THE defects of the old Articles of Confederation were univerſally felt, and acknowledged, and a diſſolution of the federal Compact appeared to be the inevitable conſequence, of a pertinacious adherence, to a ſyſtem ſo inadequate. It neither provided the means of internal ſafety, nor external defence. A truth ſo apparent, that thoſe who oppoſe the preſent ſyſtem, do not rely on the old "Articles of Confederation:" but as there is no alternative, boldly aſſert that a diſſolution of the Union, would be preferable to an efficient federal Government.

The indulgence of a candid Audience, is therefore requeſted, while we revert to the enquiry, Is an efficient federal Government eſſential to the peace and happineſs of this country?

I am ſenſible that a ſubject which has been ſo often handled, like a thrice told tale, palls upon the ſenſe: Yet as I cannot chuſe my field, and as the path is pointed out in which I muſt follow—their patience is ſolicited: and beſides, however irkſome the diſcuſſion, the ſubject is of importance.

My audience will likewiſe pardon the many inaccuracies which will appear, in a haſty diſſertation; as many circumſtances prevented an attention to the ſubject till within a ſhort time.

The deſign of goverment is to protect the life and property of the ſubject, and that government beſt anſwers the purpoſes of its inſtitution which moſt effectually ſecures the enjoyment of theſe; with the leaſt poſſible impeachment or diminution.

The reaſons which urge to an Union, go to the very eſſence of government, and involve in them the only means of providing for our external ſecurity and defence, or our internal ſafety and peace.

An extenſive ocean, it is true, ſeparates the eaſtern, from this weſtern hemiſphere, and many from thence infer, that nature has placed between them an inſuperable barrier; and that our political meaſures ſhould have no reference to the meaſures there purſued. But has ſhe placed an inſuperable barrier between their commercial intereſt, and ours? or has ſhe reſtricted the objects of ambitious purſuit? In the firſt diviſion of the ſubject, the protection of commerce ſtrikes the mind, as an object peculiarly important.

In the proſecution of this, our veſſels are already lead to traverſe ſeas contiguous to the dominions of every maritime power in Europe; and to circumſcribe the globe. And what can protect the adventurers in ſuch extenſive purſuits, from the inſults of the haughty, the reſtrictions of the deſigning, or the depredations of the lawleſs; but a reſpectable national character, and a ſufficient national force?

That the potentates of Europe are poſſeſſed of this haughty demeanor, I need not aſſert; nor that many of theſe look with a jealous eye, on the riſing greatneſs of this country, as being one day capable of rivaling and perhaps ſupplanting them in their moſt favorite plans of commerce. Theſe from motives of pride, rivalſhip, and intereſt, will oppoſe its progreſs. And what nation will ſubmit to the inſults of the haughty, the impoſitions of the deſigning, or the depredations of the lawleſs, merely from a jealouſy of each other? Americans will not. What has encouraged the exactions and impoſitions to which we have been obliged to ſubmit, but our own weakneſs! What, but this, has emboldened a neſt of pirates on the Barbary coaſt, to capture our merchantmen, and maſſacre their crews, or drag them into a ſlavery worſe than death!—Do not the lives, and ſufferings of our countrymen, (thus maſſacred and enſlaved) call aloud for indignation and vengeance, rather than for the ſtipulated reward of treacherous cruelty!

While a contracted policy, and jealouſy induce the powers of Europe to tolerate—to foſter in their boſoms ſuch ſtains to humanity; the Union will enable America to wipe them from the eſcutcheon of mankind.

I am ſenſible that many of the advocates for the power of annihilation, aware of the truth and force of theſe obſervations, ſtrike at the root, and deny the neceſſity of commerce▪ and would conſider the people of this country— "As fix'd like plants to ſome peculiar ſpot, To ſuck nutrition, propagate and rot"—

But why has the Almighty implanted in their breaſt, the ſpirit of enterprize; which no people in the univerſe ſeem to poſſeſs in a higher degree? And from whence are we to be ſupplied with the various exotic productions, which are not merely conducive to the enjoyment, but to the preſervation of life? Were we to depend on a precarious importation from foreigners, we ſhould find ourſelves much more in their power than we now are; and obliged to ſubmit to frauds and impoſitions, both as to value and quality, of their merchandize. Unable to furniſh ourſelves, they would ſend ſuch as would anſwer no other markets; and in ſuch ſcanty ſupplies as to demand their own price. Beſides the produce of our country, tho' of the moſt ſubſtantial kind, is ſuch as almoſt every country affords, and foreigners might not find ſuch a want of this as to induce the neceſſity of an application here. Eſpecially as thoſe powers, who are poſſeſſed of adjacent territory, would, for the purpoſes of emolument to themſelves, and detriment to us, endeavour to ſupply every market with the avails of their own colonies.

By reſtricting commerce, we ſhould cut off the life and ſource of induſtry; and pave the way for indolence, and a train of vices more deſtructive to community, than thoſe arts of elegance and 〈…〉 it is ſaid, and juſtly ſaid) are the concomitants 〈…〉 people will raiſe more than is ſufficient for their own conſumption, and to ſupply the demands of foreign markets. To evince this, I appeal to thoſe countries, which by their ſituation, are ſecluded from the benefits of commerce, or which have not the ſpirit to avail themſelves of their local advantages: Such being generally ſunk in ignorance, effeminacy and vice. And to what cauſe are we to impute the diſparity obſervable between the improved nations of Europe, and the moſt ignorant Horde of Tartars, or the moſt effeminate people of China or India, but to that ſpirit of enterprize, which animates the intercourſe of the former, and a deſtitution which ſinks the latter below the level of man?

In the firſt ſtages of ſociety, and when uncivilized by the arts of refinement, mankind are in a ſtate of hoſtility, and wage war as uniformly as the beaſts of the foreſt engage. Ancient Europe, and modern America, afford ſtriking ſpecimens of this. To meliorate the ferocity natural to the human mind, to enlarge its faculties, to eradicate local prejudices, and to extend the principles of toleration, are the effects of commercial intercourſe.

A communication with foreign powers, will on the principle of an equilibrum, attract from countries over ſtock'd with inhabitants, and thus prove a fruitful ſource of population an object of the greateſt importance in a territory of ſuch extenſive limits. But without an efficient federal government, even this would not take effect, as thoſe who have been accuſtomed to a regular adminiſtration, conſider a permanent ſyſtem as of the utmoſt importance, and the ſecurity of property as the great object of ſociety. Nor can our commerce be retrieved, or placed on a reſpectable footing, but by general meaſures wiſely concerted and ſtrictly adhered to.

The Briton on the North, the Spaniard on the South, and the Savage on the Weſt, add weight to theſe ſuggeſtions, and ſpeak more forcibly the neceſſity of uniting.

It is to little purpoſe to ſay that we are ſeparated from the two firſt by a watery tract of three thouſand miles extent; when by their territorial claims in this country they are bro't to our neighbourhood. By means of theſe it will be more peculiarly in their power to annoy our trade, and obſtruct our fiſheries, which, if protected, might prove the means of ſupport to the induſtrious, and a ſource of wealth to the community. And have they not ſhewn a diſpoſition to avail themſelves of every circumſtance to our diſadvantage? They prohibit us the navigation of the ſeas and the entrance of rivers common to both; they exclude us their harbours; and to enforce theſe mortifying reſtrictions, ſeize our veſſels with inſtances of conduct the moſt cruel and unjuſt, and even inſult our weakneſs by withholding thoſe places ceded to us by the treaty of peace, and which might be ſome ſecurity againſt further encroachments. "If theſe things are done in the green tree, what will be done in the dry!" If theſe things are done when we are in ſome meaſure united, what may we not expect when diſunited and perhaps contending among ourſelves? Our apprehenſions will be further awakened on this ſubject when we conſider, that by their increaſe of power in theſe ſettlements which continually populate, they may at ſome future period endanger our exiſtence as ſtates.

The dread of the ſavage tribes extends, at preſent, no farther than to thoſe places immediately expoſed to their predatory incurſions. At ſome future period however, they may excite a more ſerious alarm. Their dominion is even now over empires ſtill unexplored, and they poſſeſs all that devoted attachment to the national cauſe, that martial enthuſiaſm and patience of fatigue which have always conſtituted the moſt eſſential ingredients in military atchievement. 'Twas thus the Romans were invincible, and by theſe united with a religious zeal, the Moors, the Arabs, and the Saracens form'd that irreſiſtible torrent, which under Mahomet and his ſucceſſors, with a deſolating force overſpread half the world. And the want of effect ſo conſpicuous in the preſent operations of the ſavage tribes, ought to be imputed more to their want of union, and conſequent deſultory mode of attack, than to any other cauſe; but ſhould ſome Tamerlane ariſe among their ſcattered Hordes, they might ſtill be formidable, eſpecially if aſſiſted by the neighbouring powers.

Such are the dangers which threaten from without; and ſhall we tamely ſubmit to every exaction, and neglect to provide the means of defence; or ſhall we not avail ourſelves of our own natural advantages?—That general meaſures only can operate effectually to theſe great purpoſes, and that an efficient federal government is neceſſary in concerting or enforcing a compliance with theſe, is evident from the conduct of the ſtates even during the war. In times of danger, individual intereſt is forgotten in the general concern. And the war we ſhould ſuppoſe would have been a ſufficient memento to the ſtates to act in concert and in conformity to the general meaſures: Yet this was not found ſufficient. Many of the ſtates during the period of the utmoſt danger, were totally regardleſs of the general intereſt and ſafety—ſeeking amidſt the common calamity to promote their own particular views, and to eſtabliſh claims in themſelves unjuſt, and leaving the ſtates deſtitute of the means of ſupporting even defenſive operations, (ſuch was the contrariety of intereſts) and thoſe ſeeds of diſaffection and diſſention had then taken root, the rapid growth of which has ſince occaſioned the moſt ſerious alarm.

And ſuffer me now to call your attention to thoſe conſiderations which come ſtill nearer, and which ariſe within the ſtates themſelves.

"Neighbouring nations," ſays a writer of note, "are natural enemies to each other." Jealouſy of power, and contrariety of intereſt are ſufficient to awaken an apprehenſion of injury, and experience proves how often this riſes into action; to which ſource may be traced almoſt every war of which hiſtory treats. And the more nearly they are connected, the more inveterate is their animoſity; unleſs there exiſts a general power as a common arbiter. Greece, while divided into diſtinct ſtates, and till ſubjected by a foreign power, exhibited a continued ſcene of horror, bloodſhed and confuſion. England during the Heptarchy, and England & Scotland till the Union, exhibited a ſimilar ſcene. But not to multiply examples from the ſame cauſes, may we not expect ſimilar effects? And ought we not to uſe every precaution to guard againſt ſuch an event? War is dreadful! but ſhield thou Guardian Power this country from the horrors of civil diſcord! And when we find in addition to thoſe which generally exiſt, many cauſes of diſſention peculiar to theſe ſtates; our apprehenſion of the conſequences, and endeavors to guard againſt theſe ſhould be proportionably increaſed. A rivalſhip in trade, and the impoſts and exactions of particular ſtates, would prove no inconſiderable ſcource of animoſity. The territory ceded to the Union by the treaty, would be an object, and probably the ſubject of contention. The interfering claims of different ſtates to the ſame territory would lead to a ſimilar iſſue. The general debt of the confederacy both from the mode of adjuſtment, and mode of payment, would involve many difficulties; the inability of ſome ſtates, the diſaffection or diſhoneſty of others, would each occaſion deficiences & delays, which would excite the clamors of domeſtic creditors, and the reſentment of ſtates more punctual in their engagements; while foreign creditors would probably ſpeak a more energetic language, and by the aſſiſtance of national authority, reſort to a compulſory recompence.

It is ſuggeſted, that there can be no danger of a war between theſe States, as they could derive no advantage therefrom. Nor are the combatants in private quarrels benefited thereby; yet both ſtates and individuals will reſort the ultima ratio. But wars it is ſaid are undertaken to gratify the ambitious projects of a few, and the people have no concern in their origin. I believe we ſhall find, however, that moſt wars have originated, from the diſpoſition of the people; whoſe reſentment generally anticipates the views of their rulers; & often contrary to their wiſh, precipitates them into meaſures in conformity thereto. Inſtances of this occur frequently in the hiſtory of England and other countries. This ſpirit is moſt prevalent in popular governments, and theſe moſt frequently undertake wars from petty provocations and trifling cauſes, being more under the influence of turbulence and faction. The examples of Greece, Carthage, the ſtates of Italy, and the United Netherlands, authorize this aſſertion. It is again, however urged, that from the mild effects of the Chriſtian Religion, or from ſome other cauſe, the ferocity of mankind is ſoftened, and that they are much leſs inclined to war than in former ages.—I have heard of an individual, but never of a national Chriſtian, and the frequent and recent inſtances which we have of the contrary diſpoſition in the examples above refer'd to, and others which might be adduced, ſufficiently refute the aſſertion, and prove that mankind are ſtill the ſame.—But we come now to the great ſpecific of theſe political quacks—the people of theſe States (ſay they) are too wife, and juſt to contend with each other. Altho' the Utopian idea of the reign of reaſon and perfect juſtice is long ſince exploded; yet theſe viſionaries adopt an idea equally abſurd. A review of the conduct of the States, and the ſituation of the country when the Convention met, will correct this erroneous hypotheſis, and furniſh additional motives to embrace the Union. The total neglect of particular ſtates, even in time of danger, to provide their quotas for the common defence, diſcover'd the folly, of mere requiſition. An avoidance of many of the articles of the treaty, by ſeveral ſtates, involved the reſidue in the diſagreeable conſequences of a freſh breach of national faith; ſhewed how far their political honeſty might be relied on, and would at ſome future period have been attended with more ſerious effects; and I wiſh this State did not juſtly come under the imputation. In fine, the ruin of our trade, our ſhip-yards deſerted, our harbours without ſhipping, the loſs of public credit, the poverty of our country, and the burdens of the day, were but a ſmall part of the catalogue of our diſtreſſes.

The political horoſcope wore a moſt threatening aſpect—the cloud of diſcontent hung over our heads like the flaming ſword over the devoted city; and the ruſhing, rough blaſt of commotion already prognoſticated, the burſting of the ſtorm! States ſtood watching with eager looks, and waiting for the ſignal of onſet; and had, e'er this, unſheated their ſwords in their diviſions againſt each other, or in their rebellions againſt themſelves. Anarchy, with his many heads, and Diſcord, with her flaming torches, were diſcovered in all their ghaſtly ſhapes, and the welkin involv'd in a darker gloom, preſented in proſpect, the country deſolated with all the horrors, and diſtreſſes of civil war! But the recital is painful—And hide, oh! hide from view, the hideous group! and ſee the curtain drop—the ſpirit of conciliation hovers o'er the land! and the Sun of union has ariſen!

Such, and many additional reaſons which might be ſuggeſted 〈◊〉 the neceſſity of an efficient federal government. The objections to such a ſyſtem will now claim your attention.

"That the ſyſtem is new, and that every innovation is dangerous and detrimental," like many ſuggeſtions of bigoted form-wife politicians, ariſes from want of information; or that incorrigible temper which induces its votaries to reject every improvement of modern date; and every truth which their grand mothers have not taught them.

It is from this principle that certain nations ſtill adhere to thoſe prepoſterous cuſtoms, which their fore-fathers had practiſed. It is from this principle that the diſciples of Mahomet & Confucius reverence the chapter of the Sheep, and believe in the doctrine of the Aveſta,—The thunders of the Conclave and the flames of the Inquiſition were long level'd at the germe of inquiry & blighted the expanding bud: And even the inventors or abettors of the true ſyſtem of the univerſe were oblig'd to renounce the diſcovery as a dangerous hereſy.

This diſpoſition will equally arreſt the progreſs of arts and the progreſs of truth: reaſon becomes the dupe of prejudice, deductions vain, and every diſquiſition civil or religious ends in thus it has been held and ſo believed. Nothing ſo much as this prevents man from being as perfect as reaſon can make him; nothing ſo much as this the univerſal ſpread of truth. When, Oh when ſhall the time arrive that the inhabitant of the Ganges and the Rio de la Plate ſhall acknowledge the ſame belief! then ſhall prejudice, bigotry and illuſion be diſſipated, this and this ſhall be the reign of truth!

'But why (it is ſaid) ſhould we wiſh for a change of ſyſtem, ſince no people in the univerſe are happier than were the people of theſe, and of this ſtate in particular, under the former arrangement?' A change of circumſtances renders neceſſary a change of meaſures. We were formerly a minor under the tuition of a guardian; we are now an independent ſtate; and the other ſtates are alike ſituated: we muſt now conſider, and treat them, for ſuch will be their conduct to us, as rivals in intereſt and power, or as equals and confederates. We have found how totally inadequate the former ſyſtem of confederation has proved; and how many objects of rivalſhip may ariſe. Should we not therefore endeavour to avoid the miſchiefs which we have experienced, and others which may enſue? And why ſhould the accidental or arbitrary lines drawn by Great-Britain, in the diviſion or diſtribution of this country ſtill be adhered to, if found inconvenient? Is it to gratify a prepoſterous habit or attachment? or to ſubſerve the purpoſes of certain individuals, intereſted in the continuance of the ſtate eſtabliſhments?

'The territory of theſe States, (ſay the objectors) is too large for a republican form of government.' That a republican form of government, is calculated only for ſmall diſtricts, is an idea derived by not attending to the diſtinction between a democracy, and a republic.

In a democracy, the people deliberate in a body; in a republic, they may act by their repreſentatives. There are many writers, and among thoſe of modern authority, Monteſquieu, Hume, Price, Adams and others, who point out a republic, or a confederated republic, as the moſt eligible form of government, for an extenſive territory.

"But how (it is ſaid) will the people know thoſe whom they elect to office." To obviate this, the choice may be, and in fact by the preſent Conſtitution, is made by diſtricts or ſtates. And the acquaintance which thoſe appointed have with each part of the Confederacy, will enable them to judge of the reſources of each.

'That no general rule of taxation can be deviſed, to operate equally thro' the ſtates,' is an objection which may be made, to every mode of taxation, in the moſt petty diſtrict; and in the preſent inſtance is premature. The reſources of the confederated whole, will be conſiderable, by the ſale of the unappropriated lands—by impoſts & other ſumptuary regulations, which to the ſeparate ſtates, or to the ſtates when divided into partial confederacies, would be ſunk to nothing, for want of ſome general rule of collection, or which would be worſe ſquandered in a contention to decide the right, or rather the power of appropriation: for in ſuch caſes the power would commonly decide the right. By an oeconimical application of theſe reſources, direct taxation for the exigencies of the union may be avoided. Nor is it an idea that it will be neceſſary, unleſs on ſome unforeſeen emergency, which it is hoped will never take place.

In anſwer to theſe, ſome of the advantages of an extenſive, confederate republic will be adverted to, and on this ſubject the venerable Monteſquieu obſerves, "There is a kind of government poſſeſſed of all the internal advantages of a republic and external force of a monarchy. This is a confederate republic, being a convention, by which ſeveral ſmaller ſtates agree to become members of a larger one, and is an aſſemblage of ſocieties capable of increaſing by new aſſociations.

A republic of this kind, able to withſtand external force, may ſubſiſt without internal corruption, and by its form, prevents all manner of inconveniencies.

The intrigues of party will not influence public deciſions, as in a ſmall diſtrict; nor has an individual that opportunity to raiſe himſelf above the controul of the law. "Should a popular inſurrection happen in one of the confederated ſtates, the others are able to quell it. Should abuſes creep into one part, they are reformed by thoſe that remain ſound." And ſuch a government, compoſed of ſmall republics enjoys the internal happineſs of each."

But why, (it may be aſked) if ſuch are the advantages, of an extenſive, confederate republic, have we not more frequent inſtances of theſe, among the nations of the world?—It would be an herculean taſk, unleſs every circumſtance favour'd the event, to perſuade the people of any extenſive territory, to ſubmit to an uniform plan, or ſyſtem of government. So uncertain the popular deciſion, and ſo different their opinions, on the moſt common, and yet intereſting ſubjects. Of this we had ſufficient evidence in the late public deliberations; in which, however, a remarkable coincidence of circumſtances occur'd. By contraſting the ſituation of this, and other countries, we ſhall find reaſons which would here juſtify the wiſh, and would there preclude the poſſibility of ſucceſs.

Here a ſimilarity of language prevailed; there a confuſion or contrariety of languages ſoon took place; ſtrong prejudices and local attachments had not here taken root, as was the caſe with other countries at a much earlier period than that of which hiſtory treats; here the people were at liberty to deliberate; there the people were ſhackled with deſpotic forms, and bound in chains beyond the poſſibility of reprieve, before government was conſidered as an art; before they had deliberated on the ſubject, or even conſidered themſelves as intereſted in the deciſion. Here a general toleration of religious ſentiment and an uniformity of principle was a moſt happy omen. There ſyſtems of bigotry and a ſpirit of intolerance had early cloſed the avenues of coalition. Yet even there Henry the Great, and Fourth of France, and Elizabeth, of illuſtrious memory, form'd the plan of a confederate republic, comprehending the powers of Europe. Happy would it have been for mankind had this ſyſtem of philanthropy taken place; it would have done away that contracted policy, and by conſtituting a common arbiter, have eradicated thoſe ſeeds of jealouſy, which had before, and which have ſince involved the nations in many a bloody conflict.

If ſuch the happy concurrence of circumſtances, how unpardonable ſhould we be to neglect the preſent opportunity to eſtabliſh the peace and freedom of an extenſive continent? Such an event, by creating a balance in favor of univerſal liberty, would conſtitute America the common arbiter and avenger of the injured rights of mankind, and conſtrain the kings and rulers of the earth to "reign with more mildneſs and mercy."

Some, however, object to the form of the confederacy, and aſſert, 'that a connexion with the ſouthern ſtates will precipitate us into many diſagreeable conſequences.' We ſhould ſuppoſe by the language held forth on this occaſion, that any correſpondence with them would be attended with a contagious effect; but experience on the trial diſcovers advantages both political and moral in the union.

'Their ideas of government, it is ſaid, are carried much beyond our principle or ability.' This objection, like many others, is unfounded in fact, and made to excite the apprehenſions of the uninformed. Were not the governments in the ſouthern and northern ſtates equally democratical? and are they not equally ſo at the preſent time, and the ſpirit of the people equally oppoſed to the encroachments of an Ariſtocracy?

It is ſaid, "they are depraved." In every country indeed there is a mixture of the virtuous and vicious▪ but are thoſe who ſuggeſt this without a fault?—Precious immaculates!—But you are not obliged to contract from them their vicious habits, either by a moral neceſſity, or by the articles of the compact!

To correct, however, an opinion ſo erroneous, as that the Southern States are remarkably depraved, we need only point to the many exemplary, and illuſtrious characters, who from that part of the union, during the late war, guided the councils of America; and directed her arms. And among theſe we contemplate with pleaſure, the moſt diſtinguiſh'd ornament of the preſent age, his country's boaſt; and ſince the myſtic, Heaven's beſt gift to man.

"They are rich" it is ſaid, "and we poor." But do we not find the ſame ſimplicity of manners generally prevalent thro' the whole? and is not the uniformity ſurpriſing, making allowance for the difference of climate, and the frequent acceſſion of foreigners there made?—Are they not brothers,—bone of our bone, and fleſh of our fleſh, for many of their leading men are from among us; ſpeaking the ſame language, and differing leſs than people of the ſame diſtrict often differ in other countries? Indeed, I conſider the difference which ſubſiſts, as a happy circumſtance. We can ſupply each other with the productions of every climate; if they are poſſeſſed of a more profitable ſtaple, and import more freely, we ſhall partake of the benefits of an impoſt ariſing therefrom: they will add to our reſources, and we ſhall add to their ſtrength. Beſides, erecting diſtinct confederacies, would be creating powerful rivals; and preſenting them with arms, which ſoon they would plunge to each others hearts.

"But this will induce" it is ſaid, "the neceſſity of paying the national debt." And have they the effrontery to urge this as a reaſon againſt its adoption? If it will enforce a compliance with the calls of juſtice and humanity, it will, and certainly ought to have the ſufferage of every honeſt mind; a neglect of which has already deprived the decrepid, the widow, and the fatherleſs, of that pittance for which they had ſuffered—for which their huſbands and fathers had bled; and conſtrained them to pine in ſilence, and ſolitude, the want of that little all; which altho' it could not have dried their tears, might have relieved their diſtreſs. May the time arrive, when their acknowledgements ſhall ariſe, like incenſe before the throne of the great Avenger of wrongs, and with the effuſions of gratitude, waſh away the record of their ſufferings!

"But the tendency of this ſyſtem, ſay its oppoſers, is to form a national character, and to give theſe ſtates a degree of importance and weight with the other powers, and no nation which is or aims to be great can be happy."—Be little and be happy, is their motto. I had always imbibed an idea, that a good character was beneficial both to nations and to individuals. If to be contemptible and inſignificant contributes to their felicity, they are in the direct road to the accompliſhment of their wiſhes: God grant, however, that this country may never practiſe the principles which they inculcate." "But is not this (they aſk) a mere bubble, in which the great body of the people are not intereſted, and by which a few only are benefited?" A national character is the ſoul of ſociety, and each individual feels its influence; it is like blood to the human body of which every part partakes.—And ill betides the ſtate whoſe meaneſt ſubject is not jealous of her' rights, and emulous of her glory: it is the firmeſt bulwark of the commonwealth.—The ideas of a Roman and his country were inſeperable; and a Britiſh tar will ſacrifice his life for the honor of Old-England. Now is the ſon of Columbia deaf to her calls? follow him to his cottage which he has rear'd by his induſtry, and from which he has taught the foreſt to retire; is not this dear to him? would it be ſo if under the deſpot of Conſtantinople, or dey of Algiers? And is it not doubly dear for his country's ſake? View him in the little circle of his family and neighbours; he recounts the names of thoſe who have done honor to their country; he recites their actions; and derives an importance from the recital. Name the injuries which his country has received, his cheek glows with indignation, and he flies forth to meet the aggreſſor: mention the deed of ſhame in which ſhe bore a part, he hangs his head, the conſcious bluſh paſſes over his countenance; it is the bluſh of ſhame. Reſt in peace thou honeſt ſon of induſtry, and may the conſcious bluſh again ne'er tinge thy cheek. Mayeſt thou enjoy the fruits of thy labour, and ſacred may they remain. Nor ſhall thy hard earnings be applied to ſupport an idle pageantry and a voluptuous court: for not ſuch will be the conſequence of an inſtitution, form'd equally to promote your happineſs and ſecurity.—May thy country ſtill be dear, and long mayeſt thou remain her ſtrength and pride.

"But it will involve us in all the maze of European politics."—In which inſtance, however, are we moſt likely to become dupes to the policy of other powers, in our ſeparate capacity, or under the preſent ſyſtem? This queſtion, from the obſervations which have been made, and others which will occur, admits of an eaſy ſolution. As diſtinct ſtates we ſhould neither maintain a dignity of conduct, or independence of character; we ſhould be the puppets of the play, play'd off againſt each other for the amuſement of the performers, and to ſubſerve the purpoſes of thoſe concern'd in the management of the ſcene.

But here the appointment of Ambaſſadors, Placemen, and Penſioners, is like a hedious apparition, conjured up to diſturb the diſordered imaginations of theſe political knights-errant; and which, Quixote like, they encounter with all fury and formality of the Wind-mill Brethren. Unfortunately for them, but fortunately for us, the reality does not exiſt under the preſent ſyſtem: for the ſyſtem has not begun its operation: and there is no clauſe providing that ſuch an arrangement ſhall take place. The appointment of ambaſſadors and other officers will be under the direction of thoſe whom we ſhall conſtitute, and will not take place but for the general good. If unneceſſary offices have been eſtabliſh'd theſe may be aboliſh'd: and we truſt in the wiſdom and integrity of our Rulers, to leſſen as much as poſſible, the burdens of the day; and to guard againſt every unneceſſary impoſition.

The rapid progreſs of the ſtates in improvements of every kind, the inſtitution of cities, and the eſtabliſhment of the Cincinnati, are likewiſe call'd forth from the dark cavern of jealouſy and ſuſpicion to frighten and intimidate the weak; and with as much propriety and judgment as many ſilly people call on Grey-beard and Bloody-bones to frighten their children. Were ſuch groundleſs apprehenſions to govern our deciſion, we ſhould endeavor to arreſt the progreſs of every improvement, and relapſe as ſoon as poſſible into a ſtate of nature.—It is not the introduction of arts, it is not the progreſs of improvement which accelerates the ruin of kingdoms, and the diſſolution of empires; but theſe are their ſureſt ſupport. And in conformity to this ſentiment, an obſerving foreigner ſpeaking of the American Revolution remarks, That it exhibits at one point of view, the experience of age, with the honeſt energy of youth.

How the late inſtitution of cities has or can prove unfavorable to liberty, except that of the briſtly herd, I am unable to diſcover; perhaps it was on that ground that the objection aroſe. How far the matchleſs pen of a—might be able to effect a revolution in favor of that much injured ſpecies of animals, I will not pretend to ſay. It would at leaſt be employed with as little detriment to the peace and good order of ſociety, as on ſome late occaſions.

And why thou diſciple of Edanus, this wanton attack on the members of a ſociety, the idea of which is founded in patriotiſm and benevolence? Is it their characters againſt which you object? Their characters are as much above the ſhafts of your cenſure or calumny, as the utmoſt effort of my praiſe or approbation. Or would you wiſh Americans to revive the puniſhment of the Oſtraciſm, and proſcribe every virtue?—This alas would be a cruel retribution for thoſe ſervices, by which they have eſtabliſhed the freedom of their country, and their own immortal fame!

Is it the inſtitution which you diſapprove? This is ſacred to the offices of friendſhip and humanity.—After a ſeries of ſervices and common danger, the fatigues of which they had endured with a patient fortitude, & which had endeared them to each other; might they not at the moment of ſeparation indulge the ſad, but ſoothing reflection, that they ſhould again meet, with at leaſt ſome of the companions of their ſufferings? when they might renew the image of former days, or drop the tear of ſympathy to the memory of thoſe whoſe hearts no longer beat with the thrillings of ſocial joy; and who were no longer ſeen in the circle of the brave! At the threſhold of this inſtitution ſtand benevolence and humanity, and caſt the pitying eye and ſtretch the liberal hand to the neceſſitous, to the companion in want, to the widow, and to the orphan in diſtreſs.

Or is it the conduct of theſe which excites the cenſure? "I venerate," ſays the ſame philanthropic foreigner, "the ſoul of a WASHINGTON, that great man, whom our fooliſh opinions and ideas of falſe glory, have never led one ſtep beyond that patriotic barrier which he had preſcribed to himſelf: And who having drawn his ſword to defend his country, had crown'd the durable pyramid of his immortal fame; and raiſed his greatneſs to the moſt elevated pitch in the very act of abdicating it. He may be called the firſt of the American Cincinnati: I love the idea of this inſtitution."

It comprehends, in one view, the duty of the ſoldier, and the citizen, who when his country no longer calls, diſclaims the profeſſion of arms; and in the retired walks of life, diſplays the ſame virtue which had diſtinguiſhed the rougher ſcenes.—How far they have conform'd to the idea of the inſtitution, and to the example of their great patron, let candour decide: and even prejudice muſt allow, that a paralel inſtance of decency, order, oeconomy, and willing induſtry, in a diſbanded army, cannot be adduced in the annals of hiſtory!

And ſuffer me now to addreſs myſelf more particularly to you.—And do you really conſider it, as ſuch a misfortune to the country, that the new government was adopted before your return from Europe, and before you had an opportunity to give your opinion of its expediency? Unhappy event! But perhaps even this might not have varied the iſſue; & to confeſs the truth, we do not ſee either in your arguments and deductions, or your mode of managing the ſubject, any very concluſive reaſons to alter the deciſion. You ſet out with a pompous declaration of what you intend and promiſe ſomething to aſtoniſh, and inſtruct, before you conclude. "Mons parturit" let the diſcerning public determine, how far the ſequel, is applicable to your performance.

With great frankneſs, and generoſity you offer yourſelf to the oppoſition, with the modeſt reſerve however, of guiding their meaſures, and heading the attack. But have a care, leſt by aſpiring too high, you raiſe jealouſy in minds peculiarly inclined thereto. Nor have you eſtabliſhed your claim to ſuch a pre-eminence, by a long ſervice, and a faithful adherence to their cauſe: And as yet they would hardly know where to find you, for it is problematical from your premiſes and concluſions on which ſide the ſcale of your reaſoning would preponderate; the purport and amount of which is, that the preſent ſyſtem was formed by great and wiſe men, & ought therefore to be rejected; and that thoſe only who are deſtitute of wiſdom and ability, can be ſafely truſted;—that thoſe who compoſed the late Convention, have ſerved their country with fidelity, and therefore cannot be confided in—that the Society of the Cincinnati, is a dangerous inſtitution, becauſe compoſed of men to whom their country is under the higheſt obligation: that the federal ſyſtem is unexceptionable, and therefore a dangerous conſpiracy againſt the liberties of the people▪ and laſtly, that the people have voluntarily adopted it, and are therefore oppoſed in heart and ſentiment to it. In one line you arraign the conſtitution, and in the next propoſe to make it the moſt perfect ſyſtem ever deviſed. Beſides, you would make their heads giddy (for they are none of the ſteadieſt) with your flights and bounds, and they might as well catch a gooſe-hawk on the wing, as follow you in your aerial excurſions: In the midſt of a pithy argument, you fly off in a tangent, with all the weight of logic on your ſhoulders, to take the • ig of the ſpheres; which is begun with 'the little ſtar, diſcover'd only by an Herſchel's eye,' beyond the limits of ſpace; and ended with her ladyſhip, 'the lazy ſatellite in the political hemiſphere.' Altho' by ſuch vagaries, you might equal the flights of a Sheridan, or a Burke, and ſhow the agility of your imagination, it will not eſtabliſh your character for ſolidity; and is a mere balloon experiment. Ballaſt, my friend, is neceſſary to balance, where fancy ſtands at helm.

While you arraign, at your mock tribunal, thoſe who merit the love and eſteem of all good men, and cenſure their meaſures without colour of argument, you diſcover a total want of ſenſibility of character, or decency of conduct; and inſult the feelings and good ſenſe of an audience, who have diſcovered their warmeſt approbation of both.

But this, you ſay, is comformable to your plan, and will excite that jealouſy neceſſary to conſtitute your propoſed check, which brings me to take ſome notice of your great political noſtrum. And are you weak enough to ſuppoſe that any one will adopt an idea ſo ridiculous; or do you really hold to a poſition ſo abſurd, as 'that to render perfect the operations of government, a conſtant oppoſition to the government itſelf is neceſſary, & that without a ſtrong check, it will ceaſe to exiſt?' To form this, do you propoſe to rein government, as you would rein an unruly horſe, apprehenſive, that like your own unbribled imagination, it would run 〈◊〉 into the unformed regions of chaos, unleſs yourſelf, with a ſufficient number of ſturdy patriots ſhould hang hard on the halter? Or do you conſider it as a building, and that it is neceſſary a part ſhould conſtantly aim to deſtroy, to keep the others on their guard? But ſuppoſe theſe underminers ſhould get ſlyly about their work—or ſuppoſe they ſhould prove too ſtrong for its ſupporters, muſt not your fabric fall?

It is contrary to the laws of motion, and to every principle of the mechanical powers, that matter ſhould move more eaſily for obſtruction. The political waggon would drag heavily thro' the dirt, with numbers working in each direction, and ſhould thoſe in the rear, prove too ſtrong for their opponents, the machine itſelf muſt take a retrograde motion.—But there muſt be, it ſeems, an underſtanding that thoſe in oppoſition ſhould neither cut too faſt, nor draw too hard. Ridiculous mummery! Childiſh play!

The charge brought againſt the good Doctor Adams, of repeatedly mentioning a balance, without proving its exiſtence, may juſtly be retorted.—Your imaginary balance dances thro' every line, reſpecting which, you have hypotheſiz'd without ſupporting, you have repeated, without proving, you have ſyſtematiz'd, without a ſyſtem. You ſay that ſuch a balance, or oppoſition exiſts in England, and in France; but it is not an oppoſition to government, but to the meaſures of government, or the meaſures of a miniſtry.—If it was an oppoſition to government, government would be deſtroyed, when Oppoſition prevail'd.—The government, however, ſubſiſts thro' every change of miniſters and of meaſures: and how abſurd the idea of an oppoſition, purchaſed by miniſters, to oppoſe their own meaſures!

Were the government perfect, and the adminiſtration uniform and juſt, what neceſſity or ground of oppoſition? yet according to your paradox, if a government is perfect, we muſt oppoſe—if arbitrary in its principles and corrupt, by withdrawing all oppoſition, it will crumble to atoms, and ceaſe to exiſt.—A poſition which confutes itſelf.

Many divines hold a bad principle, in oppoſition to a good principle requiſite in the moral diſpenſation; and that Devils are neceſſary inſtruments in the Divine Government. If your opinion of an oppoſition to the good principle in civil adminiſtration, is derived from any ſuppoſed analogy between the moral, and political ſyſtems; it certainly evinc'd no ſmall degree of fortitude, voluntarily to proffer yourſelf to be the chief of political Devils. As many, however, in Oppoſition, may not be fond of the diſtinction. I would propoſe, that you read another lecture, and that the ſubject be, The neceſſity of political Devils, and that all who appear in that character, acquieſce in the appellation.

The diſcuſſion of abler hands, and want of time precludes the neceſſity, and on this occaſion prevents a more particular attention to the merits of the preſent ſyſtem, the effects of which have been great and the influence propitious—its excellence like the force of truth, has been the more confirmed by enquiry— 〈…〉 of party, intereſt, and paſſion—the demagogue of Faction has bow'd his neck—it has ſwept away the wall of partition between the States—it has blended the views of all in one general object. And certainly the ſuffrages of an applauding continent are no inconſiderable criterion of its merit; for I revere, and ſhall always revere the ſentiments of a people who are eſteemed, and juſtly eſteemed the moſt enlightned, and beſt informed, even in this enlightned age: and who have the ſenſe to mark with ſilent contempt the incoherent rants, and ejaculations of expiring faction, tho' gloſs'd by the ſpecious pretext of zeal for their ſafety, aided by the pomp of ſound, and enforced by the energy of theatrical geſture.

The thread-bare cant of the danger of truſting men with power which they will ſooner or later inevitably pervert to the purpoſes of oppreſſion, and of the tendency of all governments to deſpotiſm, would operate equally againſt every ſyſtem, and deſerves to be treated as the mere art of a popular declaimer, and raiſe himſelf to notice.

When, however the ſuggeſtions of danger come nearer, & it is alledged 'that Congreſs are by the preſent ſyſtem inveſted with powers which they may abuſe,' we are induced to obſerve, and the experience of mankind evinces, "that in all Democracies there is a tendency rather to anarchy in the members, than to tyranny in the head."—The factions of Carthage, prevented her furniſhing Hannibal with neceſſary ſupplies, and ſaved the Roman power, the conſequences of which were fatal to herſelf.—The popular influence in Rome, gain'd a continual aſcendant.—The abolition of the regal authority, and the repeated diminutions of the rights and prerogatives of the nobles, and ſenate, were but ſo many ſacrifices at the popular ſhrine, till at length the turbulence of faction raged without controul, and paved the way for the introduction of the Imperial power.—The People within the preſent age, have plucked many a darling gem from the crowns of their European Potentates.

It would be happy for mankind if they could live without the reſtraints of government.—It would likewiſe be happy if their temperence and health, and their diſpoſition to rectitude, precluded the neceſſity of phyſical, or moral aſſiſtance: but while they are imperfect in their moral perceptions and natural habits, both the teacher & the phyſician are neceſſary; and while under the influence of intereſt and paſſion, the reſtraint of law; and each of theſe are calculated to ſupply in ſome meaſure, the natural, the moral, and the political 〈◊〉 of mankind.

Every truſt implies a riſque, and it is in the power of each character above referred to, and of all in whom we confide, to abuſe the confidence, if they will deſcend to the meaneſs and treachery of ſuch a conduct. And as the ſole alternative to obviate the danger in the preſent inſtance, thoſe ſhould be ſelected and appointed to the offices of government, who may be ſafely intruſted with the great depoſite; in which are involved the ſacred rights of the people: whether ſuch move in the vale of obſcurity, or dazzle in the ſun-ſhine of popularity.

The tiſſue, repreſenting the hiſtory of the world, has a variegated appearance; it is ſhaded with the crimes of thoſe who have perverted power to the moſt pernicious purpoſes: it is likewiſe erradiated with the virtues of ſuch as have exerted this in the exerciſe of the moſt benign philanthropy, whereby they merited the eſteem, and were the delights of mankind.

And may we not hope that ſuch will be the bright aſſemblage exhibited in the part reſerved for the hiſtory of this, and coming ages? It is a grateful reflection, and the progreſs which mankind are making in every improvement, as well as the aſſurance of Inſpiration, juſtify the flattering wiſh—

It is ours to decide, whether the pleaſing proſpects entertain'd in conſequence of the preſent ſyſtem, ſhall be realiz'd, or not: and whether we ſhall bleſs, or reprobate the day of its adoption—for much remains to be done. Induſtry, oeconomy, and a true ſpirit of patriotiſm can alone retrieve the diſtreſſes of our ſituation, and relieve us from the burdens under which we labour, in conſequence of a heavy and ruinous war. And it is above all, incumbent on us to appoint faithful watchmen on the walls of our Jeruſalem! Many are plotting to counteract the beneficial influence of every meaſure.—Certainly ſtronger motives could never operate on the minds of Rulers, and induce to an unwearied, and ſelf-devoted application to the duties of their appointment, than at the preſent criſis. We have been witneſſes to ſcenes peculiarly ſtriking, and which lead to others ſtill more important and deciſive.—The attention of mankind is fixed on the event, and the happineſs of numbers exceeding the powers of conception, depends on the iſſue. How unfortunate! ſhould they by an ill-judged exertion of the prerogatives with which they are neceſſarily inveſted, excite the ſpirit of diſcontent; cloud the proſpect; & diſappoint ſo fair a hope?—Let them purſue the golden mean which we have always purſued, and then in return we can aſſure them of the affection, and gratitude of a people, who by a chearful, and ready compliance with the neceſſary requirements of government, will ſtill further promote the happy effects of a ſyſtem, which we fondly flatter ourſelves will continually progreſs towards perfection, and fix at length the civil compact 'on the broad baſis of reaſon.'