as in verse, had been inserted in the Gloucester pa­pers. From hence he was sent to Oxford, where he remained about a year; but he was not content­ed, and wished above all things to see London, and become an actor. At length, having received fif­teen guineas to pay his quarter's board, he deca [...] ­ed with the money from Oxford, hid his gown in a hedge, and travelled to London. There, having no friend to direct him, he fell into bad company, soon squandered his fifteen guineas, could find no way of being introduced to the actors, became con­temptible, pawned his clothes, and was in want of bread. As he was walking along the streets, al­most famished with hunger, and not knowing what to do, a recruiting bill was put into his hand, which offered an immediate treat and bounty-money to whoever was disposed to serve in America. He instantly repaired to the house of rendezvous, [...] [Page 83] listed himself, was put on board a ship and con­veyed to America, without ever writing to inform his parents what was become of him. His mental vivacity, and good natural disposition, made him an excellent companion; but he was indolent, thought­less, and to the last degree imprudent.

John, the Irishman, soon ran away. I began to live very agreeably with the rest. They respected me, and the more so as they found Keimer incapa­ble of instructing them, and as they learned some­thing from me every day. We never worked on a Saturday, it being Keimer's sabbath; so that I had two days a week for reading.

I increased my acquaintance with persons of knowledge and information in the town. Keimer himself treated me with great civility and apparent esteem; and I had nothing to give me uneasiness but my debt to Vernon, which I was unable to pay, my savings as yet being very little. He had the goodness, however, not to ask me for the money.

Our press was frequently in want of the necessary quantity of letter; and there was no such trade as that of letter-founder in America. I had seen the practice of this art at the house of James, in Lon­don; but had at the same time paid it very little attention. I however contrived to fabricate a mould. I made use of such letters as we had for punches, [...]ounded new letters of lead in matrices of clay, and thus supplied, in a tolerable manner, the wants that were most pressing.

I also, upon occasion, engraved various orna­ments, made ink, gave an eye to the shop; in short, I was in every respect the factotum. But useful as I made myself, I perceived that my services became [Page 84] every day of less importance, in proportion at the other men improved; and when Keimer paid [...] my second quarter's wages, he gave me to under­stand that they were too heavy, and that he thought I ought to make an abatement. He became by degrees less civil, and assumed more the tone of master. He frequently found fault, was difficult [...] please, and seemed always on the point of coming to an open quarrel with me.

I continued, however, to bear it patiently, [...] ­ceiving that his ill-humour was partly occasi [...] by the derangement and embarrassment of his [...] fairs. At last a slight incident broke our co [...] ­tion. Hearing a noise in the neighbourhood, I [...] my head out of the window to see what was the matter. Keimer being in the street, observed [...] and in a loud and angry tone told me to [...] work; adding some reproachful words, which [...] ­qued me the more as they were uttered in the street; and the neighbours, whom the [...] noise had attracted to the windows, were witness­es of the manner in which I was treated. He immediately came up to the printing-room, and continued to exclaim against me. The [...] became warm on both sides, and he gave me [...] ­tice to quit him at the expiration of three months as had been agreed between us; regretting [...] he was obliged to give me so long a term. I tell him that his regret was superfluous, as I was ready to quit him instantly; and I took my hat [...] came out of the house, begging Meredith to take care of some things which I left, and bring the [...] [...] my lodgings.

Meredith came to me in the evening. We talk­ed for some time upon the quarrel that had [...] [Page 85] place. He had conceived a great veneration for me, and was sorry I should quit the house while he remained in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native country, as I began to think of doing. He reminded me that Keimer owed more than he possessed; that his creditors began to be alarmed; that he kept his shop in a wretched slate, often selling things at prime cost for the sake of ready money, and continually giving credit without keep­ing any accounts; that of consequence he must very soon fail, which would occasion a vacancy from which I might derive advantage. I objected my want of money. Upon which he informed me that his father had a very high opinion of me, and, from a conversation that had passed between them, he was sure that he would advance whatever might be necessary to establish us, if I was willing to enter into partnership with him. "My time with Keimer," added he, "will be at an end next spring. In the mean time we may send to Lon­don for our press and types. I know that I am no workman; but if you agree to the proposal, your skill in the business will be balanced by the capital I will furnish, and we will share the profits equally." His proposal was reasonable, and I fell in [...] it. His father, who was then in the town, approved of it. He knew that I had some ascen­dency over his son, as I had been able to prevail on him to abstain a long time from drinking bran­dy; and he hoped that, when more closely con­nected with him, I should cure him entirely of this unfortunate habit.

I gave the father a list of what it would be ne­cessary to import from London. He took it to a merchant, and the order was given. We agreed [Page 86] to keep the secret till the arrival of the materials and I was in the mean time to procure work, if pos­sible, in another printing-house; but there was no place vacant, and I remained idle. After some days▪ Keimer having the expectation of being employed to print some New-Jersey money-bills, that would require types and engravings which I only could furnish, and fearful that Bradford, by engaging me might deprive him of the undertaking, sent me a very civil message, telling me that old friends ought not to be disunited on account of a few words, which were the effect only of a momentary passion, and inviting me to return to him. Meredith per­suaded me to comply with the invitation, particu­larly as it would afford him more opportunities [...] improving himself in the business by means of any instructions. I did so, and we lived upon better terms than before our separation.

He obtained the New-Jersey business; and, it order to execute it, I constructed a copper-plate printing-press; the first that had been seen in the country. I engraved various ornaments and vig­nettes for the bills; and we repaired to Burlington together, where I executed the whole to the gene­ral satisfaction; and he received a sum of money for this work, which enabled him to keep his head above water for a considerable time longer.

At Burlington I formed acquaintance with the principal personages of the province; many [...] whom were commissioned by the assembly to su­perintend the press, and to see that no more [...] were printed than the law had prescribed. Ac­cordingly they were constantly with us, each in his turn; and he that came commonly brought [...] him a friend or two to bear him company. [...] [Page 87] mind was more cultivated by reading than Kei­mer's; and it was for this reason, probably, that they set more value on my conversation. They took me to their houses, introduced me to their friends and treated me with the greatest civility; while Keimer though master, saw himself a little neglected. He was, in fact, a strange animal, ig­norant of the common modes of life; apt to oppose with rudeness generally received opinions, an enthu­siast in certain points of religion, disgustingly unclean in his person, and a little knavish withal.

We remained there nearly three months; and at the expiration of this period I could include in the list of my friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bus­ [...], secretary of the province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, several of the Smiths, all members of the assembly, and Isaac Deacon, inspector general. The last was a shrewd and subtle old [...]. He told me, that, when a boy, his first employment had been that of carrying clay to brick-makers; that he did not learn to write till he was somewhat advanced in life; that he was afterwards employ­ed as an underling to a surveyor, who taught him his trade, and that by industry he had at last acquired a competent fortune, "I fore [...]" said he one day to me, "that you will soon supplant this man" speaking of Keimer, "and get a fortune in the business at Philadelphia." He was totally ig­norant at the time of my intention of establishing myself there, or any where else. These friends were very serviceable to me in the end, as was I also, upon occasion, to some of them; and they have continued ever since their esteem for me.

Before I relate the particulars of my entrance into business, it may be proper to inform you what [Page 88] was at that time the state of my mind as to moral principles, that you may see the degree on influence they had upon the subsequent events of my life.

My parents had given me betimes religious im­pressions; and I received from my infancy a pious education in the principles of Calvinism. But scarcely was I arrived at fifteen years of age, when, after having doubted in turn of different tenets, according as I found them combated in the differ­ent books that I read, I began to doubt of revela­tion itself. Some volumes against deism fell into my hands. They were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle's Lecture. It hap­pened that they produced on me an effect precise­ly the reverse of what was intended by the writers; for the arguments of the deists, which were cited in order to be refuted, appeared to me much more forcible than the refutation itself. In a word, I soon became a perfect deist. My arguments per­verted some other young persons; particularly Collins and Ralph. But in the sequel, when I recollected that they had both used me extremely ill, without the smallest remorse; when I consi­dered the behaviour of Keith, another freethinker, and my own conduct towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave me much uneasiness, I was led to suspect that this doctrine, though it might be true, was not very useful. I began to entertain a less favourable opinion of my London pamphlet, to which I had prefixed, as a motto, the following lines of Dryden;

[Page 89] and of which the object was [...] prove, from the attributes of God, his goodness, wisdom, and power that there could be no such thing as evil in the world; that vice and virtue did not in reality exist, and were nothing more than vain distinctions. I no longer regard­ed it as so blameless a work as I had formerly ima­gined; and I suspected that some error must have imperceptibly have glided into my argument, by all the inferences I had drawn from it had been af­fected, as it frequently happens in metaphysical rea­sonings. In a word, I was at last convinced that truth, probity and sincerity, in transactions be­tween man and man were of the utmost importance to the happiness of life; and I resolved from that moment, and wrote the resolution in my [...]nal, to practise them as long as I lived.

Revelation indeed, as such, had no influence on my mind; but I was of opinion that, though cer­tain actions could not be bad merely because reve­lation prohibited them, or good because it enjoin­ed them, yet it was probable that those actions were prohibited because they were bad for us, or enjoin­ed because advantageous in their nature, all things considered. This persuasion, divine providence, or some guardian angel, and perhaps a concurrence of favourable circumstances co-operating, preserv­ed me from all immorality, or gross and voluntary injustice, to which my want of religion was calcu­lated to expose me, in the dangerous period of youth, and in the hazardous situations in which I sometimes found myself, among strangers, and at a distance from the eye and admonitions of my fa­ther. I may say voluntary, because the errors in­to which I had fallen, had been in a manner the [Page 90] forced result either of my own inexperience, or the dishonesty of others. Thus, before I entered [...] my new career. I had imbibed solid principles, and a character of probity. I knew their value; and I made a solemn engagement with myself never in depart from them.

I had not long returned from Burlington before our printing materials arrived from London. I settled my accounts with Keimer, and quitted [...] with his own consent, before he had any know­ledge of our plan. We found a house to let new the market. We took it; and to render the [...] less burthensome (it was then twenty-four pou [...] a year, but I have since known it let for seve [...] [...] we admitted Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, with [...] fam [...] who eased us of a considerable part of [...] and with him we agreed to board.

We had no sooner unpacked our letter, and [...] our press in order, than a person of my acquaint­ance, George House, brought us a countryman whom he had met in the streets enquiring for [...] printer. Our money was almost exhausted by the number of things we had been obliged to procure. The five shillings we received from this country­man, the first fruit of our earnings, coming so sea­sonably, gave me more pleasure than any sum I have since gained; and the recollection of the gratitude I felt on this occasion to George House has rendered me often more disposed, than perhaps I should otherwise have been, to encourage young beginners in trade.

There are in every country morose beings, who are always prognosticating ruin. There was [...] of this stamp in Philadelphia. He was a man of fortune, declined in years, had an air of wisdom [Page 91] and a very grave manner of speaking. His name was Samuel Mickle. I knew him not; but he stopped one day at my door, and asked me if I was the young man who had lately opened a new print­ing-house. Upon my answering in the affirmative, he said that he was very sorry for me, as it was an expensive undertaking; and the money that had been laid out upon it would be loft, Philadelphia being a place falling into decay; its inhabitants having all, or nearly all of them, been obliged to call together their creditors. That he knew, from undoubted fact, the circumstances which might [...] us to suppose the contrary, such as new build­ [...], and the advanced price of rent, to be deceit­ [...] appearances, which in reality contributed to has­ten the general ruin; and he gave me so long a de­tail of misfortunes, actually existing, or which were soon to take place, that he left me almost in a state of despair. Had I known this man before I entered into trade, I should doubtless never have ventured. He however continued to live in this place of de­cay, and to declaim in the same style, refusing for many years to buy a house, because all was going to wreck? and in the end I had the satisfaction to see him pay five times as much for one as it would cost him had he purchased it when he first began his lamentations.

