THE CARRYING TRADE.

in the opinion of lord Sheffield, is lost to the peo­ple, inhabiting these states, by their choice of inde­pendence. Let us examine the proofs. His se­venth table states the inward tonnage of all the British provinces in North-America, in 1770, to have been 365,100 tons. From this amount are [Page 115] to be deducted the entries in Newfoundland, Ca­nada, Nova-Scotia, the two Floridas, the Bahamas, and Bermuda, being 33,458 tons, which leaves the entries in those provinces, which are now the United States, at 331,642 tons. We are also to deduct the ships owned by British subjects, not resident in those thirteen provinces. Champion considers these to have been nearly the whole in the European trade, it is believed erroneously; but they must have been very considerable: yet the return of entries of American vessels for the last year, rendered by our treasury to the House of Representatives, though known to have been in­complete from inevitable causes, amounts to above 363,000 tons, exclusive of fishing vessels^*.

It is manifest, then, that the carrying trade, which results almost unaided from an agriculture, that ful­ly lades 650,000 tons of vessels to foreign ports, is considerably greater than what we enjoyed as Bri­tish provinces. A very beneficial coasting trade (employing above 100,000 tons^*) has moreover grown up, partly from the variety of our productions and mutual wants, and partly from the introduction of manufactures, which it was believed we could never attain, and with which Great Britain alone used to supply us. The building of ships has also increased, as we undertake hereafter to show, and [Page 116] the tonnage owned by the merchants of the United States or late American provinces, was never so great as at the present moment. It is believed▪ moreover, that the American carriers derive great­er profit from the business, than the British nation, who builds ships two-thirds dearer, and who main­tain themselves in what they possess of the carrying trade, at the expense of great bounties out of their public treasury, by burdensome restrictions on all their dominions, but the island of Great-Britain▪ and by regulations to savour their shipping, which increase the price of raw materials for their manu­factures, and of bread and other food for their work­men and for their poor.

BEEF AND PORK,

in the opinion of our author, are not likely to be­come considerable articles of export, so as to inter­fere with Ireland for some time. The medium an­nual quantity exported from the United States, be­fore the revolution, he states at 23,635 barrels. Our treasury return, for the last year, exhibits 66,000 barrels, besides 2,500 barrels of bacon, 5,200 head of horned cattle, and an equal number of hogs. The medium price of the pork was thirty-seven shil­lings sterling, or about 8 ¼ dollars per barrel, and that of beef twenty-eight shillings sterling, or about 6 ¼ dollars per barrel. Besides this exportation, 263,000 tons of foreign vessels, in a great degree, and all our own, were victualled from our markets. [Page 117] But a moments reflection will convince any man, who knows this country, that it will, in the course of a few years, offer to all foreign nations such quantities of salt provisions, especially of beef, as must seriously affect Ireland, where that article is sold at eight dollars per barrel. It is a fact no less curious, than important to our provision trade, that the French fleet has been supplied with beef in the port of Boston, at prices lower than the then current value of wheat-flour in any of our seaports, although our expors of the latter article are four­teen times as great as those of Ireland. The ow­ners of the interior lands of the United States, on which settlements have but lately become conside­rable, find a particular advantage in raising cat­tle, because those animals transport themselves to the seaports at a very small expense.^*.

TEAS.

It is known to persons acquainted with Ameri­can commerce, that teas of various kinds form a very considerable proportion of our importations. The rich and the poor consume them freely. Their value, as they were entered in our custom-houses, for the year preceding the first of October, 1790, was 2,784,000 dollars, which was about a seventh of our imports. On this very capital article of commerce and consumption, lord Sheffield hazards the following opinions—

[Page 118] ‘That as the English East-India company [...] afford to sell this tea, on full as good, if not better, terms, than the Dutch, or any other nation in Eu­rope, there is no danger of losing the American mar­ket.’ And

‘That the allowing the drawback upon teas e [...] ­ported from Great-Britain, will generally enabl [...] the English to command the tea trade to America.’

His lordship had forgotten that Canton is an open market, equally accessible to all nations. The American ships have accordingly gone thither, not only in the ordinary seasons, but in those, which usually restrain European expeditions. The United States produce the great article of ginseng in large quantities, which renders this trade convenient to them. The teas, imported by our merchants di­rectly from China, in the last year, were two mil­lions six hundred and one thousand eight hundred and fifty two pounds, which is fully equal to our con­sumption, c [...]uld we obtain coffee, and the requisite quantity of Muscovado sugars, of which our peo­ple are universally and passionately fond. There were imported also from Europe, 416,652 pounds of teas, shipped from foreign ports, other than Bri­tish, to the extreme disadvantage of the shippers, and to the great injury of our merchants. But the values of commodities in any two markets are the best illustration of the relation of those markets to each other. The article of tea will therefore be [Page 119] passed over, after the following statement of the current prices on a given day in America and Great-Britain.

• Bohea, 1s3 ½ Sterling. or 30 cents,
• Souchong, 3s4 ½ Sterling. or 75 cents,
• ^*Hyson, 4s6 Sterling. or 100 cents.

• Bohea, 1s5 ½ Sterling. or 32 cents,
• Souchong, 4s6 Sterling. or 100 cents,
• Hyson, [...] s Sterling. or 133 ¼ cents.

The same circumstances, which facilitate and in­sure the attainment of the requisite quantity of teas, not only by means other than British, but indeed by American means, certify to us the acquisition of the necessary supplies of porcelain, nankeens, silks, and all other China commodities: and upon the whole, we dare venture to appeal to the books of the inspector general of the British commerce, when we affirm that Great Britain does not supply us with with a fortieth shilling of the various kinds of China merchandize, consumed in America, though they probably fall little short of a sixth of our importa­tions.

SALT FROM EUROPE.

This article, the writer of the observations says, will be taken indiscriminately from Europe: there­by misleading the government and people of En­gland [Page 120] into a belief, that they will have a chance of supplying a considerable proportion. The quanti­ty imported into the United States, from vario [...] countries, in the last year, was 2,337,920 bushels; besides which it was manufactured in interior situa­tions. The price of salt in Kentucky, where it i [...] home made, is about one third of the market ra [...]e at Pittsburgh, where foreign salt is used.

The British salt is what is called fine in Ameri­ca, from the small size of the crystals. Of thi [...] kind the price is greater than that of the coarse, and not a twentieth bushel was imported before the present year, it being little used but at the ta­ble, and inconvenient to transport to the interior country; but the new duty, near the eighth of a Mexican dollar, will render its importation very unprofitable in future. A bushel of rock or allum salt, as it is termed, from the size of the crystals, will go as far in use, as a bushel and an half or two bushels of the finer kind; and the duty is equal. The price, as before observed, is less. Besides, our grain and lumber ships to Portugal, our tobacco ships to France, our corn, flour and lumber ships to Spain, our vessels to the Cape-de-Verd and West-India islands, are accommodated by ballasts of salt, which is cheap and abundant in those places. It never fails to yield some profit to the owner of the ship, (though it will very seldom pay a freight) and it is exceedingly beneficial to the timbers of a ves­sel. The liberation of this article in France will [Page 121] occasion it to be better made there in future, and the French will consequently supply us with larger parcels than heretofore. The approximation of our settlements to the salt springs, and the increase of white population on the southern sea coasts, will occasion additions to the quantity made at home. Should any impediment be thrown in the way of the reception of our lumber and other bulky articles, and of our vessels in Great Britain, the importation of salt, and indeed of most other coarse British ar­ticles, will be exceedingly diminished, as they are brought now to ballast our return vessels. It ap­pears, however on examining better documents than were procurable at the first publication of this pa­per, that our British lumber trade had induced a greater return in salt, than was at that time suppo­sed; and as truth is the sole object of this examina­tion, the error is made known without hesitation.

SHOES,

Our writer says, were, and must continue to be imported in considerable quantities, and principal­ly from Britain! 'Tis probable that not less than eight millions of pair of shoes, boots, half boots, guetres, slippers, clogs, and goloshoes, are annually consumed in or exported from the United States. Our population proves to be about 4,000,000; and if each person wears a quantity of the above shoe­makers' wares, equivalent to two pair of shoes per annum, the number will be made up. If the me­dium value be taken at 75 cents or 3s4 ½ sterling per [Page 122] pair, this valuable article will amount to six millio [...] of dollars. Of this prodigious quantity, only 70,450 pair of shoes, boots, &c. were imported into the United States in the last year.^† Tanned leather, weighing 22,698 pounds, was exported within the same time, and 5,700 pairs of boots and shoes. Of unmanufactured hides, only 230 we [...]e shipped abroad. Leather and shoes were sent in some degree from the western country. The lea­ther branch is the second in England, and it is eq [...]l to one-fifth of their staple manufactures. Our shoe­makers' wares alone appear to be more in value than one fourth of our exports: and as New Eng­land is our greatest cattle country, and the [...] advanced in handicraft-manufactures, it is [...] that its inhabitants must be in a considerable de­gree indemnified for the effects of those regulation [...] which injured their fisheries. The coarser oils, it may be also observed, are demanded in large quan­tities by the leather dressers, whose requisitions of them will increase with our population, and exports of leathern manufactures.

PAPER.

This article, it is alledged by our author, will continue to be sent in considerable quantities from [Page 123] England; and that ‘although some coarse paper for newspapers is made in America, it is not equal to the demand.’ From a return made to the manu­facturing society of Philadelphia, it appears, that there are forty-eight paper mills in Pennsylvania alone. Five more are building in one county of that state. Others are known to exist in North Carolina, Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, New York and New England. The United States, till very lately, were insensible of the facility with which this branch can be carried on, of the profit which results from it, and of the great degree in which it is established. The treasury of the United States, and the several banks, have paper of the most per­fect kind, specially made for them; the printing of books has increased in an astonishing degree; and factories of paper hangings are carried on with great spirit in Boston, New-Jersey, and Philadelphia. In short, there are abundant proofs of establish­ment and progress towards perfection, in this valu­able branch, in which every thing is made, as it were, out of nothing.

RUM.

It is the opinion of lord Sheffield, that the whole of the West-India rum used in America, except a small quantity from Demarara, and some from St. Croix, may be supplied by the British islands^*. The following scale may be relied on▪ as the pre­sent [Page 124] state of this business in the United States. If the whole quantity of molasses, of distilled spirits imported, and of distilled spirits made at home of fruit and grain, should be divided into 132 parts, it would stand thus.

Molasses imported would be

60 parts.

British, Danish, and other rum, taffia, brandy, geneva, arrack, cordials, and other distilled spirits imported, would be^*.

37 parts.

Spirits distilled from the native fruits and grain of the United States would be at least

35 parts.

Total

132 parts.

It is ascertained, that the British spirits are not more than twenty-one parts of the second item of thirty-seven; and it appears that the West-India rum, supplied by all nations, is reduced to about one fourth of our consumption and sale to foreign nations of distilled spirits. How long we shall conti­nue to take even that proportion is very uncertain. Breweries are multiplying: as their value is be­coming manifest. Grain and fruit distilleries are rising up every where. From interior situations two gallons of spirit, extracted from a bushel of rye, [Page 125] can be brought to markets where it will realize to the farmer two thirds of a dollar for his grain, at less expense than if made into flour, and carted to the same spot. The country is abundantly suppli­ed with stills; and were the British islands to be refused our flour and grain by their own govern­ment, as lord Sheffield advises, this country would be compelled to indemnify itself by making grain spirits and malt liquors in lieu of their rum, which it is reasonable to suppose we should no longer im­port. Indeed the exportation of liquors of all kinds, made from grain, will probably become very con­siderable. Some countries refuse our flour: and the freight to Europe is a heavy charge upon grain. This will induce brewing and distillation, even when markets abroad are not bad; but when prices in Europe are very low, we shall be more strongly impelled to them. Fruit spirits must be made continually, and will add much to the aggre­gate of distilled liquors. The grain consumed in Great-Britain, in their breweries and distilleries, is computed to be twenty-four millions of bushels, though they are obliged to import considerable quantities of flour, meal and grain and though they have rum colonies to support, and to supply with spirits. Holland also carries on the liquor manufactories to a great extent, though far from able to feed itself. The ability in the United States to do the same, cannot be doubted, and will cer­tainly increase. The facilities, which are or may be granted to our ships and trade by foreign na­tions, who make spirits from the vine, the cane, or [Page 126] the several kinds of grain, will induce returns in brandy, rum, or gin, which will diminish the Ame­rican demand for British rum.

LUMBER.

These articles are of the greatest importance to the Irish provision trade, to every branch of the fishery, to British navigation, commerce and manu­factures in general, and particularly to the profita­ble management of West-India estates. Lord Shef­field is of opinion, that ‘most of them may be im­ported from Canada and Nova-Scotia, on as good, if not better terms, than from these states; and that Nova-Scotia will, at least for some time, have little else to depend on, but her fisheries, provisions and cutting of lumber.’ But the experience of 1790, seven years after those provinces began to regain order, instructs us, that there were shipped in that year, from the United States to Nova-Sco­tia alone, 540,000 of staves and heading, 924,980 feet of boards, 285,000 shingles, and 16,000 hoops.

The legislature of Jamaica (the imports of which island directly from the United States, might be es­timated, in 1784, at half our shipments to the Bri­tish West Indies) accompanied their address to the parliament of Britain, with proofs that only 20 bundles of hoops, 301,324 shingles and staves, and 510,088 feet of lumber, were imported into that island from Canada, Nova-Scotia, and St. John's, between the 3d of April 1783, and the 26th of Oc­tober 1784, a term of nearly nineteen months! It appears probable, then, that they did not supply their West India brethren with more than one half of what they import, at this mature stage of their set­tlements, [Page 131] from us. It is to be remembered, that Jamaica drew no supplies of our lumber through the Dutch and Danish islands; though the more windward islands at that time did. From 1768, to 1772, only 36,100 shingles and staves, and 27,235 feet of lumber, were shipped annually from the northern British colonies to the island of Ja­maica.

In another page of the observations, we are told, that hoops, staves, and boards may be sent out to the West-Indies from England, ‘because the freight is lower than from the United States.’ Here again, the writer of the observations is unfor­tunate in his proposed means of supply: for it ap­pears, that there were shipped, in the year above mentioned, to the European dominions of Great-Britain, 13,306,000 staves and heading, 3,000,000 feet of boards, 4,000,000 feet of timber, 253,000 shingles, and 6000 of hoops. We learn, too, from Mr. Anderson's history of commerce, that there were imported from England to the West-Indies, in 1787, the value of £80:12:5 sterling and no more, in boards, staves and other lumber, towards the supply of the demand of those islands, which lord Sheffield admits to have been, in 1770, about thirty-five millions of boards, scantling, staves and hoops, and fifteen millions and a half of shingles, It will appear to him an extraordinary fact, (and must excite a smile in the gravest countenance,) that the balance of the lumber account between Great Britain and her West-India colonies, is actu­ally [Page 132] against the former: for we learn, from another of Mr. Anderson's documents, that there were ship­ped thither from those colonies, between Michael­mas 1786, and the same day in 1787, £.3070:13:11 sterling, in boards, staves, and timber.^* But if the project of shipping from Europe were as rational, as it is wild, what would become of the low freights, upon which it is chiefly founded? The lumber ac­tually taken by the British West Indies from the United States, "exhausted," as this writer misre­presents them to be, would load all the vessels that depart from Great Britain to the West Indies; for it would fill above 100,000 tons of shipping; and a large quantity of tonnage would still be required for the coal, malt-liquors, wines, loaf sugar, candles, soap, provisions, cordage, bale goods, earthen ware, nails, tallow, lime, carriages, &c. which are con­stantly shipped thither from Europe.

The prices of lumber, in London and the United States have been gravely compared; and Decem­ber 1783, was taken as the common season. It is unnecessary to lose time in disproving an allegation about a period so long passed, which, however, could be satisfactorily done, or to animadvert up­on the suppression of the price of boards in which we had so much more the advantage. Our public returns from the several ports, which cannot be supposed to undervalue the article, nor indeed do they vary materially from the shipping prices give [Page 133] the medium rate of twelve and two-thirds dollars or £.2:17 sterling for red oak and white oak staves, and heading, fit for barrels, hogsheads, and pipes. The prices of staves vary exceedingly in the differ­ent markets of the United States; and that, which was selected by the writer of the observations, is known not to be among the cheapest. Even there the ar­ticle is at this time thirty per cent. below the quo­tation in the observations. But we have already noticed the very large exportation of lumber from the United States to the British European domini­ons, which alone is a sufficient contradiction of the fact, and is a satisfactory correction of the obser­vations.

[Page 134]The following statement of the prices in St. Domingo and Jamaica will not be deemed uninteresting, as tending to shew the rates at which French and American vessels supply the former, and British vessels supply the latter, although the home dominions of France were incapacitated from furnishing their usual quantity of provisions.

N. B. Wooden hoops vary in Cape-Francois from 14 to 28 dol­lars.

[Page 135]It is not easy to ascertain the precise degree in which the British West-India islands are supplied with lumber from their own dominions. But much light is thrown upon the enquiry, by the information of the Jamaica legislature: and it appears, that the British European ports furnish none. Their north­ern colonies are proved to import from us now, more than they exported in 1784: and as our re­turn of exports of lumber to the West-India islands, for the last year, exceeds the quantity shipped thi­ther before the revolution, the supplies from Cana­da and Nova-Scotia, even now, must necessarily be very inconsiderable^*.

[Page 136]The state of Georgia, which is penetrated by large rivers, would probably furnish more lumber and timber than the British dominions will require in the next twenty years. It can be cut at all seasons from the nature of the climate, and her ports, which are more conveniently situated, to supply the West-Indies (though lord Sheffield says, those of Canada are more so!) are open in the middle of winter. The improvement of the inland naviga­tion of South-Carolina will bring into the abun­dant lumber-market of Charleston, a new and large supply. North-Carolina has very great magazines of timber, and the openings of the Pasquotank ca­nal will give it to all the ports of the Chesapeak. The middle and eastern states are more exhausted; but large quantities will long be exported from the Dela [...]are, much larger from the Hudson, and still greater from the province of Maine.

NOVA-SCOTIA AND CANADA.

