A sermon, preached at the request of the Antient and Honourable Artillery Company, in Boston, June 1, 1789; being the anniversary of their election of officers. / By Thomas Barnard, A.M. Pastor of the North Church in Salem.

A sermon, preached at the request of the Antient and Honourable Artillery Company, in Boston, June 1, 1789; being the anniversary of their election of officers. / By Thomas Barnard, A.M. Pastor of the North Church in Salem.

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Title page

A SERMON, &c.

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A SERMON, &c.

ISAIAH, xi. 13.‘THE ENVY ALSO OF EPHRAIM SHALL DEPART, AND THE ADVERSARIES OF JUDAH SHALL BE CUT OFF: EPHRAIM SHALL NOT ENVY JUDAH, AND JUDAH SHALL NOT VEX EPHRAIM.—’

THE occasion of the present solemnity is evidently decent and pious. We cannot behold these military gentlemen, incorporated for purposes valuable to society, waiting upon God with humble supplication and thanksgiving on this day of their Annual Election, without sensations of approbation, esteem, and pleasure.—It is owing to the blessing of the great and beneficent Being whom they are assembled to worship, that, they have been sed, cloathed, and refreshed during the past year, and appear before him this day with the gaiety, elegance, and activity of the soldier. And, [Page] whose patronage and favour should they more earnestly desire than His, who can send forth his light and truth, and influence them to whatever is great, honourable, and good?—Never need ye be ashamed to express yourselves in the language, and act in the spirit of a pious and celebrated Chief—"O come let us worship and bow down before the Lord our Maker! For, the Lord God is a sun and shield; the Lord will give grace and glory: No good thing will be withhold from those who walk uprightly. O Lord of Hosts, blessed is the man who trusteth in thee."

NOR does this solemnity only gain our approbation as a religious service, but as a respectful memorial of the good sense, and piety of our Forefathers. Could we now summons them from their graves, they would be pleased with our attention, and with the warm feelings of parents and patriots would address us—"Shun our vices: Emulate our virtues. Let LEARNING, LIBERTY AND ARMS; INDUSTRY, GOOD MORALS, AND RELIGION be established and encouraged amongst you—and GOD, the omnipotent patron of all good societies, will be your defence and glory."

BUT, are there not those who will say—How affrontive to worship the kind and beneficent Governour of mankind cloathed with the garments of war, and the instruments of injury and death in [Page] our hands! This appeal immediately interests the feelings, and commands the opinion of many, whom we cannot but love for their meek and gentle disposition, against war in every form, and under every condition.—However speciously defended, it is, say they, abhorrent to God, to the best feelings of human nature, and the amiable and charitable spirit of the religion of Jesus Christ.

PEACE is a lovely object of contemplation to the human mind and imagination, and her influences are most pleasant to our feelings. Under her benignant reign security smiles in the countenances, and rejoices the hearts of mankind: The Statesman quietly investigates the publick interest, and gradually introduces wise and beneficial regulations: Agriculture flourishes: Commerce prospers: The Arts and Sciences improve: And, every cause almost conspires to propagate and establish the principles and habits of publick and private order, virtue and happiness.—Nor can it be dissembled that WAR is an evil most justly dreaded by the thoughtful, just and humane in every society:—In its mildest form it greatly lessens enjoyment wherever it prevails, and subjects mankind to distressing fears and sufferings: And, in its harshest, like the storm of Heaven, spreads darkness over the most pleasant and cheerful prospects, and marks its progress with ravage, destruction, and misery. Humanity weeps, and refuses to be comforted, when she beholds this scourge of the world reigning [Page] over any region of the earth.—The inhabitants forsake the occupations of peaceful life, and fly hither and thither, exposed to all the distresses of insecurity and want: The fields cease to blossom like the rose, and become barren and desolate: The sweet charities of life fail; vice and disorder reign uncontrouled: And, wherever we look, scenes of ruin and misery astonish our minds, and pain our hearts.—From this comparative view, we may be immediately convinced that Peace is more eligible than War; and much more agreeable to the spirit of that gentle and beneficent religion which was introduced into the world proclaiming "Peace on earth: Good will towards men." But shall we hence say, The profession of the SOLDIER is an unjustifiable profession?—And WAR never innocently and laudably entered into, and prosecuted by societies?—Truth is seldom discerned through the medium of feeling. In every important decision, wise and good men will place themselves under the influence of feeling, only when guided and corrected by impartial reason, and the infallible instructions of divine revelation.—Perhaps, in this situation, and under such light and instruction, we shall be convinced WAR is our certain inheritance in the present condition of human nature, just as many other of the evils of life are—That the permission of War cannot upon any scheme of religion be proved more inconsistent [Page] with the perfections of the righteous and benevolent Governour of mankind, than the permission of other natural and moral evils:—Yea, like them, is much ameliorated by his efficient hand, and rendered, contrary to its nature, productive of good effects:—And upon the whole that War, in certain situations, and under certain conditions, is not fatal to the christian character, and our hope in the glorious promises of the gospel.