I ought to have related, that, during the autumn of the preceding year, I had united the majority of well-informed persons of my acquaintance into a club, which we called by the name of the Junt [...], and the object of which was to improve our un­derstandings. We met every Friday evening. The regulations I drew up, obliged every member to propose, in his turn, one or more questions upon [Page 92] some point of morality, politics, or philosophy, which were to be discussed by the society; and to read, once in three months, an essay of his own composition, on whatever subject he pleased. Our debates were under the direction of a president, and were to be dictated only by a sincere desire of truth; the pleasure of disputing, and the va [...] ­ty of triumph having no share in the business and in order to prevent undue warmth, every ex­pression which implied obstinate adherence to [...] opinion, and all direct contradiction, were prohibi­ted, under small pecuniary penalties.

The first members of our club were Joseph Breintnal, whose occupation was that of a scri­vener. He was a middle-aged man, of a good natural disposition, strongly attached to his friends, a great lover of poetry, reading every thing that came in his way, and writing tolerably well, in­genious in many little trifles, and of an agreeable conversation.

Thomas Godfrey, a skilful, though self-taught mathematician, and who was afterwards the in­ventor of what now goes by the name of Hadley's dial; but he had little knowledge out of his own line, and was insupportable in company, always requiring, like the majority of mathematicians that have fallen in my way, an unusual precision in every thing that is said, continually contradict­ing, or making trifling distinctions; a sure way of defeating all the ends of conversation. He very soon left us.

Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, and who became afterwards surveyor-general. He was fond of books, and wrote verses.

[Page 93] William Parsons, brought up to the trade of a shoe-maker, but who, having a taste for reading, had acquired a profound knowledge of mathematics. He first studied them with a view to astrology, and was afterwards the first to laugh at his folly. He also became surveyor-general.

William Mawgridge, a joiner, and very excellent mechanic; and in other respects a man of solid un­derstanding.

Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb, of whom I have already spoken.

Robert Grace, a young man of fortune; gene­rous, animated, and witty; fond of epigrams, but move fond of his friends.

And lastly, William Coleman, at that time a merchant's clerk, and nearly of my own age. He had a cooler and clearer head, a better heart, and more scrupulous morals, than almost any other person I have ever met with. He became a very respectable merchant, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship subsisted, without inter­ruption, for more than forty years, till the period of his death; and the club continued to exist almost as long.

This was the best school of politics and philoso­phy that then existed in the province; for our questions, which were read a week previous to their discussion, induced us to peruse attentively such books as were written upon the subjects pro­posed, that we might be able to speak upon them more pertinently. We thus acquired the habit of conversing more agreeably; every object being discussed conformably to our regulations, and in a manner to prevent mutual disgust. To this cir­cumstance may be attributed the long duration of [Page 94] the club; which I shall have frequent occasion to mention as I proceed.

I have introduced it here, as being one of the means on which I had to count for success in my business; every member exerting himself to pro­cure work for us. Breintnal, among others, ob­tained for us, on the part of the Quakers, the print­ing of forty sheets of their history; of which the rest was to be done by Keimer. Our execution of this work was by no means masterly; as the price was very low. It was in folio, upon pro p [...] ­tria paper, and in the pica letter, with heavy notes in the smallest type. I composed a sheet a day, and Meredith put it to the press. It was frequent­ly eleven o'clock at night sometimes later, before I had finished my distribution for the next day's task; for the little things which our friends occa­sionally sent us, kept us back in this work: but I was so determined to compose a sheet a day, that one evening, when my form was imposed, and my day's work, as I thought, at an end, an acci­dent having broken this form, and arranged two complete folio pages, I immediately distributed, and composed them anew before I went to bed.

This unwearied industry, which was perceived by our neighbours, began to acquire us reputation and credit. I learned, among other things, that our new printing-house being the subject of con­versation at a club of merchants, who met every evening, it was the general opinion that it would fail; there being already two printing-houses i [...] the town, Keimer's and Bradford's. But Dr. [...] whom you and I had occasion to see, many [...] after, at his native town of St. Andrew's in Scot [...] land was of a different opinion. "The industry [Page 95] of this Franklin (said he) is superior to any thing of the kind I have ever witnessed. I see him still at work when I return from the club at night, and he is at it again in the morning before his neigh­bours are out of bed." This [...] struck the [...]est of the assembly, and shortly after one of its members came to our house, and offered to supply [...] with articles of stationary; but we wished not [...] yet to embarrass ourselves with keeping a shop. It is not for the sake of applause that I enter so free­ly into the particulars of my industry, but that such of my descendants as shall read these memoirs may know the use of this virtue, by seeing in the recital of my life the effects it operated in my sa­ [...]our.

George Webb, having found a friend who lent him the necessary sum to buy out his time of Kei­mer, came one day to offer himself to us as a jour­neyman. We could not employ him immediately; but I foolishly told him, under the rose, that I in­ [...]ended shortly to publish a new periodical paper, and that we should then have work for him. My hopes of success, which I imparted to him, were founded on the circumstance, that the only paper we had in Philadelphia at that time, and which Brandford printed, was a paltry thing, miserably conducted, in no respect amusing, and which yet was profitable. I consequently supposed that a good work of this kind could not fail of success. Webb betrayed my sec [...]et to Keimer, who, to prevent me, immediately published the prospectus of a paper that he intended to institute himself, and in which Webb was to be engaged.

I was exasperated at this proceeding, and, with a view to counteract them, not being able at present [Page 96] to institute my own paper, I wrote some humourous pieces in Bradford's, under the title of the Busy Body^* and which was continued for several months by Breint [...]al. I hereby fixed the attention of the public upon Bradford's paper; and the prospectus of Keimer, which we turned into ridicule, was treated with contempt. He began, notwithstanding, [...] paper; and after continuing it for nine months, having at most not more than ninety subscribers, he offered it me for a mere trifle. I had for sometime been ready for such an engagement; I therefore instant [...] took it upon myself, and in a few years it proved extremely profitable to me.

I perceive that I am apt to speak in the first per­son, though our partnership still continued. It is, perhaps, because, in fact, the whole business devolved upon me. Meredith was no compositor, and but an indifferent pressman; and it was rarely that he abstained from hard drinking. My friends were sorry to see me connected with him; but I con­trived to derive from it the utmost advantage the case admitted.

Our first number produced no other effect than any other paper which had appeared in the pro­vince, as to type and printing; but some remarks, in my peculiar style of writing, upon the dispute which then prevailed between governor Burnet, and the Massachusett assembly, struck some persons as above mediocrity, caused the paper and its edi­tors to be talked of, and in a few weeks induced them to become our subscribers. Many others fol­lowed [Page 97] their example; and our subscription conti­nued to increase. This was one of the first good effects of the pains I had taken to learn to put my ideas on paper. I derived this farther advantage from it, that the leading men of the place, seeing in the author of this publication a man so well able to use his pen, thought it right to patronise and en­courage me.

The votes, laws, and other public pieces, were printed by Bradford. An address of the house of assembly to the governor had been executed by him in a very coarse and incorrect manner. We reprinted it with accuracy and neatness, and sent a copy to every member. They perceived the dif­ference; and it so strengthened the influence of our friends in the assembly, that we were nominated its printer for the following year.

Among these friends I ought not to forget one member in particular, Mr. Hamilton, whom I have mentioned in a former part of my narrative, and who was now returned from England. He warm­ly interested himself for me on this occasion, as he did likewise on many others afterwards; having continued his kindness to me till his death.

About this period Mr. Vernon reminded me of the debt I owed him, but without pressing me for payment. I wrote him a handsome letter on the occasion, begging him to wait a little longer, to which he consented; and as soon as I was able I paid him, principal and interest, with many expres­sions of gratitude; so that this error of my life was in a manner atoned for.

But another trouble now happened to me, which I had not the smallest reason to expect. Mere­dith's father, who, according to our agreement, [Page 98] was to defray the whole expence of our printing materials, had only paid a hundred pounds. As other hundred was still due, and the merchant be­ing tired of waiting, commenced a suit against [...] We bailed the action, but with the melanch [...] prospect, that, if the money was not forthcomi [...] at the time fixed, the affair would come to [...] judgment be put in execution, our delightful [...] be annihilated, and ourselves entirely ruined; as [...] types and press must be sold, perhaps at half their [...] ­lue, to pay the debt.

In this distress, two real friends, whose gener [...] conduct I have never forgotten, and never [...] forget while I retain the remembrance of any thi [...] came to me separately, without the knowledge [...] each other, and without my having applied to the [...] Each offered me whatever sum might be necessary to take the business into my own hands, if the thing was practicable, as they did not like I should continue in partnership with Meredith, who, [...] said, was frequently seen drunk in the streets, [...] gambling at ale-houses, which very much [...] our credit. These friends were William Cole [...] and Robert Grace. I told them that while [...] remained any probability that the Merediths [...] fulfil their part of the compact, I could not [...] ­pose a separation; as I conceived myself to be [...] ­der obligations to them for what they had [...] already, and were still disposed to do if they [...] the power: but in the end should they fail [...] their engagement, and our partnership be differ­ed, I should then think myself at liberty to [...] the kindness of my friends.

Things remained for some time in this [...] At last I said one day to my partner, "Your father [Page 99] is perhaps dissatisfied with your having a share only in the business, and is unwilling to do for two, what he would do for you alone. Tell me frankly if that be the case, and I will resign the whole to you, and do for myself as well as I can."—"No (said he) my father has really been disappointed in his hopes; he is not able to pay, and I wish to put him to no further inconvenience. I see that I am not at all calculated for a printer; I was edu­cated as a farmer, and it was absurd in me to come here, at thirty years of age, and bind myself apprentice to a new trade. Many of my country­men are going to settle in North-Carolina, where the soil is exceedingly favourable. I am tempted to go with them, and to resume my former occu­pation. You will doubtless find friends who [...] that you. If you will take upon yourself the debts of the partnership, return my father the hundred pounds he has advanced, pay my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will renounce the partnership, and consign over the whole stock to you."

I accepted this proposal without hesitation. It [...] committed to paper, and signed and sealed without delay. I gave him what he demanded and he departed soon after for Carolina, from whence he [...] me, in the following year, two long letters, co [...]ining the best accounts that had yet been given of that country, as to climate, soil, agriculture, &c. for he was well versed in these matters. I published them in my newspaper, and they were received with great satisfaction.

As soon as he was gone I applied to my two friends, and not wishing to give a disobliging pre­feren [...] to either of them, I accepted from each [Page 100] half what he had offered me, and which it [...] necessary I should have. I paid the partnership debts, and continued the business on my own ac­count; taking care to inform the public, by ad­vertisement, of the partnership being dissolved. This was, I think, in the year 1729, or ther [...] ­bout.

Nearly at the same period the people demanded a new emission of paper money: the existing and only one that had taken place in the province, and which amounted to fifteen thousand pound, be­ing soon to expire. The wealthy inhabita [...] prejudiced against every sort of paper curren [...] from the fear of its depreciation, of which th [...] had been an instance in the province of New En­gland, to the injury of its holders, strongly [...] ­sed the measure. We had discussed this affair [...] our junto, in which I was on the side of the [...] ­emission; convinced that the first small sum, fabri­cated in 1723, had done much good in the pro­vince, by favouring commerce, industry and popu­lation, since all the houses were now inhabi [...] and many others bulding; whereas I remembered to have seen, when first I paraded the streets of Philadelphia eating my roll, the majority of th [...] in Walnut-street, Second-street, Fourth-street, [...] well as a great number in Chesnut and other streets, with papers on them signifying that they were to be; let which made me think at the time that the inhabitants of the town were deserting [...] one after another.

Our debates made me so fully master of the [...] ­ject, that I wrote and published an anony [...] pamphlet, entitled An Enquiry into the [...] and Necessity of a Paper Currency. It was [...] [Page 101] well received by the lower and middling class of people; but it displeased the opulent, as it increas­ed the clamour in favour of the new emission.—Having, however, no writer among them capable of answering it, their opposition became less vio­lent; and their being in the house of assembly a majority for the measure, it passed. The friends I had acquired in the house, persuaded that I had done the country essential service on this occasion, rewarded me by giving me the printing of the bills. It was a lucrative employment, and proved a very seasonable help to me; another advantage which I derived from having habituated myself to write.

Time and experience so fully demonstrated the utility of paper currency, that it never after expe­rienced any considerable opposition; so that it [...] amounted to 55,000l. and in the year 17 [...] 80,000l. It has since risen, during the last war, to 350,000l. trade, buildings and population ha­ving in the interval continually increased: but I am now convinced that there are limits beyond which paper money would be prejudicial.

