THE countries with which the UNITED STATES have their chief commercial intercourse, are, SPAIN, PORTUGAL, FRANCE, GREAT-BRITAIN, the UNITED NETHERLANDS, DENMARK, and SWEDEN, and their American possessions: and the articles of export which constitute the basis of that commerce, with their respec­tive amounts, are—

Bread-stuff, that is to say, bread-grains, meals, and bread, to the annual amount of

7,649,887 Dollars.

Tobacco

4,349,567 Dollars.

Rice

1,753,796 Dollars.

Wood

1,263,534 Dollars.

Salted fish

941,696 Dollars.

Pot and pearl-ash

839,093 Dollars.

Salted meats

599,130 Dollars.

Indigo

537,379 Dollars.

Horses and mules

339,753 Dollars.

Whale oil

252,591 Dollars.

Flax-seed

236,072 Dollars.

Tar, pitch and turpentine

217,177 Dollars.

Live provisions

137,743 Dollars.

Ships

 

Foreign goods

620,274 Dollars.

[Page 6]To descend to articles of smaller value than these, would lead into a minuteness of detail neither necessary nor useful to the present object.

The proportions of our EXPORTS, which go to the nations before mentioned, and to their dominions, re­spectively, are as follows:

To Spain and its dominions

2,005,907 Dollars.

Portugal and its dominions

1,283,462 Dollars.

France and its dominions

4,698,735 Dollars.

Great-Britain and its dominions

9,363,416 Dollars.

The United Netherlands & their dominions

1,963,880 Dollars.

Denmark and its dominions

224,415 Dollars.

Sweden and its dominions

47,240 Dollars.

Our IMPORTS from the same countries, are—

Spain and its dominions

335,110 Dollars.

Portugal and its dominions

595,763 Dollars.

France and its dominions

2,068,348 Dollars.

Great-Britain and its dominions

15,285,428 Dollars.

United Netherlands and their dominions

1,172,692 Dollars.

Denmark and its dominions

351,364 Dollars.

Sweden and its dominions

14,325 Dollars.

These imports consist mostly of articles on which industry has been exhausted.

Our NAVIGATION depending, on the same commerce, will appear by the following statement of the tonnage of our own vessels, entering in our ports, from those several nations, and their possessions, in one year, that is to say, from October 1789, to September 1790, inclu­sive, as follows:—

Spain

19,695 Tons.

Portugal

23,576 Tons.

France

116,410 Tons.

Great-Britain

43,580 Tons.

United Netherlands

58,858 Tons.

Denmark

14,655 Tons.

Sweden

750 Tons.

[Page 7]Of our commercial objects, SPAIN receives favour­ably, our bread stuff, salted fish, wood, ships, tar, pitch, and turpentine. On our meals, however, as well as on those of other foreign countries, when re-exported to their colonies, they have lately imposed duties, of from half a dollar, to two dollars the barrel, the duties being so proportioned to the current price of their own flour, as that both together, are to make the constant sum of nine dollars per barrel.

They do not discourage our rice, pot and pearl ash, salted provisions, or whale oil: but these articles, being in small demand at their markets, are carried thither but in a small degree. Their demand for rice, however, is increasing. Neither tobacco, nor indigo are received there. Our commerce is permitted with their Canary Islands, under the same conditions.

Themselves, and their colonies are the actual consu­mers of what they receive from us.

Our navigation is free with the kingdom of Spain; foreign goods being received there in our ships, on the same conditions as if carried in their own, or in the ves­sels of the country of which such goods are the manu­facture or produce.

PORTUGAL receives favourably our grain, and bread, salted fish and other salted provisions, wood, tar, pitch, and turpentine.

For flaxseed, pot, and pearl ash, though not discoura­ged, there is little demand.

Our ships pay twenty per cent. on being sold to their subjects, and are then free bottoms.