Great reliance is placed by this and other Eng­glish writers on the supplies, which may be deri­ved by the West-India islands from the northern British colonies. It has been already shown, that they hitherto afford little or no lumber. Of rice and naval stores they cannot furnish any, producing none. Of flour, Canada can yet have supplied but a small proportion, having very few mill, hav­ing to support cattle through long winters, and the climate preventing shipments during half the [Page 137] year^*. The voyage is a very heavy [...] ▪ being long and on a single freight. Nova Scotia can never supply much of this article, and has taken from the United States above 40,000 barrels of meal and bread, within the last year, besides 80,000 bushels of grain.^† Canada is too remote to send supplies of cattle, hogs, sheep, and horses; and our exports of these animals to Nova Scotia, prove they have not yet any to spare. Of horned cattle 899, of horses 12, of sheep 2,244, of hogs 267, and of poultry 2376, were shipped from the United States to the northern British colonies, in a little more than one year, from the autumn of 1789 to that of 1790. Very little beef, pork, hams, tongues, tallow, lard, butter, cheese, candles, or soap, can be spared to the West-Indies, by countries which im­port neat cattle, hogs, sheep, and poultry.

The documents adduced by the Jamaica legisla­ture went further to show, that between the 3d of April, 1783, and the 26th of October, 1784, they had received in that populous and extensive island, from Canada, St. John's^‡ and Nova Scotia, no flour—no Indian corn, beans, or oats—no ship bread or other biscuit—no Indian or other meal—no horses, cattle, sheep, hogs or poultry—10 bar­rels [Page 138] of rice—180 bushels of potatoes—751 hogs­heads, 37 tierces, 39 half tierces, and 457 barrels of fish, 45 barrels of oil, 100 oars, 710 shaken casks (or puncheon packs) 21 masts and spars, with the small parcels of lumber mentioned under that head, and no other goods. They also show, that all the imports of Jamaica from Canada, Nova Scotia, and St. John's,^* were, on an average of the five years, from 1768 to 1772 but 33 barrels of flour, 7 hogs­heads of fish, 8 barrels of oil, 3 barrels of tar, pitch and turpentine, 36 thousand of shingles and staves, and 27,235 feet of lumber.

How far it has been in the power of the northern British colonies, or of the British European domi­nions to furnish their West-India islands with flour, bread and Indian corn will further appear from the following facts. It is stated by lord Sheffield, that there were imported from hence into those islands, in a year of great plenty and trade, before the re­volution, 132,426 barrels of flour and biscuit; but our returns for 13 ½ months, already mentioned, show that their late demand from us in that term, was 139,286 barrels of flour alone, and 77,982 bar­rels of Indian meal, middlings, ship-stuff, rye meal, and biscuit. Their former annual supply of Indi­an corn, received from hence, was 401,471 bushels; and their recent importations prove to have been 516,794 bushels, in the space of time stated in our late return.

[Page 139]It is unnecessary to dwell longer upon the sup­plies which the remaining British American colo­nies were expected to afford to their West-India plantations. An experiment of years has been fair­ly made—The returns from their custom houses, and from those of the islands, will inform the go­vernment of Great-Britain what they really furnish at this time, and the proportion it bears to the whole demand. This head will therefore be passed over with the reiteration of a few remarks—that the British West-India islands are proved to have been indebted to the United States in 1790, for more lumber, more grain, and more bread and flour, than they imported from these states before the re­volution—that their remaining colonies can there­fore have furnished them, in their present mature state, but in very small quantities—that those colo­nies have required of us near half the amount in cat­tle, hogs and sheep, which the West-India islands formerly took off^*—and that the high prices of salt and smoked provisions in the British West-Indies, which are greater than those in the French islands, where those articles are prohibited or heavily duti­ed, fully prove, that they depend for them on Ire­land alone, and receive no sensible relief from the British American colonies. Their inability to fur­nish supplies of provisions to the West-India islands is fairly to be presumed from the proclamation of the governor of Nova Scotia, already mentioned, which, besides the article of lumber, permits the [Page 140] importation from the United States, of grain, flour, biscuit, cattle, sheep, poultry, &c. through the whole season of 1791, when the St. Lawrence and bay of Fundy are certainly navigable, and the province of Canada is exporting whatever it has of surplus produce.

LINSEED OIL.

This article is said, in the observations, to be made in some parts of America, from the refuse of the flaxseed, and that the quantity is trifling com­pared with the consumption. It is added, that con­siderable quantities went from Britain to America, before the war; and the English nation are left to believe, that this will continue to be the case, though they actually import seed from hence to make oil.

The cultivation of flax is exceedingly increased in this country, particularly in interior situation [...], and is very general. Oil mills having become more numerous, the seed in inland places is manufactured into oil. This will bear an expence of transportation, which so bulky an article as the seed, cannot sustain. Hence the present price of linseed oil, after it is brought down to the Philadelphia market, is about 2s1 sterling, while the price in London is from 2s3 to 2s4. The Irish demand for our seed is about 42,000 hogsheads: after deducting that, the remain­der must be made into oil here, or shipped to Eu­rope for that purpose. This manufactory being [Page 141] effected by water mills, there can be no doubt that the former disposition of the surplus seed will be made.

PAINTERS' COLOURS.

Several of the ochres are found in abundance in Virginia, Connecticut, and other parts of the United States. The interior situation of the Vir­ginia lead mine, which now yields very copiously, will soon occasion the manufacture of white lead, and of all the preparations of lead, from the same cause that has been mentioned in the case of lin­seed oil, and rye spirits—economizing in the trans­portation. The patent colours have been imi­tated with great success. The trade with Holland and the Hanse towns, as also with the Medi­terranean and the East-Indies, gives us many co­lours, which were formerly imported from Britain, like apothecaries articles, at immense advances.

COACHES AND OTHER CARRIAGES.

The importation of these was formerly very great. Virginia, in 1788, had 360 coaches and chariots, 365 phaetons and other pleasurable four-wheeled carriages, and 1,967 one-horse chairs and solas. New-Jersey, in 1789, had 38 coaches, cha­riots, and phaetons, 1,549 one-horse chairs and so­las, and a very great number of plain decent light-waggons, on steel or wooden springs. From these facts, and similar truths in the other parts of the [Page 142] union, it is certain that the pleasurable carriages of the United States amount to a very large sum. Though to be obtained on credit from Britain, no more than £.5,000 sterling in carriages, or parts of carriages, were imported in the year following August 1789, including those of numerous travel­lers and emigrators: and 220 carriages were ex­ported to foreign countries, within the same year. All the wood and iron work, the harness and other leathern materials, frequently the brass work, fringe, lace, and lately the plated work, are made in America. Lord Sheffield seems to have expect­ed a considerable importation of these articles: but he did not advert to the possibility, that the manu­facturers themselves would emigrate to us; which is every month taking place.

‘MEDICINES AND DRUGS will be imported from Great-Britain,’ says the writer of the observations, ‘on account of the knowledge, which the physicians, surgeons and apothecaries, in the American states, have of the method of preparing and procuring them there.’ Many drugs and medicines are imported without preparation. There is, in many important instan­ces, no difference in the modes of different na­tions. The Materia Medica, Chymistry, &c. are taught in America from the books of Europe. Men of the requisite skill from other countries are to be found in most of our principal seaports. To these many of the chymical and Galenic operations [Page 143] of Holland, France, and Germany are not un­known. Saltpetre, musk, camphor, rhubarb, and other East-India articles in this line, have been shipped occasionally from the United States, in considerable parcels. Bark, sulphur, balsam ca­pivi, and many other medicinal productions, have been obtained from Spain, the Mediterranean, the West-Indies, and other places. Holland partici­pates largely in our importations of chymical pre­parations; but many, which used to be imported, are begun to be manufactured here: and exporta­tions of them to advantage, have, in some instances taken place. The knowledge which our medical gentlemen have acquired abroad, and in their pro­fessional reading at home, of the methods of procu­ring drugs, has been communicated to our mer­chants: and their information of the methods of preparing chymical articles, has been often put in practice here. There is, no doubt, a considerable trade in these commodities from Great-Britain. But it is, even now affected by the above circum­stances, and is not by any means a monopoly. From our free and enterprising commerce, the natural productions of the country, and chymical skill, it must decrease every year. Great-Britain possesses, from nature, less of these commodities than the United States. Foreign trade, and skill employed at home, will give us a great share of those, which are not spontaneous productions of our various soil and climate.

NAILS, SPIKES, AND OTHER MANUFACTURES OF IRON AND THOSE OF STEEL,

are placed second on the list of articles, in which it is alledged Great-Britain will sustain little com­petition: and lord Sheffield remarks, that ‘what­ever we make of them, is at the expense of at least three times the amount of what the same articles could be imported for from Europe.’ The iron branch is highly important and growing in the United States. In Massachusetts, there were se­venty-six iron works, many of them small, in 1784. The Virginia works make above 5,300 tons of iron. The slitting and rolling mills of Pennsilvania, are ascertained to cut and roll 1500 tons or 3,360,000lbs. per annum: and so completely do they obviate the objection of manual labour, which is constantly urged against American manufactures, that they employ but twenty five hands. In that state, there are also sixteen furnaces and thirty-seven large forges. In New Jersey alone, in the year 1789, the number of forges were seventy-nine and of furnaces eight. And though the details are not so well known, they are very numerous in Maryland and most of the states. These works are annually increasing, and particularly in interior situations. The nails and spikes consumed yearly in the United States, (cal­culating on 4,000,000 people, at ten to a house, including negroes, which gives 400,000 houses) allowing ten pounds for the average use of all the persons living in each house, in building, repair­ing, fencing, and in their business, and manufactur­ing, [Page 145] would be 4,000,000lbs. Of this quantity there were imported in the returned year, 1,800,000lbs: and about 2,200,000lbs. must, therefore, have been made at home. The remainder of the slit and rolled iron is either exported or made into tire, hoops, springs for carriages, or some other substi­tutes for foreign imported articles. Ship-building also demands very large quantities of iron work. Ploughshears, carriages, axes, saws, hoes, spades, sho­vels, kitchen utensils, and many other articles employ the American workers in this raw material. About one half of the steel, consumed in the United States, is home made, and new furnaces are building at this moment. The works being few, and the importa­tion ascertained, this fact is known to be accurate. Bar iron before the revolution, was usually sold for sixty four dollars. It fell, after the war, to the same price; and large quantities of iron in bars and pigs were exported. The progress of manu­factures has raised these articles to the highest pri­ces ever known in peace; and only 200 tons in bars, and 3,555 tons in pigs were exported in thirteen months and a half of 1789, and 1790. The ex­portation of this quantity was principally to throw the requisite weight into the bottoms of the ships la­den with cargoes of tobacco or lumber. Lord Shef­field states, that we shipped 2,592 tons of bar iron, and 4,624 tons of pig metal per annum, in several years before the revolution, when it is known our commerce and population were not at the highest. It is also to be observed, that we now import considerable quantities of bar iron from the Baltic [Page 146] and its vicinity, particularly into the eastern states. One thousand two hundred and eighty-eight tons of bar iron, were imported from St. Petersburg alone, in the year 1790, and above forty tons of iron hoops and nail rods. From these facts may be collected convincing proofs of the state of the iron manufac­tures of this country, strongly opposed to the pre­sumptions of lord Sheffield, as well with respect to the dearness of those manufactures, as the mono­poly of our supplies.

FLOUR AND WHEAT.

These inestimable commodities are not, in the opinion of lord Sheffield, the best staples for the United States to depend on; because as he observes, in general the demand in Europe is uncertain. He again repeats his unfounded notion of a competi­tion between us and Nova Scotia for the supply of Europe, in these articles; and adds, that it is a for­tunate consequence of American independence, that the British European islands may regain the supply of their West-Indies, with bread and flour, and that they can furnish them cheaper than we. In regard to the prospects from Nova Scotia, enough has been already said, and particularly till they dis­cover symptoms of internal resources for their own use, by ceasing to import grain and flour from the United States. As to the European corn trade, authentic and important information, indeed, is to be derived from a report of the British privy coun­cil, of March 1790, which is said to have been [Page 147] drawn by lord Hawksbury. It is wisely observed, in that report, that the culture of grain is the most important object, that can receive the public atten­tion: and it is stated that the demand of Great Bri­tain, for flour and grain, has produced an ave­rage balance against the nation, of £.291,000 ster­ling, for the last nineteen years, although from the year 1746, to the year 1765, they had annually gained, by their corn trade, £.651,000 sterling on a medium. Ireland, it is true, has greatly increa­sed its exports of grain, flour, and biscuit, but by no means in proportion to this falling off by Great Britain, and its whole exports of flour and grain are much less than our shipments to the British West Indies. Their lordships proceed to state, that in consequence of information received by them from the principal corn countries of Europe, they are of opinion, that the quantity of grain raised in Eu­rope, in common years, is not more than equal to the ordinary consumption of its inhabitants; and that, in the event of a failure of their crops, a sup­ply can only be expected from America. In verifica­tion of this formal official communication, on a subject of such high importance, we find, that the influence of the late scarcity in France, not only pervaded all Europe, but was extended to the most interior counties of these states. Wheat was sold on that occasion three hundred miles from the ocean, for prices which have been usually acceptable in our sea-port towns: and at the places of shipment, it was advanced to rates beyond what had ever oc­curred since the settlement of the country.

[Page 148]When we remember, that by grain liquors we may avoid the purchase of eleven millions and a half of gallons of the spirits, or ingredients for spi­rits of foreign nations; that by grain these states are rendered the alternate ground of dependance of every European nation, in time of need; that we are protected from the possibility of dreadful famine by this blessed production; that grain is the raw material in which some considerable manufacturers work, and which all must necessarily consume; we must smile at the ideas which lord Sheffield has ha­zarded, in regard to those precious staples, wheat and flour.

GUNPOWDER,

It is asserted, will be imported cheaper than it can be manufactured in America. The price of this important article has been reduced in the Phi­ladelphia market to sixteen dollars, or £.3:12 ster­ling per 100 wt. by the free importation of brim­stone and saltpetre from India and other countries. Our merchants usually pay for it in England at the rate of 75 to 76 shillings sterling, after deducting the drawback on exportation. Twenty-one pow­der mills have been erected in Pensylvania alone, since the year 1768 or 1770—much the greater part of them since the commencement of the revo­lution war: four new ones are now building in that state, one at Baltimore, and others in different parts of the United States; and it is certain they will be multiplied in proportion to the demand, whether [Page 149] it be for home consumption or exportation. Of the quantity commonly on hand in the Philadelphia magazine, not more than seven per cent. is of fo­reign manufacture^*. Saltpetre and sulphur are found in considerable quantities, particularly in the interior parts of Virginia: but at present the commercial supplies are so plentiful and cheap, that our internal resources are little used. Salt­petre is cheaper in Philadelphia than in London.

THE ABILITY OF GREAT-BRITAIN TO MAKE HER SHIPS THE CARRIERS FOR THE UNITED STATES.

It is explicitly declared, in the 39th page of lord Sheffield's introduction, that the adoption of the ground proposed by him, will insure to British ships the carrying trade of the United States; ‘for (he adds) it is certain, if our navigation laws be maintained, it will not answer the Americans to keep many ships.’ This it will be admitted, is to us, if true, a very interesting position, and demands our most serious attention. It will, however, be very easy to show, that the private shipping of the United States does not depend upon British laws. The tables, which accompany the report on the American fisheries, from the department of state, clearly prove, that we are not dependent on Great-Britain for that branch of commerce. In the re­gulation of our coasting trade, which employs above 100,000 tons of shipping, and which will [Page 150] constantly increase with our population, manufac­tures, and use of coal, British laws can have no operation. In our commerce with the Baltic, and the North, with all the Netherlands, the Hanse towns, France, Spain, Portugal, through the streights, with most parts of Africa and India, and the colonies of the European nations, except the British, their navigation act cannot affect us. It appears moreover, that our ships are so "many," as to have amounted to 360,000 tons of vessels laden in our ports, by a return which is incom­plete, while those of Great-Britain and her dominions were 225,000 tons. But it is possi­ble, that considerable deductions from the Bri­tish tonnage may happen. There is little doubt, that the diminutions of our importations from their dominions, which have taken place, in regard to China merchandize, and other India goods, Ita­lian, Russian, Dutch, and German goods, paper, nails, sheet iron, steel, shoes, and boots, gunpow­der, lead, coal, salt, malt liquors, loaf and brown sugars, coffee, cocoa and spirituous liquors, by reason of our intercourse with other nations, and the great improvement of our own resources and manufactures, will be followed by further commer­cial acquisitions from liberal nations, by the con­stant introduction of new foreign manufactures, and the discovery and attainment of new internal resources. If, for example, cotton be raised and imported, and spinning mills be erected, Manchester importations will decrease: if flax and hemp be raised and imported, in greater quantities, and flax [Page 151] and hemp spinning mills be erected, sail-cloth sheet­ing, and shirting linens, checks, oznabrigs, table and towel linen, &c. will be imported more spar­ingly. If by these and other means, our imports from Great-Britain should be finally reduced to such a sum, as will purchase only so much rice, to­bacco, and other articles as its people consume, those articles will not be shipped indirectly to fo­reign countries, through British ports, as is now the case. These indirect shipments afford British vessels more than an equal chance in the competi­tion with ours from America to England; because the property is generally on English account, and it gives them so far the command of the car­riage from England to other parts of Europe. From these circumstances, it will be perceived, that it is interesting to our private shipping, and consequently to our success in the establishment of a navy, that we continue by prudent and salutary means, to decrease our importations from each foreign country, so as in a greater degree to equalize them with the consumption, which that country actually makes of our productions: this, however, it is conceived, ought not to be attempt­ed, by any precipitate or coercive means; but by the establishment of our mercantile credit in other countries, by commercial enterprise, capital and and manufacturing industry.

A second cause, which renders the intercourse in the shape of exportation to Great-Britain inordi­nately great, is to be found in the old private debts [Page 152] due to that country from this. These, so far as they will be paid by money or goods, are conside­rably diminished. The rise of our stocks, and the sales of them to foreigners, have enabled many to lessen those debts: and British subjects will conti­nue to find it their interest to buy into them. These are payments, which occasion only a remittance of the interest; and the commutation of private for public debts is therefore to be desired. Part of the old debts which remain due to the English mer­chants, must be received in the soil and buildings of this country. When these shall be accepted by the creditor, they will still remain immoveable: and he will find himself, or his child, transformed into an American freeholder, to his profit and that of the United States, though to the injury, and some­times the ruin of the unfortunate debtor. This change of the creditor's situation, will not be un­pleasing to a liberal mind of any country, and, if properly understood, may greatly meliorate the prospects of the family and connexions of many in Britain, who are concerned in American debts. A country, of great native strength, becoming ener­getic, intelligent, free, not disposed to provoke ei­ther insults or injuries, and in a situation not to submit to a wanton imposition of either, holds out as great promises of human happiness, as any, of which the foreign creditor can have been a citizen▪ He is sure of a kind reception, and of the protec­tion of the laws and constitution in his person, property, and religion.