I soon after obtained, by the influence of my friend Hamilton, the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable work, as I then thought it, little things appearing great to persons of moderate fortune; and they were really great to me, as proving great encouragements. He also procured me the printing of the laws and votes of that government which I retained as long as I con­tinued in the business.

I now opened a small stationer's shop. I kept bonds and agreements of all kinds, drawn up in a more accurate form than had yet been seen in that [Page 102] part of the world; a work in which I was assisted by my friend Brientnal. I had also paper, par [...] ­ment, pasteboard, books, &c. One Whitema [...] an excellent compositor, whom I had known is London, came to offer himself. I engaged him and he continued constantly and diligently to [...] with me. I also took an apprentice, the son of Aquil [...] Rose.

I began to pay, by degrees, the debt I had contracted; and in order to insure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not only to be really industrious and frugal, but also to [...] every appearance of the contrary. I was plai [...] dressed, and never seen in [...]any place of public amusement. I never went a fishing or hunting. A book indeed enticed me sometimes from my work, but it was seldom, by stealth, and occasion­ed [...] scandal; and to show that I did not think myself above my profession, I conveyed home sometimes in a wheelbarrow the paper I purcha­sed at the warehouses.

I thus obtained the reputation of being an in­dustrious young man, and very punctual in his payments. The merchants who imported artic [...] of stationary solicited my custom; others offered [...] furnish me with books, and my little trade went [...] prosperously.

Meanwhile the credit and business of Keimer diminished every day, he was at last forced to [...] his stock to satisfy his creditors; and he bet [...] himself to Barbadoes, where he lived for some time in a very impoverished state. His appren­tice, David Harry, whom I had instructed wh [...] I worked with Keimer, having bought his ma [...] ­rials, succeeded him in the business. I was appre­hensive [Page 103] at first, of finding in Harry a powerful competitor, as he was allied to an opulent and respectable family; I therefore proposed a partner­ship, which, happily for me, he rejected with dis­da [...]. He was extremely proud, thought himself a fine gentleman, lived extravagantly, and pursu­ed amusements which suffered him to be scarcely ever at home; of consequence he became in debt neglected his business, and business neglected [...]. Finding in a short time nothing to do in the country, he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, carrying his printing materials with him. There the apprentice employed his old matter as a jour­neyman. They were continually quarrelling; and Harry still getting in debt, was obliged at last to sell his press and types, and return to his old occupation of husbandry in Pennsylvania. The person who purchased them employed Keimer to manage the business; but he died a few years after.

I had now at Philadelphia no competitor but Bradford, who, being in easy circumstances, did not engage in the printing of books, except now and then as workmen chanced to offer themselves; and was [...] [...]xious to extend his trade. He had, however, one advantage over me, as he had the direction of the post-office, and was of consequence supposed to have better opportunities of obtaining news. His paper was also supposed to be more advantageous to advertising customers; and in consequence of that supposition, his advertisements were much more numerous than mine; this was a source of great profit to him, and disadvantage­ous to me. It was to no purpose that I really pro­c [...]ed other papers, and distributed my own, by [Page 104] means of the post; the public took for granted my inability in this respect; and I was indeed unable to conquer it in any other mode than by bribing the post-boys, who served me only by stealth, Brad­ford being so illiberal as to forbid them.—Th [...] treatment of his excited my resentment; and [...] disgust was so rooted, that, when I afterwards succeeded him in the post-office, I took care to avoid copying his example.

I had hitherto continued to board with Godfrey who, with his wife and children, occupied part of my house, and half of the shop for his business▪ at which indeed he worked very little, being al­ways absorbed by mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey formed a wish of marrying me to the daughter [...] one of her relations. She contrived various op­portunities of bringing us together, till she [...] that I was captivated; which was not difficult the lady in question possessing great personal [...] ­rit. The parents encouraged my addresses, by in­viting me continually to supper, and leaving [...] together, till at last it was time to come to [...] explanation. Mrs. Godfrey undertook to negociate our little treaty. I gave her to understand, that I expected to receive with the young lady a sum of money that would enable me at least to dis­charge the remainder of my debt for my printing materials. It was then, I believe, not more than a hundred pounds. She brought me for answer, that they had no such sum at their disposal. I observed that it might easily be obtained, by a mortgage on their house. The reply of this was, after a few days interval, that they did not ap­prove of the match; that they had consulted Bradford, and found that the business of a printer [Page 105] was not lucrative; that my letters would soon be worn out, and must be supplied by new ones; that Keimer and Harry had failed, and that, probably, I should do so too. Accordingly they forbade me the house, and the young lady was confined. I know not if they had really changed their minds, or if it was merely an artifice, supposing our af­fections to be too far engaged for us to desist, and that we should contrive to marry secretly, which would leave them at liberty to give or not as they pleased. But, suspecting this motive, I never went again to their house.

Some time after Mrs. Godfrey informed me that they were favourably disposed towards me, and wished me to renew the acquaintance; but I de­clared a firm resolution never to have any thing more to do with the family. The Godfreys ex­pressed some resentment at this; and as we could no longer agree, they changed their residence, leaving me in possession of the whole house. I then resolved to take no more lodgers. This af­fair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I looked around me, and made overtures of alliance in other quarters; but I soon found that the pro­fession of a printer being generally looked upon as a poor trade, I could expect no money with a wife at least if I wished her to possess any other charm. Meanwhile, that passion of youth, so difficult to govern, had often drawn me into in­trigues with despicable women who fell in my way; which were not unaccompanied with ex­pence and inconvenience, besides the perpetual risk of injuring my health, and catching a disease which I dreaded above all things. But I was for­tunate enough to escape this danger.

[Page 106] As a neighbour and old acquaintance, I kept up a friendly intimacy with the family of Miss Re [...]. Her parents had rétained an affection for me from the time of my lodging in their house. I was of­ten invited thither; they consulted me about their affairs, and I had been sometimes serviceable to them. I was touched with the unhappy situation of their daughter, who was almost always melan­choly, and continually seeking solitude. I regard­ed my forgetfulness and inconstancy, during up abode in London, as the principal cause of his misfortune; though her mother had the cand [...] to attribute the fault to herself, rather than to [...] because, after having prevented our marriage pre­vious to my departure, she had induced her to [...] another in my absence.

Our mutual affection revived; but there [...] great obstacles to our union. Her marriage was considered, indeed, as not being valid, the [...] having, it was said, a former wife still living [...] England; but of this it was difficult to obtain [...] proof at so great a distance: and though a [...] prevailed of his being dead, yet we had no [...] ­tainty of it; and supposing it to be true, he [...] left many debts, for the payment of which his [...] ­cessor might be sued. We ventured neverthe­less, in spite of all these difficulties, and I [...] her on the first of September 1730. None [...] inconveniences we had feared happened to [...] She proved to me a good and faithful compa [...] and contributed essentially to the success of [...] shop. We prospered together, and it was [...] mutual study to render each other happy. [...] I corrected, as well as I could, this great error [...] my youth.

[Page 107] Our club was not at that time established at a tavern. We held our meetings at the house of Mr. Grace, who appropriated a room to the pur­pose. Some members observed one day, that as our books were frequently quoted in the course of our discussions, it would be convenient to have them collected in the room in which we assembled, in order to be consulted upon occasion; and that, by thus forming a common library of our indivi­dual collections, each would have the advantage of using the books of all the other members, which would nearly be the same as if he possessed them all himself. The idea was approved, and we ac­cordingly brought such books as we thought we could spare, which were placed at the end of the club-room. They amounted not to so many as we expected; and though we made considerable use of them, yet some inconveniences resulting, from want of care, it was agreed, after about a year, to destroy the collection; and each took away such books as belonged to him.

It was now that I first started the idea of establish­ing by subscription, a public library. I drew up the proposals, had them ingrossed in form by Brock­den the attorney, and my project succeeded, as will be seen in the sequel **************

[The life of Dr. Franklin, as written by himself, so far as it has yet been communicated to the world, breaks off in this place. We understand that it wa [...] continued by him somewhat further and we hope that the remainder will, at some future period, be communicated to the public. We have no hesita­tion in supposing that every reader will find himself greatly interested by the frank simplicity and the [Page 108] philosophical discernment by which these pages are so eminently characterised. We have therefore thought proper, in order as much as possible to relieve his regret, to subjoin the following conti­nuation, by one of the doctor's intimate friends. It is extracted from an American periodical publi­cation, and was written by the late Dr. Stuber^* of Philadelphia.]

THE promotion of literature had been little attended to in Pennsylvania. Most of the inha­bitants were too much immersed in business to think of scientific pursuits; and those few, whose inclinations led them to study, found it difficult to gratify them, from the want of sufficiently large [Page 109] libraries. In such circumstances, the establishment of a public library was an important event. This was first set on foot by Franklin, about the year 1731. Fifty persons subscribed forty shillings each, and agreed to pay ten shillings annually.—The number increased; and in 1742, the compa­ny was incorporated by the name of "The Libra­ry Company of Philadelphia." Several other companies were formed in this city in imitation of it. These were all at length united with the li­brary company of Philadelphia, which thus receiv­ed a considerable accession of books and property. It now contains about eight thousand volumes on all subjects, a philosophical apparatus, and a good beginning towards a collection of natural and arti­ficial curiosities, besides landed property of consi­derable value. The company have lately built an elegant house in Fifth-street, in the front of which will be erected a marble statue of their foun­der, Benjamin Franklin.

This institution was greatly encouraged by the friends of Literature in America and in Great Britain. The Penn family distinguished them­selves by their donations. Amongst the earliest friends of this institution must be mentioned the late Peter Collinson, the friend and correspondent of Dr. Franklin. He not only made considerable presents himself, and obtained others from his friends, but voluntarily undertook to manage the business of the company in London, recommend­ing books, purchasing and shipping them. His extensive knowledge, and zeal for the promotion of science, enabled him to execute this impor­tant trust with the greatest advantage. He con­tinued to perform these services for more than [Page 110] thirty years, and uniformly refused to accept of any compensation: During this time, he commu­nicated to the directors every information relative to improvements and discoveries in the arts, agricul­ture, and philosophy.

The beneficial influence of this institution was soon evident. The cheapness of terms rendered it accessible to every one. Its advantages were not confined to the opulent. The citizens in the middle and lower walks of life were equally par­takers of them. Hence a degree of information was extended amongst all classes of people, which is very unusual in other places. The example was soon followed. Libraries were established [...] various places, and they are now become very nu­merous in the United States, and particularly in Pennsylvania. It is to be hoped that they will be still more widely extended, and that information will be every where increased. This will be the best security for maintaining our liberties. A nation of well-informed men, who have been taught to know and prize the rights which God has given them cannot be enslaved. It is in the regions of ignorance that tyranny reigns. It [...] before the light of science. Let the citizens of America, then, encourage institutions calcula­ted to diffuse knowledge amongst the people; and amongst these, public libraries are not the [...] important.

In 1732, Franklin began to publish Poor Rich­ard's Almanack. This was remarkable for the numerous and valuable concise maxims which i [...] contained, all tending to exhort to industry and frugality. It was continued for many years. In the almanack for the last year, all the maxims [Page 111] were collected in an address to the reader, entitled, The Way to Wealth. This has been translated in various languages, and inserted in different publications. It has also been printed on a large sheet, and may be seen framed in many houses in this city. This address contains, perhaps the best practical system of oeconomy that ever has appear­ed. It is written in a manner intelligible to every one, and which cannot fail of convincing every reader of the justice and propriety of the remarks and advice which it contains. The demand for this almanack was so great, that ten thousand have been sold in one year; which must be considered as a very large number, especially when we reflect, that this country was, at that time, but thinly peopled. It cannot be doubted that the salutary maxims contained in these almanacks must have made a favourable impression upon many of the readers of them.

It was not long before Franklin entered upon his political career. In the year 1736 he was ap­pointed clerk to the general assembly of Pennsyl­vania; and was re-elected by succeeding assem­blies for several years, until he was chosen a repre­sentative for the city of Philadelphia.

Bradford was possessed of some advantages over Franklin, by being post-master, thereby having an opportunity of circulating [...] paper more exten­sively, and thus rendering it a better vehicle for advertisements, &c. Franklin, in his turn, enjoy­ed these advantages, by being appointed post-mas­ter of Philadelphia in 1737. Bradford, while in office, had acted ungenerously towards Franklin, preventing as much as possible the circulation of his paper. He had now an opportunity of retalia­ting; [Page 112] but his nobleness of soul prevented him from making use of it.