Foreign goods (except those of the East-Indies) are received on the same footing in our vessels, as in their own, or any others; that is to say, on general duties of from twenty to twenty-eight per cent. and, consequent­ly, our navigation is unobstructed by them. Tobacco, rice and meals, are prohibited.

Themselves and their colonies consume what they re­ceive from us.

[Page 8]These regulations extend to the Azores, Madeira, and the Cape de Verd Islands, except, that in these, meals and rice are received freely.

FRANCE receives favourably our bread-stuff, rice, wood, pot and pearl ashes.

A duty of five sous the kental, or nearly four and an half cents, is paid on our tar, pitch and turpentine. Our whale-oils pay six livres the kental, and are the only fo­reign whale-oils admitted. Our indigo pays five livres the kental; their own two and an half: but a difference of quality, still more than a difference of duty, prevents its seeking that market.

Salted beef is received freely for re-exportation; but if for home-consumption, it pays five livres the kental. Other salted provisions pay that duty in all cases, and salted fish is made lately to pay the prohibitory one of twenty livres the kental.

Our ships are free to carry thither all foreign goods, which may be carried in their own, or any other vessels, except tobaccoes not of our own growth: and they par­ticipate with theirs the exclusive carriage of our whale-oils, and tobaccoes.

During their former government, our tobacco was under a monopoly, but paid no duties; and our ships were freely sold in their ports, and converted into nati­onal bottoms. The first national assembly took from our ships this privilege. They emancipated tobacco from its monopoly, but subjected it to duties of eigh­teen livres fifteen sous the kental, carried in their own vessels, and twenty-five livres, carried in ours; a dif­ference more than equal to the freight of the article.

They and their colonies consume what they receive from us.

GREAT-BRITAIN receives our pot and pearl ashes, free, while those of other nations pay a duty of two shillings and three pence the kental. There is an equal distinction in favour of our bar-iron; of which article [Page 9] however we do not produce enough for our own use. Woods are free, from us, whilst they pay some small duty from other countries. Indigo and flax-seed, are free from all countries. Our tar and pitch pay eleven-pence ster­ling the barrel. From other alien countries, they pay about a penny and a third more.

Our tobacco, for their own consumption, pays 1s3 sterling the pound, custom and excise, besides heavy ex­penses of collection. And rice, in the same case, pays 7s4 sterling the hundred weight; which, rendering it too dear, as an article of common food, it is consequently, used in very small quantity.

Our salted fish, and other salted provisions, except bacon, are prohibited. Bacon and whale-oils are un­der prohibitory duties: so are our grains, meals, and bread, as to internal consumption; unless in times of such scarcity as may raise the price of wheat to 50s. ster­ling the quarter, and other grains and meals in proportion.

Our ships, though purchased and navigated by their own subjects, are not permitted to be used, even in their trade with us.

While the vessels of other nations are secured by standing laws, which cannot be altered, but by the con­current will of the three branches of the British legisla­ture, in carrying thither any produce or manufacture of the country to which they belong, which may be lawfully carried in any vessels, ours, with the same pro­hibition of what is foreign, are further prohibited by a standing law (12. Car. 2.18. §. 3.) from carrying thither all and any of our own domestic productions and manufactures. A subsequent act, indeed, has authori­zed their executive to permit the carriage of our own productions in our own bottoms, at its sole discretion: and the permission has been given from year to year by proclamation; but subject every moment to be with­drawn on that single will, in which event, our vessels having any thing on board, stand interdicted from the entry of all British ports. The disadvantage of a te­nure [Page 10] which may be so suddenly discontinued, was expe­rienced by our merchants on a late occasion^*, when an official notification that this law would be strictly enfor­ced, gave them just apprehensions for the fate of their vessels and cargoes dispatched or destined to the ports of Great-Britain. The minister of that court indeed frankly expressed his personal conviction that the words of the order went farther than was intended, and so he afterwards officially informed us: but the embarrass­ments of the moment were real and great, and the pos­sibility of their renewal, lays our commerce to that country, under the same species of discouragement as to other countries, where it is regulated by a single legis­lator▪ and the distinction is too remarkable not to be noticed, that our navigation is excluded from the secu­rity of fixed laws, while that security is given to the navigation of others.

Our vessels pay in their ports 1s [...] sterling per ton, light and trinity dues, more than is paid by British ships, except in the port of London, where they pay the same as British.

The greater part of what they receive from us is re-exported to other countries, under the useless charges of an intermediate deposite, and double voyage. From tables published in England; and composed as is said, from the books of their custom-houses, it appears that of the indigo imported there in the years 1773,—4,—5, one third was re-exported; and from a document of au­thority, we learn, that, of the rice and tobacco imported there, before the war, four fifths were re-exported. We are assured indeed, that the quantities sent thither for re-exportation since the war, are considerably diminish­ed, yet less so than reason and national interest would dictate. The whole of our grain is re-exported when wheat is below 50s. the quarter, and other grains in pro­portion.

The UNITED NETHERLANDS prohibit our pick­led beef and pork, meals and bread of all sorts, and lay a prohibitary duty on spirits distilled from grain.

[Page 11]All other of our productions are received on varied duties, which may be reckoned, on a medium at about three per cent.

They consume but a small proportion of what they receive. The residue is partly forwarded for consump­tion in the inland parts of Europe, and partly re-ship­ped to other maritime countries. On the latter portion they intercept, between us and the consumer so much of the value as is absorbed by the charges attending an in­termediate deposite.

Foreign goods, except some East-India articles, are received in vessels of any nation.

Our ships may be sold and naturalized there, with ex­ceptions of one or two privileges, which somewhat les­sen their value.

DENMARK lays considerable duties on our tobacco and rice, carried in their own vessels, and half as much more, if carried in ours; but the exact amount of these duties is not perfectly known here. They lay such as amount to prohibitions on our indigo and corn.

SWEDEN receives favourably our grains and meals, salted provisions, indigo, and whale-oil.

They subject our rice to duties of sixteen mills the pound weight, carried in their own vessels, and of forty per cent additional on that, or 22 4/10 mills, carried in ours, or any others. Being thus rendered too dear as an article of common food, little of it is consumed with them. They consume some of our tobaccoes, which they take circuitously through Great-Britain; levying hea­vy duties on them also; their duties of entry, town du­ties, and excise, being 4.34 dollars, the hundred weight, if carried in their own vessels, and of forty per cent on that additional, if earned in our own or any other ves­sels.

They prohibit altogether our bread, fish, pot and pearl ashes, flax-seed▪ tar, pitch, and turpentine, wood, (ex­cept oak timber and masts) and all foreign manufac­tures.

[Page 12]Under so many restrictions and prohibitions, our navi­gation with them is reduced almost to nothing.

With our neighbours, an order of things much harder presents itself.

SPAIN and PORTUGAL refuse, to those parts of Ame­rica which they govern, all direct intercourse with any people but themselves. The commodities in mutual de­mand, between them and their neighbours, must be car­ried to be exchanged in some port of the dominant country; and the transportation between that and the subject-state must be in a domestic bottom.

FRANCE by a standing law, permits her West-India possession [...] to receive directly our vegetables, live-pro­visions, horses, wood, tar, pitch, and turpentine, rice, and maize, and prohibits our other bread-stuff: but a suspension of this prohibition having been left to the colonial legislatures, in times of scarcity, it was former­ly suspended occasionally, but latterly without inter­ruption.

Our fish and salted provisions (except pork) are re­ceived in their islands under a duty of three colonial livre the kental, and our vessels are as free as their own to carry our commodities thither, and to bring away rum and molasses.

GREAT-BRITAIN admits in her islands, our vege­tables, live-provisions, horses, wood, tar, pitch, and tur­pentine, rice, and bread-stuff, by a proclamation of her executive, limited always to the term of a year, but hi­therto renewed from year to year. She prohibits our salted fish, and other salted provisions. She does not permit our vessels to carry thither our own produce.— Her vessels alone, may take it from us, and bring in ex­change, rum, molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa-nuts, ginger, and pimento. There are, indeed, some freedoms in the island of Dominica, but, under such circumstances, as to be little used by us. In the British continental colo­nies, and in Newfoundland, all our productions are pro­hibited, [Page 13] and our vessels forbidden to enter their ports. Their governors, however, in times of distress, have power to permit a temporary importation of certain ar­ticles, in their own bottoms, but not in ours.

Our citizens cannot reside as merchants or factors within any of the British plantations, this being express­ly prohibited by the same statute of 12. Car. 2. C. 18, commonly called the navigation act.

In the DANISH-AMERICAN possessions, a duty of five per cent. is levied on our corn, corn-meal, rice, to­bacco, wood, salted fish, indigo, horses, mules, and live stock; and of ten per cent. on our flour, salted pork, and beef, tar, pitch, and turpentine.

In the AMERICAN islands of the UNITED NETHER­LANDS and SWEDEN, our vessels and produce are received, subject to duties, not so heavy as to have been complained of: but they are heavier in the Dutch pos­sessions on the continent.

To sum up these RESTRICTIONS, so far as they are important:

1st. IN EUROPE—

Our bread-stuff is at most times under prohibitory duties in England, and considerably dutied on re-expor­tation from Spain to her colonies.

Our tobaccoes are heavily dutied in England, Swe­den and France, and prohibited in Spain, and Portugal.

Our rice is heavily dutied in England and Sweden, and prohibited in Portugal.

Our fish and salted provisions are prohibited in Eng­land, and under prohibitory duties in France.

Our whale-oils are prohibited in England and Por­tugal.

And our vessels are denied naturalization in England, and of late in France.

2d. IN THE WEST-INDIES.

All intercourse is prohibited with the possessions of Spain, and Portugal.

[Page 14]Our salted provisions and fish are prohibited by Eng­land.

Our salted pork, and bread-stuff (except maize) are received under temporary laws only, in the dominions of France, and our salted fish pays there a weighty duty.

3d. IN THE ARTICLE OF NAVIGATION.

Our own carriage of our own tobacco, is heavily du­tied in Sweden, and lately in France.

We can carry no article, not of our own production, to the British ports in Europe.

Nor even our own produce to her American pos­sessions.

Such being the restrictions on the commerce and na­vigation of the United States, the question is, in what way they may best be removed, modified, or counteracted?

As to commerce, two methods occur, 1. By friend­ly arrangements with the several nations with whom these restrictions exist: Or, 2. By the separate act of our own legislatures for countervailing their effects.

There can be no doubt, but that of these two, friend­ly arrangement is the most eligible. Instead of embar­rassing commerce under piles of regulating laws, duties, and prohibitions, could it be relieved from all its shackles in all parts of the world—could every country be em­ployed in producing that which nature has best fitted it to produce, and each be free to exchange with others mutual surplusses, for mutual wants, the greatest mass possible would then be produced of those things which contribute to human life, and human happiness; the numbers of mankind would be increased, and their con­dition bettered.

Would even a single nation begin with the United States this system of free commerce, it would be advisa­ble to begin it with that nation; since it is one by one only, that it can be extended to all. Where the cir­cumstances of either party render it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of impost, on commerce, its free­dom might be modified, in that particular, by mutual and equivalent measures, preserving it entire in all others.

[Page 15]Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce, in all its extent, might still be willing to mollify its restricti­ons and regulations for us in proportion to the advanta­ges, which an intercourse with us might offer. Parti­cularly they may concur with us in reciprocating the duties to be levied on each side, or in compensating any excess of duty, by equivalent advantages of another na­ture. Our commerce is certainly of a character to en­title it to favour in most countries. The commodities we offer, are either necessaries of life; or materials for ma­nufacture; or convenient subjects of revenue: and we take in exchange, either manufactures, when they have re­ceived the last finish of art and industry; or mere luxu­ries. Such customers may reasonably expect welcome, and friendly treatment at every market: customers too, whose demands, increasing with their wealth, and po­pulation, must very shortly give full employment to the whole industry of any nation whatever, in any line of supply they may get into the habit of calling for, from it.