BEFORE I proceed to enlarge upon these observations, I would mention that the following truths are taken for granted—that we are under the cognizance and government of an almighty and perfect Being, who has made known his will to us, not only by reason and experience, but by Jesus Christ, and expects we should venerate and obey it; and that man is a rational and accountable creature, in some proper sense master of his own actions, and amenable for his conduct at his bar.—If we are not under the government of God, and are not accountable, then all actions and courses of action become indifferent, and it is mere idleness to spend any time in speculation upon their nature and consequences. But allowing these maxims to be just, such investigations we must conceive immediately proper, for they may be of infinite consequence to our case of mind, and our improvement and worth.

[Page] 1. THE ULTIMATE SOURCE of War is those principles and passions which experience, observation, and universal history prove actuate mankind when formed into different societies, and opposed to each other by rivalship, and injuries, arising from mutual endeavours for superiority and lucrative advantages—Those principles and passions which govern them when fellow-subjects of the same civil community, after they are divided into parties, irritated by neglects and wrongs, or seduced by the slattering promises of ambition and power to attempt preeminence. But the PROXIMATE SOURCE of War is that separation of nations and individuals which opposes them, and inspires them with hostile intentions.—Until a division takes place between them, leading them to such measures as are affrontive, and will in the general opinion, either well grounded, or artificially raised, be ruinous to their honour and interests, those fierce principles in human nature which rouse to resistance and injury lie inactive, as the various springs and wheels of a machine, until set in motion by the power which is to govern them. Were mankind individually enlightened, or under the government of enlightened leaders—were they humble, mild, equitable and benevolent, or under the supreme direction of rulers governed by a just and beneficent temper, War would be no more. The different societies on earth would form into one grand [Page] and peaceful monarchy; or if they continued separate would live together like independent families loving, and beloved—Subjects of the same society, like affectionate children of the same family, would sweetly unite together in every office of justice and kindness.—But this is not the present condition of mankind; nor has it ever been their condition, if we may believe the historical registers of the times before us. The great body of mankind, and those who controul and govern them, may, in the cool hours of retirement and reflection, judge the situation of universal peace and love delightful: But when they enter the world and begin to act, they are not influenced by such agreeable sentiments. Their understandings persuade them very differently, when concerned with men and things, than when engaged with speculative notions, and the pleasing pictures of fancy and imagination. Mankind do not choose to live together under one denomination, to be governed by the same laws, and have the same interests; but to dwell separately, govern themselves by different civil constitutions, and pursue different interests, though they cannot without mutual opposition and injury. Members of the same community will divide into inveterate parties; and will often pursue their opposite measures until they dye each others garments in blood. Or, if we suppose their choice is not the cause of their division into separate nations and parties, then we must affirm it [Page] owing to the ordination of our great Creator, who will do all his pleasure throughout universal nature.—But whether mankind are in a separate state by their own choice, or the will of their Creator, it is their division which awakes and gives force to those principles and passions which have in every age of the world, however ignorant and barbarous, civilized and well instructed, been a source of wars and fightings. The history of the people mentioned in our text, will exemplify the operation of human passions between different nations, nearly enough situated to be politically connected; and the same nation divided into two powerful parties. For, notwithstanding EPHRAIM and JUDAH were now different nations, yet they had the feelings of parties in the same nation.—They originally descended from the same stock, possessed a common territory, and were fellow subjects of the same dominion, though they had separated upon political dissensions; and supposed very naturally they had an equal claim to superiority on the inheritance God had given them, if they could acquire it by art or force.—JUDAH enjoyed the most distinguished advantages in consequence of their separation:—They were more numerous, and possessed the largest, the most pleasant and fruitful part of the land—Moreover, they had amongst them the only authorized worship of God, which was esteemed an invaluable blessing.—What was the effect upon EPHRAIM of their more desirable condition?— [Page] They beheld their more respectable and happy neighbours with a degree of envy which soured their minds, irritated their passions, and disposed them to improve every means which promised to abase them. What was the effect of their restless disposition and injurious conduct upon JUDAH?—They looked down upon their feeble and impatient enemy with haughty and resentful airs, and exerted their policy and power to vex and destroy them. In this general state of sentiment and feeling, the great body of their people were easily inflamed with the rage of war, whenever their influential men were led by their ambition, their private interests and private enmities, their love of power and same, or indeed the passions and humours of their near connections to wish they should be: And, events were often taking place in consequence of their general situation, and frequent commerce with each other, which gave them room under the cover of patriotick declarations to excite a spirit of animosity satiated only with injury and bloodshed. Hence their frequent inroads, and endeavours to perplex, distress, and humble each other.