The police of Philadelphia had early appointed watchmen, whose duty it was to guard the citi­zens against the midnight robber, and to give an immediate alarm in case of fire. This duty is, per­haps, one of the most important that can be com­mitted to any set of men. The regulations, how­ever, were not sufficiently strict. Franklin saw the dangers arising from this cause, and suggested an alteration, so as to oblige the guardians of the night to be more watchful over the lives and pro­perty of the citizens. The propriety of this was immediately perceived, and a reform was affect­ed.

There is nothing more dangerous to growing cities than fires. Other causes operate slowly, and almost imperceptibly; but these in a moment render abortive the labours of ages. On this ac­count there should be, in all cities, ample provisi­ons to prevent fires from spreading. Franklin early saw the necessity of these; and, about the year 17 [...]8, formed the first fire-company in this city. Th [...] example was soon followed by others; and there [...] now numerous fire-companies in the city and liberties. To these may be attributed in a great degree the activity in extinguishing fires, for which th [...] citizens of Philadelphia are distinguished, and the inconsiderable damage which this city has sustained from this cause.—Some time after, Franklin suggested the plan of an association for insuring houses from losses by fire, which was adopted; and the association con­tinues to this day. The advantages experienced from it have been great.

[Page 113] From the first establishment of Pennsylvania, a spirit of dispute appears to have prevailed amongst its inhabitants. During the life-time of William Penn, the constitution had been three times alter­ed. After this period, the History of Pennsylva­nia is little else than a recital of the quarrels be­tween the proprietaries▪ or their governors, and the assembly. The proprietaries contended for the right of exempting their land from taxes; [...] which the assembly would by no means consent. This subject of dispute interfered in almost every question, and prevented the most salutary laws from being enacted. This at times subjected the people to great inconveniences. In the year 1744, during a war between France and Great Britain, some French and Indians had made inroads upon the frontier inhabitants of the province, who were unprovided for such an attack. It became necessary that the citizens should arm for their de­fence. Governor Thomas recommended to the assembly, who were then sitting to pass a militia law. To this they would agree only upon co [...] ­tion that he should give his assent to certain laws, which appeared to them calculated to promote the interest of the people. As he thought these laws would be injurious to the proprietaries, he refused his assent to them; and the assembly broke up without passing a militia [...] The situation of the province was at this time truly alarming: ex­posed, to the continual inroads of an enemy, and destitute of every means of defence. At this crisis Franklin stepped forth, and proposed to a meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, a plan of a voluntary association for the defence of the pro­vince. This was approved of, and signed by twelve hundred persons immediately. [Page 114] Copies of it were circulated throughout the pro­vince; and in a short time the number of signers amounted to ten thousand. Franklin was chosen co­lonel of the Philadelphia regiment; but he did not think proper to accept of the honour.

Pursuits of a different nature now occupied the greatest part of his attention for some years. He engaged in a course of electrical experiments, with all the ardor and thirst for discovery which cha­racterized the philosophers of that day. Of all the branches of experimental philosophy, electricity had been least explored. The attractive power of amber is mentioned by Theophrastus and [...]liny, and, from them, by later naturalists. In the year 1600, Gilbert, an English physician, enlarged con­siderably the catalogue of substances which have the property of attracting light bodies. Boyle, Otto Guericke, a burgomaster of Magdeburg, ce­lebrated as the inventor of the air pump, Dr. Wall, and Sir Isaac Newton added some facts. Guericke first observed the repulsive power of electricity, and the light and noise produced by [...]. In 1709 Hawkesbec communicated some impor­tant observations and experiments to the world. For several years electricity was entirely neglect­ed, until Mr. Gray applied himself to it, in 1728, with great assiduity, He, and his friend Mr. Wheeler, made a great variety of experiments; in which they demonstrated, that electricity may be communicated from one body to another, even without being in contact, and in this way may be conducted to a great distance. Mr. Gray af­terwards found, that, by suspending rods of iron by silk or hair lines, and bringing an excited tube under them, sparks might be drawn, and a light [Page 115] perceived at the extremities in the dark. M. Du Faye, intendant of the French King's gardens, made a number of experiments, which added not a little to the science. He made the discovery of two kinds of electricity, which he called vitreous and resinous; the former produced by rubbing glass, the latter from excited sulphur, sealing-wax, &c. But this idea he afterwards gave up as erronious. Between the years 1739 and 1742, Desaguliers [...] a number of experiments, but added little of importance. He first used the terms conductors and electrics, per se. In 1742, several ingenious Ger­mans engaged in the subject. Of these the prin­cipal were, professor Boze of Wittembergh, pro­fessor Winkler of Leipfic, Gordon, a Scotch Bene­dictine monk, professor of philosophy at Erfurt, and Dr. Ludolf [...] Berlin. The result of their researches astonished the philosophers of Europe. Their apparatus was large, and by means of it they were enabled to collect large quantities of electricity, and thus to produce phenomena which had been hitherto unobserved. They killed small birds, and set spirits on fire. Their experiments ex­cited the c [...]sity of other philosophers. Collinson, about the year 1745, sent to the library company of Philadelphia an account of these experiments, together with a tube, and directions how to use it. Franklin, with some of his friends, immediately engaged in a course of experiments; the result of which is well known. He was enabled to make a number of important discoveries, and to propose theories to account for various phenomena; which have been universally adopted, and which bid fair to endure for ages. His observations he commu­nicated, in a series of letters, to his friend Collin­son; the first of which is dated March 28, 1747. In [Page 116] these he makes known the power of points in d [...] ­ing and throwing off the electrical matter, which had hitherto escaped the notice of electricians. He also made the grand discovery of a plus and minus, or of a positive and negative state of electricity. We gave him the honour of this, without hesita­tion; although the English have claimed it for their countryman Dr. Watson. Watson's paper is dated January 21, 1748; Franklin's July 11, 1747; several months prior. Shortly after, Frank­lin from his principles of plus and minus state, ex­plained, in a satisfactory manner, the phenomena of the Leyden phial, first observed by Mr. [...], or by professor Mus [...]henbroeck of Leyden, which had much perplexed philosophers. He shewed clearly that the bottle, when charged, contained no more electricity [...] before, but that as much was taken from the one [...] as was throw [...] on the other; and that, to discharge it, nothing was necessary but to make a communication be­tween the two sides, by which the equilibrium might be restored, and that then no signs of electri­city would remain. He afterwards demonstrated, by experiments, that the electricity did not reside in the coating, as had been supposed, but in the [...] of the glass itself. After a phial was charged [...] removed the coating, and found that upon apply­ing a new coating the shock might still be received. In the year 1749, he first suggested his idea of explaining the phenomena of thunder-gusts, and of the aurora borealis, upon electrical principles. He points [...]ut many particulars in which lightning and electricity agree; and he adduces many facts, and reasoning from facts, in support of his positions. In the same year he conceived the astonishingly [Page 117] bold and grand idea of ascertaining the truth of his doctrine, by actually drawing down the forked light­ning, by means of sharp pointed iron rods raised into the region of the clouds. Even in this un­certain state, his passion to be useful to mankind displays itself in a powerful manner. Admitting the identity of electricity and lightning, and know­ing the power of points in repelling bodies charged with electricity, and in conducting their fire silent­ly and imperceptibly, he suggests the idea of se­curing houses, ships, &c. from being damaged by lightning, by erecting pointed iron rods, which should rise some feet above the most elevated part, and descend some feet into the ground or the wa­ter. The effect of these, he concluded, would be either to prevent [...] stroke by repelling the cloud beyond the strik [...] [...] distance, or by drawing off the electrical fire which it contained; or, if they could not effect this, they would at least conduct the stroke to the earth, without any injury to the building.

It was not until the summer of 1752, that he was enabled to complete his grand and un­paralleled discovery by experiment. The plan which he had originally proposed, was, to erect [...] some high tower, or other elevated place, a [...]entry-box, from which should rise a pointed iron rod, insulated by being fixed in a cake of resin. Electrified clouds passing over this, would [...] conceived, impart to it a portion of their [...], which would be rendered evi­dent [...] by sparks being emitted, when a key, a [...], or other conductor, was presented to it, Philadelphia at this time afforded no op­portunity of trying an experiment of this kin [...]. [Page 118] Whilst Franklin was waiting for the erection of a spire, it occurred to him, that he might have more ready access to the region of clouds by means of a common kite. He prepared one by attaching two cross sticks to a silk handkerchief, which would not suffer so much from the rain as paper. To his upright stick was affixed an iron point. The string was, as usual, of hemp, except the low­er end, which was silk. Where the hempen string terminated, a key was fastened. With this appa­ratus, on the appearance of a thunder-gust ap­proaching, he went into the commons, accom­panied by his son, to whom alone he communicated his intentions, well knowing the ridicule which, too generally for the interest of science, awaits unsuccessful experiments in philosophy. He plac­ed himself under a shed to [...] the rai [...]. His kite was raised. A thunder clo [...] passed over it. No sign of electricity appeared. He almost de­spaired of success; when suddenly he observed the loose fibres of his string to move towards an erect position. He now presented his knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark. How ex­quisite must his sensations have been at this mo­ment! On this experiment depended the fate of his theory. If he succeeded, his name would rank▪ high amongst those who have improved science [...] if he failed, he must inevitably be subjected to the derision of mankind, or, what is worse, their pity, as a well-meaning man, but a weak, silly projec­tor. The anxiety with which he looked for the result of his experiment, may easily be conceived. Doubts and despair had begun to prevail, when the fact was ascertained in so clear a manner, that even the most incredulous could no longer with­hold [Page 119] their assent. Repeated sparks were drawn from the key, a vial was charged, a shock given, and all the experiments made, which are usually performed with electricity.

About a month before this period, some inge­nious Frenchmen had completed the discovery, in the manner originally proposed by Dr. Franklin. The letters which he sent to Mr. Collinson, it is said, were refused a place amongst the papers of the Royal Society of London. However this may be, Collinson published them in a separate vo­lume, under the title of New Experiments and Ob­servations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia in America. They were read with avidity, and soon translated into different languages. A very incor­rect French translation fell into the hands of the celebrated Buffon, who notwithstanding the dis­advantages under which the work laboured, was much pleased with it, and repeated the experiments with success. He prevailed upon his friend, M. D'Alibard, to give his countrymen a more correct translation of the work of the American electrici­an. This contributed much towards spreading a knowledge of Franklin's principles in France. The King, Louis XV. hearing of these experi­ments, expressed a wish to be a spectator of them. A course of experiments was given at the seat of the Duc D'Aven, at St. Germain, by M. De Lor. The applauses which the King bestowed upon Franklin, excited in Buffon, D'Alibard, and De Lor, an earnest desire of ascertaining the truth of his theory of thunder-gusts. Buffon, erected his ap­paratus on the tower of Montbar. M. D'Alibard at Mary-la-ville, and De Lor at his house in the Estrapade at Paris, some of the highest ground in [Page 120] that capital. D'Alibard's machine first shewed signs of electricity. On the 10th of May, 1752, a thunder-cloud passed over it, in the absence of M. D'Alibard; and a number of sparks were drawn from it by Coiffier, a joiner, with whom D'Alibard had left directions how to proceed, and by M. Rau­let, the prior of Mary-la-ville. An account of this experiment was given to the Royal Academy of Sciences, in a memoir by M. D'Alibard, dated May 13th, 1752. On the 18th of May, M. De Lor proved equally successful with the apparatus erect­ed at his own house. These discoveries soon ex­cited the philosophers of other parts of Europe to repeat the experiment. Amongst these, none signa­lized themselves more than Father Becaria of Tu­rin, to whose observations science is much indebt­ed. Even the cold regions of Russia were penetra­ted by the ardour for discovery. Professor Richman bade fair to add much to the stock of knowledge on this subject, when an unfortunate flash from his rod put a period to his existence. The friends of science will long remember with regret the admirable martyr to electricity.

