TO judge on theſe important ſubjects, we muſt conſider the peculiar ſituation of the United States, as connected with the European powers.

AS a commercial country, it is our intereſt to form a friendly intercourſe with ſuch nations as are diſpoſed to promote the great objects of trade on the principles of reciprocity. To effect this purpoſe, we ſhould examine the conduct and diſpoſition of the ſeveral powers; and when convinced of their friendſhip, we ought to grant favors, and confer privileges, with the ſame degree of liberality, as they appear inclined to act towards us. It is a good maxim in politics, to do to others, as they do towards us; and in order to prevent a continuance of injuries, it is incumbent on us to check them by a vigorous and timely retaliation. By purſuing a conſtant courſe of defenſive operations againſt ſuch nations as wantonly endeavor to diſtreſs our trade, we ſhall ſpeedily convince them of our increaſing ſtrength, and teach them the folly of commencing a commercial war with us.

THESE obſervations being premiſed, the queſtion is, what nation ſeems moſt diſpoſed to form connections with the United States, founded on the broad baſis of mutual advantages? What European power holds out the moſt favorable terms, to promote and enlarge our commerce? Which among them diſplays a generous cordiality towards our government and citizens; or by legiſlative acts, ſhows a diſpoſition to harmonize and equalize the trade and intercourſe of both countries? Can Americans be at a loſs to announce the nation, thus diſpoſed to overtures of friendſhip? Among the combined powers at war againſt France, can one among them, with propriety receive the appellation of friends, as to their proceedings towards us? Which among them has ever come forward with commercial propoſitions, worthy our acceptance? Notwithſtanding we have ruſhed precipitately into the Britiſh trade, and inconſiderately laviſhed among her merchants and manufacturers, the principle part of every profitable branch of our commerce, yet we find that this nation, far from returning even decent attention to the numerous benefits they derive from the connection, treat us with the moſt ſtudied inſolence, and are ever planning meaſures to embarraſs us in every port we enter. Since their conteſt with France, have they not preſumed to prohibit our carrying the produce of America to that country, even as a neutral nation? Our veſſels and property are now become the ſport of their privateers; and the American flag, can ſcarcely be unfurled on the ocean without being treated by them with indecency, and expoſed to inſults.

THE coolneſs and indifference which many ſeem diſpoſed to ſhow towards France, are difficult to account for, as it reſpects both our political and commercial intereſt. As a young nation, is it not of the utmoſt importance, that we ſecure the friendſhip and confidence of France? That we do not create a jealouſy, and thereby excite her reſentment? If ſhe appears diſpoſed to aſſiſt us, and wiſhes to beſtow every commercial benefit upon us, ought we to treat her favors with coldneſs, or appear backward in acknowledging her benevolence and partiality?

THERE appears a diſpoſition among ſome, to prefer a connection with Britain, rather than with France. It is evident that this is the aim and deſign of certain individuals, however they may wiſh to conceal it. But no man who is a friend to, or who underſtands the political and commercial welfare of theſe ſtates, can ſeriouſly deſire it. Should Britain ſucceed againſt France, can we ever expect to reap any advantage from the acquiſition? Should they reſtore the monarchy, is there any one benefit to accrue to us in conſequence of it? Will the American commerce thrive by the meaſure, or will there be leſs impoſitions practiſed on our trade? Will the Britiſh miniſtry be more cordial to our welfare? Will the legiſlature of the nation become more favorable in their plans; or will their acts be leſs injurious in their operation? In ſhort, not one advantage can we propoſe to ourſelves from their ſucceſs; but on the contrary, every misfortune would await us. If the Britiſh are now ſo inſolent, amid their preſent complicated diſtreſſes, what may we not expect, ſhould they effect their nefarious purpoſes of ſubjugating France? The idea is too diſtreſſing to anticipate.

BUT let us reverſe the ſcene, and inquire, what may we not expect, ſhould France ſucceed? The friendſhip of this nation has ever been conſpicuous. During our war with Britain, we experienced the ſalutary effects of her favorable diſpoſition. Since the peace, her exertions have not ceaſed to aſſiſt our trade, and cement our alliance. There has ever appeared a noble generoſity in all their proceedings▪ to encourage the American connection; deſpiſing the paltry reſentments that appeared to influence the Britiſh nation, they have treated the Americans with a liberality worthy the character of a magnanimous people. Since their conteſt with the European powers, they have come forward with a philanthropy and independence that muſt aſtoniſh their enemies, and rivet the affections of their allies. They ſeem diſpoſed to give the United States all the advantages of the war; and for that purpoſe have paſſed decrees to grant the moſt ample encouragement to our commerce in every part of their dominions. They have placed us on the broadeſt baſis of neutrality, by admitting the property of all nations to be carried in American bottoms, free from capture.

THE importance of the French nation, in the ſcale of Europe, is a weighty conſideration, why we ought to inculcate an harmony with them. Many perſons talk of France, as they would ſpeak of Nootka-Sound, Botany-Bay, or the Miami Villages; as if it was a country juſt diſcovered, and of but little note in the political calendar. But it riſes in weight and dignity when it is conſidered, as one of the moſt powerful, moſt numerous, and moſt opulent nations in Europe. Its power is immenſe, when we reflect on the magnitude of their preſent conteſt. Is there a nation that could contend for ſo long a period with the combined powers of Europe? That could command ſuch reſources; maintain ſuch armies; equip ſuch navies, and defend themſelves without the aſſiſtance of a ſingle ally, againſt the combination of ſuch numerous adverſaries?—When we conſider France thus ſtanding alone, in this arduous and obſtinate conflict, the magnanimity, reſolution and formidableneſs of the nation, ſtand unparalleled.

THE ſtrength of the nation is inconceivable, as it reſpects the number of its citizens.—Is it a ſmall matter for America to conciliate the affections of twenty-ſix millions of people?—Shall we by our coldneſs and lukewarmneſs, hazard the advantages to be obtained from a nation ſo reſpectable, as to its population?—Is it policy in us to forfeit every benefit to be acquired from an alliance ſo reputable? Or ſhall we overlook every flattering conſideration merely to pay our devoirs to the tottering, crumbling nation of Britain?—When we reflect on the probable advantages that will ariſe to our commerce, in conſequence of retaining the friendſhip of France, it muſt appear the higheſt folly not to cement our union. Should we by our puſillanimous conduct excite their jealouſy, or forfeit their confidence they might be led to retaliate with ſome pointed reſentment on our conduct; and ſhould they purſue a ſimilar ſyſtem with Britain, we ſhould be placed in a very diſtreſſing ſituation.

THE reſources of the French nation is another matter worthy of obſervation, and muſt impreſs every perſon with an exalted idea of its power and riches. Though they ſtand alone againſt the combined armies of Europe, they are enabled without any foreign loans, to raiſe funds ſufficient for all other purpoſes.—Is it poſſible to conceive of a nation more reſpectable in this point of view?—Notwithſtanding their demands are ſo immediate and enormous, we find they are all anſwered with the utmoſt readineſs, and not a murmur is heard, either in the National Convention, or among the people, of the burden of their taxes.—While the other powers are convulſed for want of reſources▪ France abounds with every pecuniary ſupply, neceſſary for the moſt extenſive enterprizes. When we conſider the wealth of France, in compariſon with their enemies, how vaſtly ſuperior do they riſe in our eſtimation?

IN ſhort, they have already bankrupted Europe; and as for England, they have ſhaken her to the centre, without even firing a gun within her territory, merely by the echo of their cannon from the ſhores of Holland.

IT is deragatory to France, to draw any compariſon between them and England: Can the latter diſplay ſuch an army, or equip ſuch a navy, upon any emergency; more particularly, had they to contend with one quarter of the force combined againſt the former? On the contrary, the propoſition of a loan, has ſpread ſuch an univerſal inſolvenſy, throughout the Britiſh nation, as to throw a great part of her merchants and manufacturers within the ſtatute of bankruptcy, and reduced her miniſter to the pitiful ſtate of an inſignificant pawn-broker.

THESE are the ideas that ought to operate on the minds of Americans, when reflecting on our connection with France.—The puſillanimity we ſo often obſerve held up in our papers, may anſwer the purpoſes of Britiſh ſycophants, and others, whoſe intereſt wholly depends on the revenue ariſing from our deſtructive importations from England; but the people of America, who act and reaſon on the grand ſcale of public happineſs, cannot but view the friendſhip of France, as it concerns both our political and common intereſt, as an object of the higheſt magnitude.

FROM the foregoing obſervations, it is not meant that we ſhould wantonly plunge ourſelves into a war with the Britiſh, or become a party in the preſent conteſt (unleſs France requeſts it) but thus much is meant and aſſerted, that our National Honor demands of us to ſupport our National Flag; protect the property of our citizens, and poſſeſs the FORTS within our own territory, which, by treaty we are entitled to—more eſpecially, when it is conſidered, that the "ſtrong arm of the Union," has been exerted to quell a few tribes of Indians, and more money has been expended in theſe diſgraceful expeditions, than would build and equip a NAVY ſufficient to protect our commerce, and defend our flag againſt every indignity.

IT is remarkable, that this ignominious Indian war, has ever been vindicated in thoſe papers that are now ſo zealous to injure the cauſe of France, and palliate the conduct of Britain.—Millions of dollars can be expended in diſgraceful contracts, for the purpoſe of deſtroying the villages of our innocent natives; but when the perfidy and inſolence of Britain, is brought into view, then forſooth the poverty of the ſtates is plead, and their ſtrength is reduced to the forlorn condition of 'twelve revenue cutters.'

TO conclude, the predilection for Britiſh politics among many leading characters; the influence of theſe ſentiments, which is every day prevailing within particular circles, together with the proſpects of numerous fictitious actions being ſoon commenced by refugees againſt every ſtate in the Union, are circumſtances truly alarming, and require a ſtrict watch on the conduct of Britain and her ſatellites.—Provided they can effect their purpoſes by perſonal influence; drain the treaſury of every ſtate by conſtant demands from TORIES, Who are probably ſupported in their claims by the Britiſh nation, to create diviſions, and to refund what they have already paid to theſe perſons. hold our Frontiers, and diſaffect towards us the only friendly power in Europe, theſe, our enemies, anticipate the period when the United States of America will become SUPPLIANTS to their clemency. May Heaven avert the cataſtrophe!

MAN is born to enjoy happineſs and liberty, yet every where he is miſerable and enſlaved. Governments are inſtituted for the preſervation of his rights, and to perfection his faculties, yet every where governmenrs degrade and oppreſs him. The time is come which is to reſtore him to the ſtate he was intended for; the progreſs of information has prepared a great revolution, and to you it belongs to accelerate it. To fulfil your duty in this reſpect, you are to practice exactly the contrary of what has hitherto been done. Hitherto the art of governing has been the art of deſpoiling and enſlaving the majority, to the advantage of a few; and legiſlation the art of reducing thoſe crimes to a regular ſyſtem. Kings, ariſtocrats have played their parts admirably well: to you it belongs now to do your duty, and to render men happy and free by the means of wholeſome laws.

TO give to government energy ſufficient, that citizens may ever reſpect the right of their fellow-citizens, and to prevent government from encroaching on thoſe rights. This is my opinion, the double problem that legiſlators have to ſolve.

THE firſt appears to me eaſy; the other one might be tempted to conſider as inſolvable, if a curſory view only is taken of preſent and paſt events, without examining their cauſe. Read hiſtory and you will every where ſee rulers oppreſſing citizens; governments ſwallowing up ſovereignty. Tyrents ſpeaking of ſedition, the people complain of tyranny, when the people dare to complain, which is when exceſſive oppreſſion reſtores their energy and independence. Would heaven, they could always preſerve theſe; but the reign of the people is of a day; that of tyrants ſtains the hiſtory of ages.

I HAVE heard much ſaid of the anarchy ſince the revolution of July 14th, 1789, and eſpecially ſince that of the 10th of Auguſt, 1792.—But in my opinion it is not anarchy that is the malady of the political body, but deſpotiſm and ariſtocracy. I am of opinion, whatever may be ſaid to the contrary, that it is only from that apocha, which is ſo much abuſed, that we have had a beginning of laws and government, notwithſtanding ſome diſturbances, which are nothing more than convulſions of expiring royalty, and the laſt ſtruggle of a faithleſs government againſt equality.

POLITICAL evils never are occaſioned by the people, but are cauſed by the government.— How could it be otherwiſe? The people are intereſted in the public good; the man in office has a private intereſt.

IF I chooſe to ſtoop to anſwer abſurd prejudices, I would ſay, that power and opulence are the parents of vice; that poverty, mediocrity and induſtry, are the ſupporters of virtue; that the weak only aſk for the protection of mild laws; that the paſſions of the powerful tend to raiſe them above juſt laws, or to produce tyrannical laws.

GOVERNMENT is inſtituted to cauſe the general will to be obeyed; but men who govern, have a will of their own, and every will tends to make itſelf obeyed. If they employ to this effect the public force, with which they are armed, the government becomes a ſcourge. Agree then, that the firſt object of every conſtitution ought to be to defend public liberty againſt the encroachments of the government.

IT is this principal object that legiſlators have forgotten—they have all ſtudied to give governments energy; none of them thought of bringing it back to its original intention. They have taken infinite precautions againſt inſurrections of the people; but have at the ſame time encouraged all in their power the revolt of their delegates. I have already given the reaſon of this. Ambition, violence and perfidy, have legiſlated for the world. They have even enſlaved human reaſon, by firſt debaſing it, and have rendered that reaſon, thus perverted, the inſtrument of man's miſery.

DESPOTISM produced the corruption of manners; and the corruption of manners ſupported deſpotiſm. In this ſtate of things, the conteſt is, who ſhall ſell his ſoul to the ſtrongeſt, to legalize injuſtice and deify tyranny.

OBSERVE even thoſe among legiſlators, whom the progreſs of political information appears to have impreſſed with ſome principles—obſerve whether they have not perverted their talents to elude them, when they claſhed with their perſonal intereſt. Obſerve whether they have done any thing more than vary the forms of deſpotiſm, and determine the nice ſhades of ariſtocracy. They have pompouſly proclaimed the ſovereignty of the people, and have enſlaved them; at the time they acknowledged magiſtrates as the ſervants of the people, they have treated them as their maſters and idols. All have agreed in ſuppoſing the people mad and factious, and public functionaries abſolutely wiſe and virtuous. Without ſeeking for examples of this among foreign nations, we can find ſome very ſtriking in the boſom of our own revolution, and even in the conduct of the legiſlators, our predeceſſors.

SEE with what baſeneſs they burnt the incenſe of adulation, at the altar of royalty; with what impudence they preached up confidence in the public functionaries, whom they knew to be perfidious; with what violence they defamed the people; with what barbarity they abuſed them. And yet ſee on which ſide the civic virtues weighed; the generous ſacrifices of indigence; the ſhameful averice of wealth; recollect the heroic conduct of the private ſoldiers— the baſe treaſons of their officers; the invincible courage; the magnanimous patience of the people —the vile egotiſm; the odious perfidy, of ſo many of the public functionaries.

BUT do not let us be ſurpriſed at the ſight of ſo much injuſtice, when we conſider the nation has juſt emerged from a ſtate of the deepeſt corruption; how could a great portion of our repreſentatives be expected to ſhew reſpect for humanity; to love equality, and believe in virtue.

UNFORTUNATE that we were! We were attempting to erect a temple to liberty, with hands yet galled with the chains of deſpotiſm. What was our former education, but a continual leſſon of ſelf-love and vanity? What were our cuſtoms, and what we called our laws, but a code of non-ſenſe and baſeneſs, in which men were claſſed in a whimſical gradation, and more or leſs deſpiſed, according to a multiplicity of fantaſtical diſtinctions?

TO deſpiſe and be deſpiſed; to creep to the ſeat of power; ſlaves and tyrants by turns—one moment kneeling before a maſter, the next trampling under feet the people: ſuch was our fate; ſuch was our ambition, of almoſt all of us; whether well born, lawyers or financiers; whether councellors, or belonging to the army. Is it to be wondered at, that ſo many conceited merchants; ſo many vain cits held in ſovereign contempt the claſs of artiſans, when they in their turn were treated in the ſame manner by the nobility? Oh what a noble pride! Oh! the wonderful education! And yet it is for this that the happineſs of the world is checked! For this the boſom of our country is torn by traitors! For this the ſavage ſatellites of the deſpots of Europe have deſtroyed our crops; burnt our cities; maſſacreed our women and children. The blood of 300 thouſand Frenchmen has been ſhed, and perhaps an equal number are yet to periſh; that the plain farmer ſhould not hold a ſeat in the ſenate with the rich dealer in grain; that the artiſan ſhould not have a vote in the aſſemblies of the people, as well as the illuſtrious merchant or the preſuming lawyer; and that the poor, but intelligent and virtuous citizen be not allowed to appear as becomes a man in the preſence of the wealthy and profligate fool.

INFATUATED men, you who cry out for maſters, that you may have no equals; do you believe then that the tyrants will agree to realize the dreams of your preſumptuous vanity and baſe cupidity? Do you believe that the people, after having conquered for liberty, and ſhed their blood in the defence of their country, when you repoſed in the arms of indulgence and luxury, or conſpired againſt them, will ſuffer you to enſlave them? No—if you reſpect neither humanity, juſtice nor honor, at leaſt ſtudy your intereſt as far as it reſpects your treaſures, which have no other enemy than the exceſs of human miſery, which you ſo imprudently aggravate.—But what reaſoning can weigh with proud ſlaves? The voice of truth thundering in a depraved heart, reſembles thoſe ſounds which are heard in funeral vaults without awakening the dead.

YOU then, to whom liberty and your country is dear, undertake alone the taſk of ſaving the public weal, and ſince the moment when its darkeſt dangers appear to call for your whole attention, is when an attempt is made to raiſe the edifice of the conſtitution with improper haſte, found it at leaſt upon the eternal baſis of truth. Eſtabliſh as a firſt principle, that the people are good; their delegates corruptible; that it is in the virtue and the ſovereignty of the people that a preſervative againſt the vices and deſpotiſm of government is to be found.

FROM the principle I have endeavored to eſtabliſh, let us now draw ſome conſequences uſeful in practice, which may form a ſolid baſis for a free conſtitution.

THE corruption of governments flows from exceſs of powers, and their independence of the ſovereign: Find a remedy for this two-fold abuſe.

FIRST leſſen the influence of magiſtrates.— Hitherto politicians, who have appeared to make ſome efforts, leſs to defend liberty, than modify tyranny, have only been able ro ſuggeſt two modes of effecting this—the balance of powers, and tribunes for the people.

AS to the balance of powers, we may have been the dupes of that illuſion, at a time when faſhion appeared to require of us to give a mark of applauſe grateful to our neighbours, at a time when our own degradation left us to admire all foreign inſtitutions with any thing like a ſhadow of liberty to recommend them. But with little reflection, it is eaſy to perceive, that that balance muſt be either a chimera or a ſcourge; that it ſuppoſes the government a total nullity, did it not neceſſarily occaſion a league between the rival powers againſt the people; for it muſt eaſily be perceived, that they will rather agree among themſelves, than call in the ſovereign to judge in his own cauſe. Witneſs England, where the gold and power of the monarch always inclines the ſcale on one ſide, where the oppoſition party appears to ſolicit a reform in the national repreſentation only to retard it, in concert with the majority, which they ſeem combating; a ſpecies of government monſtrous, where the ſocial virtues are only to be found in appearance; where the phantom of liberty excludes the reality; where law ſanctifies deſpotiſm, and the rights of the people are the objects of open traffic; where corruption is even diſengaged from the ſhackles of modeſty. And what are to us the contrivances that balance a tyrannic authority! It is tyranny itſelf that muſt be extirpated. It is not during the differences of their maſters only, that the people wiſh to breath a few moments; it is in their own ſtrength they ſhould repoſe for the ſecurity of their rights; for the ſame reaſon I am not in favor of tribunes; hiſtory has not taught me to reſpect them.

I WILL truſt ſo great an intereſt (that of the people) with no one man—they are all weak and corruptible. Protection from tribunes, preſuppoſes the people ſlaves. I do not like to ſee the Romen people retiring to the holy mount, and thence aſking for protectors from a deſpotic ſenate or inſolent patricians; I wiſh them to remain in Rome, and thence to drive all tyrants. I hate as much as I hate thoſe patricians themſelves, and I deſpiſe much more, the ambitious tribunes, thoſe vile proxies for the people, who ſell to the wealthy of Rome, their ſpeeches and their ſilence, and who only defended their rights now and then, better to bargain when they come to barter them for gold. There is but one tribune of the people that I can acknowledge—the people themſelves; it is to each ſection of the French Republic, that I wiſh to confide the power of tribune; and it will be eaſy to organize them in ſuch a manner as to free them from the ſtorms of abſolute democracy, and the perfidious calm of repreſentative deſpotiſm. But before we think of placing barriers to protect civil liberty againſt the overflowings of the power of magiſtrates, let us firſt define the juſt limits of that power.

A FIRST rule to attain this end is, to fix ſhort periods from one election to another, applying this principle in an inverſe ratio to the quantum of power entruſted.

2d. ESTABLISH, that no one ſhall hold more offices than one at the ſame time.

3d. THAT the powers be divided. It is better to multiply public officers, than truſt to a few, a formidable power; let legiſlation and execution be totally ſeparated.

LET the various departments in the execution be entruſted to different hands, and to as many hands as the nature of the buſineſs will allow.

ONE of the great faults of the preſent organization is, the too great extent of each of the miniſterial departments, in which are collected various branches of adminiſtration very diſtinct in their nature.

PUBLIC opinion ought to be the guide of men in public life, and public men ſhould not attempt to guide or form public opinion.

I SHALL be aſked, perhaps, how, with ſuch ſevere reſtraints upon public functionaries, I can ſecure obedience to the laws and government? I anſwer, that thereby I ſtrengthen that ſecurity; by thoſe very precautions I give to the laws and government the influence I take from the vices of men who govern and make laws.

THE reſpect which a public functionary inſpires, depends much more upon the reſpect he ſhews for the laws, than on the power he uſurps—and the power of the laws lies much leſs in the military force ready to enfore them, than on their agreeing with the principles of juſtice and the general will. When the law has for baſis the intereſt of the people, it will have the people for ſupport, and its energy will reſt upon the energy of the whole community, of which it is the work.

THE general will and public force have the ſame origin; the public force is to the political body, what the arm is to the human body, executing what the will commands, and repelling every thing that menaces the head and heart.

WHEN the public force ſeconds the general will, the country is free and quiet; when they differ, the country is either enſlaved or its tranquillity diſturbed.

THE public force contradicts the general will in two inſtances; either when the law is not an expreſſion of the general will, or when the magiſtrate employs it to violate the law. Such was the horrid anarchy that tyrants have ever eſtabliſhed, under the name of tranquillity, good order, legiſlation and government. All their arts conſiſts in inſulating and oppreſſing each citizen with the public force; to render them all ſlaves to their caprice, which they dignify by the name of law. Legiſlators enact juſt laws—magiſtrates cauſe them to be punctually executed, and you will give to the world a new ſpectacle, that of a great people, free and virtuous.

THE age of reaſon and philoſophy has at length arrived, and begins to illuminate the world! While that veil of darkneſs, which ſpread itſelf over all nations, was faithfully preſerved by the pious alliance of CHURCH and ſtate, the earth wore a wretched aſpect, and humanity wept for the miſeries of man. But when enlightened men began to examine the cauſe of human wretchedneſs, and by their efforts had penetrated the ſecret corruption of royal courts, the pillars of deſpotiſm were ſhaken to the foundation. King-craft and prieſt-craft, thoſe mighty enemies to reaſon and liberty, were ſtruck with death by the genius of 1776. For ſeventween years they have been decaying under the influence of a mortal wound, and now in the laſt ſtage of their exiſtence, like a drowning man catching at a ſtraw, one more deſperate effort is making to preſerve them from inevitable deſtruction. But they are ſummoned with a mighty voice to the dark abodes of oblivion, "to which I wiſh them a ſpeedy and unobſtructed paſſage," never more to raiſe again to ſcatter miſchief among deluded nations.

IN this view of the ſubject, and conſidering the conſequences, it is impoſſible not to admire the manly firmneſs which dictated the declaration of American Independence. Thoſe bold patriots deſerve, and will undoubtedly obtain the thanks and applauſe of all poſterity. How much is it to be lamented, that any whoſe names we ſee affixed to that great inſtrument, ſhould at this day afford good ground of ſuſpicion, that their political principles are directed to the total deſtruction of LIBERTY and EQUALITY. But the genious of liberty is rouſing from ſlumber, and will eventually emancipate the world. Beware, ye American ariſtocrats! your principles and efforts are leading you to a precipice, from which the juſt reſentment and indignation of an injured people will hurl you into eternal infamy. Civil and religious oppreſſion will not gain much ground in the American world, though attempts are making to effectuate both. If the cauſe of France, which is the great cauſe of human nature, ſhould ſucceed, then farewell kings, ariſtocrats, and the long catalogue of clerical impoſitions—impoſitions which have robbed man of his greateſt dignity, and cloſed every avenue of independent reflection. Indeed, had it not been that the clergy gained a complete aſcendency over the minds of men, the civil oppreſſions of the world would long ſince have tumbled into ruin. But living on the ſpoils of the people, it was eaſy for theſe impoſtors to preach up the beauty and excellency of humiliating poverty, that they themſelves might riot upon the luxuries of the earth. And thus while they degraded the human character and feaſted on the iniquitous profits, they aided the already too potent arm of the civil tyrant, and prepared every living creature for the completeſt ſlavery.

HOW lamentable is it, that religion, which ought to unite all hearts, ſhould ſo often be made uſe of as a cloak for the commiſſion of the greateſt crimes, and by thoſe very men too, who have ſo often impoſed themſelves upon the world as perſons of ſuperior ſanctity and virtue. I do not mean to inſinuate in this place that there are not virtuous and upright individuals among this body of men; but, take them as a body, they have done infinite miſchief, and many of them merit the curſes of the preſent and all future ages. In juſtice, however, to the American clergy, it ought to be obſerved, that in effecting our revolution, many of them by their precepts and example afforded great ſervice, and were truly valuable members of the community. I wiſh it could be ſaid at this day, that none of them aſſumed the myſterious carriage and imaginary dignity of an European biſhop. In the ſtate of Connecticut, they are thought generally to have deviated from the revolutionary principles of 1776. "The clergy in Connecticut (ſays Mr. Morſe) have hitherto preſerved a kind of ariſtocratical balance in the very democratical government of the ſtate; which has happily operated as a check upon the overbearing ſpirit of republicaniſm." [MORSE'S GEOG.]

BUT the enlightened friends of humanity, may congratulate each other upon a glorious proſpect. The empire of reaſon will ſoon ſweep from off the earth this bundle of nonſenſe and oppreſſion, and permanently fix the attention of the human mind upon a point eſſential to its dignity and happineſs. Already have the two revolutions of America and France awakened in the intellectual world a new energy of thought, and turned the purſuit of man upon ſcientific principle into the path of liberal diſcuſſion. Previous to theſe great events—events unparelleled in the hiſtory of ages, every purſuit of man was tinctured with the deſpotiſm of church and ſtate. Scarcely a ſingle art or ſcience could be independently inveſtigated without fear and trembling; at leaſt it was firſt to be enquired how the proof of any propoſition would affect the power and influence of thoſe two holy ſiſters, who ſubjugated the earth in perpetual bondage. The rights, dignities, and eſſential privileges of the human race, were buried in the gulph of royal and clerical avarice and deception. But theſe days of fanaticiſm and oppreſſion are vaniſhing away, and the philoſophy of the human mind is making deep reſearches, to develope the nature of thoſe principles, which will afford a permanent hope to the wretched in every part of the world.

THE cries of millions of innocent ſufferers are calling aloud upon reaſon and philoſophy to come forth to their aid, and lead them with a powerful hand to the land of light and joy. And it is a matter of unuſual conſolation, that the two great events, previouſly mentioned, have ſo far contributed to ſtimulate reflecting men to inveſtigate the principles of nature, as leads to a hope, that a laſting ſource of felicity may be eſtabliſhed for the great family of mankind. Not much longer ſhall ſuperſtitious impoſtors decimate the fruits of man's induſtry: but the principles of government, religion, literature, and morals, ſhall receive that candid and impartial diſcuſſion, which the nature and importance of the ſeveral ſubjects require. Already great improvements have been made, and though many are in dread of innovations, yet I conceive no good ground of apprehenſion has been ſhewn on theſe ſubjects.

THE philoſophy of this age, teaches the moſt pure and unadulterated morality; and ſtripping religion of its myſteries and external trappings, will preſent it to the view of the human mind in more beautiful and attractive charms: ſo that in every point of view, theſe great political events will ſerve to ameliorate the condition of the human race.