BUT ye will ask, how can this constitution of things be reconciled to the supreme government of perfect rectitude, wisdom, and benevolence? How can so powerful, righteous, and good a Being decree or permit human situations and passions to [Page] have so baneful an influence upon human conduct and enjoyment?—The fact is—it has taken place by his supreme agency, or with his permission.—"He maketh peace, and createth evil—When he giveth quietness, who then can make trouble? And when be hideth his face, who then can behold him, whether it be done against a nation or against a man only? And, why must we suppose this constitution militates with the excellence of his nature? The most formidable reason we can urge against its introduction is, That it places man lower upon the scale of virtue and enjoyment than he otherwise would be. This is allowed:—Were mankind governed by the principles of union, and did the motives of piety, justice, and benevolence reign in them with an influence destructive to every kind of injury and war, they would be much more amiable, lovely, and virtuous than they now are; they would be free from many inconveniences and miseries which they now feel, and enjoy a degree of happiness which they now feebly imagine. But this is not their condition. They have so large a share of the brutal united with the divine in their nature, as to continue them hitherto in a far less respectable and happy state of being. Still, this is only saying, man is less perfect, and less happy than God might have made him.—But, "Shall the thing formed say to him that formed it, Why hast thou made me thus?" What arrogance and impiety?— [Page] May not he who freely gives unto his creatures capacities of worth and means of enjoyment, give them in the proportion he pleases, provided existence is on the whole a blessing; not a curse, but in consequence of our voluntary ill-behaviour?—Must he give in the highest degree he is able, or be chargeable with want of wisdom, with injustice and cruelty?—Consider whither this reasoning leads you—If the Deity had acted in the spirit of this principle, that immense variety of creatures he has made, filling up in nice gradation the space between the humblest insect, and the most exalted spirit, and displaying every possible degree of activity, intelligence, virtue and happiness would have failed. There would have been but one race of creatures, and that, "next to the throne of God." Judge ye which scheme gives us the most lively exhibition of the almighty power, and infinite wisdom of God; and admits the greatest sum of happiness and display of benevolence?

IT is true, War is a source of very distressing evils. Countries exposed to every kind of injury from a mad and lawless soldiery.—Those once happy in the tender connections of life, and easy in a sufficiency to supply their wants and conveniences—mourning with pathetick exclamations of grief their lost relatives and departed property—are very affecting objects. We tenderly sympathize with them, and deprecate War as the w [...] [Page] judgment with which a just God afflicts his creatures.—But let us remember, in this very painful situation, that God in the midst of judgments forgets not mercy, and often from excessive evils produces very valuable blessings.—The violence and misery we so sensibly feel and pity, may be productive of very important and happy events:—They may secure freedom to a people, depressed and miserable, yield them immediately the most exquisite sensations of satisfaction and pleasure, and lay a foundation for their publick worth and felicity which shall last for ages.—They may act like very powerful and painful medicine in the human body—produce intire and beneficial charges—rouse societies thoughtless, enervated, and abandoned to consideration, and influence them to a change of manners which shall render them respectable and prosperous.—They sometimes place societies incurably vicious, before mankind, affecting examples of the sad consequence of impious and unsocial manners under the government of God; and very persuasively urge those which behold them to shun their profligacy, that they may avoid their ruin. The immediate effects also of the operations of war, which we are apt to conceive evil, and only evil, are not so. They are productive of transport of mind, as well as dejection of spirits; very lively pleasures, as well as very excruciating pains. The stormed and [Page] plundered city is a scene of distress and anguish, but the conquering army is the seat of congratulation and cheerful festivity. The losses of friends and hard-earned property of which the vanquished complain with such woeful countenances and animated expressions of grief; the victorious count their gain, and celebrate as very signal favours.—The extreme poverty which overtakes some from want of employment, is balanced by the new departments of business which war opens, and the distinction and plenty with which they bless those who prosecute them.—It is evident then of war, as it is of many other causes of human suffering, that it is not a clear and unmixed evil; but by the indulgence of God made productive of kind effects to balance in a degree the pain which, in many instances, it occasions.

TAKE the whole variety of human situations, and we shall find no one state so indulgent to vice, as to exclude intirely respectable characters, useful and divine virtues. War is productive of much depravity and vice.—In the state of war domestick and civil government are much relaxed; and there is such a continued succession of objects passing before us which engage our imaginations and passions, and are connected with our most valuable interests, as takes off our attention from those interesting subjects of religion and morals which deserve our constant reverence, and should [Page] command our constant obedience. The usual course of things alters; and the alteration has a pernicious influence upon many. Acquisitions of property and distinction in the natural state of things are gradually made: And before we make them in any distinguishing degree, we are prepared to receive them with equal minds, and the resolution of a wife and good improvement of them. But in war prosperity often comes upon us by surprize, we are instantly rich and powerful men—the suddenness of the elevation intoxicates us, and we act without discretion or virtue.—Adversity also, in the natural course of things, advances upon us gradually, and we are prepared to receive it with firmness, before it seizes us with violence. But, in war, adversity often falls upon us at an unexpected moment—distracts our minds—breaks our spirits—and occasions us to blaspheme Divine Providence, and abandon ourselves without restraint to disreputable and ruinous vices.—Yet war has not universally this ill operation.—Its uncertainties and changes, its prosperities and adversities, tend powerfully to teach us our dependence upon God, who rules over all, and the insecure nature of human happiness—firmness, equanimity, sympathy and compassion, those wisest and best of lessons. Some there are, who improve War to this worthy purpose, and make advances in whatever amends, adorns and dignifies the human [Page] man character. The moral and religious prospect around, may to the serious and good be waste, deformed, and frightful, but there will still be some objects of superiour worth and beauty, as if interspersed on purpose to compensate for the general scene.—Particularly we may observe, that the state of war creates characters of the most brilliant qualities, and extensive usefulness in the judgment of mankind; and which do not cease with war to be celebrated and beneficial, but continue through the periods of peace to deserve the attention which is paid them. The characters which are formed of courage, magnanimity, penetrating forefight, and a masterly command of the passions and actions of men, are those which we look upon with the most partial fondness, and unite to address with the most unaffected praise. These arise amidst the dangers and perplexities of war as in their proper soil, and are manured and perfected by its progress. Nor do they cease to live and act when war ceases: They continue in the state of peace, and are frequently the chief guardians and conservators of the publick interest, when the members of society, in general, are by the seducing influence of ease and security, wrapped up intirely within themselves, and account those expenses hard, and services laborious, which the existence, prosperity and splendour of the State require.—I feel a degree of pride in exemplifying this remark from the history of our own country, [Page] which I know my hearers will approve. The late war produced—Politicians endued with admirable penetration of mind, and firmness and perseverance of spirit; who guided us through a situation of eminent hazards with masterly skill, and established us in a condition of safety, and growing prosperity and happiness, which nothing will destroy but our own imprudence and folly—Soldiers, from Generals to the inferiour officers, who displayed the most applauded qualifications of their station, and won in action the fairest wreaths of military honour and renown.—Politicians, who yet have their country near their hearts, and are unweariedly studying its interests, and labouring to render it wise and happy—Soldiers, who disbanded, though unpaid and injuriously censured; retired to their homes without clamour; and have hitherto remarkably practised the virtues which adorn civil life, and manifested those publick dispositions which prove they will yet, should occasion require, be a firm and intrepid band to support and defend their country.

THESE reflections tend to satisfy our minds with the divine permission of war, and to render us more composed under it as an evil.—Yet we may conceive war, notwithstanding, opposed in all its forms to the spirit of christianity; and, not only so, but that those cannot be in any sense the true disciples of Jesus Christ, who patronize, support, or personally bear part in it.—Those wars entered [Page] into by antient and modern princes for the mere purpose of gratifying their ambition, pride, and humour, are abhorrent altogether to the just and benevolent religion which we profess.—The abilities of such persons may be exalted, and their actions splendid, but they are the foes of mankind, and richly deserve the accumulated pain and misery they have brought upon their fellow creatures.—But War which has for its object the security of our lives, liberties, and estates, and is closed whenever they are secured, has been conceived by Christians almost universally JUSTIFIABLE SELF DEFENCE. They have conceived duty and honour call upon them to defend themselves when injuriously attacked; and that Heaven requires not submission to violence and robbery, until all their efforts are insufficient to repel them.—Still is it not true that Christianity was designed to restrain all those corrupt and malignant passions which occasion discord, injury and war?—Would not this pure and charitable institution, if it had its perfect work upon mankind generally, put an intire close to war, and establish the supreme dominion of peace?—It would undoubtedly, and thereby vastly increase the worth and happiness of men.—But the complete operation of this divine religion is not consistent with the present state of human nature.—Perfect Christians must retreat from the world to exemplify their principles. We cannot live in this state without allowing some movements of resentment, and adopting, at times, the vigorous [Page] means of defence. A very considerable part of mankind are not Christians, and justify themselves in all the practices of war: Nor would they fail with eager zeal to improve the non-resistance of Christian countries to their complete subjugation and misery.—Most of those who call themselves the disciples of Christ, notwithstanding they are in some degree influenced by the just and beneficent spirit of his religion, yet are so far under the government of selfish desires, that they will privately and publickly attack each other, and if they are able, wrest from them their possessions and conveniences, and convert them to their own use.—Yet we may not say because we are not perfect Christians, we are altogether unchristian; or, because Christianity does not produce all those great and good effects in our age, it is capable of producing in a different situation, therefore it is not a blessing.—The religion of Jesus has a real and good influence upon individuals and societies now, though it has not its fullest and best effects. It renders them more just, equitable, and humane than they otherwise would be; and as it gradually increases its power over the minds and feelings and manners of men, becomes a richer and more important blessing.—Had christianity a sovereign influence, our situation would be entirely altered. We should be supported by its single operation without the influence of resentment, love of life and property, and the publick principles which [Page] are in our nature: But until this sovereign influence commences, we must be indebted for our preservation and safety partly to their exercise; and aim at approving ourselves the faithful servants of God, not by rooting them out, but by preserving their operation within the bound of that great command, enregistered not only in the gospel, but in every mind, "ALL THINGS, WHATSOEVER YE WOULD THAT MEN SHOULD DO TO YOU, DO YE EVEN SO TO THEM."

WAR being considered as the source of mischief to societies, and misery to the human race, we have reason to bless God whenever its destructive consequences are lessened, in any degree, by his merciful influence. Notwithstanding all the alleviating circumstances which attend the distresses of war, those societies have the most substantial reasons for blessing God (who appoints the bounds of our habitations) which conclude upon the best grounds they shall not be frequently visited with this cruel scourge.—There is in this respect a difference between the situations of the nations which people the earth.—And, may we not suppose, we are favoured in our allotment, when we estimate its worth with immediate reference to the frequency of war?—Many circumstances conspire to raise and establish the pleasant idea in our minds.

OUR NATIONAL GOVERNMENT strengthens this conception of our situation. The more thoroughly [Page] and impartially we contemplate this plan of government, the more fully we shall be persuaded it is well calculated to promote our publick and private safety and felicity. To give us justice, order, and peace at home, and growing reputation abroad—To lessen the danger of internal dissension and foreign war, and put in action all the causes of national honour and prosperity.—It secures us all our rights, as men and christians: And has within itself the strong principles of wise self-regulation—It will be observed in all its motions with watchful jealousy by our State governments, and powerful individuals—Many of the most active causes will unite to render it permanent and beneficial.—And may we not justly hope such a large description of the people for whose good it was instituted will submit to its regular administration as to render it an established and efficient government?—Will they readily sacrifice a character distinguished for wisdom and a degree of choice in their governments never exhibited in the world before? Will they readily throw up probable liberty and happiness, and plunge into the ocean of uncertain events?—Nor need we fear but this government will ever be attended with the best blessings of Heaven while the maxims of its ILLUSTRIOUS PRESIDENT are adopted as sacred maxims of conduct by its several branches: They are these, and should be recorded on monuments of brass in full view of all governing bodies of men [Page] throughout the world—"There is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the oeconomy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness—between duty and advantage—between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of publick prosperity and felicity."—"A trust of the greatest magnitude is committed to this Legislature, and the eyes of the world are upon you.—Your Country expects from the result of your deliberations, in concurrence with the other branches of government, consideration abroad, and contentment at home—prosperity, order, justice, peace, and liberty—And may God Almighty's providence assist you to answer their just expectations."—With high anxiety we beheld this EDIFICE gradually rising! How sincerely did we rejoice upon its completion!—May it be a TEMPLE consecrated to enlightened liberty, mild and equal legislation, and all the means of publick tranquility and happiness! May its CHIEF PRIESTS ever be famed for their enlarged minds, their manly and liberal principles, and execute their high powers so as to render themselves most justly the veneration and delight of this nation—And its MINISTRING SERVANTS an assembly of men who have wisdom to discern, and magnanimity to pursue its true interests!—O THOU GOD OF THE UNIVERSE, who art wiser than the wisest, and the almighty patron of all good societies—all space is thy temple [Page] and thou condescendest, when particularly present in any part of thy creation; yet be graciously present at all times in this TEMPLE made with hands: and may its statutes and commandments put an end to the sound of the trumpet, and the alarm of war in our borders, and bless us with all that can render a people free, virtuous, and happy. Again: The comparative strength, between these United States, and the foreigners in their neighbourhood, render it improbable that they will give frequent occasion for war; and a solicitude to avoid embroiling themselves with the powerful European nations of which they are colonies, will render our government particularly cautious to avoid every thing which justly irritates. The jealousy in the European nations of each other, which is ever awake, will never permit any one of them, was a scheme of the kind practicable, to make conquest, and extend its dominion here. Was any particular nation to adventure this plan, other nations in union with us would frustrate it.—Moreover, the distance of Europe from this Continent, and the number and warlike disposition of the inhabitants of these States, render the difficulties of successfully preventing war in opposition to them, on their own ground, almost insuperable.—Thus we reason upon the subject, and are confirmed in the very pleasing idea that wars will not be frequent amongst us. May God fulfil the grateful expectation!.

[Page] III.—BUT, we can never reason with certainty of those events in which the passions of men have very considerable decision.—This people intelligent and free, and now capable of proving to mankind what they have never seen proved before—That communities of men are capable of deliberating upon forms of government, chusing those which are friendly to all the rights which men can enjoy in society, and yet of establishing an AUTHORITY which shall controul their actions destructive to the social state—may yet grow mad; and in their phrenzy despise the warning voice of wisdom and the calls of reputation, and place themselves before mankind an affecting example of a people ruined by their own intemperance.—European Nations may become so jealous of a rising people, which let alone may rival them in power and commerce, as to forget their jealousies of each other—and suffer any state amongst them which chuses, to extend conquest and dominion upon our territory unrestrained.—Our own government may become proud and tyrannical, and aim at prostrating the rights and liberties of this people before them. An ARMED FORCE is the alone effectual mean of completing either of these purposes, or of successfully counteracting them. The seditious subverters of government, if they cannot secure their wishes by private practices, appeal to arms—Conquest and dominion are gained by arms—Tyrannical power is established [Page] by arms—Nor can a people defend their territory, or resist an assuming government but by arms—"All authority which is not supported by power is nothing but an empty name."—Is not then the continuance of this COMPANY, and of every other body of men designed to keep alive the spirit of arms and diffuse military knowledge, a valuable measure?—It is true, this Company when it was first formed was more immediately beneficial than at present: Yet now, by their example and advice, they may greatly aid and prosper the military arrangements of the government.—In this design they should vigorously unite with his EXCELLENCY, our Commander in Chief—and with all other wise and patriotick men throughout the State.—A MILITIA is said to be the only legitimate defence of a free people; it is the only defence which our free governments will allow us.—Shall any then speak contemptibly of a Militia? Shall any fail using their utmost exertions that our's may be regular and well trained?—It is the safeguard, under God, in desperate circumstances, of the fair inheritance which our fathers have left us—of our government and our religion.—Our young men will act worthily in entering into it, and exerting their best abilities to render it truly respectable, and a substantial security to their country.—Nor can I conceive why those of the first rank and distinction should refuse its services and honours.—It is the only legal defence [Page] of the land in which they dwell—Its duties serve to give strength to their bodies, and elegance to their form and manners—Its commands give them rank and popularity with their fellow citizens; and render them capable of yielding very essential services to their country in peace and war; and of rising to its first honours.—The VETERAN GENERAL who has seen long service, and dignified his station, refuses not to command them.—But I have tired your patience and will conclude.—

IV.—VARIOUS causes have united in our age to render mankind much less ferocious, and war much less cruel and destructive, than they have been ages before us.—The celebrated nations of antiquity made war their alone business, and it was prosecuted by them with a degree of barbarity which offends us. A few centuries back, men comparatively uncivilized, without commerce, arts and science, and under religious impressions, falsely stiled christian, worse than none; in a state of national government too feeble to controul their violence, to render them more reasonable, or to correct and soften their tempers and manners—made war their great employment, and chose it as their first happiness.—The haughty Noble had no business but when engaged in feuds with neighbours, or his prince; and his vassals and dependents followed him from inclination, or the fear of punishment.—But the energy which has been acquired by national [Page] governments, the progress of civilization, that spirit of commerce, arts and science, and the influence of the religion of peace, better understood, have made in this respect an important revolution in the world.—War is now seldom entered into but upon necessities of State which render it unavoidable; and is prosecuted with a degree of temperance and humanity which does our age honour.—Let us most sincerely bless God, who determines the times and seasons, for this favourable alteration in the condition of the human race!—The CAUSES of it exist amongst us. May we aid their influence with all the zeal consistent with our security and happiness.—May we with enterprize and industry devote ourselves to commerce.—Cultivate the arts which will increase our conveniences, adorn and enrich us.—Fosterour UNIVERSITY which is our honour, and all seminaries and schools of learning. By our conversation, examples, and actions, add that strength to our SUPREME GOVERNMENT which will enable it to preserve its various parts in harmony and order, and render us respectable in the consideration of other nations. Especially may we submit to the influence of that divine religion "which is pure, peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated: Full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy"—that we may aid in bringing on the happy period which the enraptured prophet describes with all the force of [Page] strong and beautiful figures—"When knowledge and virtue shall cover the earth as the waters cover the sea;" "when the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the kid; and the calf, and the young lion, and the falling together, and a little child shall lead them—when they shall not hurt or destroy in all God's holy mountain." By thus doing, though this happy state of things may not be produced in our day, we shall secure ourselves through the constitution of grace, established by our blessed Redeemer, as individuals, that peace which passeth understanding, which the world can neither give or take away; which will render us happy in life, enable us to triumph over death, and prepare us for a blessed immortality—As a society we shall place ourselves under the patronage and blessing of Almighty God, "our light will break forth as the morning, and our health will spring forth speedily—our righteousness will go before us; and the glory of the Lord will be our rere-ward."

May God be ever with us, and prosper us,

AMEN.

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Mr. Barnard's ARTILLERY-ELECTION SERMON.

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SERMON, PREACHED AT THE REQUEST OF THE ANTIENT AND HONOURABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY, IN BOSTON, JUNE 1, 1789; BEING THE ANNIVERSARY OF THEIR ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

BY THOMAS BARNARD, A. M. PASTOR OF THE NORTH CHURCH IN SALEM.

PRINTED IN BOSTON, BY BENJAMIN RUSSELL, STATE-STREET. M,DCC,LXXXIX.

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Title statement

A sermon, preached at the request of the Antient and Honourable Artillery Company, in Boston, June 1, 1789; being the anniversary of their election of officers. / By Thomas Barnard, A.M. Pastor of the North Church in Salem.

Barnard, Thomas, 1748-1814.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2008-09.

ID [DLPS]

N16834

ID [TCP]

N16834

ID [STC]

Evans 21669

ID [NOTIS]

APY2207

ID [IMAGE-SET]

21669

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99029284

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 21669.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N16834)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 21669)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 21669)

Source

— A sermon, preached at the request of the Antient and Honourable Artillery Company, in Boston, June 1, 1789; being the anniversary of their election of officers. / By Thomas Barnard, A.M. Pastor of the North Church in Salem., Barnard, Thomas, 1748-1814., Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts..

Extent

29, [3] p. ; 21 cm. (8vo)

by Benjamin Russell, State-Street,. Printed in Boston, :: M,DCC,LXXXIX. [1789].

Creation

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