By these experiments Franklin's theory was established in the most firm manner. When the truth of it could no longer be doubted, the vanity of men endeavoured to detract from its merit. That an American, an inhabitant of the obscure city of Philadelphia, the name of which was hardly known, should be able to make disco­veries, and to frame theories, which had escaped the notice of the enlightened philosophers of Eu­rope was too mortifying to be admitted. He must certainly have taken the idea from somebody else. An American, a being of inferior order, make [Page 121] discoveries! Impossible. It was said, that the Abbe Nollet, in 1748, had suggested the idea of the similarity of lightning and electricity, in his Lecons de Physique. It is true, that the Abbe mentions the idea, but he throws it out as a bare conjec­ture, and proposes no mode of ascertaining the truth of it. He himself acknowledges, that Frank­lin first entertained the bold thought of bringing lightning from the heavens, by means of pointed rods fixed in the air. The similarity of electricity and lightning is so strong, that we need not be surprised at notice being taken of it, as soon as electrical phenomena became familiar. We find it mentioned by Dr. Wall and Mr. Grey, while the science was in its infancy. But the honour of forming a regular theory of thunder-gusts, of sug­gesting a mode of determining the truth of it by experiments, and of putting these experiments in practice, and thus establishing his theory upon a firm and solid basis, is incontestibly due to Franklin. D'Alibard, who made the experiments in France, says, that he only followed the track which Franklin had pointed out.

It has been of late asserted, that the honour of completing the experiment with the electrical kite, does not belong to Franklin. Some late English paragraphs have attributed it to some Frenchman, whose name they do not mention; and the Abbe Bertholon gives it to M. De Romas, assessor to the presideal of Nerac; the English paragraphs probably refer to the same person. But a very slight attention will convince us of the injustice of this procedure; Dr. Franklin's experiment was made in June 1752; and his letter, giving an ac­count of it, is dated October 19, 1752, M. De [Page 122] Romas made his first attempt on the 14th of May 1753, but was not successful until the 7th of June; a year after Franklin had completed the discove­ry, and when it was known to all the philosophers in Europe.

Besides these great principles, Franklin's letters on electricity contain a number of facts and hints. which have contributed greatly towards reducing this branch of knowledge to a science. His fri [...]d. Mr. Kinnersly, communicated to him a discovery of the different kinds of electricity excited by rub­bing glass and sulphur. This, we have said, was first observed by M. Du Faye; but it was for many years neglected. The philosophers were disposed to account for the phenomena, rather from a dif­ference in the quantity of electricity collected; and even Du. Faye himself seems at last to have a­dopted this doctrine. Franklin at first entertained the same idea: but upon repeating the experiments, he perceived that Mr. Kinnersley was right; and that the vitreous and r [...]sin [...]s electricity of Du Faye were nothing more than the positive and negative states which he had before observed: that the glass globe charged positively, or increased the quantity [...]f electricity on the prime conductor, whilst the globe of sulphur diminished its natural quantity, or charged negatively. These experiments and observations opened a new field for investigation, upon which electricians entered with avidity; and their labours have added much to the stock of our knowledge.

In September, 1752, Franklin entered upon a course of experiments, to determine the state of electricity in the clouds. From a number of expe­riments he formed this conclusion: "that the [Page 123] clouds of a thunder-gust are most commonly in a negative state of electricity, but sometimes in a positive state;" and from this it follows, as a ne­cessary consequence, "that, for the most part, in thunder-strokes, it is the earth that strikes into the clouds, and not the clouds that strike into the earth." The letter containing these observations is dated in September, 1753; and yet the disco­very of ascending thunder has been said to be of a modern date, and has been attributed to the Ab­be Bertholon, who published his memoir on the sub­ject in 1776.

Franklin's letters have been translated into most of the European languages, and into Latin. In proportion as they have become known, his prin­ciples have been adopted. Some opposition was made to his theories, particularly by the Abbe Nollet, who was, however, but feebly supported, whilst the first philosophers of Europe stepped forth in defence of Franklin's principles; among whom D'Alibard and Beccaria were the most distinguish­ed. The opposition has gradually ceased, and the Franklinian system is now universally adopt­ed, where science flourishes.

The important practical use which Franklin made of his discoveries, the securing of houses from injury by lightning, has been already men­tioned. Pointed conductors are now very common in America, but prejudice has hitherto prevented their general introduction into Europe, notwith­standing the most undoubted proofs of their utili­ty have been given. But mankind can with dif­ficulty be brought to lay aside established practices, or to adopt new ones. And perhaps we have more reason to be surprised that a practice, however ra­tional, [Page 124] which was proposed about forty years ago should in that time have been adopted in so many places, than that it has not universally prevailed. It is only by degrees that the great body of man­kind can be led into new practices, however salu­tary their tendency. It is now nearly eighty years since inoculation was introduced into Europe and America; and it is so far from being general at present, that it will, perhaps, require one or two cen­turies to render it so.

In the year 1745, Franklin published an account of his new invented Pennsylvania fire-places, in which he minutely and accurately states the ad­vantages and disadvantages of different kinds of fire-places; and endeavours to shew that the one which he describes is to be preferred to any other. This contrivance has given rise to the open stoves now in general use, which however differ from it in construction, particularly in not having an air-box at the back, through which a constant supply of air, warmed in its passage, is thrown into the room. The advantages of this are, that as a stream of warm air is continually flowing into the room, less fuel is necessary to preserve a proper tempe­rature, and the room may be so tightened as that no air may enter through cracks; the consequences of which are colds, tooth-aches, &c.

Although philosophy was a principal object of Franklin's pursuit for several years, he confined himself not to this. In the year 1747, he became a member of the general assembly of Pennsylvania, as a burgess for the city of Philadelphia. Warm disputes at this time subsisted between the assem­bly and the proprietaries; each contending for what they conceived to be their just rights. Frank­lin, [Page 125] a friend to the rights of man from his infancy, soon distinguished himself as a steady opponent of the unjust schemes of the proprietaries. He was soon looked up to as the head of the opposition; and to him have been attributed many of the spi­rited replies of the assembly, to the messages of the governors. His influence in the body was very great. This arose not from any superior powers of eloquence; he spoke but seldom, and he never was known to make any thing like an elaborate harangue. His speeches often consisted of a single sentence, or of a well-told story, the moral of which was always obviously to the point. He ne­ver attempted the flowery fields of oratory. His manner was plain and mild. His style in speaking was▪ like that of his writings, remarkably concise. With this plain manner, and his penetrating and solid judgment, he was able to confound the most eloquent and subtle of his adversaries, to confirm the opinions of his friends, and to make converts of the unprejudiced who had opposed him. With a single observation, he has rendered of no avail an elegant and lengthy discourse, and determined the fate of a question of importance.

But he was not contented with thus supporting the rights of the people. He wished to render them permanently secure, which can only be done by making their value properly known; and this must depend upon encreasing and extending in­formation to every class of men. We have alrea­dy seen that he was the founder of the public li­brary, which contributed greatly towards improv­ing the minds of the citizens. But this was not sufficient. The schools then subsisting were in ge­neral of little utility. The teachers were men ill-qualified [Page 126] for the important duty which they had undertaken; and, after all, nothing more could be obtained than the rudiments of a common En­glish education. Franklin drew up a plan of an Academy to be erected in the city of Philadelphia, suited to "the state of an infant country;" but i [...] this, as in all his plans, he confined not hi [...] [...] to the present time only. He looked forward to the period when an institution on an enlarged plan would become necessary. With this view he considered his Academy as "a foundation for posterity to erect a seminary of learning, more extensive, and suitable to future circumstances." In pursuance of this plan the constitutions were drawn up and signed on the 13th of November 1749. In these twen­ty-four of the most respectable citizens of Phila­delphia was named as trustees. In the choice of these, and in the formation of his plan, Franklin is said to have consulted chiefly with Thomas Hop­kinson, Esq. Rev. Richard Peters, then secretary of the province, Tench Francis, Esq. attorney­general, and Dr. Phineas Bond.

The following article shews a spirit of benevo­lence worthy of imitation; and, for the honour of our city, we hope that it continues to be in force.

"In case of the inability of the rector, or any master, (established on the foundation by receiving a certain salary) through sickness, or any other natural infirmity, whereby he may be reduced to poverty, the trustees shall have power to contribute to his support, in proportion to his distress and me­rit, and the stock in their hands."

The last clause of the fundamental rules is ex­pressed in language so tender and benevolent, so [Page 127] truly parental, that it will do everlasting honour to the hearts and heads of the founders.

"It is hoped and expected, that the trustees will make it their pleasure, and in some degree their business, to visit the academy often; to encourage and countenance the youth, countenance and assist the masters, and by all means in their power advance the usefulness and reputation of the design; that they will look on the students as, in some measure, their own children, treat them with familiarity and af­fection; and when they have behaved well, gone through their studies, and are to enter the world, they shall zealously unite, and make all the interest that can be made, to promote and establish them, whether in business, offices, marriages, or any other thing for their advantage, preferable to all other per­sons whatsoever, even of equal merit."

The constitutions being signed and made public, with the names of the gentlemen proposing them­selves as trustees and founders, the design was so well approved of by the public-spirited citizens of Philadelphia, that the sum of eight hundred pounds per annum, for five years, was in the course of a few weeks subscribed for carrying the plan into execution; and in the beginning of January fol­lowing (viz. 1750) three of the schools were open­ed, namely, the Latin and Greek schools, the Mathematical, and the English schools. In pur­suance of an article in the original plan, a school for educating sixty boys and thirty girls (in the charter since called the Charitable School) was open­ed, and amidst all the difficulties with which the trustees have struggled in respect to their funds, has still been continued full for the space of forty years; so that allowing three years education for [Page 128] each boy and girl admitted into it, which is the general rule, at least twelve hundred children have received in it the chief part of their education who might otherwise, in a great measure, have been left without the means of instruction. And many of those who have been thus educated, are now to be found among the most useful and repu­table citizens of this state.

The institution, thus successfully begun, con­tinued daily to flourish, to the great satisfaction of Dr. Franklin; who, notwithstanding the multipli­city of his other engagements and pursuits, at that busy stage of his life, was a constant attendant at the monthly visitations and examinations of the schools, and made it his particular study, by mean [...] of his extensive correspondence abroad, to advance the reputation of the seminary, and to draw stu­dents and scholars to it from different parts of Ame­rica and the West Indies. Through the inter­position of his benevolent and learned friend, Pe­ter Collinson, of London, upon the application of the trustees, a charter of incorporation, dated Ju­ly 13, 1753, was obtained from the honourable proprietors of Pennsylvania, Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, Esqrs. accompanied with a liberal benefaction of five hundred pounds sterling; and Dr. Franklin now began in good earnest to please himself with the hopes of a speedy accomplish­ment of his original design, viz. the establishment of a perfect institution, upon the plan of the Eu­ropean colleges and universities; for which his aca­demy was intended as a nursery or foundation. To elucidate this fact, is a matter of considerable importance in respect to the memory and charac­ter of Dr. Franklin, as a philosopher, and as the [Page 129] friend and patron of learning and science; for not­withstanding what is expressly declared by him in the preamble to the constitutions, viz. that the aca­demy was begun for "teaching the Latin and Greek languages, with all useful branches of the arts and sciences, suitable to the state of an infant country, and laying a foundation for posterity to erect a semi­nary of learning more extensive, and suitable to their future circumstances;" yet it has been suggested of late, as upon Dr. Franklin's authority, that the Latin and Greek, or the dead languages, are an in­cumbrance upon a scheme of liberal education, and that the engranfting or founding a college, or more extensive seminary, upon his academy, was without his approbation or agency, and gave him discontent. If the reverse of this does not already appear, from what has been quoted above, the following letters will put the matter beyond dispute. They were written by him to a gentleman, who had at that time published the idea of a college, suited to the circumstances of a young country, (meaning New-York) a copy of which having been sent to Dr. Franklin for his opinion, gave rise to that correspon­dence which terminated about a year afterwards, in erecting the college upon the foundation of the aca­demy, and establishing that gentleman at the head of both, where he still continues, after a period of thir­ty-six years, to preside with distinguished reputation.

From these letters also, the state of the academy, at that time, will be seen.

About a month after the date of this last [...] the gentleman to whom it was addressed arrived in Philadelphia, and was immediately placed at the head of the seminary; whereby Dr. Franklin, and the other trustees were enabled to prosecute their plan, for perfecting the institution, and open­ing the College upon the large and liberal foundation on which it now stands; for which purpose they obtained their additional charter, dated May 27th, 1755.