[Page 153]A third cause, which has produced an extraor­dinary intercourse in the shape of importations from Great-Britain, has been the want of credit from other nations. We now annually import from that kingdom about 900,000 dollars, in articles not of its growth, produce, or manufacture; and though we have reduced this from about 2,200,000 dollars since the separation of the two countries, there is yet that great value expensively, because circuitously, imported. The pursuit of this accus­tomed track, established in the time of the old Bri­tish monopoly, has been one cause of these unna­tural importations—but the chief cause was the cre­dit we found from England. The British merchants will probably continue to afford the greatest acco­modations of this kind; but it is evident, that the citizens of other countries will furnish us with cre­dits, and sometimes in more eligible shapes. They will give us their cash articles and their coin, to be employed in ready-money trades at home and abroad, in manufactures and foreign commerce. In proof of this may be adduced the respondentia cre­dits in India and China, the purchases into our se­veral bank stocks, the investment of monies in our lands,^* and in our navigation, trade, and manufac­tures. The medium imports from Great-Britain for several years before the revolution, appear, from European accounts, to be to the medium imports for [Page 154] an equal term of years antecedent to 1790, as 27 to 23, though our population has probably almost doubled; and though much larger importation [...] than heretofore, by persons intending to remain here, have also contributed to swell the quantity in the latter term. What is to follow in this wa [...] time, it is believed, will very quickly show.

In addition to the foregoing causes, which seen likely to occasion a diminution of the proportion of shipping employed directly and indirectly by Great [...]Britain in the American trade (including the e [...] ­portation of our productions from the British po [...] to other markets in Europe) one other, which does not seem to have sufficiently engaged their atten­tion, may produce, it is believed, very consider­able effects. The regulations of the British naviga­tion act do not appear to have been duly examined by other European powers, with a view to the adoption of such of them as will apply beneficially to their own affairs. If they have had effects so favourable to the shipping and naval power of Bri­tain, it is possible, and highly probable they might be, in a greater or less degree, beneficial to other countries. The present appears a fit season for such an examination in America: and we cannot suffer, if we enter on it with temper and discretion. That it would diminish the number of British vessels, for example, if the United States and all other maritime countries, should deem it expedient to enact into a law of their respective nations, the clause of the British statute, by which the importation of all [Page 155] foreign goods is confined to native bottoms and to those of the nation producing the articles, can­not be doubted. Whether this regulation will be convenient to the United States—to France —to Spain—to Portugal—to Russia—to Prussia, who, exporting twenty or thirty times the bulk of goods, that Great-Britain ships, do not, altoge­ther enjoy a part of the carriage for foreign nations, equal to what she possesses, is a question those na­tions are severally to consider and determine, Facts, in the mean time, are highly interesting. In the year 1772, as Mr. Anderson informs, the im­ports and exports of the Baltic were made in 6680 vessels, of which the British were 1894, the French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Russian only 45. The commodities carried thither (in addition to their own manufactures) were the produce and fabrics of all the countries of Europe and of the East and West-Indies, which, by their navigation act, could not have been imported into Great-Britain in like man­ner. The same may be said of the cargoes they brought away, so far as they were carried directly to the ports of other nations, or were re-shipped from their own ports in their original form. The same writer states the British entries in Lisbon, in the year 1788, to have been 351, and those of Portugal, in her own metropolis and emporium, to have been only 283. The Spaniards had but 31, the Russians one, the Prussians one, and Dantzick­ers one. By the same authority we are instructed, that the British entries in Malaga in 1787, were 189, the Dutch 24, the Portuguese five, the Russi­ans, [Page 156] Prussians, and Dantzickers, none. In the year 1778, the British entries in Cronstadt, the port of the city of St. Petersburgh, were 25 [...] ▪ those of Russia, though in her own capital, were only twelve, of Spain six, of Portugal two, of Hamburg and Bremen five. In the year 1790, the British entries, in the same port, were 517 out of 932: and we have recently seen, that the British have supplied themselves and the other nations of Europe, with cargoes of our commodities amount­ing to 230,000 tons, while those Europeans carri­ed for themselves no more than one sixth of the quantity! It is not intended to discuss, in this place, the policy of adopting so momentous a re­gulation as that alluded to, observations on which are rendered peculiarly delicate by the situation in which it is placed by the national legislature. The instance, it is conceived, however, will forcibly inculcate the utility of the examination suggested in the beginning of this paragraph, and will lead to useful reflections on the consequences, which such an examination may induce. The facts, by which it is illustrated, appeared too serious and important to Americans and to foreigners, not to be adduced. It will be perceived, that it is equal­ly [...]he interest of those who are Englishmen, to con­sider the certain effects of such an examination of the British trade laws, and of those who are not. Some of the convictions, which such an enquiry, made with judgment, would create in the minds of candid men, would probably be, that Great-Bri­tain [Page 157] cannot not make her ships the carriers for the United States: and that rather than make the at­tempt, it would be better far to commence the for­mation of liberal arrangements, solidly founded in the mutual interests of the two nations.

FINE AND COARSE HATS.

The writer of the observations remarks, that the high price of wool and labour must induce the Americans to import the felt and common hats. The increase of our population, as in other new countries, has been accompanied by an increase of the quantity of wool. Sheep have been found, on frequent and fair experiments, to be very pro­fitable to the farmer^†. Importation, though hi­therto casual, has supplied us with some wool. Hatters are found in every part of the United States. The following table, which was contained in a report made by a committee to the manufac­turing society of Philadelphia, will show the state of the hatting business in Pennsylvania, and disco­vers a fact little known even to her own citizens, that 12,340 hats are annually made in the four counties beyond the Allegany mountains*.

[Page 158]

From this return, it appears that every county in the state participates in the hatting business, there being none but what are in the above list^†.

[Page 159]The United States are found to contain near 4,000,000 inhabitants, and of that number the whites are conjectured to be about 3,300,000. If a hat per annum, be allowed for every third person of this last number, 1,100,000 hats per annum, would be a supply for the United States, and the above [...]15,000 made in a single state, may be considered as more than equal in value to one fifth of the de­mand, a quarter of the number being of fur. It is to be remembered, that leathern hats and fur caps are not rarely seen in the interior country. This branch has not grown up suddenly in America; but was commenced among our first manufactures, and has made a regular progress with the population. The furs of the country have at once held out a strong temptation, and afforded the easy means. Lat­terly, the increase of wool has given a great extensi­on to the manufacture. The practical difficulties, suggested by lord Sheffield, can gain little credit under so successful a course of the business; but the truth is, that few handicrafts are more quickly ac­quired by apprentices, who can open shops for them­selves long before they are permitted in many parts of Europe. Foreign shops have also been establish­ed here, by emigrants from Germany, France and Britain.^*

BOOKS.

‘All school and common books, in the opini­on of lord Sheffield, may be sent cheaper from Bri­tain, than they can be printed in America.’ The great and constant increase of paper mills in the United States, the extention of those longe [...] erected, the establishment of type founderies and the introduction of engravers and book-bind­ers, have made a greater change in regard to the business of book printing, than has happened with respect to any other equally valuable branch of manual art.^* The Latin and Greek school books are imported in greater numbers than heretofore; because our population is considerably increased, since the separation from Great-Britain, and the use of them is too limited to render an edition pro­fitable: but a very great proportion of the En­glish school books (which are in general use) are printed here. Of some kinds there are none impor­ted; and several of them, with alterations and im­provements, have been published. A number of the law books, which are most demanded, have been reprinted with advantage: and an edition of the Encyclopoedia, in fifteen large quartos, con­taining about 5 per cent. more matter than that printed in Great-Britain, is now publishing at se­venty [Page 161] dollars, or fifteen guineas—precisely the price charged to subscribers for the British edition. The cuts in the American copy are equally nume­rous, and are really the best.

There are two circumstances, which will esta­blish the book-printing business in this country—the opportunity of publishing immediately, for the American demand, all books in every European language,^* within the term of the copy right; and the printing of moderate sized and plain editions, instead of the large, ornamented, and expensive copies which are now the fashion in Europe. A superb quarto, on the best vellum paper, with an elegant but unnecessary copperplate frontispiece, richly gilt and lettered, (the dress in which mo­dern writers often introduce their works) costs more than is agreeable to the people of this country, who desire valuable matter for their money. The freight, duties, and other charges of importation, depending either on the bulk or value, are very much enhanced; and our printers find it easy to embrace the opportunity which these circumstan­ces afford them to furnish their counrty with a [Page 162] cheap octavo, and sometimes even a duodecimo, in its stead.

German school books are much demanded in this country, as may be supposed, when it is re­membered how numerous, in the United States, the persons are, who read and speak that language —probably 150,000 to 180,000 of our people. These books are either imported from Holland, or the Hanse towns, or printed in America. England supplies none of them.

The extension of the French language, together with the intercourse between the United States and that nation, which took place in the year 1776, and the alliance in 1778, with which it was followed, will naturally be supposed to have increased the demand for French books. These are principally imported from France, the Hanse towns, Holland, and Flanders; and some few are printed in Ame­rica.

Books in these two languages could not be im­ported, before the revolution, from any country, except Great-Britain: but are now drawn, as above mentioned, from other foreign sources, or the American printing presses.

THAT THE AMERICANS WILL IN FUTURE GIVE A PREFE­RENCE TO BRITISH MANUFACTURES BEFORE ALL OTHERS —THAT IT WILL BE A LONG TIME BEFORE THE AMERI­CANS WILL MANUFACTURE FOR THEMSELVES—AND THAT OUR DEMAND FOR BRITISH GOODS WILL INCREASE IN PROPORTION TO OUR POPULATION.

The manufactures of Great-Britain and Ireland^* are very generally good, often excellent, and almost always as handsome as the nature of the article will admit. Yet, there are not wanting proofs, that we shall take considerable quantities of goods from other countries. Twenty-two ships, for ex­ample, arrived in the United States from St. Pe­tersburg, in the year 1790, with cordage, ticking, drillings, diaper, broad linens, narrow linens, prin­ted linens, crash, sheetings, ravens duck, Russia duck, nail rods, and rolled iron for hoops. The remainder of their cargoes were bar iron, hemp, and flax, which were intended to be manufactur­ed here. Nankeens, silks, long-cloths, porcelain and some small articles, are imported regularly from China: and muslins, plain, striped, figured, and printed, with silks, and a variety of other ar­ticles, are imported from India. It being manifest­ly very injurious to the manufacturing interest of every nation in Europe, even to import, and much more so to consume these goods, there can be no [Page 164] doubt, that they will be supplied to us in the East-Indies, with more readiness every year; and if a few more callico printers were to establish them­selves among us, the importation of printed linens, callicoes and cottons might be exceedingly dimi­nished. The importation also of dowlass, ozna­burghs, ticklenburgs, and other German linens, and of Haerlem stripes, and tapes, from Bremen, Ham­burgh, and Amsterdam, together with the manufac­tory of every ton of hemp, and almost every ton of flax, which we raise or import, together with some cotton, has very much affected the British and Irish linen trade^*. It appears from various documents, that the average exports of their manufactures to the United States for several years prior to the year 1789, were near half a million of dollars less than the average exports of several years immedi­ately antecedent to the war, though our population has probably doubled in the last twenty-five years. It is not improbable, however, that the great quan­tities of goods shipped since 1789, in consequence of the jealousy of American manufactures, the ap­prehension of a rupture with Spain, and the efforts of the British cotton manufacturers to banish East-India goods from our markets, would show a con­siderable increase in the last and present years. In short, the United States are an open market: the American merchants are men of judgment and enterprise; and consequently the goods of every [Page 165] country in the world, which are adapted to our con­sumption, are found in our ware-houses. It is cer­tainly true, that among them are very large quanti­ties of British manufactures, being much and justly approved, and being imported on convenient credits by our merchants, and copiously shipped by British merchants and manufacturers on their own account, to their correspondents here. If properly conduct­ed on both sides, it may yet be a very beneficial trade to the two countries; but it has not excluded the valuable goods of other nations, nor has it pre­vented a very great progress of our own manufac­tures, particularly in the family way. Cordage, gunpowder, steel, nails, paper, paper-hangings, books, stationary, linseed oil, carriages, hats, wool and cotton cards, stockings, shoes, boots, shot, and many other articles are made in considerable quan­tities, some of them as far as fifty per centum on the demand, and other in quantities nearly equal to the consumption. Substantial freedom, liberal wages, and cheap and excellent living, free from any ex­cise, except a very small one, (compared with any in Europe) upon spirituous liquors, operate daily to bring us manufacturers and artizans in the manual branches; and we are beginning to see the great, and to us, the peculiar value of labour-saving machines. The rate of manual labour is no objection against them, but absolutely in their favour; for it is clear, that they must yield the greatest profit in countries where the price of labour is the highest. The first judicious European capitalists, who shall take good situations in the United States, and establish manufactories, [Page 166] by labour-saving machines, must rapidly and cer­tainly make fortunes. They cannot, it is presum­ed, be long insensible of this; but if they should continue so, the appreciation of our public stocks will probably bring some of our own capitalists into the business. The public creditors, the owners of perhaps fifteen millions sterling of now inactive wealth, might at this moment do much towards the introduction of the cotton mills, wool-mills, flax and hemp-mills, and other valuable branches of machine manufacturing. It is past a doubt, that were a company of persons of character and judg­ment to subscribe a stock for this purpose of 500,000 dollars in the public paper, they might obtain up­on a deposit of it, a loan of as much coin from some foreign nation, at an interest less than six per cent. Was such a company to be incorporated, to have its stock transferable as in a bank, to receive subscriptions from 400 dollars upwards, to pur­chase 500 or 1000 acres of land well situated for receiving imported materials and exporting their fabrics—were they to erect works in the centre of such a body of land, to lay out their grounds in a convenient town-plat, and to proceed with judgment and system in their plan, they would be sure of suc­cess in their manufactories; they would raise a va­luable town upon their land, and would help to support the value of the public debt.^* Were a [Page 167] few establishments, like that described, to take place (and there are room and funds for many of them) even the manufactories of piece goods, of every kind in which machinery could be applied, would soon be introduced with profit into the United States. It cannot, on cool reflexion, be expected, that a country remote from all the manufacturing nations, able to produce the requisite raw materials and pro­visions, and subject to many interruptions in their exportation to foreign markets, will continue to depend on distant transmarine sources, for the mass of her necessary supplies. The wonderful progress of other nations, which have commenced manu­factures under disadvantages much greater than any we have to contend with, will powerfully in­cite us to exertion. Until the year 1667, a piece of woolen cloth was never dyed and dressed in England. This great manufacture was quickly after improved by the skill of foreign emigrants, (a mean at our command;) and so rapidly has the woolen branch advanced, that it was estimated, in 1783, at the immense sum of £.16,800,000 ster­ling (above seventy-four millions of dollars) per an­num, and was equal in value to all the exports, and superior to all the revenues of Great-Britain. It may, perhaps, be asked, why manufactures were not established in the late war? Any man, who makes a comparison of a variety of branches, as they were in 1774, and as they stood in 1782, will [Page 168] perceive a great advance to have actually take [...] place, though manufactures were little encouraged through the intermediate eight years, by reason of the total occupation of government in the prosecu­tion of the war: their importance moreover was not duly estimated. The British manufacturers, who can now emigrate with the greatest conveni­ence, then viewed the people of this country as enemies. Neither they, nor the people of other nations (who indeed knew little of us) cared to risk themselves in an invaded country, nor would they hazard a capture in their passages hither. Not­withstanding these impediments, the manufacturers of the United States have been found to be the most successful competitors with those of Great-Britain in the American market. They have not made fine linens, fine cloths, silks, stuffs, and other arti­cles requiring a great degree of skill, labour, or capital; but they have made common cloths of li­nen, woollen, and cotton, steel, nails, sheet iron, paper, gunpowder, cannon and musquets, cabinet work, carriages, shoes, and fabrics of the simple but most important and necessary kinds. ☞ See the supplementary note, concerning the progress and pre­sent state of American domestic or household manufac­tures, which follows, No. VII.

THAT IT WOULD BE IMPOLITIC IN GREAT-BRITAIN, TO AD­MIT AMERICAN VESSELS INTO HER WEST-INDIA ISLANDS.

This is a very momentous question to Great-Bri­tain; and therefore whatever may be the real me­rits of it, the people of that country might have been expected to consider it with first impressions unfavourable to the admission of foreigners. It is also probable, that the Americans may have taken a partial view of the subject, from the great inte­rest, they suppose they have, to obtain a participa­tion in the British West-India trade. There are two positions of lord Sheffield, relative to this sub­ject, which appear conformable with truth and rea­son, and in which it is of great consequence, that we should, on mature reflection, agree. The first is, ‘That the cultivation of the British West-India islands might be carried much farther than it is,’ which he supports by observing ‘that the produce of the island of Jamaica might be trebled at least.’ The second is, ‘That the nation which may hereafter be in possession of the most extensive and best cultivated sugar islands,^* will take the lead at sea.’

If the first of these positions be true, both in re­gard to the British West-Indies in general, and the island of Jamaica in particular, then it becomes a matter of the utmost importance to Great-Britain, [Page 170] by reason of the second position, to adopt the best possible system for promoting the cultivation of the [...] ­cant lands and improved estates in the several islands. Persons, who have contended with the difficulties and expences of settling new plantations, and who are acquainted with the management of West-Indi [...] estates, will be sensible, that cheap supplies of building materials, and other necessary incipi­ent articles, give the greatest facility and cer­tainty to those who are struggling to effect a new settlement: and keeping down the contingent ex­pences of planting and raising produce, and of packing and preparing the crop for market, is manifestly a sure mean of increasing the profits of an estate. In this point of light, it must be immensely against the British West-India produ­cers of 7,500,000 gallons of rum, and 2,000,000 cwt. of sugars, with cotton, coffee, pimento and other articles, that they receive their staves, boards, provisions, and other supplies, on terms so much higher than the French, the Dutch, and the Danes. While the islands of France were furnished in the last year, by French and American bottoms, with red oak hogshead staves, at 12, 14, and 16 dol­lars—with hoops, at 14 to 28 dollars—with pine boards, at 11 to 16 dollars—with Indian meal, at 2 ½ to 3 and two third dollars per barrel—with ship­bread, at 3 ½ dollars per 108 pounds; the British planters in Jamaica were obliged to pay for red oak hogshead staves, 24, 27, and 31 dollars; for wooden hoops, 27, 30, and 36 dollars; for pine boards 24, 27, and 30 dollars; for Indian meal 4 ¼▪ [Page 171] to 5 ¼ dollars; for ship-bread the same; and for rice per 100 pounds 3 ⅓ to 5 ¼ dollars. Let consi­derate men determine, whether the British colonial agriculture must not be depressed, and that of the French be exceedingly elevated, under such cir­cumstances. It is plain that the latter will find it easy to extend their plantations into grounds now uncultivated, if the British planters should be able to endure their disadvantages. In conformity with this reasoning, we find that the produce of French St. Domingo, shipped to Europe, which, before the late war, is stated by lord Sheffield to have employed no more than 450 ships, was suffi­cient, in the year 1788, to load for France 580 ships, of 370 ¾ tons on a medium, and 110 of 740 tons, (exclusive of the numerous French and fo­reign vessels employed in the trade with North and South America,) amounting in the whole to 296,435 tons, nearly equal to one third of the private ships of Britain. The whole of the vessels loaded in 1787, from all the British West-India islands to England and Scotland, amounted to but 132,222 tons. In 1788 the quantity was the same, and as the writer of the observations admits that the produce of Jamaica was before the war two thirds in va­lue (though less in bulk) of that of St. Do­mingo, the British colonial agriculture must have ad­vanced, if at all, in a much less degree than that of the French. This great increase of the French navigation, resulting from a prosperous West-Indian agriculture, abundantly and cheaply supplied, is a verification of the prediction of lord Sheffield, which [Page 172] was mentioned above, and induces the most rea­sonable doubts, whether it would be really impoli­tic in Great-Britain to admit American vessels into her West-India islands. As it is of great impor­tance to this argument, to establish the actual in­crease of the French produce upon stronger ground than even the highest probability, it may be useful to state, that the sugars exported from St. Domin­go, in 1786, were near 133 millions of pounds; in 1788, near 163 millions and an half; that the cof­fee in 1786 was about 51 millions of pounds; and, on the average of 1787 and 1788, near 70 millions; and that the cotton, in 1786 was 5,200,000 pounds —and, on the average of 1787 and 1788, above 6,500,000 pounds—also that the molasses, which in 1786 was 21,855 hhds. was increased in 1788, to 29,503.

The augmentation of the French vessels, em­ployed from St. Domingo alone, appears to be equal to 108,000 tons. If the whole of their sugar colo­nies have prospered in the same degree, it is proba­ble their acquisition of shipping may be safely esti­mated at 162,000 tons, which is 47,000 tons more than lord Sheffield supposes to have been em­ployed, before the American revolution, between the British sugar islands and all the American pro­vinces, and is very far beyond the tonnage em­ployed at this time in the trade of those islands with the United States. The British publications represent it to be less than 21,000 tons, making [Page 173] three voyages per annum, the aggregate entries of which, they consider, as about 62,000 tons.

It is alledged, American vessels cannot be ad­mitted without offence to other countries: but that has not been found an objection to the admission by the French. Nor, if the regulation were pro­perly made, would the allies of England have any cause of complaint; for they might participate in the trade, if they could find advantage in so doing, which, however, would not be the case. The ships of Russia, of Holland, of Great-Britain, of Spain, of Portugal, of the United States, and of all other foreign countries, may enter the French islands with the same kind of goods, even American arti­cles. The English, indeed, would be much more protected in the island trade than the French; be­cause by other clauses in their laws, the goods brought by each flag must be its own national pro­ductions.

It may be argued that the Americans would take a large proportion of the carriage to the British islands: but this, if true, is the strongest proof, that can be adduced, of the expediency of the measure, as calculated to promote the colonial agriculture, and thus aid and support the navy of Great-Britain. France, it is seen, by the mode proposed, has ad­ded nearly as much to her shipping, in the trade of a single island, as England enjoys in the monopoly of the intercourse with all her islands, by the mode she pursues. The British shipping, too, if ours were [Page 174] admitted, would certainly maintain themselves in a considerable portion of the trade: and in proof of this, it may be observed, that the French em­ploy of their own vessels in their West-India trade from this country, nearly two-thirds of the tonnage that is engaged in their commerce between these states and France. It is material to observe, that in the intercourse between the French islands and the United States, the tonnage of the British, Dutch, Spanish, Danes, Swedes, and Portuguese, does not amount to two per cent. upon the whole of the vessels employed.

THAT IT WOULD BE BETTER FOR BRITAIN TO GIVE UP THE ISLANDS THAN THEIR CARRYING TRADE.

As the arguments on this point, adduced by lord Sheffield, relate only to the carrrying trade between the United States and the British West-India isl­ands, the observations will proceed on the same ground. The whole freight betweeen the two countries prior to the war, he estimates at £.245,000, rather than lose which, he thinks it better to give up those valuable islands, the produce whereof, according to various estimations, is worth three or four millions sterling, and whose inhabit­ants are very free consumers of British and Irish manufactures. A prudent administration should beware of a writer, who palpably deceives himself by too ardently maintaining a favourite hypothesis. But a relinquishment of the trade, on the part of Great-Britain, is not desired; nor can a loss of it be supposed to follow the admission of our vessels to a [Page 175] participation in it. The ships always employed in the circutious voyage would still continue to pur­sue it; those belonging to the West Indians them­selves, the Bahamans, the Bermudians, and the northern British colonies, would still enjoy a large portion: the remainder would be done by the Americans, who now suffer the British nation to employ a very large quantity of tonnage in imports from, and exports to foreign countries, other than British, without any reciprocation.

THAT THE SHIPPING GREAT-BRITAIN GAINS, BY EXCLUD­ING THE AMERICANS, WILL BE AT HAND.

Lord Sheffield undertakes to say, that the navi­gation of those provinces, which are now the United States, operated as a drain of British sea­men; and conveys an idea, that the sailors em­ployed here, were of no use to Britain. The prompt manning of their ships on this station, the cheap and certain supply of their West-Indies, in the war of 1755 to 1762, the distress to the French and Spanish trade by American privateers, the af­fair of cape Breton, the great exportation of prize goods from this country, and other weighty facts, might be adduced to prove this not the smallest of his errors. Assuming that we were too remote to be of any use in time of war, he proceeds to a con­clusion, that the navigation employed in the sup­ply of the islands, will be hereafter nearer ho [...]e, inferring that it will belong to the merchants of their European dominions. This may be in a [Page 176] great degree the case, as to the sugar ships, which make the circuitous voyage from Europe to the United States, the West-Indies and Europe; and it was equally so, as to that description of trade [...] ▪ before the revolution: but the direct intercou [...]s [...] between these states and the British West-India islands, from which we are excluded, must, from the nature of the trade, be carried on principally in vessels owned in those islands, whose situation is more remote than ours, and by British subjects residing in our ports, Bermudians, and the people of the northern British colonies, all of whom are as distant as we.

THAT AMERICA COULD NEVER BE UNITED AGAIN,

Was a settled opinion of the writer of the obser­vations. He did not perceive that accident, prin­cipally, had cast us into the form of thirteen states. It is true, that the extreme injuries of disunion were not generally foreseen by many of our own citizens. The utility—the necessity of strengthen­ing the national government, had not come home, as it has since done, to the minds of the American people. Many of their friends, however, saw with regret, and some of those who were not their friends, perceived with a satisfaction not the most honourable, that the prospects of individual happi­ness, and of national prosperity had ceased to be fair. The most miserable ill that can afflict the po­litical body, the want of a fit organization, had brought on alarming convulsions; and there were [Page 177] no evils which were not to be apprehended, unless a change of system could be effected. In this mo­ment, the friends of order came forth. The jar­ring interests, on the effects of which the writer re­lies, were made to harmonize. The difference of ‘manners, of climates, and of staples,’ did not in­tervene, according to his expectations, as insur­mountable obstacles to amity and union. That hearty co-operation, the hope of which is treated as preposterous, has actually taken place: and the American people now universally perceive, ‘that whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve their union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sove­reign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to their liberty and independency.’

It remains, then, for those, who have believed in these predictions of ruinous contentions among the people, and an enfeebling discord in the coun­cils of the United States, to consider, in so diffe­rent a course of things, the conduct which ought to be observed: and for us it remains steadily to proceed in the good work of restoring and firmly securing public order, as the certain and only means of private and public happiness.

NAVAL STORES.

It appears to lord Sheffield, that Russia will in­terfere much with the American states, in the sup­ply of these commodities. The quantities export­ed, agreeably to his table for 1771, and our re­turn in 1791, appear to have been,

• 8,875 In the r [...]turn for 13 1/ [...] [...] ▪ worth now 217,945 dollars.
• 85,067 In the r [...]turn for 13 1/ [...] [...] ▪ worth now 217,945 dollars.
• 28,326 In the r [...]turn for 13 1/ [...] [...] ▪ worth now 217,945 dollars.
• 316 In the r [...]turn for 13 1/ [...] [...] ▪ worth now 217,945 dollars.
• 193 In the r [...]turn for 13 1/ [...] [...] ▪ worth now 217,945 dollars.
• 122,777 In the r [...]turn ffor 13 1/ [...] [...] ▪ worth now 217,945 dollars.

From this increase of value, it appears, that the United States have not suffered from the competi­tion of Russia, or any other country; but that in this article, like most others, we experience the ad­vantage of being an open market, free from the British monopoly, which existed before the revo­lution. In addition to this large exportation, con­siderable quantities have been consumed, in ma­nufa [...]es which have been introduced or extend­ed since the year 1771: and a very large quantity has been purchased for the repairs and stores of [Page 179] 770,000 tons of vessels, of various nations, em­ployed in the foreign trade, the coasting trade, and the fisheries, and in the building of new ships, which greatly exceed the number built on a medium of 1769 to 1771.

POT AND PEARL ASHES.

These articles, lord Sheffield ventures to affirm, can be made to greater advantage in Canada and Nova Scotia, than elsewhere in America, on ac­count of the plenty of wood, and owing to the great quantity of fuel consumed in a long and severe winter. It is well known, that the people of this continent do not attempt to make these salts out of any of the terebinthine woods,^* (though it is said to be prac­tised in the north of Europe,) and that the growth of trees in the remaining British colonies, is prin­cipally of those kinds. Abundant proof that they have little oak, is derived from the small quantity of staves, heading, oak timber, and oak planks, which they export, and from the quantities of them, which they import from the United States. But had they the proper kinds of fuel, that would not be sufficient; for a certain degree of population is necessary to this manufacture. The number of people in the whole of the northern British colonies, is perhaps 160,000 or 180,000, while the United States have more than twenty times their number, [Page 180] of whom two-thirds inhabit scenes much more abun­dant in wood and timber than Canada and Nova-Scotia. Their custom house books will show what pot-ash those colonies export. Although our writer supposes, that the United States will yield less th [...] they have heretofore done, we find, that the return of the treasury exhibited the great quantity of 8,568 tons, though the export, on the medium of 1768, 1769, and 1770, was only 2008 tons, and 5 cwt.

In treating of pot-ash, lord Sheffield takes occa­sion to digress to the article of coal, and observes, that to encourage the British collieries, and carry­ing trade, they should prevent the getting of co [...]l on the island of Cape Breton. It was among the disadvantages, which, it was alledged, that United States would sustain by the separation from Great-Britain, that the collieries of Cape Breton were to be particularly barred against them. This, like many other evils, which were apprehended, has va­nished on a recurrence to the resources of the country. The collieries of James river will not only abundantly supply the extensive territory wa­tered by the rivers of the Chesapeak and by that bay itself; but they promise to afford a very valu­able nursery for seamen in the transportation of their contents to all the sea-ports of the United States. They already furnish coal on terms much lower than the minimum of the first cost and charges of importation: and as labour is declining in price and a short water communication, between the mines and the shipping place, is nearly completed, [Page 181] there is no doubt that foreign coal will be rende­red a very losing commodity, and that it must final­ly be excluded from our markets. The interior country is plentifully supplied by nature with this valuable fossil.

HORSES.

Lord Sheffield treats of this article with great ingenuity. He raises expectations in the govern­ment and people of Great Britain, that the West-Indies may draw supplies of these useful animals from Canada, and considers Nova-Scotia as hav­ing greatly the advantage of Canada and the Uni­ted States in her capacity for the exportation of them. It is stated as certain, that a trade in hor­ses will be carried on by that province. The dis­tance of Great-Britain and Ireland do not appear to restrain his sanguine hopes, that horses may be shipped to the West-Indies from those two coun­tries. He proceeds further, and suggests the sup­ply of the probable deficiency of horses, with mules, from Barbary, from whence they are to be obtain­ed in abundance, (though at a high price) and from Porto Rico and the Missisippi. In short, know­ing the importance of horses to the West-India planters, he takes great pains to shew, that they may relinquish, without inconvenience, the cheap and certain supplies which they formerly enjoyed, and which the French, Danes, and Dutch now enjoy by means of deep-waisted American vessels, manned by persons accustomed to the business.

[Page 182]There is perhaps, no article, in proportion to the value, in which the British islands suffer [...] deeply by the present footing of their intercours [...] with these states, than in that of which we are [...] treating. This country is particularly fitted [...] the raising of horses, and affords them in very in­creased numbers. The exportation of them in the year 1770, which was entirely to the West-Indi [...] islands, was, by lord Sheffield's tables, 6,6 [...]: and the exportation of them by the treasury retu [...], already referred to, was 8,628, besides 237 mul [...] The last article has been added to the list of [...] ­ports, since the year 1770, and promises to [...] c [...]me very considerable, though mules have not a place in lord Sheffield's book among the supplies which may be derived from the United States. The British West-India islands are stated to have take [...] off, before the revolution, two fifths of the above number, or 2,676 horses; but it appears by [...] late return that there were shipped thither, i [...] thirteen months and a half, no more than 916 hor­ses and mules; from which it is manifest, that the present mode of carrying on the trade deprives them of above two-thirds of their former supply of these animals, which are admitted in the observa­tions, to be "essentially necessary." The price of those they do obtain, must of course be much enhanced by an unsatisfied demand three-fold greater than the importation, and by the expense of conveying them in British ships, which be­ing very generally in the double decked form, are dangerous for the transportation of horses on [Page 183] deck, and carry them at an immense freight in the [...]old. Here is another very injurious instance of depressing the West India agriculture. The case with the Dutch is very different. Their sugar colo­nies, though much less populous than those of Great-Britain, received in the above term, about seven hundred and sixty horse [...] and mules. The French, as in regard to the other articles of necessary sup­plies, not produced by their own dominions, re­ceive these animals, without impediment, in our vessels, and their own, indiscriminately. The pre­cise number, which was shipped to their islands, before the revolution, is not ascertained: but, as lord Sheffield alledges, that the whole number ex­ported to the foreign sugar colonies was, in 1770▪ about 4,01 [...], some part of which the Dutch and Danes received—and as it appears by the late re­turn, that about 7,000 horses and mules were ship­ped to the French sugar plantations, during its term, it is manifest, that they have increased their importations 80, 90, or 100 per cent. It is unn [...]ces­sary to reiterate here, tha they will receive pro­portionate advantages in their colonial agriculture, (and to the ships employed in transporting its pro­duce) from so capital an addition to one of their most useful supplies.

THAT ‘FRANCE WILL NOT SUFFER AMERICA TO [...] HER WITH SHIPS,’

is contradicted by the fact.^* That kingdom by rejecting American vessels, would have so [...]ar sacrificed her carrying trade to the manufacture of ships. She wisely purchases, upon the cheap [...] terms, the cradles for her marine nursery. The first and great object of the maritime powers ough [...] to be, the increase of the number of their sailors, which is best done by multiplying their chances of employment. Among the means of doing [...], one of the most obvious and rational is, the multi­plication of vessels. The French-built ships [...] from 55 to 60 dollars per ton, when fitted to re­ceive a cargo. and exclusively of sea stores, in [...] ­rance, the charges of lading, outward pilotage, and other expenses incidental to the employment, and not to the building and outfit of a vessel. The American live oak and cedar ships, to which none are superior, cost in the same situation, from 33 to 35 dollars, finished very completely. If the French require 10,000 tons of new vessels, on any occasion, or in any term of time, they may be pro­cured in the United States, on a computation of the medium price of 34 dollars per ton, for the [Page 185] sum of 340,000 dollars: but if bought at 55 dol­lars, the lowest price in France, they would cost the much greater sum of 550,000 dollars. No ar­gument is necessary to show, that such a nation, coeteris paribus, must produce seamen more rapidly, than those, who refuse these cheap vessels.

It would appear much less unreasonable, that the government of the United States should prohi­bit the sale of ships, (the means of obtaining naval strength,) to foreign nations, than that any of them should reject the great advantage of so cheap and excellent a supply. And should the French, Bri­tish, and other foreign nations continue to decline the purchase of American-built ships, there can be no doubt, that we shall take a greater portion of the carrying trade for ourselves and other coun­tries, from that cause.

THAT THE NAVIGATION ACT GAVE, AND THAT AN ADHERENCE TO IT, WILL SECURE TO GREAT-BRITAIN THE COMMERCE OF THE WORLD.

There is no doubt, that Great-Britain has here­tofore obtained, in proportion to the number of its people, a very great share of trade both foreign and internal. But the value of her imports in 1774, was not ten per cent. more than that of the imports of France. Holland ^* had, at the same [Page 186] time, a very great trade; as had several othe [...] countries in Europe. It would have been beyond the truth, if lord Sheffield had said that Bri [...] had a fifth ‘of the commerce of the world.’ [...] may appear, at first view, of little use, and even [...]vidious, to notice this remark; but it is really [...]f importance to a reasonable and accurate estimation of things, to correct such extravagancies. These hyper­bolical expressions tend to mislead. They [...] ­sion a people erroneously to suppose, they [...] the world at their command, and render the [...] salutary and reasonable arrangements more [...] than they ought to be. They also help [...] swell the popular torrent against a clear-sigh [...] ▪ honest, and candid m [...]nister, who may attempt [...] ­sures, fit in themselves, and even necessary to [...] national interests.

But whatever may have been the degree of truth in the assertion, that Great-Britain heretofore en­grossed the commerce of the world, a different course of things has taken place, and is to be ex­pected hereafter, with regard to her and every other country. It is manifest, that a prodigious, and almost universal revolution in the views of nations, with regard to the carrying trade, has ta­ken place. The extension of the spirit of co [...] ­merce and the conseq [...]n [...] inclination and capaci­ty for naval power, have occasioned this change. The jealousy of trade, which gave birth to the British navigation act, is now felt as well by the sovereigns, as by the citizens, of every country in [Page 187] Europe. They have become sensible, that commerce and navigation are at once great sources of private wealth and of national power. The general pre­valence of these views is daily producing commer­cial regulations, (injurious in many particulars to the country making them) intended to secure to the citizens of each nation those benefits, which were formerly enjoyed by the carrying and manufacturing states. Those, who have heretofore enjoyed the trade of other countries, and in a very extensive degree, must necessarily be the first to feel the inconveniencies of this change of measures: and they must eventually experience them in proportion to their former advantages. The private shipping of the Hanse towns and of the United Netherlands, have already felt severely the consequences of these views. Those traders, indeed, might once have almost claimed the commerce of the world. There is considerable dang [...] however, that this anxious desire of trade may occasion some of the maritime nations to give too free and strong ope­ration to principles, which are not exceptionable in the present state of things, if properly directed and restrained; for it is manifest, that countries with a great agricultural interest, will err exceed­ingly in pursuing, as far as possible, measures, which may not be found inconvenient to nations oppositely circumstanced.

With respect to Great-Britain, the particular object of her navigation act was to expel the Dutch from her carrying trade, and thus to decrease the [Page 188] ability of her rivals to maintain and suddenly to increase their navy. Situated as things then were the British were probably right, as to the object [...] view: and from the wonderful insensibility of [...] Europe to the nature and operation of the English [...] ­rine code, they gained incidentally, and for a long time, immense advantages in the commerce of other states▪ for which they originally did not lo [...]. This situation of things however is now thoroughly understood. The shipping of Britain in conse­quence, will hereafter find rivals in the private ves­sels of several foreign countries, and there appears the utmost improbability, that she can continue to retain any extraordinary share of the carrying trade for other nations. The tenure of it is mani­festly in the greatest degree precarious; because it absolutely depends on the laws of other countries, and on the improbable continuance of inattention in their commercial citizens.

The value of the carrying trade, it may also be observed, is very materially altered. Instead of being, as formerly, a profitable monopoly (if we may so speak) in the hands of two nations, it is now diffused among ten or twelve. The great ad­vantages, too, which accrued to Britain from cheap provisions—superior and cheap ships—and low wa­ges to seamen, are now lost. Bread and meat, from the increase of manufacturers, are imported into that island—wages have considerably advan­ced, if we take into the calculation the great fish­ing bounties—the expenses of ship-building have [Page 189] increased—the French ^* are admitted to have ob­tained the pre-eminence in naval architecture, and it appears from a minute return, exhibited in An­derson's commerce, that the oak timber of Great-Britain, in forty years proceeding 1771, had de­creased nine-tenths; and that it had advanced in price above 40 per cent. in the course of the nine­teen antecedent years. It will not be forgotten, that the expenditure of twenty years, including a naval war, in which an unparalleled number of ships was built, has since occured further to ex­haust their stock of ship timber. Nor should it be overlooked, that vast demands were made for this article to replace the private shipping, which were lost to the British nation by the American revolu­tion. The consumption of ship timber from 1774 to 1785, appears from the papers of the British so­ciety for naval architecture, to have been three times as great as in any equal term before.

The sudden command of seamen by mean of impressment is too strong an operation of the exe­cutive power, too great an outrage against the rights of men, and the sacred peace of families, long to be endured in the present course of European affairs. Those prompt exertions of naval strength, by which Great-Britain has heretofore gained advan­tages, will be affected by an alteration in this par­ticular, at least so far as regards unprofitable, unjust, and ambitious wars, into which all nations are occa­sionally led.

[Page 190]These remarks, it is presumed, will not be [...] ­construed, as of an invidious nature. It is a season requiring a true state of things. They are intended as dispasionate and reasonable answers to the extra­vagant assertions and the contemptuous menaces [...]f the writer of the observations, whose doctrines are as pernicious to Great-Britain, as they are injuri­ous to the United States. ‘Should a quarrel take place between the American states and Great-Britain, some stout frigates, he affirms, would completely command the commerce of this mighty continent.’

It would not be improper to ask, what argume [...] is this very intelligent writer possessed of, to prove that so great a permanent disparity will exist in fa­vour of a nation, whose exports are now to their expenses, as 18 to 16, over a nation whose exports to their expenses are as 18 to 3? Why, can he in­form us, should the British exports or imports, nei­ther of which will load 650,000 tons of vessels, af­ford a certain and permanent basis for a powerful navy, if those of the United States, which will lade 650,000 tons of vessels, and are steadily increasing, do not justify, under proper management, expec­tations equal to a few stout frigates? Such miscal­culations, on the part of any foreign nation, must lead to corresponding improprieties in their deport­ment towards us, or they must be candidly rejected.

THAT IT MUST ALWAYS BE THE SITUATION OF THE UNITED STATES TO COURT GREAT-BRITAIN.

To evince the fallacy of this position, nothing more is necessary than to recollect some leading circumstances in the trade of the two countries. Great Britain exports about £.18,000,000 sterling▪ per ann. of which 13,000,000 sterling are her own manufactures. It will not be pretended, that we, as the principle customers, are to court the venders of these goods. ^* A portion of the remaining £.5,000,000 is made up of our tobaccoes, rice, indigoes ginseng, and other productions, exported from their dominions in an unmanufactured state. Of these, it will not be supposed we can be anxi­ous to make importations. The greater part of the remainder is made up of India, Russian, German, and other articles, of foreign growth or manufac­ture, which Britain cannot furnish but at second hand; for which, consequently, we are not under the necessity to court her, and which neither we nor any other nation should receive from her Eu­ropean dominions, were we to pursue her naviga­tion principles. The re-shipped commodities of Ireland, too, form no inconsiderable item in the list of British exports. For these we could be un­der no obligation to Great-Britain, being manu­factured goods, on the shipment of most of which to these states and all the world, the Irish have [Page 192] long granted a very encouraging bounty. In re­gard to our exports to Great-Britain, they confest principally of the precious elements of her manufac­tures, shipping, and navy. These are not only (in the language of lord Sheffield, when speaking of the Russian exports) ‘more precious to her than gold,’ but are absolute necessaries. Lumber of all kinds, bark, cotton, flax, iron, flaxseed, wax, indigo, pot-ash, tar, pitch, turpentine, skins, and furs, are among the articles here contemplated. To these may be added wheat, flour, and Indian corn▪ taken in small quantities except when necessity com­pels large importations; also tobacco and rice, which are consumed in a small proportion in Britain, but contribute to swell her exports, and increase her carrying trade to other countries. 'Tis manifest, that all these exports are much to be desired on her part, and that it would be most profitable to the Uni­ted States, to manufacture the raw materials, and to expend the provisions on their own manufacturers; and to furnish the rice and tobacco, by the direct voyage, to those nations which are supplied circuit­ously through British ports. In another point of view, the intercourse with Great-Britain is no [...] par­ticularly to be courted by the United States. It has been already observed, that we imported of their manufactures, in 1784, £.3,648,007 sterling▪ and in 1785 £2,308,013, which appear, on a me­dium of those two years, to have been equal to above one third of the manufactures they exported, to all other foreign nations! How immensely benefi­cial, how indispensibly necessary to the British ma­nufacturers, [Page 193] are such consumers? Let it be asked, and candidly answered, if they or we are to court such business? If any inviting measures are to be adopted by this country, it would be more wise to court the capitalists, manufacturers, and artizans, of the several countries of Europe, which are over­charged with private wealth and population. It may be urged, that we are strongly induced to court Great-Britain for credit. The answer is, that she cannot venture to withhold her fabrics, whatever may be our time of payment; for in the present state of things, a years absence of British goods from our markets, would give an immense spring to our own manufactures. But there is a strong symptom of the ability of the United States to do without a very extensive credit, from any particu­lar nation, in the abundant supplies of China and East-India goods, which are imported from every part of those countries with which we trade, amounting probably, to more than a fifth of our con­sumption of foreign commodities. This independ­ency on any particular nation, which is in the high­est degree to be desired, will be sensibly promoted by the establishment of our good name in other fo­reign countries, by strengthening our new and wholesome guards around the rights of property, and by the recent multiplication and extension of banks. Though no such pecuniary institution ex­isted ten years ago, six banks are established now in [...] different cities; and their capitals [...] [...]ime a mo [...]ety of our importati [...]. The [...] ­c [...]modations and [...] will [...] [Page 194] them, must exceedingly promote the independ [...] of the American merchant and consumer, on fo­reign credits.

THAT ‘IT WILL NOT BE THE INTEREST OF ANY OF THE GREAT MARITIME POWERS TO PROTECT THE AMERICAN VESSELS FROM THE BARBARY STATES.’

The lust of power has seldom given rise to a less reputable sentiment in the bosom of a [...] individual than that which we are now to no­tice. Like the instruction of the flagitious fa­ther to his son, to get money, it is advised, that naval strength should be secured, per fas et nefas. But it is not asserted, that any nation maintains this doctrine. It has been urged in an­swer against us, that we import slaves, which has in a very great degree ceased; for the vessels from Africa, in the whole returned year, were less than four hundred tons. But let the circumstan­ces of the case be examined and candidly consider­ed. When high duties on the importation of slaves were imposed before the revolution, by some of the colonial assemblies, they were rendered of no effect by the negative of the crown, upon the same principles, that now determine the conduct of many of the European shipholders and manufactu­rers—because the abolition of the slave trade would curtail their respective advantages. During and since the war, most of the states have prohibited those importations: several have abolished slavery: and we find as above hinted, that no more than 385 [Page 195] tons of shipping arrived from Africa in twelve months subsequent to August 1789, in all the states, belonging to us, and all other nations. Whether these had on board any slaves, is not known. Great-Britain cannot press a country, thus conducting itself, on the subject of the slave trade, seeing that her colonies continue to import tens of thousands per annum.

But it is conceived, that the reverse of lord Shef­field's position is true, and that it is the interest of most of the great maritime powers, to pursue mea­sures, which might tend to free the Americans from the piracies of the Barbary states. It may be among the means of transferring to those nations, from Great-Britain, ‘a part of the sovereignty of the ocean’ and ‘a part of the commerce of the world, which, it is alledged, her naval power has secured to her.’ The balance of power, if it be accurately defined, must be stated to comprehend now the ba­lance of naval power. To attain and preserve tha [...], the first step is manifestly to di [...]est any na [...]on, which may possess it, of ‘the sovereignty of the ocean.’ That sovereignty can comport with the true inte­rests and dignity of no other kingdom. It will be more advantageous to the several nations, who are not actually the first in the scale of naval power, that the United States should acquire a portion of the marine force of a nation, too potent by sea, than that such a nation, if it really has been the case, should continue to give law upon the ocean▪ and it is manifest, that no one of those nations can [Page 196] be satisfied, that any other should prescribe the law there. The destruction of no particular kingdom is alledged to be requisite to the well being of this, or any other country: but it certainly is not neces­sary, that the other nations of the world should promote, or acquiesce in measures, calculated to support any one kingdom in a naval dictatorship. This degree of marine strength is not requisite for the self-defence of any nation; and it may evident­ly be perverted to interrupt the commerce and to disturb the tranquility of Europe. Whether this has been the case, (concerning which no assertion is here made) it remains for the nations concerned severally to determine. If it has been, if it may be, and if it probably will be, then it also remains for them to decide, whether it be their true interest to join in the honourable league with the Barbarians against the honest commerce, and the personal li­berties of the citizens of the United States.

THAT ‘THE BRITISH ISLANDS WOULD BE CROUDED WITH DUTCH, FRENCH, AND OTHER FOREIGN VESSELS, IF THEY WERE TO BE LAID OPEN.’

A direct contradiction cannot be given to this assertion: but probabilities are strongly against it. The free ports of the French islands are thus laid open; yet the whole tonnage, which usally passes between them and the United States, in the course of a year, exclusively of their own ships, those of the United States, and those of Great-Britain, do not exceed two per cent. of the whole tonnage employed in the trade; and though the British vessels [Page 197] have an equal opportunity with the ships of France and of these states, yet they carried but eight small cargoes to all the French islands, during the return­ed year. From the nature of the West-India trade, and of the commodities transported, it cannot be supported, unless the vessels be owned by the inha­bitants of the islands, or those of this country. Si­milar facts occur, in examining the trade with the Dutch ports in the West-Indies, and on the main; and the same observations, it is conceived, would justly apply to them. But what could those foreign vessels carry to the English islands? By the other British regulations, they could transport no Ameri­can articles, and they cannot ship from their own dominions, with a chance of profit, a cargo of the co­modities, which are permitted to be imported from foreign countries, into the British West-Indies.

POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES.

He is of opinion that our population is not like­ly to increase as it has done on our coasts; that we had fallen off in numbers in 1784; and that the emigration from the United States would be very considerable. The state of Rhode-Island, all of [Page 198] which lies near the sea, was proved by actual enu­meration, in 1783, to contain 51,896 persons. The unhappy condition of that government, and the consequent interruption of its trade, fisheries, and manufactures, from 1786 to the beginning of 1790, occasioned great emigrations from thence into the other states. Yet the census, which [...] completed before the first day of May, in the pr [...] ­sent year, amounts to 68,825. Delaware, which▪ like Rhode-Island, has no back country, and lies upon the coast, was estimated at 35,000 persons, in a return, which lord Sheffield affirmed in 1783, to be too high. Its population is proved, by the ac­tual enumeration just completed, to be 59,094. Connecticut, another state upon the coast, was com­puted in the same return, which he mentions in 1784, to contain 206,000 persons. It is well known, that its population, in proportion to its territory, was then, and is now, the greatest in the union, and that it has been incessantly sending emigrants to Maine, New-Hampshire, Vermont, New-York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and the west­ern territory: yet the census shows it to contain, at this time, 237,942 inhabitants. New-Jersey, another state without new or unsettled lands, is rat­ed in the return, which lord Sheffield questions, at 150,000, and was proved by an enumeration, which was taken at the moment he hazarded this doubt, to contain 149,435 persons. The census shows its present population to be 184,139. It has no unimproved counties or new lands. New-York was stated at 200,000, and now appears to be [Page 199] 340,120. Pennsylvania, which was said to be esti­mated too high, in 1784, at 320,000, amounts to 434,373. Massachusetts, including the district of Maine, is set down in the disputed estimation, at 350,000, in 1784: the census in 1790, proves to be 475,327. New-Hampshire, which is found to contain 141,885, was considered as having no­more than 82,200. Maryland, which was estimat­ed 220,000, and which has not one county that does not lie on a navigable river, flowing into the Atlantic ocean, appears by the census to have 318,729. Virginia, including Kentucky, was stat­ed in the old return to have 400,000, and is found to contain 747,610, after the separation of Kentucky, whose population is 73,677 more: and here it is to be remarked, that the state of Massa­chusetts, though thickly settled, has manifestly gained people in the last nine years, more rapid­ly than Kentucky, supposing the latter to have had 10,000 inhabitants or upwards, in 1782; and the part of Virginia, not including Kentucky, has gained inhabitants much more rapidly than that wes­tern district. These two facts are mentioned to prove the error of lord Sheffield's prediction that our population was not likely to increase, as it has done, "on the sea coast." North-Carolina, which was stated at only 200,000, is proved to con­tain 393,751, exclusively of the western country ceded to congress by that state in the last year, the population of which is found to be about 35,691 more. The population of Vermont is above 85,000. That of South Carolina which was stat­ed [Page 200] at 170,000 proves to be 249,073. The population of the western territory is not yet ascertained.

The whole return above referred to, is alledged, by our author, to be too high. Its total is 2,389,300, and it was made the basis of congressional assess­ments. The best accounts, as lord Sheffield affirms▪ made the number of whites 1,700,000. There seems, however, from the returns already received, to be no doubt, that our numbers will prove more than 3,900,000, by the census taken from August, 1790, to April, 1791, inclusive. The population of the United States has therefore advanced 65 per centum on a return in 1782, which lord Sheffield affirmed, in 1784, to be exaggerated. ^*

The simplicity of living amongst the great body of the American people—the extraordinary facili­ty of obtaining the means of subsistence—migra­tion to our country—and the non-existence of emi­grations from it, though Nova-Scotia is so near, and as lord Sheffield says, so tempting—these cir­cumstances have occasioned the United States thus rapidly to increase in population, in the last nine years, though seven of them were extremely disor­dered and discouraging. But now, when agricul­ture is greatly improved, when laws, religion, mo­rals, liberal and useful science, arts, manufactures, and commerce, are maintained, promoted and ex­tended—lord Sheffield himself will believe, that our population will encrease even on the sea coast. [Page 201] Let foreigners, who sincerely desire information, take up the Philadelphia directory, published by the marshal of the United States for the district of Pennsylvania, and learn by this simple but authen­tic document, the ingredients of which our towns are composed, even in a state whose territory is not one fourth settled. It will there be seen, that while our planters' and farmers' sons are subdivid­ing their lands, or moving forward into less popu­lated scenes, many of the sons of our artificers and manufacturers, and very many persons of those oc­cupations, from foreign countries, are taking their stations on the vacant lots in our old streets, or com­mencing new ones. The sober and industrious jour­neymen of Europe, who can scarcely support the diffi­culties and expenses of living there, often become suc­cessful master workmen here. It may be safely af­firmed, that the Scotch combine the advantages of sobriety, industry, frugality, and skill, in as great a degree as any manufacturers in Europe; yet they incessantly emigrate to us, and are remarkably suc­cessful in their various branches.

EMIGRATION.

Great pains are taken by the writer of the observations, to place the emigrants to America in the most discouraging circumstances of distress and contempt. "Emigration," says he, "is the natural resource of the culprit." Those, who are acquainted with the history of Europe, since the beginning of the seventeenth century, and of the colonies settled [Page 202] from thence, know, that the emigrants hither ha [...] been, generally speaking, the enterprising, [...] their followers, or the oppressed subjects of unj [...] civil or religious rulers—the latter in the greatest degree. There is not a state in the union which does not contain one or more sects or churches, which have fled from religious persecution. No­thing can be more rational, than that person [...] [...] sincere piety and tender consciences, should seek a country, in which the assertion of mere toleration is deemed as absurd, as the denial of religious liber­ty is thought to be criminal. Hence Presbyteri [...], Congregationalists, Quakers, Baptists, and others, have fled hither from England; Seceders and Epis­copalians from Scotland; Catholics and Presbyte­rians from Ireland; Hugunots from France; Pro­testants from the dominions of the Catholic princes of Germany; and Catholics from those of the Pro­testant princes. Two centuries have not elapsed, since all the dominions of the United States were an howling wilderness. They now contain near four millions of people. From whence have they been derived? In great numbers from various parts of Europe, by incessant streams of emigra­tion. But it may be asked, are these people hap­py and prosperous? Does the soil they cultivate, yield them any return for their labour? They pro­cure for themselves comfortable habitations, food, raiment, and other conveniencies, and have ex­ported in a single year, above twenty millions of [Page 203] dollars in value!^* How then can these people have been ‘miserably disappointed in their expec­tations of prosperity here?’

But lord Sheffield assures all emigrants, that they will be distressed, nay, ruined, by taxes; and that our public burdens are heavier than those of any country in Europe. It appears, however, that we are now in the middle of the third year of our ge­neral government, and notwithstanding all our late arrearages, and the funding of our debts, neither a tax on lands, nor any species of direct tax, is contemplated. No excise upon any article of con­sumption or use is laid or proposed, except a very small one on spirituous liquors, compared with those in Europe. Besides this, the impost, or du­ty on foreign goods imported is the sole revenue, that is raised upon the people, and it is, on a me­dium, less in currency, than the same articles pay in sterling, in all the principal countries of Eu­rope. Where, then, are these insupportable bur­dens with which this writer attempts to alarm Eu­ropean emigrants?

Under the head of emigration, lord Sheffield has laid himself open to a more severe measure of just remark, than it is agreeable to deal out to him. It ought not, however, to be unnoticed, [Page 204] that he gravely brings forward a story, on the au­thority of a nameless letter from Philadelphia, of ‘two fine Irish youths being purchased by a negro fruit seller, in that city, and employed in hawking fruit about the streets, and in the meanest employ­ments.’ How dangerous must be the situation of a government, which has acted upon the informa­tion and reasonings brought forward by a mind capable of using such means to carry his points, admitting the letter were genuine! How unlike a dignified statesman does lord Sheffield appear, in exclaiming, after this very little story, ‘Irish­men just emancipated in Europe, go to America to become slaves to a negro!’ and what will be thought when it is known, that in the legislature of the very state (Pennsylvania) in whose capital he alleges the fact took place, there were, about the time of his publication, no less than twenty-eight Irishmen and sons of Irishmen, though the whole body consisted of but sixty-nine members? We are willing that the fortunes of the Irish in this country should determine the expediency of their continuing to emigrate hither. As some pains have been taken by him to excite the apprehensions of the Germans also, it may not be improper to observe that there have generally been from fifteen to eighteen members of the same legislative body, who were natives of Germany or their sons.

KENTUCKY AND THE WESTERN TERRITORY.

It was boldly asserted by lord Sheffield, in 1784, that the people of the interior country of America, were "mere nominal subjects," and would speedi­ly imitate and multiply the examples of indepen­dence. The regular organization of the govern­ment of the territory north-west of the Ohio since that time, the arrangements made shortly after, for the erection of Kentucky into a separate state, with the consent of Congress and Virginia, the cession of the extensive country south of the Ohio to Con­gress in 1790, and its establishment as a kind of temporary fief of the general government (with ci­vil officers appointed by the President) to be ad­mitted into the union as an entire new member, when its population should be sufficiently nume­rous, the adoption of the federal constitution by a deliberate act of a special convention of Vermont, and the formal admissions of that state and Ken­tucky into the American union, at their own desire, and by an act of the legislature of the United States, have, as far as possible, contradicted the prophecy.

Another opinion, in regard to those distant scenes, is, that they can derive no benefit from the American states. At this moment, the arm of government is extended, and its funds are appro­priated, to protect them against the hostilities of the Indians: and the whole regular military force, [Page 206] which it has been thought necessary to support, [...] raised, and is now employed in their defence. The Atlantic rivers, from the Missisippi to the Mohawk, which nature has formed as the channels of their trade, can be cleared of natural and political ob­structions only by the measures of the Atlantic states; and no less than eight several plans to that end are now in preparation or execution in as ma­ny different places, under the auspices of the five states, within whose territories the most favourable rivers and grounds have been placed by nature.^* Congress alone can effect the relinquishment of the posts, the keys of the western country. The im­provement and opening of the many necessary roads, leading westward, must be done by the acts of the Atlantic states, and by their funds. Not a year elapses without several appropriations of mo­ney to this object. By a sincere, just, and close uni­on between the inhabitants of the western country and those upon the sea coasts, both parties will avoid those expensive, bloody, and frequent struggles, which eve­ry where disgrace and injure adjacent states.

THAT NO AMERICAN ARTICLES ARE SO NECESSARY TO GREAT-BRTIAIN, AS THE BRITISH MANUFACTURES, &c. ARE TO THE AMERICANS.

Lord Sheffield has already admitted, that raw ma­terials are more precious to Britain than gold: but [Page 207] this was not conceded to America. Those things, which are inestimable, when they are to be drawn from countries, other than the United States, lose all their value in his estimation, when to be deriv­ed from us. The British manufacturers however well know, that American raw materials (like those of Russia, the Indies and Ireland) are precious, indeed, to them, because, in addition to their na­tural value, and their indispensible need of them, when once landed in Britain, they cannot be ma­nufactured in America. Timber, plank, boards, masts, tar, pitch, turpentine, and pig iron for the support of their navy and shipping—indigo, potash, furs, skins, flaxseed, iron, tobacoo, staves, fine oil, &c. for the employment of their manufacturers—rice, wheat, and flour for their subsistence—and a large catalogue of the most necessary supplies for the West-India islands, which really cannot be ob­tained elsewhere, without an insupportable addi­tion to their cost, will not be deemed at this time, by a rational and well informed man, of less impor­tance to Great-Britain, than the manufactures of that country, which they are assiduously endeavour­ing to disperse through every quarter of the world, are to us^*.

But it is not intended to waste arguments on this allegation. Every man of information, in the affairs of the two countries, is able to decide on it [Page 208] at first view. Little more appears necessary th [...] to remind the parties concerned, that such an a [...]tion is among the positions, which lord Sheffield has hazarded, in order that the misleading tende [...]cy of his book may be duly borne in mind by the sincere friends of mutually beneficial arrangemen [...] ▪ It may not, however, be amiss to observe, that al­though the favourable ideas which have been su [...]gested here by way of answer, were justified by facts and reason, when that work was published, yet the American ground is not a little meliorated by the subsequent progress and present state of ou [...] manufactures—by the experienced inability of Ca­nada, New-Brunswick, and Nova-Scotia, to furnish the expected supplies—by the consequent importa­tions from the United States of timber and lumber into Great-Britain, and of more than the former supplies into the West-Indies—and by the necessa­ry dependence of Europe on the United States for the precious articles of grain and flour, which has been recently ascertained and admitted by unques­tionable English authorities.

THE QUALITY OF AMERICAN DISTILLED SPIRITS.

It is not surprising, that remarks on the bad qua­lity of American spirituous liquors should run through "the observations." But the business of distilling is so simple, that great improvements might have been expected since 1783. Geneva, in imitation of that of Holland, is now made in some of our sea ports: the rectifying of the or­dinary [Page 209] rums is practised by a few with great success.^* Peach brandy is made in considerable quantities, and, when matured, is the most exqui­site spirit in the world. Should our rice decline in price, it is not doubted, that the manufacture of arr [...]ck will be attempted. The ingredients, from which this spirit is made, have till lately been un­ascertained in the United States: but it is now be­lieved, that rice, and coarse sugar, or melasses, are really the articles. When the success of the Americans in the manufacture of malt liquors is remembered, it will not be doubted, that they will have equal success in that of distilled spirits. A principal impediment has hitherto been the free and copious influx of rival foreign liquors, and the ge­neral reception of flour, &c. in foreign ports. Every obstruction to our vessels and sales abroad, imposed by the European nations, impels to brew­eries, distilleries, and manufactures in general, amongst other modes of creating a demand for our productions, and employment for our capitals.

‘IF THE AMERICAN STATES SHOULD ATTEMPT TO PAY THEIR DEBTS, THE LANDS OF THE FARMERS MUST FOR SOMETIME LIE UNDER VERY HEAVY IMPOSITIONS.’

This is among the many proofs, which our wri­ter has given, that he did not possess the gift of prophecy. The American debt has been consider­ably [Page 210] reduced by the sale of state and federal land [...] ▪ and a provision is made for funding it. A [...] fund has also been provided. Yet no [...] upon lands has been introduced among the [...] and means. The whole American debt would [...] require a tax upon each individual, of four pounds sterling, to extinguish it forever. That of Great-Britain would require a tax of more than twen [...]-four pounds ten shillings sterling. Our population is rapidly increasing, while theirs is comparatively stationary. There is a similar disproportion in [...] favour in the ordinary and extraordinary expenses of government and defence. The French debt is 250 per cent. heavier than ours, in proportion to numbers. This brief, but very important article will not fail to receive due attention from those [...] sincerely desire to make a just estimate of the affairs of the United States; nor will it escape the obser­vations of those foreigners, who may be engaged in researches into our affairs, or in plans of emi­gration, settlement, and landed purchases in this country. It will also be a source of the most com­fortable reflections to our own citizens. The people of Europe, who have read lord Sheffield's book, will be surprised to hear that there are no perpetu­al revenues, no stamp duties, no window or hearth taxes, no tythes, no excises upon leather, beer, hops, malt, soap, candles, coal or other fuel, or indeed on any other article in the United States, excepting only about five pence sterling on distil­led spirits.

‘THAT THE AMERICANS COULD NOT HAVE TRADED WITH THE FRENCH BEFORE THE REVOLUTION TO HALF THE EXTENT THEY DID, HAD IT NOT BEEN FOR THE SPECIE THEY TOOK FROM THE BRITISH ISLANDS.’

This remark is applied by the writer to our French West-India trade. To judge of the truth of it, a comparison of the present with the former state of that branch of our commerce will be suffi­cient. It will not be doubted, that during their troubles, and (to take a recent term) for a year preceding the first day of May last, our imports and exports from and to the French West-Indies, were greater than in any year before the war. Yet our vessels could not procure specie in the British islands, being prohibited from entering them. Pickled and dried fish, beef, rice, Indian corn, oats, beans, peas, onions, Indian meal, boards, plank, scantling, shingles, handspikes, oars, square timber, staves, heading, hoops, horses, live stock, poul­try, boats, and vessels, &c. to an amount great­er than the shipments to all the West India islands, other than British, before the war, have been ex­ported to the French islands within the term of one year. The course of things, in several respects, will probably lessen our importation of melasses and the taffia, (or rum) which we have been accustomed to draw from thence. Besides beer and cider, distilled spirits are now made from fruit and grain, in such quantities as to constitute more than one-third of our consumption and export of strong liquors, other [Page 212] than wines. Plentiful harvests of fruit necessarily increase the manufacture from that ingredient▪ because it is too perishable to export. Abundant harvests of grain, or low markets abroad, have a similar effect on distillation from that material. The measures of the national assembly of France, in regard to tobacco, will add to the many objec­tions which before existed against the usual culti­vation of it. Barley, rye, and oats, from which the grain-liquors are principally made, as also wheat and Indian corn, will be produced in much larger quantities, should we decline the cultivation of to­bacco in any considerable degree. If we continue, after a short time, to import choice rums, brandies, and arrack, to the amount of five per cent. on our whole consumption, and manufacture the remain­der, which will require four millions of bushels of barley, rye and oats, and more so far as we make beer, we shall want less funds abroad for the pur­chase of molasses, and we shall confirm the ability we have shown, to carry on a trade with the French islands, greater than formerly, without specie taken from the British West-Indies.

‘THAT THE UNITED STATES LOST MUCH BY THE SEPARA­TION FROM GREAT-BRITAIN.’

This is an opinion, which it was very natural for an English writer in 1783 to adopt. It was dif­ficult at that time to compare, with the requisite certainty and precision, the benefits in point of pecuniary advantage, which the United States [Page 213] might have reasonably expected in a colonial, and in an independent situation. It would be more easily and better done at the present, but cannot be attempted at large in this place. Some ideas on the subject, however, may serve to evince the er­ror of the assertion.

It is true, that by the separation of the two countries, the United States incurred a debt of a­bout £.15,000,000 sterling, which, however, was entirely spent in the country, as was a great part of the French and British expenditures. Great-Britain increased her public debt, in the same time, £.115,000,000. The whole burden on both sides appears then to be about £.130,000,000 sterling. There is the strongest probability, from the rapidi­ty of the increase of the British debt, which, in less than a century, grew up from nothing to £.270,000,000, and which is in the present year swelling to a larger size, that, without the Ameri­can war, the British nation would have been bur­dened on this day, with at least two hundred mil­lions. Considering the rate in which the objects of taxation or means of revenue have increased in this country, there is reason to believe, that by this time we should have been thought able to en­dure a proportion of the ways and means requisite to support that debt, equal to our numbers; this would have been above one-fourth of the whole, or fifty millions sterling, and is three and one-third times our present debt. It may be said, we paid no such contribution; and the assertion, by refer­ence [Page 214] to the former public accounts, would app [...] on paper to be true: but we were injuriously res­trained, in regard to the sources of our supplies, and the vents of our produce and manufactures▪ [...]e were prohibited from the labour-saving modes [...] manufacturing; and it is too plain that the prohibi­tions would have been continued. The imp [...] went into the British treasury; our lands were sub­ject to quit-rents, which, belonging to the cro [...], have either fallen to the present government, o [...] have been entirely abolished. The effects of the commercial monopoly were prodigious. It may be strikingly exemplified in the single article of [...] ▪ We have already seen that we imported above three millions of pounds in the year following August 1789. The medium price of fine and coarse [...] was above one third of a dollar more favourable to us in 1790, than in 1774; by which a difference of a million of dollars, and the whole impost on the ar­ticle, are saved to the country.

The facility of naturalization under our present laws, is very much in favour of the introduction of people, and of arts, manufactures, and capital from foreign countries. Lands may be held in almost every state, and his occupation or trade may be pur­sued, immediately on the arrival of an emigrant. A term much shorter than that prescribed by the British statute before the revolution, entitles him to all the benefits of citizenship. It is impossible to estimate the value of this circumstance to a coun­try so well calculated to induce emigration, to sup­port [Page 215] an increased population, and to employ capital and artificers, as the United States.

Lord Sheffield observes, that the British establish­ment in this country gave it an advantage of £. [...]70,000 sterling per annum. He should not have omitted to mention, that great part of this sum was expended on the Floridas, Canada, and Nova Scotia: and it is to be observed, that many of the articles were imported, and not of our pro­duction or manufacture. The mere consumption of British and Irish goods by the British and Irish officers, soldiers, and sailors, stationed or em­ployed here, could not benefit the people of Ame­rica. It is past a doubt, that the sales of the lands alone, which have fallen to the states and to the general government, have yielded annu­ally a larger sum by the purchases of citizens and foreigners. The customs and quit-rents must also have been a full reimbursment. But it is un­necessary to dwell longer on this article; for what ever may have been the former opinions of many in the two countries concerning it, the subject is at this time so illumined, and prejudice and misconcep­tion are so completely done away, that no persons of judgment and information now believe, ‘the United States have lost by the separation from Great-Britain.’ It is, however, true that the American states were in a train of prosperity before the revo­lution, which promised greater wealth and happi­ness than appeared to await the people of any other country. Lord Sheffield might reasonably estimate [Page 216] their prospects very highly. To insure the expect­ed prosperity, however, it was deemed theoretically right, that the provincial "parliaments" (the execu­tive head of the empire by himself or a representative and the legislative houses of each) should enact all laws. Though some concessions to what was con­sidered as "the necessity of the case," were frankly made, limiting the practical extension of this sound theory, yet it is plain, that unless it could have been substantially adhered to, in the administration of the American governments, no reliance could have been placed on the continuance of that degree of prosperity, which existed, nor on the attainment of that height, which circumstances otherwise promis­ed. The wonderful advancement of Great-Britain in almost every particular, except her finances, dur­ing the present century, and the comparatively small progress of Ireland in the same term, afford a striking example of what might have happened to this country, and furnish the best reasons to be­lieve, that the United States (as to mere emolu­ment) have gained prodigiously by commuting for the great influence and undefined power of two legislative bodies, actually rival and then essentially foreign, the advantages of governing themselves in all respects, according to the prudent dictates of their own interests. As to the more important ar­ticle, of a genuine free constitution, unexaggerated by political enthusiasm, and unvitiated by any alloying ingredients, America may with modesty affirm, that she is nearer to that primary object of human desire, than she would have been in the possession of the [Page 217] most favourable ground, which her best friends in Britain ever proposed for her before the separation

‘SHIPS BUILT FOR ORDINARY COMMERCE AND FOR SALE.’

This branch was of considerable value to the United States before the revolution. Its import­ance appears greater now, whether it be viewed with regard to the increased quantity (for there ap­pears good reason to think it considerably increas­ed) or with respect to the enhanced value of mer­chant ships to an independent and maritime coun­try. The quantity built in these states, on the ave­rage of 1769, 1770, and 1771, which are the latest years in lord Sheffield's tables, was 21,726 tons. An account equally minute, for any recent term, has not been obtained; but it is known, that in fif­ty-three custom-house districts (and there are fif­teen more,) 29,606 tons of shipping were built be­tween the fourth day of March 1790, and the fourth day of March 1791. This is believed to be, in many instances, the tonnage paid for to the carpenters; and, in those cases, is less than the vessels really measure; as they are a body of workmen, who generally deal liberally. The remaining fifteen [Page 218] districts will not be found to have built in propor­tion to the fifty three, whose actual present building is stated; but the quantity already known, is con­siderably beyond the medium of lord Sheffield's tables, for 1769 to 1771, above mentioned. In the case of New-York, the whole is known, and is two hundred and thirty-eight tons more than the former tables. In New-Jersey, the building in some districts is unknown, and the difference is two hundred and eighty-eight tons in favour of the late return. In Connecticut, the whole of the building is stated, and it is five hundred and thir­ty-four tons in favour of the latter term. In Penn­sylvania and Delaware, the whole is also known: and the late return exceeds the former by 3,900 tons. In North-Carolina, a return of three districts (out of five) only is obtained; and it exceeds the former average by 925 tons. In the state of Rhode-Island, the whole is ascertained, and it exceeds the former average by about 100 tons. The port of Baltimore alone, in Maryland, exceeds all the ship-building of that state, in the greatest of the three years, by near 100 per cent. The vessels built in Connecticut, in the returned year, are 40 per cent. more than the medium of lord Sheffield's tables; and Massachusetts exceeds the former medium by 3,713 tons^*.

It is true, however, that this business in one of the principal building states, has fallen off; but [Page 219] there many of the vessels intended for sale, were usu­ally built; and it is admitted by lord Sheffield; that those were our worst vessels. It is very mate­rial to the United States, and entitles us to a larg­er credit in an accurate estimation of things, that much more of our naval military stores, cordage, twine, nails and spikes, sail cloth, plumbers' work, rosin, spirits of turpentine, linseed oil, paints, brass and copper work, and other less important articles expended in building and arming ships, are of the produce and manufacture of the country, than was the case in 1771. It is also an important truth, that much greater numbers of foreign vessels are repaired, altered, supplied with cordage and sail cloth, painted and otherwise wrought upon by our various workmen, the money for which, may be fairly carried to the account of this branch.

At the time when lord Sheffield wrote, it was not known how much the oak of Great-Britain had de­creased. We have already noticed this point; and it may be further remarked, that it cannot but decrease yet more, as the supplies of oak from the Baltic, are often intercepted by the competition of Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Portugal, Hol­land, Spain and France, all but the first of which vigorously maintain their naval power; and Prus­sia has become very considerable in private ships. Lord Sheffield thinks that the cheapness of Ameri­can shipping arose from their being ill-found and deficient in iron. There is little doubt that the extreme cheapness of those built for sale, was oc­casioned [Page 220] partly by the cause he mentions: but the best double-deck or galley-built ships, with live-oak lower timbers, and red-cedar top timbers, wi [...] white-oak plank on their bottoms, and either that timber or yellow pine for their top-sides, can be built and fitted for taking in a cargo, at thirty-four dollars, or £.7 13s. sterling per ton; and as good a vessel cannot be procured in Great Britain, France or Holland, under fifty-five to sixty dollars.^*

As the building of coasting and fishing vessels, boats in new forms for our improving inland naviga­tion, vessels on various constructions for public ser­vice, and for a very diversified foreign trade, will not only keep the art of ship-building at its present height, but will advance it in all respects, it appears to be very doubtful, whether we should anxiously desire to supply foreigners with such cheap means of ri­valling us in the carrying trade and fisheries. Our [Page 221] ship and boat yards are not confined to a spot, but indeed are more diffused than formerly. There is no state whose citizens do not pursue the business, and it is commenced upon the western waters. Be­fore the revolution, above half our vessels were paid for by a barter of credit goods for the labour and skill of the artificer; instead of which he now generally receives weekly payments in solid coin.

‘THAT THE IMPO [...]TS AND EXPORTS OF THE UNITED STATES WILL CONTINUE FOR A LONG TIME THE SAME.’

This will be found on examination very erro­neous. Pot and pearl ashes are shipped in an in­creased ratio of nineteen to four. The American merchants were once great exporters of iron, hemp, raw hides, and other articles, which they now import in large quantities. The importations of coarse linens, paper, hats, shoes, steel, nails, car­riages, malt liquors, and many other articles are con­siderably reduced. Should impediments be thrown in the way of our fisheries, shipping and foreign com­merce, there can be no doubt that policy, interest and feeling will prompt us to pursue with decision and ardour the object of manufactures, which will give employment to our own capital, and that, which we may derive from foreigners. It must be mani­fest, for example, that if we are to receive rum in foreign bottoms, and to be refused the transpor­tation of flour and grain, which are wanted from us in return, we shall not long continue to use foreign spirits. Our brewers already supply us [Page 222] with more beer than we consume. No more than 70,000 gallons and 17,500 dozen bottles have been imported in an entire year, ending in August 179 [...] ▪ three times which quantity is made with ease, by a single brewery, on a very modeate scale. This branch has increased and flourished in the last two years, and an exportation greater than the importation above stated, has certainly taken place. The home-made distilled spirits are already more than twice as great in quantity, as the spirits imported. If our tobacco ships are excluded from France, they will not bring us brandies; and the grain, that will be raised on our tobacco lands, will yield spirituous and malt li­quors to enable us to relinquish foreign brandy. Should a considerable part of our capital be forced out of navigation and foreign trade, the govern­ment, without imposing generally heavy protecting duties, burdensome to the nation, may give em­ployment for the money, by holding out effectual encouragement to one branch of manufactures at a time. If it be selected with judgment—if the use of manual labour be confined within as narrow limits as possible—if labour-saving machines be used—if the raw articles it works on, be made free of impost duty—if the growth of them be encou­raged at home—if a convenient progressive duty be imposed, there can be little doubt of success. The example of a well-arranged and fortunate at­tempt once set, others will naturally follow; and nations, some of whose politicians now grudgingly perceive them to take from us the food they are unable to raise, and who treat as a savour the recep­tion [Page 223] of our precious raw materials, may discover, when it will be too late, the evils induced by an over-driven spirit of monopoly ^*.

‘THE CAPACITY OF THE UNITED STATES TO SUPPLY EU­ROPE WITH GRAIN AND FLOUR.’

A recent publication of lord Sheffield's, upon the subject of the British corn trade, has lately appear­ed in this country. As in ‘the observations on our commerce,’ so in this pamphlet, he endea­vours to show fallacy in all such ideas as favour the importance of the United States to Great-Britain. As this examination has been necessarily made with [Page 224] little adherence to form or order, and as the pro­duction and commerce of grain, constitute▪ witho [...] any exception, the most valuable and most co [...] ­manding of our advantages, it will not be impro­per, to take some notice of this new attempt of [...] lordship's, to disseminate erroneous information and opinions on American affairs.

According to the latest of his tables, the Ameri­can provinces, in 1770, exported but 46,000 to [...] of bread, flour, and meal, 578,349 bushels of In­dian corn, 24,859 bushels of oats, and 851,240 bushels of wheat: and he desires it to be believed, that the United States will not be able, in this par­ticular, to exceed their exportations before the re­volution. The return of exports^*, so often men­tioned, contains the following articles.—

• 724,623 barrels of flour, weighing 77,000 tons.
• 75,667 do. of bread, weighing 77,000 tons.
• 99,975 do. of meal, weighing 77,000 tons.
• 1,124,458 bushels of wheat,
• 21,765 do. of rye,—(of which article none was exported in 1770.)
• 2,102,137 do. of Indian corn.
• 98,842 do. of oats,
• 7,562 do. of buckwheat, (of which also none was exported in 1770.)
• 38,752 do. of peas and beans, (of which also none was exported in 1770.)

[Page 225]It appears, then, that on comparing the acknow­ledged exports of bread and flour, in 1770, with those of the present time, a difference of 50 per cent. is shown in favour of our agriculture, and that we ship near four times the quantity of Indian corn, and one-third more of wheat, besides the new articles of beans, peas, buck-wheat and rye. The tobacco, exported in the above term, was at the rate of 36 per cent. per annum more than be­fore the revolution, besides the difference in the quantity now manufactured. Many circumstances are combining to turn the attention of the planters of thi [...] article in the grain states, towards wheat, barley, oats, and Indian corn. This is not a new idea in American farming; for although wheat was much lower before the revolution than it now is, the cultivation of tobacco in Virginia and Mary­land, was actually declining. The more southern states had not then attempted the production of this article to any considerable extent. The lands, which produced the above extra quantity of to­bacco, would have yielded 800,000 bushels of wheat; the labour would have produced more; and supposing that half the soil and industry, which were applied to tobacco in 1789, should be appro­priated to grain, an addition of 1,400,000 bushels might be made to our productions of that article. To supply the tobacco, some of the rich lands of the more southern states might be employed in its cultivation. But lord Sheffield tells the people of Britain with great gravity, that only the western parts of Connecticut, and the states of New-York, [Page 226] New-Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, are capable of yielding wheat. He should have added, that those states contain twice as much land as the kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland, those islands being computed at less than 100,000 square miles by their own geographers. The states of New-Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland, together with three-fifths of Pennsylvania, three-fifths of New-York, and about one half of Virginia, all which lie sufficiently near to naturally navigable water, to raise grain for exportation, contain above 130,000 square miles. Kentucky, North-Carolina, and the western parts of South-Carolina and Geor­gia, and Vermont, will also add considerably to our exports of grain, when mills, canals, &c. shall encourage the growth and facilitate the transporta­tion. But the state of population is the point to which candour and judgment ought to have led a political economist to advert. He should have re­flected, that the United States, whose territory is about 1,000,000 of square miles, are not yet culti­vated and inhabited, by more than 4,000,000 peo­ple^*; that Great-Britain and Ireland, with about a tenth of the land (or 100,000 square miles) have twice the agricultural population; and that the pro­ductive powers of this country, (which appears to have doubled its people in 25 years, though injur­ed by eight years of a destructive war,) are a mean of human sustenance, to which the more prudent [Page 227] nations of Europe will, and to which all, in the time of need, must have recourse. If their govern­ments prevent it, many of their manufacturers and mechanics at least must flee from them. The su­preme law of necessity will have its due operation, and people, whose means are rendered, by injudi­cious regulations, unequal to their wants will cer­tainly resort to those scenes where cheaper food and better wages insure them relief.

It is manifest that the great increase of our po­pulation has been attended with a very considerable addition to our exports of eatables. The state­ment made in the beginning of the observations, on this article, is a proof of it. Besides this, our shipments of beef and pork,^* are above two and a half times greater than in 1770, of butter four times, of cheese two and a half times, of potatoes four times, and of rice nearly as great. Add to this, that we have almost put an end to the impor­tation of malt liquors, (a manufacture from grain,) and that we ship as much of them as we import—that we have diminished our importation of distil­led spirits, by 1,000,000 of gallons, since we lost the importation of British rum in our own vessels (though our population is more numerous by 1,500,000 of persons) which has occasioned the distillation of grain liquors to the amount probably of 4,000,000 of gallons, requiring near 2,000,000 bushels of grain, as the raw materials.

[Page 228]Our continuing to export so large quantities of grain and flour, notwithstanding this great consump­tion of rye, barley, oats, and even wheat in distill­ing and brewing, is a strong proof of our raising much more than in former times. But it is not to be forgotten, that considerable quantities are consum­ed by our manufacturers, who are rapidly increas­ing. It is extremely difficult to ascertain the pro­portion in which these valuable citizens contribute to the population of our towns. Their numbers in the city of Philadelphia may assist to furnish some ground for a reasonable estimate. The silver-smiths, brewers, distillers, ship-carpenters, cabinet-makers, cordwainers, tallow-chandlers, soap-boil­ers, white and blacksmiths, steel-makers, turners, braziers, coachmakers, coppersmiths, hatters, tai­lors, weavers, dyers, leather breeches makers, glo­vers, and such other persons as may be properly classed under the head of manufacturers (exclusive­ly of house-carpenters, masons, painters, victual­lers, bakers, barbers, and others, who cannot be correctly denominated so) appear to be about 2,200 persons. The city and suburbs being found to contain near 43,000 men, women, and children, and it being generally supposed, that the adult males are about one-fifth of the whole number, it would appear, that of the 8,600 adult males, con­tained in Philadelphia, above one-fourth are ma­nufacturers, and consequently, that of the eatables, and home-made drinkables, consumed in that town, above one-fourth are required for their use and that of their wives, children, journeymen, ap­prentices, [Page 229] and servants: and an addition for the grain consumed by their horses and cows may be fairly made. This state of things, it is believed, is ex­ceeded by many of the towns in the eastern states, and in some interior situations,^* where it is mani­fest that fewer are employed in the learned profes­sions, and foreign commerce, and not so many live upon their incomes.

It will not be asserted, that the United States are able to feed all the nations of Europe at the same time, nor that they afford any promise of so extensive a capacity in future. Neither are such ideas conveyed by the representation of the committee of the British privy council, on which lord Sheffield so feelingly animadverts. They represent, as the result of a careful and deliberate enquiry, their thorough conviction, that the coun­tries of Europe, taken collectively, do not pro­duce, in ordinary years, an aggregate quantity of grain, larger than what appears requisite for the consumption of their inhabitants: and they pro­ceed to observe, that in the event of a failure of crops, a ‘supply can only be had from America.’ The reasonable meaning of their representation is, that as Europe is an extensive and populous region, making great, constant, and inevitable demands for food, producing in ordinary seasons, that is, usual­ly, a mere competent supply, but no excess, and as it is [Page 230] liable to partial and even general failures of crops, it must, in the event of one of those partial or ge­neral misfortunes, look to some other quarter of the world for relief. With the exception of Bar­bary, whose capacity to supply appears to be much more limited than ours, no othe [...] country than America could present itself to the committee. Great allowances should have been made for those gentlemen, by lord Sheffield, admitting, for a mo­ment, that they were wrong, as it appears proba­ble they may have been misled by several parts of his treatise on our commerce, which really tend to confirm their doctrine. In that publi­cation, under the head of wheat and flour, he observes, ‘that Canada, Nova-Scotia, and the American states are likely to have most of the corn trade which England had.’ Our supplies to Nova Scotia have been stated; and as they are ad­mitted from us only when necessity requires them, the existing license of the governor of that province to introduce American flour, grain, and live stock through the whole of the summer (and indeed from May to November) when the navigation of Canada is open, will answer our enquiries about the capaci­ty of those provinces to take away the corn trade from England. Under the same head, and on the following page, he further says, ‘the American states were more than competitors with us for the wheat trade; they had for some years engrossed nearly the whole of what we had; and it is compu­ted, upon an average of five years, they had recei­ved from Spain and Portugal upwards of £.320,000 [Page 231] sterling, per annum, for that grain.’ It will sure­ly be deemed very reasonable in the committee to suppose that the United Sates, which were said to have supplied the two kingdoms of Spain and Portugal, for five successive years, with wheat alone to the amount of £.320,000 sterling, could have furnished to Great Britain the less sum of £.291,000 sterling, in all kinds of grain and flour, which they have paid to foreign nations for twenty years past. Under the head of "ships built for sale," lord Sheffield again confirms the ideas of the com­mittee, by saying, in very handsome and forcible language, ‘America had robbed us, at least for a time, of a corn trade, that some time ago brought in to us as much as almost any article of export,’ As his lordship considers an honest competition of fellow citizens in the light of robbery, the reasona­bleness of his other conceptions, will, no doubt, be duly examined.

Lord Sheffield leads to a material error, affect­ing the just estimation of our corn trade, when he states tobacco to be the principal article of Ameri­can commerce. It appears, by the return of the treasury, that flour is the most valuable and (ex­clusively of the connected articles of bread, wheat and other grain) it exceeded tobacco by a quarter of a million of dollars. Wheat (including the commodities made of it) is one-third more valua­ble than tobacco; and as this last production ap­pears to have been advanced in quantity, 36 per [Page 232] cent. on a comparison with the exportation of the year 1770, when lord Sheffield states it to have been our first, the increased importance of wheat is manifested.^*

If we turn our eyes from Great-Britain to other countries, the American grain trade does not ap­pear to be less interesting to Europe and her colo­nies. Spain, Portugal, the wine islands, the Ba­hamas, Bermuda, the sugar colonies, the northern British colonies, and the foreign fisheries, regular­ly demand from us some of the various articles, which it comprehends. The cultivation of the vine, the advancement of their colonies, the extension of commerce, and the increase of the manufactures of France, which two last are to be expected in consequence of the revolution in that kingdom, render it highly probable that they will not be able to do without supplies from other countries. It is the opinion of one of their best writers,^† that they do not ordinarily export more than one-fifteenth of their crop. Should any accident—(the introduction of British and Dutch manufacturers, who are accus­tomed to beer, for example)—lead them into brew­eries, than which nothing is more possible, that small proportion of surplus would be quickly en­grossed. There is an highly interesting idea, on this point, which has been recently started, and which may attract the attention of their practical [Page 233] politicians: the opinion referred to is, that every country which manufactures largely, is in a situa­tion of considerably less danger of want, if its peo­ple ordinarily use drinks made from grain; be­cause the dreadful consequences of famine may be avoided with certainty and ease, by converting to the use of food, the grain which will be regularly procured from agriculture or importation, to sup­ply the demands of the brewers and distillers. The Dutch have been always unable to raise more than a small proportion of their bread-stuff and the mo­dern estimates of their population countenance the presumption of a large increase. They are, more­over, great brewers and distillers from grain: and their sugar colonies, on the southern main, have wonderfully advanced. These symptoms of new demand, on the part of the European nations, together with the certain requisitions of grain arising from the universal increase of manufac­tures and attention to foreign trade, are ac­companied by some important circumstances, which prevent a proportionate production of that indispensible necessary. The growth of private wealth in many parts of Europe, particularly in Britain, the consequent increase of horses for equipages and other purposes of pleasure, the lay­ing out of park grounds, and the diversion of lands from the less profitable production of grain to that of grass, the declension of agriculture in Poland, by reason of the extreme badness of their internal arrangements, the probable increase of Polish manu­factures, should they become free, the continual [Page 234] efforts of the European manufacturers to draw away the labourers of the farmers, the greater prevalence of emigration to their colonies and other countries among the cultivators, than among the manufactu­rers, owing to the wretched situation of the agri­cultural poor in countries, where the high value of land renders it in effect a monopoly, and the pre­sent universal attention to political reformation, which for a time interrupts agriculture, are among the causes here contemplated.

But it is not unfair to ask, from what source are the maritime countries of Europe to be supplied, in the event of a failure of the crops of one or more of them, in so great a degree as from the United States? The value of grain, flour, meal, and bread, from the United States greatly exceeds that of the same articles from the kingdom of Naples and its connected island of Sicily, which have been considered as the granary of the Mediterranean. Poland, once termed the granary of Europe, is less extensive including (Lithuania) than the country of the United States, which furnishes grain for Europe. Its exports are not ascertained: but there appear strong presumptions, that it does not ship through Dantzick and Elbing, half as great a value of grain, and the articles made of grain, as the United States. Britain, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and lately Flan­ders, are obliged to import. Russia is said to have shipped in 1787, wheat and rye to the amount of near 1,000,000 of bushels, but imports grain liquors; and manufactures are growing, and wars are fre­quent [Page 235] in that kingdom. Sweden imports very large quantities of rye, and ships no grain. That article is much the first among the imports of Den­mark and Norway. Prussia produces much corn, and exports some: but manufactures are greatly advanced in that kingdom; and the home consump­tion of grain will probably equal the production, in a few years. In short, a careful and impartial sur­vey of Europe. will confirm the opinion of the committee of the privy council, that the productions of grain in that quarter of the world, are not gene­rally speaking, more than equal to the consumption of its inhabitants. A moment's recollection will re­mind us that even those countries which do not com­monly import grain, are, upon the occurrence of small disappointments, obliged to seek it from Ame­rica, and other foreign states; that some parts of Europe constantly import from us in large quanti­ties; that all of them steadily, or occasionally, di­rectly, or indirectly, supply their colonies from hence; that since the manufactures of Great-Bri­tain have been so far extended, as to employ six elevenths of her people, and since the extension of her manufacture of grain liquors in particular, her dependence for a portion of her bread upon fo­reign nations, is proved to be unavoidable, by the most settled maxims of her own political economists; that her real deficiency is the irremovable want of the requisite proportion of agriculturalists; and fi­nally, that even in the present state of our popula­tion, the United States actually contribute much more to the supply of the nations of Europe and [Page 236] their colonies, with grain, bread, and flour, than any two, perhaps any three countries in the world; and that their capacity to enlarge that supply, is steadily and rapidly increasing.

This subject has been dwelt upon the longer from its high importance to the United States, and to the general happiness of mankind; and from the new proofs which lord Sheffield has given of a parti­cular indisposition, that Britain should appear to rely on the United States, even in the smallest de­gree, though we give a greater support to her manufacturers and shipping than any two other fo­reign nations. It is feared, that nothing benefici­al can be expected between the two countries, if the errors and prejudices of so professed a champi­on against us, have not a very cautious hearing. It will not be deemed unreasonable or improper, to consider in that light a writer, who, in his first book, labours to show, that the production and com­merce of grain are bad objects of attention to the American states, because (as he alleges) Europe seldom wants it; and who, in his second book, takes equal pains to prove, that America cannot raise grain for the wants even of Great-Britain it­self, when he finds it established on the highest Bri­tish authority, that their own kingdom and those of other nations in Europe, can only look to America for the deficiency of supply, which the increase of manufactures, of people, of grass and pasturage, of grain liquors, and the uncertainty of seasons, in one or another of them, is constantly producing. He [Page 237] will prove a bad politician, and a very bad British patriot, who shall animate against the manufactures of Great-Britain, the body of the American planters and farmers, by promoting a severe system, which shall debar them of a chance of making returns for an immense demand of British fabrics, in the un­manufactured productions of their soil and labour. But independent of the danger to Britain, from list­ening at this time, to so professed an anti-American, a wise nation will not give too much attention to a writer, whose ardent spirit of monopoly leads him to attempt to circumvent the same foreign nation, in her pursuits of commerce—of manufactures—and even of her great, best business, the tillage of a various and productive soil. If the policy of England ought to be a dereliction of some parts of her system of internal or external commerce in fa­vour of agriculture, let her politicians firmly main­tain the doctrine. America will approve their patriotism. But in doing this, it surely is not ne­cessary to depreciate the largest purchasers of those manufactures, on which the existence of more than half their people depends. It may be well to re­flect too that the industry and soil, which foreign corn laws may tend to deprive of their accustomed object, can be applied to the production of hemp, flax, wool, cotton, leather, and iron, or their pre­paration in the form of fabrics to substitute for theirs. It is happy for the United States, that when­ever they are injured in the loss of a vent for any portion of a particular production, they can create a market for it by checking the introduction of [Page 238] some connected foreign commodity, and making a succedaneum for it at home. See paper S.

Though it would not be difficult, in pursuing, the examination of lord Sheffield's observations, to adduce many more proofs, that his facts are often erroneous, and his observations frequently unjust; and that his predictions have not been verified, but often contradicted by experience, the subject will not be further pursued. It is consided, that enough has been said, to induce an attentive revision of his book. This, it is believed, will be sufficient to lead the British [...]ation to look in future to other sources of information. It may be observed, in ex­tenuation of his lordship's errors, that the circum­stances of the United States are considerably alter­ed since he wrote: but this will not just [...]y the con­fidence of his predictions, nor apologize for the wild errors of them; and it may not improperly be again remarked to those, who are convinced of this great and happy change in our situa­tion, since the year 1784, that a conduct on the part of foreigners, which might have been deemed prudent when our political horizon was darkly clouded, would be unwise now, and might be dangerous to some of their interests hereafter. Of this lord Sheffield's late book proves him to be not duly sensible.

The United States have many features of natu­ral strength, and many advantages from their local [Page 239] position. The friends of other forms of govern­ment will admit, that they have exhibited a high­ly improved example of a republic, and that they have practised upon the plan, since it was form­ed, though not a very long time, with extraor­dinary success. They have no occasion to make war for territory; and they are considerably re­moved from the danger of foreign enterprises aginst them. Their productions are remarkably diversi­fied, and consequently adapted to various purpo­ses and uses, and are, with a few exceptions, either necessaries of life, or articles of such general de­mand and consumption, as to be nearly as much sought. Having been recently a part of an intelli­gent and enterprising commercial nation, and hav­ing a very extensive sea-coast, the citizens of Ame­rica have been insensibly led to survey all the re­gions of foreign commerce, and in passing through most of them, have manifested, since the refor­mation of their political system, every talent re­quisite for the honourable and lucrative pursuit of trade. The redundant state of private wealth in several foreign nations, promises every addition to our active capital, that occasion can require, if we preserve the honest spirit with which the reforms of the general and state governments have been lately made, and the wisdom with which they have been administered. The fulness of the European population, and the degree in which every walk, commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural, is crouded there, afford reason to expect the steady [Page 240] increase of our people.^* Civil and religious liber­ty, now settled on rational and tried principles, certify an exemption from all real oppression.

Being disposed to promote the freedom of commerce, the United States would probably have made no regulations, but with a view to revenue, had they not met in almost every country, duties and restrictions in their home trade, and charges, prohibitions and exclusions, in their colonial trade. But although some nations will not permit us to ship them certain of our articles, others withhold from us certain of theirs, and others impede, abso­lutely or in effect, the introduction of our own goods in our own bottoms, yet we have hitherto contented ourselves with a small addition to the rates of our tariff, and to the tonnage on ships, both together not exceeding £.87,000, sterling, on all foreign nations taken together. It will not be alleged, that this sum will bear a serious compari­son with the injuries our agriculture, manufactures and commerce sustain from several of the principal European powers.

To obtain relief by arrangements as beneficial to foreign states as to ourselves, will probably be the liberal aim of our government. It is confident­ly expected, that mutual benefits will create and cement a strong and lasting friendship in the case [Page 241] of those nations with which such arrangements shall be formed; and with regard to others, the wisdom of the legislature, no doubt, will be sedu­lously exercised either temperately to meet them with the requisite policy and firmness, or to trans­fer from their hands, to those of more equitable nations, the unrequited benefits they receive from us—or to derive from our own skill, capital, cre­dit, and industry, the accomodations and supplies which they have heretofore furnished upon terms of great advantage to themselves, but which have been inadequately reciprocated to the United States.

I.

Tanned and tawed leather, dressed skins, with and without the hair or fur, and manufactures thereof, form one of the best established and most import­ant branches. The consumption and exportation of the following articles made wholly, or in part of leather or skins are great, and, in several instan­ces, general, and the importation of them, except­ing the articles of gloves and fur trimmings, is very inconsiderable. Rigging hides, parchment, shoes, boots, and slippers, common harness of all kinds, harness and leathern materials for pleasurable car­riages, saddles and bridles, housings, holsters, sad­dlebags, portmantuas, boot straps, leathern and hair trunks, fire-buckets, military articles, such as slings, belts, cartouch boxes and scabbards; leathern breeches and some vests and drawers; mens', youths', and some womens' gloves, fur muffs and tippets, li­nings and trimmings of fur for womens' and mens' apparel, some chair bottoms, the coatings of wool and cotton cards, and the leathern materials of other manufacturing implements and utensils; to which may be added glue, being an economical manufac­ture from the otherwise useless parts of raw and dressed skins and from old leathern articles.

II.

Manufactures from hemp and flax form another very important and well established branch. These [Page 272] are made as well in regular factories and workshops, as in the household way. Cables, cordage, tarred and untarred; seins and nets of various kinds, twine and pack-thread, sail cloth, tow cloth, white and checked shirtings, sheetings, toweling, table li­nen, bed ticks, hosiery, sewing thread, and some thread lace, are the articles manufactured of these raw materials. Nearly the whole of the hemp and flax are now of native growth; and as they are productions of every state, the fabrics made of them are peculiarly interesting. This circumstance gives breadth and solidity to the foundation of the linen branch, and to all others to which it is common.

III.

Manufactures of iron form a very increasing and useful branch. Under this head, the article of nails deserves particular notice, being brought to the footing of a domestic manufacture in several of the states. The other fabrics, made of this raw ma­terial, are steel, sheet iron, nail rods, wheel tire, hoops, weights, stoves, pots and other castings, scale beams, plough irons, hoes, and other farming uten­sils, the iron and steel work for pleasurable and working carriages, and for ship-building, anchors, household utensils of various kinds, screw presses, some saws and planes, axes and other utensils for artizans and manufacturers, and arms of vari­ous kinds. It is reasonable to conclude that the manufacture of military articles has become [Page 273] inconsiderable during the existing peace. The abundance of mill seats, ore and fuel in the United States, a most extensive demand, and the heavy charges of importation, are among the circumstances which have given a respectable estab­lishment to the iron manufactories.^*

IV.

Manufactures of wool and mixtures thereof with cotton and flax, form another branch of peculiar importance, from their being principally the pro­ductions of domestic industry, at times and seasons which can be spared from other occupations. These are broad and narrow cloths, chiefly common or coarse; coatings, casimers, serges, flannels, hosiery, some blankets, linsey woolsey, and negro cloth in very large quantities, coverlets and counterpanes, mens' and boys' hats, a few carpets, fringe, cord and tassels. This raw material will eventually prove universal in the United States, and is already found in every state.

The four preceding branches may be thrown in­to the first class, in regard to present importance, and are established in a considerable degree. They are increasing rapidly, and particularly the three [Page 274] first, from the facility of procuring very large quantities of the requisite raw materials, the in­troduction of various new implements and ma­chinery, the abundance of fuel, lime, bark, and other articles employed in their manufacture. The latter is steadily progressive in quantity, and has improved rapidly within the last two years.

V.

Manufactures of cotton, and mixtures thereof with flax and hemp, as as also with wool, constitute a grow­ing and very promising branch. In several of the states, factories of this raw material have been com­menced. Very considerable quantities of goods are made of it, in the household way, and particu­larly in the southern states of all of which it is a production. The articles usually made are cordu­roys, velverets, jeans, fustians and plain and strip­ed cloths, for womens' use, hosiery, thread, fringe, cord and tassels, counterpanes and coverlets, can­dlewick, and, when mixed with wool, very large quantities of negro cloth. Connected with this branch is the business of callico printing, in which some promising attempts have been made.

VI.

Ships and boats, with their numerous and requisite appertenances, constitute a branch much less valu­able in money than the preceding; but consider­ing how necessary they are to agriculture and ma­nufactures, [Page 275] as well as to commerce and the fishe­ries, they appear to be of primary importance. These are constructed upon the most favourable terms, and with great perfection.

VII.

Papers of all kinds, form a very beneficial branch, of considerable and increasing extent. The spe­cies made are paper hangings, playing cards, paste­boards, fullers or press papers, sheathing and wrap­ping paper, writing and printing paper of various kinds and qualities, except the largest and most cost­ly. Appertenant to this branch is the very increas­ing and highly useful business of book printing. From the abundance of mill-seats, and the respectable establishment of the paper manufactory in some of the states, it is manifest, that a much more consider­able saving or gain might be derived to the coun­try, with the requisite attention to the preservation of the old and otherwise useless materials.

VIII.

Sugars refined in various degrees, form a branch so perfectly established as to require little atten­tion, but to the acquisition of the raw material.

IX.

Cabinet wares and turnery, both of the simplest and most elegant kinds, are made in quantities com­mensurate [Page 276] with the demand, as well of native as foreign materials. Connected with these in some degree, is the manufacture of many kinds of mu­sical instruments, which has gained a footing within a few years, that promises an establishment ade­quate to the occasions of the United States. Other manufactures of wood are made in great quantities, such as coopers' wares, corn fans, and other imple­ments of husbandry, almost every species of mill work, and lately the most valuable and curious manufacturing machinery in various branches.

X.

Wares of the precious metals, (gold and silver) including set work, and jewellery, are made in great variety and extent. The latest addition to this branch is the manufacturing of plated ware, which, however, is not yet considerable or esta­blished.

XI.

Manufactures of the mixed metals and of lead and copper, have obtained various degrees of establish­ment. Those of brass are the most extensive, and, combined with iron and wood, there is a consider­able variety. Household utensils, technical and philosophical instruments and apparatus, furniture and materials for houses and carriages, and for the building and furnishing of ships, a few barrels and [Page 277] some furniture of fire arms, are manufactured of brass. Pewter and hard metal are very much confin­ed to family utensils, distillers worms, printing types, and buttons. The last article is made with great neatness and variety in a few shops. Lead is worked into ball, sheets, and every form requisite for the building and finishing of houses and vessels, and for the linings and coverings of wood, which is exposed to water. Successful attempts to manu­facture leaden shot of various sizes, have been made.

Copper wares of various kinds, are made in the United States. These are utensils for distillers, sugar refiners, brewers, and other manufacturers, and for domestic and ship use, articles to be ap­plied in the building of vessels, and in short, all those things which are requisite to useful and ordi­nary purposes.

Tin wares, for military and all other useful pur­poses, are well manufactured.

XII.

Manufactures from fruits, grain and seeds, are very considerable. Of the first, distilled spirits are the whole. Of such liquors from apples, the quantity is large; of those from peaches, it is much less, but the quality, when the liquor is matured, is exquisite: both are increasing. Of the manufactures from grain and seeds (exclusive [Page 278] of meal of all kinds and biscuit) there is a greater value. These are distilled spirits, malt liquors, starch, hair powder, wafers and oil. These articles could be made in quantities commensurate with the demand; and the several branches are well understood.

XIII.

The manufacture of gunpowder, has advanced with the greatest rapidity to the point of desire in regard both to quantity and quality. The hazards and expenses of importation, the cheapness of charcoal, of the requisite packages, and of mill seats and mill works, in the United States, are among the principal causes, which have produced so accelerated a progress.

XIV.

Manufactures of glass, of earthen ware, and of stone, mixed with clay, are all in an infant state. From the quantity and variety of the materials which must have been deposited by nature in so extensive a region as the United States, from the abundance of fuel which they contain, from the expense of importation, and loss by fracture, which falls on on glass and earthen wares, from the simpli­city of many of these manufactures, and from the great consumption of them, impressions of surprise at this state of them, and a firm persuasion that they will receive the early attention of foreign or Ame­rican capitalists, are at once produced. Coarse [Page 279] tiles, and bricks of an excellent quality, potters' wares, all in quantities beyond the home consump­tion, a few ordinary vessels and utensils of stone mix­ed with clay, some mustard and snuff bottles, a few flasks or flaggons, a small quantity of sheet glass and of vessels for family use, generally of the infe­rior kinds, are all that are yet made.

XV.

Manufactures from the fat and bones of sea and land animals, form a class of considerable impor­tance. These are the several kinds of oil, soap, spermaceti and tallow candles, articles made of whalebone, sal ammoniac, and volatile salt.

In addition to the above branches or classes, there are manufactured, (besides the quantities re­quisite for the home demand) a considerable value for exportation, of the following miscellaneous ar­ticles—pot ashes and pearl ashes, chewing and smok­ing tobacco and snuff, cheese, working and plea­sureable carriages, Windsor and varnished chairs, oil of turpentine and rosin, wool and cotton cards, and other implements and utensils for manufac­turing; and a large value for home consumption of fur hats, brushes for domestic and technical pur­poses, whips and canes, manufactures of horn, mill stones and hewn stone, lampblack, ochres and other painters' colours, some galenical and chemi­cal preparations, clocks and watches, wearing ap­parel, and a few manufactures of silk.

[Page 280]

Truly stated from the original returns deposited in the office of the Secretary of State.

October 24, 1791. TH: JEFFERSON.

[Page 281]

To the dominions of France,

4,698,735.48 Dollars.

To the dominions of Great-Britain,

9,363,416.47 Dollars.

To the dominions of Spain,

2,005,907.16 Dollars.

To the dominions of Portugal,

1,283,462 Dollars.

To the dominions of the United Netherlands,

1,963,880.9 Dollars.

To the dominions of Denmark,

224,415.50 Dollars.

To the dominions of Sweden,

47,240 Dollars.

To Flanders,

14,298 Dollars.

To Germany,

487,787.14 Dollars.

To the Mediterranean,

41,298 Dollars.

To the African islands and coast of Africa,

139,984 Dollars.

To the East-Indies,

135,181 Dollars.

To the North-West coast of America,

10,392 Dollars.

Dollars,

20,415,966.84 Dollars.

In addition to the foregoing, a considerable number of packages have been exported from the United States, the value of which be­ing omitted in the returns from the custom-houses, could not be introduced into this abstract.