But should any nation, contrary to our wishes, sup­pose it may better find its advantage by continuing its system of prohibitions, duties, and regulations, it be­hoves us to protect our citizens, their commerce and navigation, by counter-prohibitions, duties, and regula­tions also. Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in exchange for restrictions, and vexations; nor are they likely to produce a relaxation of them.

Our navigation involves still higher considerations. As a branch of industry, it is valuable; but, as a re­source of defence, essential.

Its value, as a branch of industry, is inhanced by the dependence of so many other branches on it. In times of general peace it multiplies competitors for employ­ment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war, that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers, shall be at war with each other, if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be export­ed [Page 16] in belligerent vessels at the increased expense of war­freight and insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands.

But it is as a resource for defence that our navigation will admit neither neglect nor forbearance. The po­sition and circumstances of the United States leave them nothing to fear on their land-board, and nothing to de­sire beyond their present rights. But, on their sea­board, they are open to injury, and they have there too, a commerce which must be protected. This can only be done by possessing a respectable body of citizen-sea­men, and of artists and establishments in readiness for ship building.

Were the ocean, which is the common property of all, open to the industry of all, so that every person and vessel should be free to take employment wherever it could be found, the United States would certainly not set the example of appropriating to themselves, exclu­sively, any portion of the common stock of occupation. They would rely on the enterprize and activity of their citizens for a due participation of the benefits of the sea­faring business, and for keeping the marine class of citi­zens equal to their object. But if particular nations grasp at undue shares, and more especially, if they seize on the means of the United States to convert them into aliment for their own strength, and withdraw them en­tirely from the support of those to whom they belong, defensive and protecting measures become necessary on the part of the nation whose marine resources are thus invaded, or it will be disarmed of its defence; its pro­ductions will lie at the mercy of the nation which has possessed itself exclusively of the means of carrying them, and its politics may be influenced by those who command its commerce. The carriage of our own commodities, if once established in an other channel, cannot be resumed in the moment we may desire. If we lose the seamen and artists, whom it now occupies, we lose the present means of marine defence, and time will be requisite to raise up others, when disgrace or [Page 17] losses shall bring home to our feelings the error of having abandoned them. The materials for maintaining our due share of navigation, are ours in abundance; and, as to the mode of using them, we have only to adopt the principles of those who thus put us on the defen­sive, or others, equivalent and better fitted to our cir­cumstances.

The following principles, being founded in recipro­city, appear perfectly just, and to offer no cause of com­plaint to any nation.

1st. Where a nation imposes high duties on our pro­ductions, or prohibits them altogether, it may be pro­per for us to do the same by theirs, first burthening or excluding those productions which they bring here, in competition with our own of the same kind; selecting next such manufactures as we take from them in grea­test quantity, and which at the same time we could the soonest furnish to ourselves, or obtain from other coun­tries; imposing on them duties, lighter at first; but heavier and heavier afterwards, as other channels of sup­ply open. Such duties having the effect of indirect en­couragement to domestic manufactures of the same kind, may induce the manufacturer to come himself in­to these states, where cheaper subsistence, equal laws, and a vent of his wares, free of duty, may ensure him the highest profits from his skill and industry. And here it would be in the power of the state governments to co­operate essentially, by opening the resources of encou­ragement which are under their controul, extending them liberally to artists in those particular branches of manufacture, for which their soil, climate, population, and other circumstances, have matured them, and fos­tering the precious efforts and progress of household ma­nufacture by some patronage suited to the nature of its objects, guided by the local informations they possess and guarded against abuse by their presence and atten­tions. The oppressions on our agriculture in foreign ports would thus be made the occasion of relieving it [Page 18] from a dependence on the councils and conduct of others, and of promoting arts, manufactures, and population at home.

2d. Where a nation refuses permission to our mer­chants and factors to reside within certain parts of their dominions, we may, if it should be thought expedient, refuse residence to theirs in any and every part of ours, or modify their transactions.

3d. Where a nation refuses to receive in our vessels any productions but our own, we may refuse to receive, in theirs, any but their own productions. The first and second clauses of the bill reported by the committee, are well formed to effect this object.

4th. Where a nation refuses to consider any vessel as ours, which has not been built within our territories, we should refuse to consider as theirs, any vessel not built within their territories.

5th. Where a nation refuses to our vessels the car­riage even of our own productions, to certain countries under their domination, we might refuse to theirs, of every description, the carriage of the same productions to the same countries. But as justice and good neighbor­hood would dictate, that those who have no part in im­posing the restriction on us, should not be the victims of measures adopted to defeat its effect, it may be proper to confine the restriction to vessels owned or navigated by any subjects of the same dominant power, other than the inhabitants of the country to which the said pro­ductions are to be carried. And to prevent all incon­venience to the said inhabitants, and to our own, by too sudden a check on the means of transportation, we may continue to admit the vessels marked for future ex­clusion, on an advanced tonnage, and for such length of time only, as may be supposed necessary to provide against that inconvenience.

The establishment of some of these principles by Great-Britain, alone, has already lost us in our com­merce with that country and its possessions, between [Page 19] eight and nine hundred vessels of near 40,000 tons bur­then, according to statements from official materials, in which they have confidence. This involves a propor­tional loss of seamen, ship-wrights, and ship-building, and is too serious a loss to admit forbearance of some effectual remedy.

It is true we must expect some inconvenience in prac­tice, from the establishment of discriminating duties.— But in this, as in so many other cases, we are left to chuse between two evils. These inconveniencies are nothing, when weighed against the loss of wealth, and loss of force, which will follow our perseverance in the plan of indiscrimination. When once it shall be perceived that we are either in the system, or the habit, of giving equal advantages to those who extinguish our commerce and navigation, by duties and prohibitions, as to those who treat both with liberality and justice, liberality and justice will be converted by all into duties and prohibitions. It is not to the moderation and justice of others, we are to trust for fair and equal access to market with our produc­tions, or for our due share in the transportation of them; but to our own means of independence, and the firm will to use them. Nor do the inconveniences of discri­mination merit consideration. Not one of the nations before mentioned; perhaps, not a commercial nation on earth, is without them. In our case, one distinc­tion alone will suffice, that is to say, between nations who favor our productions and navigation, and those who do not favour them. One set of moderate duties, say the present duties, for the first, and a fixed advance on these, as to some articles, and prohibitions as to others, for the last.

Still it must be repeated that friendly arrangements are preferable with all who will come into them; and that we should carry into such arrangements all the liberali­ty and spirit of accommodation, which the nature of the case will admit.

France has, of her own accord, proposed negotiations for improving, by a new treaty on fair and equal [Page 20] principles, the commercial relations of the two coun­tries. But her internal disturbances have hitherto pre­vented the prosecution of them to effect, though we have had repeated assurances of a continuance of the disposition.

Proposals of friendly arrangement have been made on our part, by the present government, to that of Great Britain, as the [...] states: but being already on as good a footing [...] and a better in fact, than the most favoured nation, they have not, as yet, discovered any disposition to have it meddled with.

We have no reason to conclude that friendly arrange­ments would be declined by the other nations, with whom we have such commercial intercourse as may ren­der them important. In the mean while, it would rest with the wisdom of Congress to determine whether, as to those nations, they will not surcease exparte regula­tions, on the reasonable presumption that they will con­cur in doing whatever justice and moderation, dictate should be done.