Thus far we thought it proper to exhibit in one view Dr. Franklin's services in the foundation and establishment of this seminary. He soon afterward embarked for England, in the public service of his country; and having been generally employed abroad, in the like service, for the greatest part of the remainder of his life (as will appear in our subsequent account of the same) he had but few opportunities of taking any further active part i [...] the affairs of the seminary, until his sinal return i [...] [Page 135] the year 1785, when he found its charters viola­ted, and his ancient colleagues, the original found­ers, deprived of their trust, by an act of the legis­lature; and although his own name had been in­serted among the new trustees, yet he declined to take his seat among them, or any concern in the management of their affairs, till the institution was restored by law to its original owners. He then assembled his old colleagues at his own house, and being chosen their president, all their future meetings were, at his request, held there, till within a few months of his death, when with reluctance, and at their desire, lest he might be too much injured by his attention to their business, he suffered them to meet at the college.

Franklin not only gave birth to many useful institutions himself, but he was also instrumental in promoting those which had originated with other men. About the year 1752, an eminent phy­sician of this city, Dr. Bond, considering the deplorable state of the poor, when visited with disease, conceived the idea of establishing an hospi­tal. Notwithstanding very great exertions on his part, he was able to interest few people so far in his benevolent plan, as to obtain subscriptions from them. Unwilling that his scheme should prove abortive, he sought the aid of Franklin, who readily engaged in the business, both by using his influence with his friends, and by stating the advantageous influence of the proposed insti­tution in his paper. These efforts were attend­ed with success. Considerable sums were subscri­bed; but they were still short of what was necessa­ry. Franklin now made another exertion. He applied to the assembly; and, after some opposi­tion, [Page 136] obtained leave to bring in a bill, specifying, that as soon as two thousand pounds were subscri­bed, the same sum should be drawn from the trea­sury by the speaker's warrant, to be applied to the purposes of the institution. The opposition, [...] the sum was granted upon a contingency which they supposed would never take place, were silent, and the bill passed. The friends of the plan now redoubled their efforts, to obtain subscriptions to the amount stated in the bill, and were soon suc­cessful. This was the foundation of the Pennsyl­vania Hospital, which, with the Bettering-house and Dispensary, bears ample testimony of the hu­manity of the citizens of Philadelphia.

Dr. Franklin had conducted himself so well [...] the office of post-master, and had shown himself to be so well acquainted with the business of that department, that it was thought expedient [...] raise him to a more dignified station. In 1753 [...] was appointed deputy post-master-general for the British colonies. The profits arising from the postage of the revenue, which the crown of Great Britain derived from the colonies. In the hands of Franklin, it is said, that the post-office in A­merica yielded annually thrice as much as that of Ireland.

The American colonies were much exposed to depredations on their frontiers, by the Indians; and more particularly whenever a war took place between France and England. The colonies, individually, were either too weak to take efficient measures for their own defence, or they were un­willing to take upon themselves the whole [...] of erecting forts and maintaining garrisons, [...] their neighbours, who partook equally with them­selves, [Page 137] of the advantages, contributed nothing to the expence. Sometimes also the disputes, which subsisted between the Governors and Assemblies, prevented the adoption of means of defence; as we have seen was the case in Pennsylvania in 1745. To devise a plan of union between the Colonies, to regulate this and other matters, appeared a desira­ble object. To accomplish this, in the year 1754, commissioners from New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Mary­land, met at Albany. Dr. Franklin attended here, as a commissioner from Pennsylvania, and produced a plan, which, from the place of meeting, has been usually termed "The Albany Plan of Union." This proposed, that application should be made for an act of Parliament, to establish in the colonies a general government, to be administered by a president-general, appointed by the crown, and by a grand-council, con­sisting of members chosen by the representatives of the different colonies; their number to be in di­rect proportion to the sums paid by each colony into the general treasury, with this restriction, that no colony should have more than seven, nor less than two representatives. The whole execu­tive authority was committed to the president- gene­ral. The power of legislation was lodged in the grand council and president-general jointly; his con­sent being made necessary to passing a bill into a law. The power vested in the president and council were, to declare war and peace, and to conclude treaties with the Indian nations; to regulate trade with, and to make purchases of vacant lands from them, either in the name of the crown, or of the union; to settle new colonies, to make laws for governing these until they should be erected in seperate governments, and [Page 138] to raise troops, build forts, fit out armed vessels, and use other means for the general defence: and, to effect these things, a power was given to make laws, [...]aying such duties, imposts, or taxes, as they should find necessary, and as would be least bur­densome to the people. All laws were to be sent to England for the King's approbation; and un­less disapproved of within three years, were to re­main in force. All officers in the land or sea ser­vice were to be nominated by the president-gene­ral, and approved of by the general council; civil officers were to be nominated by the council, and approved by the president. Such are the outlines of the plan proposed, for the consideration of the congress, by Dr. Franklin. After several days' discussion, it was unanimously agreed to by the commissioners, a copy transmitted to each as­sembly, and one to the King's council. The fate of it was singular. It was disapproved of by the ministry of Great Britain, because it gave too much power to the representatives of the people; and it was rejected by every assembly, as giving to the president-general, the representative of the crown, an influence greater than appeared to them proper, in a plan of government intended for freemen. Perhaps this rejection, on both sides, is the strongest proof that could be adduced of the excellence of it, as suited to the situation of Ame­rica and Great Britain at that time. It appears to have steered exactly in the middle, between the opposite interests of both.

Whether the adoption of this plan would have prevented the separation of America from Great Britain, is a question which might afford much room for speculation. It may be said, that, by [Page 139] enabling the colonies to defend themselves, it would have removed the pretext upon which the stamp-act, tea-act, and other acts of the British parliament, were passed: which excited a spirit of opposition, and laid the foundation for the se­paration of the two countries, But, on the other hand, it must be admitted, that the restriction laid by Great Britain upon our commerce, obliging us to sell our produce to her citizens only, and to take from them various articles, of which, as our manufactures were discouraged, we stood in need, at a price greater than that for which they could have been obtained from other nations, must ine­vitably produce dissatisfaction, even though no du­ties were imposed by the parliament; a circum­stance which might still have taken place. Be­sides, as the president-general was to be appointed by the crown, he must, of necessity, be devoted to its views▪ and would, therefore, refuse his assent to any laws, however salutary to the community, which had the most remote tendency to injure the interests of his sovereign. Even should they re­ceive his assent, the approbation of the king was to be necessary; who would indubitably, in every instance, prefer the advantage of his home domi­nions to that of his colonies. Hence would ensue perpetual disagreements between the council and the president-general, and thus, between the peo­ple of America and the crown of Great Britain: While the colonies continued weak, they would be obliged to submit, and as soon as they acquired strength they would become more urgent in their demands, until, at length, they would shake off the yoke, and declare themselves independent.

[Page 140] Whilst the French were in possession of Canada▪ their trade with the natives extended very far; even to the back of the British settlements. They were disposed, from time to time, to establish posts within the territory, which the British claimed as their own. Independent of the injury to the fur­trade, which was considerable, the colonies suffer­ed this further inconvenience, that the Indians were frequently instigated to commit depredations on their frontiers. In the year 1753, encroach­ments were made upon the boundaries of Virginia. Remonstrances had no effect. In the ensuing year, a body of men was sent out under the com­mand of Mr. Washington, who, though a very young man, had, by his conduct in the preceding year, shewn himself worthy of such an important trust. Whilst marching to take possession of the post at the junction of the Allegany and Mononga­hela, he was informed that the French had already erected a fort there. A detachment of their men marched against him. He fortified himself as strongly as time and circumstances would admit. A superiority of numbers soon obliged him to sur­render Fort Necessity. He obtained honourable terms for himself and men, and returned to Vir­ginia. The government of Great-Britain now thought it necessary to interfere. In the year 1755, General Braddock, with some regiments of regular troops, and provincial levies, was sent to dispossess the French of the posts upon which they had seized. After the men were all ready, a diffi­culty occurred, which had nearly prevented the expedition. This was the want of waggons. Frank­lin now stepped forward, and with the assistance [Page 141] of his son, in a little time procured a hundred and fifty. Braddock unfortunately fell into an ambus­cade, and perished, with a number of his men.—Washington, who had accompanied him as an aid­de-camp, and had warned him, in vain, of his dan­ger, now displayed great military talents in effect­ing a retreat of the remains of the army, and in forming a juction with the rear, under Colonel Dunbar, upon whom the chief command now de­volved. With some difficulty they brought their little body to a place of safety; but they found it necessary to destroy their waggons and baggage, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. For the waggons which he had furnished, Franklin had given bonds to a large amount. The owners declared their intentions of obliging him to make a restitution of their property. Had they put their threats into execution, ruin must inevitably have been the consequence. Governor Shirley, finding that he had incurred these debts for the service of government, made arrangements to have them discharged, and released Franklin from his disagree­able situation.

The alarm spread through the colonies, after the defeat of Braddock, was very great. Prepara­tions to arm were every where made. In Pennsyl­vania, the prevalence of the quaker interest prevented the adoption of any system of defence, which would compel the citizens to bear arms. Franklin intro­duced into the assembly a bill for organizing a militia, by which every man was allowed to take arms or not, as to him should appear fit. The quakers, being thus left at liberty, suffered the bill to pass; for although their principles would not [Page 142] suffer them to fight, they had no objections to their neighbours fighting for them. In consequence of this act a very respectable militia was formed. The sense of impending danger infused a military spirit in all▪ whose religious tenets were not opposed to war. Franklin was appointed colonel of a regi­ment in Philadelphia, which consisted of 1200 men.

The north-western frontier being invaded by the enemy, it became necessary to adopt measures for its defence. Franklin was directed by the governor to take charge of this business. A power of raising men and of appointing officers to command them, was vested in him. He soon levied a body of troops, with which he repaired to the place at which their pre­sence was necessary. Here he built a fort, and pla­ced the garrison in such a posture of defence, as would enable them to withstand the inroads, to which the inhabitants had previously been exposed. He re­mained here for some time, in order the more com­pletely to discharge the trust committed to him. Some business of importance rendered his presence necessary in the assembly, and he returned to Phila­delphia.

The defence of her colonies was a great expence to Great Britain. The most effectual mode of lessening this was, to put arms into the hands of the inhabitants, and to teach them their use. But England wished not that the Americans should become acquainted with their own strength. She was apprehensive, that, as soon as this period ar­rived, they would no longer submit to that mono­poly of their trade, which to them was highly in­jurious, but extremely advantageous to the mother country. In comparison with the profits of this, the expence of maintaining armies and fleets to defend them was trifling. She sought to keep [Page 143] them dependent upon her for protection, the best plan which could be devised for retaining them in peaceable subjection. The least appearance of a military spirit was therefore to be guarded against, and, although a war then raged, the act organizing a militia was disapproved of by the ministry. The regiments which had been formed under it were disbanded, and the defence of the province entrusted to regular troops.

The disputes between the proprietaries and the people continued in full force, although a war was raging on the frontiers. Not even the sense of danger was sufficient to reconcile, for ever so short a time, their jarring interests. The assembly still insisted upon the justice of taxing the proprietary estates, but the governors constantly refused to give their assent to this measure, without which no bill could pass into a law. Enraged at the ob­stinacy, and what they conceived to be unjust pro­ceedings of their opponents, the assembly at length determined to apply to the mother country for relief. A petition was addressed to the King in council, stating the inconveniencies under which the inhabitants laboured, from the attention of the proprietaries to their private interests, to the ne­glect of the general welfare of the community, and praying for redress. Franklin was appointed to present this address, as agent for the province of Pennsylvania, and departed from America in June 1757. In conformity to the instructions which he had received from the legislature, he held a con­ference with the proprietaries, who then resided in England, and endeavoured to prevail upon them to give up the long-contested point. Finding that they would hearken to no terms of accom­modation, [Page 144] he laid his petition before the council. During this time governor Denny assented to a law imposing a tax, in which no discrimination was made in favour of the estates of the Penn fa­mily. They, alarmed at this intelligence, and Franklin's exertions, used their utmost exertions to prevent the royal sanction being given to this law, which they represented as highly iniquitous, designed to throw the burden of supporting go­vernment on them, and calculated to produce the most ruinous consequences to them and their po­sterity. The cause was amply discussed before the privy council. The Penns found here some stre­nuous advocates; nor were there wanting some who warmly espoused the side of the people. Af­ter some time spent in debate, a proposal was made, that Franklin should solemnly engage, that the assessment of the tax should be so made, as that the proprietary estates should pay no more than a due proportion. This he agreed to perform, the Penn family withdrew their opposition, and tran­quility was thus once more restored to the pro­vince.

The mode in which this dispute was terminated is a striking proof of the high opinion entertained of Franklin's integrity and honour, even by those who considered him as inimical to their views. Nor was their confidence ill-founded. The assess­ment was made upon the strictest principles of equi­ty; and the proprietary estates bore only a pro­portionable share of the expences of supporting government.

After the completion of this important business, Franklin remained at the court of Great Britain, as agent for the province of Pennsylvania. The [Page 145] extensive knowledge which he possessed of the [...]u­ation of the colonies, and the regard which he always manifested for their interests, occasioned his appointment to the same office by the colonie [...] of Massechusetts, Maryland, and Georgia. His conduct, in this situation, was such as rendered him still more dear to his countrymen.

He had now an opportunity of indulging in the society of those friends, whom his merits had pro­cured him while at a distance. The regard which they had entertained for him was rather encrease [...] by a personal acquaintance. The opposition which had been made to his discoveries in philosophy gradually ceased, and the rewards of leterary me­rit were abundantly conferred upon him. The Royal Society of London, which had at first refus­ed his performances admission into its transactions, now thought it an honour to rank him among its fellows. Other societies of Europe were equally ambitious of calling him a member. The uni­versity of St. Andrew's in Scotland, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its ex­ample was followed by the Universities of Edin­burgh and of Oxford. His correspondence was sought for by the most eminent Philosophers of Eu­rope. His letters to these abound with true sci­ence, delivered in the most simple unadorned man­ner.

The province of Canada was at this time in the possession of the French, who had originally set­tled it. The trade with the Indians, for which its situation was very convenient, was exceeding­ly lucrative. The French traders here found a market for their commodities, and received in re­turn large quantities of rich furs, which they dis­posed [Page 146] of at a high price in Europe. Whilst the possession of this country was highly advantageous to France, it was a grevious inconvenience to the inhabitants of the British colonies. The Indians were almost generally desirous to cultivate the friendship of the French; by whom they were abun­dantly supplied with arms and ammunition. When­ever a war happened, the Indians were ready to fall upon the frontiers: and this they frequently did; even when Great Britain and France were at peace. From these considerations, it appeared to be the in­terest of Great Britain to gain the possession of Cana­da. But the importance of such an acquisition was not well understood in England. Franklin about this time published his Canada pamphlet, in which he, in a very forcible manner, pointed out the advan­tages which would result from the conquest of this province.

An expedition against it was planned, and the command given to General Wolfe. His success is well known. At the treaty in 1762, France ceded Canada to Great Britain, and by her cession of Louisiana, at the same time relinquished all her possessions on the continent of America.

Although Dr. Franklin was now principally oc­cupied with political pursuits, he found time for philosophical studies. He extended his electrical researches, and made a variety of experiments, particularly on the tourmalin. The singular pro­perties which this stone possesses of being electri­fied on one side positively, and on the other nega­tively, by heat alone, without friction, had been but lately observed.

Some experiments on the cold produced by eva­poration, made by Dr. Cullen, had been commu­nicated [Page 147] to Dr. Franklin by Professor Simpson of Glasgow. These he repeated, and found, that, by the evaporation of ether in the exhausted receiver of an air-pump, so great a degree of cold was pro­duced in a summer's day, that water was converted into ice. This discovery he applied to the solu­tion of a number of phenomena, particularly a sin­gular fact, which philosophers had endeavoured in vain to account for, viz. that the temperature of the human body, when in health, never exceeds 96 degrees of Farenheit's thermometer, although the atmosphere which surrounds it may be heated to a much greater degree. This he attributed to the increased perspiration, and consequent evaporati­on produced by the heat.

In a letter to Mr. Small of London, dated in May 1760, Dr. Franklin makes a number of ob­servations, tending to shew that, in North Ameri­ca, north-east storms begin in the south-west parts. It appears, from actual observation, that a north-east storm, which extended a considerable distance, commenced at Philadelphia nearly four hours be­fore it was felt at Boston. He endeavoured to account for this, by supposing that, from heat, some rarefaction takes place about the Gulph of Mexico, that the air further north being cooler rushes in, and is succeeded by the cooler and denser air still further north, and that thus a continued current is at length produced.

The tone produced by rubbing the brim of a drinking glass with a wet finger had been gene­rally known. A Mr. Puckeridge, an Irishman, by placing on a table a number of glasses of dif­ferent sizes, and tuning them by partly filling them with water, endeavoured to form an instrument [Page 148] capable of playing tunes. He was prevented by an untimely end, from bringing his invention to any degree of perfection. After his death some improvements were made upon his plan. The sweetness of the tones induced Dr. Franklin to make a variety of experiments; and he at length formed that elegant instrument, which he has called the Armonica.

In the summer of 1762 he returned Ame­rica. On his passage he observed the singular ef­fect produced by the agitation of a vessel, contain­ing oil floating on water. The surface of the oil remains smooth and undisturbed, whilst the water is agitated with the utmost commotion. No satis­factory explanation of this appearance has, we be­lieve, ever been given.

Dr. Franklin received the thanks of the assem­bly of Pennsylvania, "as well for the faithful dis­charge of his duty to that province in particular, as for the many and important services done to America in general, during his residence in Great Britain." A compensation of 5000l. Pennsylva­nia currency, was also decreed him for his services during six years.

During his absence he had been annually elect­ed member of the assembly. On his return to Pennsylvania he again took his feat in this body, and continued a steady defender of the liberties of the people.

In December 1762, a circumstance which caus­ed great alarm in the province took place. A number of Indians had resided in the county of Lancaster, and conducted themselves uniformly as friends to the white inhabitants. Repeated de­predations on the frontiers had exasperated the [Page 149] inhabitants to such a degree, that they determined on revenge upon every Indian. A number of per­sons, to the amount of 120, principally inhabitants of Donnegal and Peckstang or Paxton townships, in the county of York, assembled; and, mounted on horseback, proceeded to the settlement of these harmless and defenceless Indians, whose number had now reduced to about twenty. The Indians received intelligence of the attack which was in­tended against them, but disbelieved it. Consi­dering the white people as their friends, they ap­prehended no danger from them. When the party arrived at the Indian settlement, they found only some women and children, and a few old men, the rest being absent at work. They mur­dered all whom they found, and amongst others the chief Shahaes, who had been always distinguish­ed for his friendship to the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the well-disposed part of the community.

The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who, by absence, had escaped the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the gaol, as a place of security. The governor issued a pro­clamation expressing the strongest disapprobation of the action, offering a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all injuries to the peaceable Indians in future. But, notwithstanding this, a party of the same men shortly after marched to Lancaster, broke open the gaol, and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there for security. Another proclamation was issued, but had no ef­fect. A detachment marched down to Philadel­phia, [Page 150] for the express purpose of murdering some friendly Indians, who had been removed to the ci­ty for safety. A number of the citizens armed in their defence. The Quakers, whose principles are opposed to fighting, even in their own defence, were most active upon this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown. The governor fled for safe­ty to the house of Dr. Franklin, who, with some others, advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had influence enough to prevail upon them to relinquish their undertaking, and return to their homes.

The disputes between the proprietaries and the assembly, which, for a time, had subsided, were again revived. The proprietaries were dissatisfied with the concessions made in favour of the people, and made great struggles to recover the privilege of exempting their estates from taxation, which they had been induced to give up.

In 1763 the assembly passed a militia bill, to which the governor refused to give his assent, un­less the assembly would agree to certain amend­ments which he proposed. These consisted in in­creasing the fines, and, in some cases, substituting death for fines. He wished too that the officers should be appointed altogether by himself, and not be nominated by the people, as the bill had proposed. These amendments the assembly con­sidered as inconsistent with the spirit of liberty. They would not adopt them; the governor was obstinate, and the bill was lost.

These, and various other circumstances, increas­ed the uneasiness which subsisted between the pro­prietaries and the assembly, to such a degree, that, in 1764, a petition to the King was agreed to by the [Page 151] house, praying an alteration from a proprietary to a regal government. Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in the house but in the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickenson, on the sub­ject, was published, with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken to shew the im­propriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Mr. Galloway, in reply to Mr. Dicken­son, was published, accompanied with a preface by Dr. Franklin; in which he ably opposed the prin­ciples laid down in the preface to Mr. Dickenson's speech. This application to the throne produced no effect. The proprietary government was still continued.

At the election for a new assembly, in the fall of 1764, the friends of the proprietaries made great exertions to exclude those of the adverse party, and obtained a small majority in the City of Philadelphia. Franklin now lost his seat in the house, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assembly, it appeared that there was still a de­cided majority of Franklin's friends. He was im­mediately appointed provincial agent, to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made a solemn protest against his appointment; which was refused ad­mission upon the minutes, as being unprecedented. It was, however, published in the papers, and pro­duced a spirited reply from him, just before his de­parture for England.

The disturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenvill's stamp-act, and the opposition made to it are well known. Under the Marquis of Rock­ingham's administration, it appeared expedient to endeavour to calm the minds of the colonists; and [Page 152] the repeal of the odious tax was contemplated. Amongst other means of collecting information on the disposition of the people to submit to it, Dr. Franklin was called to the bar of the house of commons. The examination which he here un­derwent was published, and contains a striking proof of the extent and accuracy of his informa­tion, and the facility with which he communica­ted his sentiments. He represented facts in so strong a point of view, that the inexpediency of the act must have appeared clear to every unprejudiced mind. The act, after some opposition, was repeal­ed, about a year after it was enacted, and before it had ever been carried into execution.

In the year 1766, he made a visit to Holland and Germany, and received the greatest marks of attention from men of Science. In his passage through Holland, he learned from the watermen the effect which a diminution of the quantity of water in canals has, in impeding the progress of boats. Upon his return to England, he was led to make a number of experiments; all of which tended to confirm the observation. These, with an explana­tion of the phenomenon, he communicated in a let­ter to his friend, Sir John Pringle, which is contain­ed in the volume of his philosophical pieces.

In the following year he travelled into France, where he met with no less favourable reception than he had experienced in Germany. He was introduced to a number of literary characters, and to the King, Louis XV.

Several letters written by Hutchinson, Oliver, and others, to persons in eminent stations in Great Britain, came into the hands of Dr. Franklin.

These contained the most violent invectives [Page 153] against the leading characters of the state of Massa­chusetts, and strenuously advised the prosecution of vigorous measures, to compel the people to obedience to the measures of the ministry. These he transmitted to the legislature, by whom they were published. Attested copies of them were sent to Great Britain, with an address, praying the king to discharge from office persons who had ren­dered themselves so obnoxious to the people, and who had shewn themselves so unfriendly to their interests. The publication of these letters produced a duel between Mr. Whately and Mr. Temple; each of whom was suspected of having been instrumental in procuring them. To prevent any further dis­putes on this subject, Dr. Franklin, in one of the public papers, declared that he had sent them to America, but would give no information concern­ing the manner in which he had obtained them; nor was this ever discovered.

Shortly after, the petition of the Massachusetts assembly was taken up for examination, before the privy council. Dr. Franklin attended, as agent for the assembly; and here a torrent of the most violent and unwarranted abuse was poured upon him by the solicitor-general, Wedderburne, who was engaged as council for Oliver and Hutchin­son. The petition was declared to be scandalous and vexatious, and the prayer of it refused.

Although the parliament of Great Britain had repealed the stamp-act, it was only upon the prin­ciple of expediency. They still insisted upon their right to tax the colonies; and, at the same time that the stamp-act was repealed, an act was passed, declaring the right of parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. This language [Page 154] was used even by the most strenuous opposers of the stamp-act; and, amongst others, by Mr. Pitt. This right was never recognized by the colonists; but, as they flattered themselves that it would not be exercised, they were not very active in remon­strating against it. Had this pretended right been suffered to remain dormant, the colonists would cheerfully have furnished their quota of supplies, in the mode to which they had been accustomed; that is, by acts of their own assemblies, in conse­quence of requisitions from the secretary of state. If this practice had been pursued, such was the disposition of the colonies towards the mother country, that, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they laboured from restraints upon their trade, calculated solely for the benefit of the commercial and manufacturing interests of Great Britain, a separation of the two countries might have been a far distant event. The Americans, from their earliest infancy, were taught to vene­rate a people from whom they were descended; whose language, laws, and manners, were the same as their own. They looked up to them as models of perfection; and, in their prejudiced minds, the most enlightened nations of Europe were consider­ed as almost barbarians, in comparison with En­glishmen. The name of an Englishman convey­ed to an American the idea of every thing good and great. Such sentiments instilled into them in early life, what but a repetition of unjust treat­ment could have induced them to entertain the most distant thought of separation! The duties on glass, paper, leather, painter's colours, tea, &c. the disfranchisement of some of the colonies: the obstruction to the measures of the legislature in [Page 155] others, by the King's governors; the contemptuous treatment of their humble remonstrances, stating their grievances and praying a redress of them, and other violent and oppressive measures, at length excited an ardent spirit of opposition. Instead of endeavouring to allay this by a more lenient con­duct, the ministry seemed resolutely bent upon re­ducing the colonies to the most slavish obedience to their decrees. But this tended only to aggra­vate. Vain were all the efforts made use of to prevail upon them to lay aside their designs, to convince them of the impossibility of carrying them into effect, and of the mischievous conse­quences which must ensue from a continuence of the attempt. They persevered, with degree of inflexibility scarcely paralleled.

The advantages which Great Britain derived from her colonies were so great, that nothing but a degree of infatuation, little short of madness, could have produced a continuance of measures calculated to keep up a spirit of uneasiness, which might occasion the slightest wish for a separation. When we consider the great improvements in the science of government, the general diffusion of the principles of liberty amongst the people of Europe, the effects which these have already pro­duced in France, and the probable consequences which will result from them elsewhere, all of which are the offspring of the American revolution, it cannot but appear strange, that events of so great moment to the happiness of mankind, should have been ultimately occasioned by the wickedness or ignorance of a British ministry.

Dr. Franklin left nothing untried to prevail upon the ministry to consent to a change of mea­sures. [Page 156] In private conversations, and in letters to persons in government, he continually expatiated upon the impolicy and injustice of their conduct towards America; and stated, that, notwithstand­ing the attachment of the colonists to the mother country, a repetition of ill treatment must ulti­mately alienate their affections. They listened not to his advice. They blindly persevered in their own schemes, and left to the colonists no al­ternative, but opposition or unconditional submis­sion. The latter accorded not with the principles of freedom, which they had been taught to revere. To the former they were compelled, though reluc­tantly, to have recourse.

Dr. Franklin, finding all efforts to restore har­mony between Great Britain and her colonies use­less, returned to America in the year 1775; just after the commencement of hostilities. The day after his return he was elected by the legislature of Pennsylvania a Member of Congress. Not long after his election a committee was appointed, con­sisting of Mr. Lynch, Mr. Harrison, and himself, to visit the Camp at Cambridge, and in conjunc­tion with the commander in chief, to endeavour to convince the troops, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, of the necessity of their con­tinuing in the field, and persevering in the cause of their country.

In the fall of the same year he visited Canada, to endeavour to unite them in the common cause of liberty; but they could not be prevailed upon to oppose the measures of the British Government. M. Le Roy, in a letter annexed to Abbe Fauchet's eulogium of Dr. Franklin, states that the ill success of this negociation was occasioned, in a great de­gree, [Page 157] by religious animosities, which subsisted be­tween the Canadians and their neighbours, some of whom had at different times burnt their cha­pels.

When Lord Howe came to America, in 1776, vested with power to treat with the colonists, a correspondence took place between him and Dr. Franklin, on the subject of a reconciliation. Dr. Franklin was afterwards appointed, together with John Adams and Edward Rutledge, to wait upon the commissioners, in order to learn the extent of their power. These were found to be only to grant pardons upon submission. These were terms which would not be accepted; and the object of the commissioners could not be obtained.

The momentous question of Independence was shortly after brought into view, at a time when the fleets and armies, which were sent to enforce obedience, were truly formidable. With an ar­my, numerous indeed, but ignorant of discipline, and entirely unskilled in the art of war, without money, without a fleet, without allies, and with nothing but the love of liberty to support them, the colonists determined to separate from a coun­try, from which they had experienced a repetition of injury and insult. In this question, Dr. Frank­lin was decidedly in favour of the measure propos­ed, and had great influence in bringing over others to his sentiments.

The public mind had been pretty fully prepared for this event, by Mr. Paine's celebrated pamphlet, Common Sense. There is good reason to believe that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share, at least, in furnishing materials for this work.

[Page 158] In the convention which assembled at Philadel­phia in 1776, for the purpose of establishing a new form of government for the state of Pensylvania, Dr. Franklin was chosen president. The late con­stitution of this state, which was the result of their deliberations, may be considered as a digest of his principles of government. The single legislature, and the plural executive, seem to have been his favourite tenets.

In the latter end of 1776, Dr. Franklin was ap­pointed to assist in the negociations which had been set on foot by Silas Deane at the court of France. A conviction of the advantages of a commercial intercourse with America, and a desire of weaken­ing the British empire by dismembering it, first in­duced the French court to listen to proposals of an alliance. But they shewed rather a reluctance to the measure, which, by Dr. Franklin's address, and particularly by the success of the American arms against general Burgoyne, was at length over­come; and in February 1778, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was concluded; in conse­quence of which France became involved in the war with Great Britain.

Perhaps no person could have been found, more capable of rendering essential services to the United States at the court of France, than Dr. Franklin. He was well known as a philosopher, and his cha­racter was held in the highest estimation. He was received with the greatest marks of respect by all the literary characters: and this respect was ex­tended amongst all classes of men. His personal influence was hence very considerable. To the effects of this were added those of various perform­ances which he published, tending to establish the [Page 159] credit and character of the United States. To his exertions in this way, may, in no small degree be ascribed the success of the loans negociated in Hol­land and France, which greatly contributed to bring­ing the war to a happy conclusion.

The repeated ill success of their arms, and more particularly the capture of Cornwallis and his army at length convinced the British nation of the impos­sibility of reducing the Americans to subjection. The trading interest particularly became very cla­morous for peace. The ministry were unable longer to oppose their wishes. Provisionial articles of peace were agreed to, and signed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782, by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens, on the part of the United States; and by Mr. Oswald on the part of Great Britain. These formed the basis of the difinitive treaty, which was concluded the 30th of September 1783, and signed by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Jay, on the one part, and by Mr. David Hartley on the other.

On the 3d of April 1783, a treaty of amity and commerce, between the United States and Sweden, was concluded at Paris, by Dr. Franklin and the Count Von Krutz.

A similar treaty with Prussia was concluded in 1785, not long before Dr. Franklin's departure from Europe.

Dr. Franklin did not suffer his political pursuits to engross his whole attention. Some of his per­formances made their appearance in Paris. The ob­ject of these was generally the promotion of industry and oeconomy.

In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made great noise in the world, particularly at Paris, it [Page 160] was thought a matter of such importance, that the King appointed commissioners to examine into the foundation of this pretended science. Dr. Frank­lin was one of the number. After a fair and dili­gent examination, in the course of which Mesmer repeated a number of experiments, in the presence of the commissioners, some of which were tried upon themselves, they determined that it was a mere trick, intended to impose upon the ignorant and credulous—Mesmer was thus interrupted in his career to wealth and same, and a most insolent attempt to impose upon the human understanding baffled.

The important ends of Dr. Franklin's mission being completed by the establishment of American Independence, and the infirmities of age and disease coming upon him, he became desirous of returning to his native country. Upon application to Con­gress to be recalled, Mr. Jefferson was appointed to succeed him, in 1785. Sometime in September of the same year, Dr. Franklin arrived in Philadel­phia. He was shortly after chosen member of the supreme executive council for the city; and soon after was elected president of the same.

When a Convention was called to meet in Phi­ladelphia, in 1787, for the purpose of giving more energy to the government of the union, by revising and amending the articles of confederation, Dr. Franklin was appointed a delegate from the State of Pennsylvania. He signed the Constitution which they proposed for the union, and gave it the most unequivocal marks of his approbation.

A society of political enquiries, of which Dr. Franklin was President, was established about this period. The meetings were held at his house.— [Page 161] Two or three essays read in the society were publish­ed. It did not long continue.

In the year 1787, two societies were established in Philadelphia, founded on principles of the most liberal and refined humanity—The Philadelphia So­ciety for alleviating the miseries of public prisons; and the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the African race. Of each of these Dr. Franklin was president. The labours of the these bodies have been crowned with great success; and they continue to prosecute, with unwearied diligence, the lauda­ble designs for which they were established.

Dr. Franklin's increasing infirmities prevented his regular attendance at the council-chamber: and, in 1788, he retired wholly from public life.

His constitution had been a remarkably good one. He had been little subject to disease, except an attack of the gout occasionally, until the year 1781, when he was first attacked with the symp­toms of the calculous complaint, which continued during his life. During the intervals of pain from this grievous disease, he spent many cheerful hours, conversing in the most agreeable and instructive manner. His faculties were entirely unimpaired, even to the hour of his death.

His name, as president of the Abolition Society, was signed to the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 12th of February 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of power vested in them by the consti­tution, in discouraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last public act. In the de­bates to which this memorial gave rise, several at­tempts [Page 162] were made to justify the trade. In the Fe­deral Gazette of March 25th there appeared an essay, signed Historicus, written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a speech, said to have been delivered in the Divan of Algiers in 1687, in opposition to the prayer of the petition of a sect called Erika, or purists, for the abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson of Georgia. All the arguments urged in favour of negro slavery, are applied with equal force to justify the plundering and enslaving the Europe­ans. It affords, at the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in defence of the slave trade, and of the strength of mind and inge­nuity of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnished too a no less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other times and nations, than his celebrated parable against per­secution. And as the latter led many to search the scriptures with a view to find it, so the former caus­ed many persons to search the book-stores and libraries, for the work from which it was said to be extracted.^*

In the beginning of April following, he was at­tacked with a fever and complaint of his breast, which terminated his existence. The following account of his last illness was written by his friend and physician, Dr. Jones.

"The stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had for the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed; and during the extreme painful paroxysims, he was obliged to take large doses of laudanum to mitigate his tortures— [Page 163] still, in the intervals of pain, he not only amused himself with reading and conversing with his family, and a few friends who visited him, but as often em­ployed in doing business of a public as well as private nature, with various persons who waited on him for that purpose; and in every instance displayed, not on­ly that readiness and disposition of doing good, which was the distinguished characteristic of his life, but the fullest and clearest possession of his uncommon mental abilities; and not unfrequently indulged himself in those jeux d' esprit and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all who heard him.

"About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish indisposition, without any par­ticular symptoms attending it, till the third or fourth day, when he complained of pain in his left breast, which increased till it became extremely acute, at­tended with a cough and laborious breathing. Du­ring this state, when the severity of his pains some­times drew forth a groan of complaint, he would ob­serve—that he was afraid he did not bear them as he ought—acknowledged his greatful sense of the many blessings he had received from that Supreme Being, who had raised him from small and low beginnings to such high rank and consideration among men—and made no doubt but his present afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a world, in which he was no longer fit to act the part assigned him. In this frame of body and mind he contined till five days be­fore his death, when his pain and difficulty of breath­ing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great quantity of matter, which he continued to throw up while he had [Page 164] strength to do it; but, as that failed, the orgaus of respiration became gradually oppressed—a calm le­thargic state succeeded, and, on the 17th of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at night, he quietly expir­ed, closing a long and useful life of eighty four years and three months.

"It may not be amiss to add to the above account, that Dr. Franklin, in the year 1735, had a severe pleurisy, which terminated in an abscess of the left lobe of his lungs, and he was then almost suffocated with the quantity and suddenness of the discharge. A second attack of a similiar nature happened some years after this, from which he soon recovered, and did not appear to suffer any inconvenience in his respira­tion from these diseases."

The following Epitaph on himself, was written by him many years previous to his death: