An essay on the influence of religion, in civil society. By the Rev. Thomas Reese, A.M. Pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Salem, in South-Carolina. ; [Two lines in Latin from Cicero]

An essay on the influence of religion, in civil society. By the Rev. Thomas Reese, A.M. Pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Salem, in South-Carolina. ; [Two lines in Latin from Cicero]

Table of contents

Title page

AN ESSAY, &c.

CONCLUSION.

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AN ESSAY ON THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGION, IN CIVIL SOCIETY.

BY THE REV. THOMAS REESE, A. M. Pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Salem, in South-Carolina.

— Pieta [...]e adversus Deos s [...]blata, Fides etiam & Societas Humani Generis & excellentissima Virtus Justitia testitur.

CICERO.

CHARLESTON: PRINTED BY MARKLAND & M'IVER, No. 47, [...]. M,DCC,LXXXVIII.

AN ESSAY, &c.

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THAT our laws do not operate with sufficient force, is a truth too glating to escape observation. It is seen, felt, and lamented by every sincere lover of his country. Different causes, no doubt, co [...]operate to produce this effect. To investigate all these, does not fall in with my present design, though it might be of singular service to the state. For as in the human, so in the body politic, the cause of a disease being once discovered, the remedy is more easily prescribed, and the deliterious effect more successfully counteracted. It is more to my purpose to observe, that the general neglect of religion which prevails among us, is one great, if not the chief cause, why our laws are so feeble in their operation. Immorality is the natural consequence of impiety. An irreligious, will always be an immoral, people; and among such, good and wholesome laws can never be executed with punctuality

Some of our laws may be erroneous or defective, and not framed with a sufficient regard to the spirit of the people; and this hath been assigned by superficial thinkers as the only reason why they are not carried into execution. This, I think, is a great mistake. Our laws though they may partake of that imperfection which is the common mark of all human productions, are in general salutary, and calculated to promote our political happiness. Here lies the grand defect; a defect which is not to be attributed solely or even principally to the badness of our laws, but to some other causes. Whatever these may be, the effect is sufficiently alarming, and threatens a speedy dissolution of our government. Let our laws be ever so good, if they are not properly executed, our government can be of no long duration.

A transient view of those states and kingdoms, which have made the most striking figure in the history of the world, and which have been most renowned for the felicity of their [...] convince us, that reli [...] was by them [Page] always considered as a matter of great importance to civil society.

The greatest politicians and most celebrated legislators of antiquity depended much on this to give sanction to their laws, and make them operate with vigour and facility.

If we carefully consider the nature of religion and of civil government, we will be led to conclude, that in this they did not act at random; but from the most profound knowledge of human nature, and the dictates of the soundest policy. The manners of the people, though so little attended to by our legislators, are confessed by all to be of the utmost consequence in a commonwealth. The most profligate politician can expatiate on the necessity of good morals; but we hear little of religion from our most respectable statesmen. When the discussion is of politics, she is generally kicked out of doors, as having nothing to do either with morality or civil policy. The inseparable connection between this daughter of heaven and her genuine offspring morality, is forgotten, and her influence on civil society almost wholly overlooked.

For the better arrangement of our thoughts on this extensive subject, we shall—

I. Consider religion under its more general notion, as comprehending the belief of a deity, a providence, and future state of rewards and punishments.

II. We shall consider the christian religion in particular; and, as we pass along, endeavour to show the influence of both on civil society.

That religion is of great importance to society is universally acknowledged. Assuming this for granted, let us proceed to enquire how it operates to produce those effects which are confessed to be of such singular service. It is a common observation, that we are so formed as to be greatly influenced by whatever works upon our hopes or our fears. Now it is by taking hold on these that religion produces those salutary effects of which we now speak; thus restraining men from vice by the dread of punishment, and alluring them to virtue by the hope of reward. These are the two principles, [Page] or if you please, passions, in human nature, which first prompted men to enter into the social union; fear of violence from each other, and hope of security by association. And it is only by working on these passions, that the union of men in the social state can be rendered permanent, and laws operate with that energy which is necessary to obtain their end.

They who firmly believe that there is a God who governs the world, who sees all their actions, and who will certainly reward virtue and punish vice, must undoubtedly be influenced by this belief; and restrained, at least in some measure, from evil, and excited to good.

It must be confessed indeed, that there are too many who profess to believe the doctrines of religion, who seem to be very little influenced by them. Hurried away by the violence of their passions, they frequently transgress the bounds which religion prescribes, and prefer the gratification of present appetite to the enjoyment of future good. But we must not hence conclude, that religion is in no degree a curb to the licentiousness of men. They who in some instances act thus contrary to their principles, would go much further, were they void of those principles, and the reins laid o [...] the neck of appetite. It will not follow, that because religion does not restrain from immorality totally and universally, therefore it is no restraint at all. By the same way of reasoning, we might prove, that civil laws lay no restraint upon men, because they do not entirely restrain all men, at all times and in all instances.

In order that we may be more fully convinced of the utility, and even necessity of religion, to the well-being, we might venture to say, to the very existence of civil society, it will be necessary a little to enquire into the essential defects of the best constituted government possible.

If we consider the end of civil society and the evils it was designed to remedy, we will be convinced from its very nature, that it cannot reach that end, nor guard against those evils, without the aid of religion. Let it suffice to observe, that security of life, liberty and property, is the precise and [Page] specific end of the social compact. Other advantages it brings with it, and answers many other valuable purposes. But the evils for which it was designed as a remedy, are injustice, violence, rapine, mutual slaughter and bloodshed. The manner in which men aim at the cure of these evils, is by laws enacted with common consent, enforced by a sanction, and committed to the magistrate to be strictly and impartially carried into execution.

That civil government may fully and completely obtain its end, it is necessary that its laws should have such a sanction, and operate in such a manner, as to prevent or punish all crimes whatsoever, which may be injurious to the community, or tend to its dissolution. It will, I suppose, be readily granted on all hands, that there never were, nor ever will be, laws so sanctioned as to operate in this manner. Hence appea [...]s the insufficiency of civil society to answer its end.

The two great sanctions of all laws have been generally reckoned reward and punishment, and indeed without these two sanctions, every one must see, that government cannot, in any tolerable degree, answer its end, or laws operate in such a manner as is necessary to secure its very existence. But civil society, without the support of religion, is altogether destitute of one of these sanctions; and can apply the other but in a very partial manner, and under great restrictions.

I. Civil society wholly wants the sanction of reward.

In an age and place so highly enlightened in the nature and principles of sound policy, I shall not enter into a formal proof, that reward is not, and cannot be the sanction of civil society, considered in itself. It will be sufficient just to observe, "that no state whatever can possess a fund large enough to reward all its subjects for obedience to the laws, unless it be first drawn from them by a tax, to be paid back to a reward." Government can indeed, and it hath been the custom in all governments, to reward particular subjects for eminent services; but every one must see, that this is something very different from the idea of reward considered as the sanction of civil laws. A reward barely for obedience [Page] [...] lesome laws of his [...] wise subject expects, and no society can* bestow. Without entering any further into this subject, we shall take it for granted that civil society, in itself, totally wants one of those sanctions which are necessary to enforce its laws. That this is a very great and essential defect, will, we hope, be allowed by every competent judge. How, and in what degree religion supplies this defect, will be seen hereafter. At present let us a little enquire,

II. Into the effects of punishment considered as a sanction. This is the proper and only sanction of civil laws. But how imperfectly it can be enforced by society will appear from the following considerations.

I. Civil government cannot punish secret crimes.

That these abound in every society, is matter of universal experience; that they are injurious to it, is too plain to admit of the least doubt; that they are even multiplied by it, a little attention to human nature, will evince. When men are restrained from open transgression, by the terror of laws and the dread of punishment, it is natural for them to fly to the covert of secrecy, that they may evade the laws, and escape with impunity. They know that civil judicatures take cognizance only of those crimes which are apparent: [Page] and if they can only conceal their guilt from the eyes of men, they are sure to escape that punishment which [...]s the sanction of human laws. This will deter them from open violence, but at the same time, spur them on to se [...]ret craft and stratagem. This will lead them to study and improve all the latent arts of mischief and malice: and the very security which society affords, by throwing men off their guard, gives designing villains an opportunity of practising these with greater success. I crave the readers particular attention to this circumstance, as it is of the first importance to the point in hand, and in the clearest manner shows the necessity of religion in civil government.

II. Civil society not only cannot punish secret crimes, but, in some cases, cannot adequately punish even such as a [...]e apparent and can be clearly proven. So inordinate are the appetites of men, and so violent the impulse of the sensual passions, that the severe punishment of one crime, would sometimes, open a door to others of a more attrocious nature and pernicious tendency. We give only one instance of this kind. The judicious reader may, if he be so disposed, supply others of a similar nature. Fornication is undoubtedly injurious, and attended with very pernicious consequences to a state: but notwithstanding this, it would not be wisdom in any government to punish it in proportion to its evil influence. The reason is, because such punishment would lead to more fl [...]gitious lusts, to more enormous and unnatural crimes. Accordingly, we find, that no great wise and fl [...]urishing community, hath ever pu [...]shed fornication as its pernicious effects on society confessedly deserve. It will be difficult to assign any other reason for this than that which we have just now mentioned.

III. Imperfect rights, by some termed the duties of imperfect obligation, such as gratitude, hospitality, charity, &c. are not the proper objects of civil laws. They cannot conveniently reach these, nor enforce the observance of them by penal sanction. We have no laws among us to punish the neglect of these duties; and civil society, at least in its [Page] legislative capacity, takes no notice of them. For this, I suppose, two reasons may be given.

I. The violation of these is not supposed so immediately and directly to strike at the existence of the social union, as the violation of the duties of perfect obligation.

II. There can be no precise and fixed rule laid down for the regulation of mens conduct with respect to these duties.

Of all the imperfect rights, gratitude approaches nearest to those which are of complete obligation None of all those duties which cannot be properly exacted by law, admits of such accurate and determinate rules: But altho' the crime of ingratitude may be more easily ascertained than any other of the same class, the slightest consideration will convince us, that no law can be framed by the wit of man for the punishment of it, which will not be loose, vague and liable to a thousand exceptions. And if this be the case with ingratitude, much more with the others. We may therefore conclude without hesitation, that human laws cannot enforce the duties of imperfect obligation. Now, altho' the violation of these duties may not so directly tend to the dissolution of society, nor bring on such rapid destruction, as the neglect of those which are called perfect rights, it is clear, that it must gradually sap the foundations of government, and destroy that union and concord so necessary to its well-being▪ If then civil laws, by their proper power cannot provide for the observance of the duties which are of such great moment to society, it must be acknowledged a great deficiency. Thus it appears, that civil society totally wants one of those sanctions which have been always reckoned its two grand p [...]llars, and can apply the o [...]her only in a very limited degree. An eminent writer hath asserted, "that civil society by its own proper power, cannot provide for above one third of the moral duties." I have not made the calculation, but believe he is near the truth. And we may add, that it can provide for these few but very imperfectly. Let us now enquire how religion supplies these deficiencies.

One of the most natural and obvious notions of the deity is, that he abhors vice and delights in virtue, will punish [Page] [...], and reward the other. They who firmly [...] properly attend to this important religious truth, must, without doubt, be greatly influenced by it. When they call to mind that they are accountable creatures, and must be happy or miserable hereafter, according as they behave themselves here, this will doubtless be a powerful motive to shun vice and pursue virtue. Religion holds up to all her sincere votaries, a reward, than which nothing can be greater, more noble, and better suited to influence the mind. The prospect of an happiness the most exalted in its nature, the most exquisite in degree, and eternal in duration, must strongly allure those to whom the desire of happiness is natural. Such, in the opinion of some of the wisest and best of the heathens, is that felicity which awaits the virtuous man after death. This is the reward which religion promises, and which the good man expects to enjoy as the recompence of his virtue and piety.

Without determining whether the hope of reward, or the dread of punishment, most influences the actions of men, in general, we may safely affirm, that on minds of a particular cast, the former works much more powerfully than the latter. Men of great and haughty souls, of elevated and daring spirits, revolt against every thing that wears the appearance of compulsion. They scorn to be overawed by the fear of punishment; and consider it as a motive fit only to operate upon little minds, and timorous spirits. The dread of civil laws, and even the terrors of religion, can have but little effect upon such men; but they may be easily wrought upon by the prospect of a reward suited to the greatness of their minds. The religionist, tho' he may not be prompted to yield obedience to the wise and salutary laws of his country, by the hope of a reward from his fellow citizens, expects ample retribution from him who knows the sincerity and uprightness of his conduct. He looks for no reward from man, but expects it from him who is the rewarder of all those who walk in the paths of virtue. As the laws in every well constituted and wisely governed state, will, as far as they reach, ever coincide with the eternal laws of the deity, he [Page] pay a religious regard to them, not only as ratified by [...] authority of government, but as bearing the stamp, and being the sovereign mandates of the supreme lord of all.* Deeply impressed with this awful sanction of the deity, powerfully influenced by the hope of that reward which is the consequence of obedience to his laws, he will practise justice in all its various branches. This important virtue is the proper object of laws, both human and divine; and absolutely necessary, not only to the welfare, but also to the very existence of civil government. Even a society of robbers, according to a trite observation, cannot subsist without some degree of it. Whatever, therefore, hath a tendency to lead men to the practice of this cardinal virtue, must be peculiarly advantageous to civil society. Now certainly that man who acts under the influence of religious motive [...] and principles, who considers the laws of justice as the laws of God, who, he believes, will reward him for obedience and punish him for disobedience, is more likely to practise justice, than one who is influenced only by human authority, and the terror of human laws, which he can often evade, and so escape unpunished. It is easy to determine which of these will be most faithful to his trust, most honest and upright in his dealings, most careful to shun every thing that may be injurious to his neighbour, in person, character, or property.

But further: religion will not only lead those who are influenced by it to the exercise of justice in it's various branches; but will induce them to the exact performance of all those duties of imperfect obligation which human laws cannot enforce. The civil magistrate takes no notice of [Page] and can neither reward the performance, nor punish the neglect of them; but the laws of God extend to them; and religion as strongly exacts them as the duties of perfect obligation. The religious man considers them as truly binding, as the most obvious dictates of justice. He as much expects to be rewarded for the one, as the other. This will lead him to pay the most sacred regard to the duties of gratitude, humanity, hospitality, charity,—in a word, to all those kind and beneficent offices, which are so essentially necessary to the welfare of the community; tho' they are not, and indeed cannot be, the proper objects of human laws. We think it unnecessary to enlarge upon the duties just now mentioned, by shewing how much the careful performance of them tends to strengthen and confirm the social union. The slightest consideration will immediately convince us, of what vast importance they are to society, and how much they promote peace, love, harmony, and consequently felicity, in the social state. We need only conceive what would be the consequence of the total neglect of these duties, to be fully convinced of their u [...]ility. What a shocking and deplorable scene of malice, hatred, strife, cruelty, misery, and distraction, opens upon the mind, on the ba [...]e supposition. And yet civil society, as hath been observed, cannot enforce these duties, the practice of which is so necessary to its happiness, and the neglect of which endangers its very existence. If then religion enforces these duties, and leads men to the performance of them, it will certainly follow, that it is useful to the state. Thus religion like a powerful ally, comes in to the aid of civil government, and by establishing the sanction of reward, which it wholly wants, supplies its defects.

But, in order more fully to demonstrate how religion supplies the defects of civil society, let it be observed, that it not only furnishes the sanction of reward, which it so much needs, but also superadds a new sanction of punishment, which co-operates with, and gives additional energy to human laws. The reader will please to remember, that we have already shewn, that civil society can apply the sanction of [Page] only in a very low and limited degree. Some crimes are secret and cannot be punished by civil laws, because they lie wholly beyond their reach. Others are of such a nature, that the severe punishment of them opens an avenue to those of a more atrocious nature. But this is not the case with the sanction of punishment which religion establishes. It applies to all crimes whatsoever, let their nature or circumstances be what they may. Men may escape the punishment which civil society decrees, by concealing their crimes; but they cannot thus elude that which religion holds out to all those who violate her laws. They who believe that God governs the world in wisdom and righteousness, and that his providence extends to all his creatures, must also believe, that he is omniscient, and, of consequence, perfectly acquainted with all their actions and intentions. All who have a firm persuasion and proper impression of this great religious truth, will be sensible, how vain it is to attempt to cover their crimes from him, whose all seeing eye penetrates the inmost recesses of their hearts. Religion teaches, that all the transgressions of the wicked, tho' they may escape the observation of men, lie open to the deity, whose "eyes are like a flame of fire;" and who will in due time inflict that punishment which they justly deserve. As the prospect of impunity invites men to evil, so the certainty of punishment tends to restrain them from it, especially if the punishment be unspeakably great and dreadful. And such, both christians and heathens, have agreed to represent the punishment of vice in a future life. If then the dread of a punishment certain, terrible, and everlasting, can have any influence on the minds of men, religion must be a powerful restraint, not only from open, but secret crimes. Where crimes are secret, or of such a nature as not to be cognizable by human judicatures, the sanction of civil laws ceases to operate, and is no longer of any service to restrain from transgression. Here religion comes in most opportunely to the assistance of civil society, by impressing the idea of a future state, an omniscient tribunal, and a punishment which the guilty cannot possibly avoid. On the other hand where the crime is open, and liable to be [Page] by human laws, the sanction of religion falls in with, and strengthens that of human laws, by holding out a punishment much more certain, as well as more formidable, than man can inflict.

Men may be guilty of the blackest ingratitude, and, in general, totally neglect the duties of imperfect obligation, without incu [...]ring the least danger from the civil powers. But altho' civil government ordains no penalties in this case, religion does; and thus furnishes a remedy for that material defect. The man who lives under the belief and impression of religion, looks upon himself accountable at the bar of the omniscient for the neglect of those duties. Tho' he is under no terror from the laws of men, he fears that future vengeance which awaits the guilty beyond the grave.

But it may be objected against the above reasoning,— That religion is not so useful and necessary as hath been represented—That tho' civil society labours under great deficiencies, there are other ways by which they may be supplied. It may be said, that the regard which men have to their own interest, their own temporal happiness and security, will naturally lead them to pay a strict regard to the laws of society, and also to perform those duties which laws cannot enforce, as well as to avoid those crimes which they cannot punish—That the happiness of every individual in society is involved with, and depends upon the happiness of the whole. That every one may see, that without obedience to good and wholesome laws, government must be rent into pieces, and he himself share in the common ruin. And further, that the omission even of those duties which civil laws do not require, and the commission of those crimes which they cannot punish, must be injurious to the welfare of the state, and consequently to his own happiness;—therefore a regard to his own interest, and temporal prosperity, must induce him to perform those duties, and shun those crimes.

To all which we beg leave to reply;—that it may be readily granted, without any disadvantage to the argument, that the considerations mentioned, will have their weight with [...] it would betray no small [...] ignorance [Page] of human nature to suppose, that those things have any considerable influence on the bulk of mankind. They think but little of such matters. They are not disposed to attend to such far-fetched deductions, nor to refine even thus far. Such kind of reasonings, tho' obvious enough to those who have attended to the nature and influence of civil society, to them appears not a little intricate and perplexed. There is not perhaps a people on the face of the earth, more enlightened in the nature of civil government, than the Americans [...] and yet I suppose it may be modestly affirmed, that by far the greater part of them, reflect but little, how society procures those blessings which they enjoy; because they are not immediately and directly the consequence of it. The gross of the common people are too much occupied about other matters, to examine remote consequences, or trace their present happy and flourishing circumstances to so distant a source as civil society. They generally attribute these to their own prudence, industry and address, without looking any further. For the most part they are pursuing their own private and separate interest, little solicitous about the public good, tho' they may at the same time be promoting it. They seldom reflect, that they are a part of a whole, with which they are obliged to stand or fall; or consider, that their happiness depends upon that of the community of which they are members. Men who are immured in their studies, and conversant chiefly with books, may wonder how people can be ignorant of these things: but let them travel through our country, and converse with those of the lower rank, who make the bulk in every government, and they will find great numbers, and those not the worst citizens, much like the simple Hibernian, who when he was informed the ship was sinking, made this reply; "what do I care, I am only a passenger." In order, therefore, that the gross of the people may discharge their duty as good citizens, some more obvious and immediate motive is necessary to supply the imperfection of civil laws;—some principle of action which comes more directly home to them, and affects them more immediately as individuals. Such [...] of religion, which teaches, [Page] the virtuous shall be rewarded, and the vicious punished in a future state. This leading principle, which seems in a great measure natural to the mind of man, will have a much greater influence on the generality of mank [...]nd, and do more to supply the defects of civil society than all the reasonings in the world, which, tho' they may be just, are but little attended to by most men.

The whole of what is urged in the objection, under the notion of motive, may be resolved into the principle of self-love; which when duly modified, properly directed, and wisely regulated, is no doubt, favourable to civil government. But who does not see, that the love of self is almost always inordinate in the pursuit of present good, and frequently, by a blind and furious impulse to present gratification, breaks thro' all the fences of law, and leads men to all manner of violence and injustice. Indeed, to counteract and restrain the excess of this passion, and correct the evils which arise from it, is the very design of the civil compact. This government attempts, by laying hold on this same principle, the strongest in human nature, and endeavouring to prevent its ill effects, by giving it an opposite direction. This it can do but very imperfectly by its own proper power; and therefore stands in need of aid from some other quarter. Here religion affords the necessary assistance; for by inculcating a future retribution, and thus exciting the hopes and the fears of men, she opposes self-love to self-love. My meaning is, that she opposes the love of self as desiring future good, and shunning future evil, to the love of self considered as pursuing the unlawful gratification of present irregular ap [...]etite. The language of civil laws is, "if you transgress, through an inordinate love of self, you shall be punished:" which very threatening is an application to the selfish principle, self-love always leading men to avoid that which they reckon in its nature evil. The language of religion is "if you carefully observe the wise and salutary laws of your countr [...], and faithfully discharge the duties of a good citizen, you shall have an ample reward; but if hurried away by the impulse of selfish passions, you violate the laws, and [Page] the rights of your fellow-citizens, the most dreadful punishment awaits you." It is easy to see how far the language of both coincides. They only differ in this, that the one reaches further than the other. The one denounces punishment, but promises no reward; the other not only promises a reward, but threatens a more dreadful punishment. Civil laws lay hold, more especially, on mens fears; religion both on their hopes and their fears. Both address themselves to the selfish passions; both oppose self-love to self-love, in the sense already explained. But grant all that is supposed in the objection, it will by no means overthrow our argument. We have no where asserted, that there are no other principles in human nature, besides religion, which tend in any degree to remedy the imperfections of society; but only, that religion is the most proper and natural remedy. Whatever may any how serve as a foundation of moral obligation, if indeed there may be any such foundation distinct from the will of the supreme, as the moral sense, the essential difference of things; these, as far as they lead men to approve and practise virtue, and shun vice, tend to promote the happiness of society. If a principle of honor and shame, a regard to character and dread of contempt and disgrace, induce men to virtuous actions, and restrain them from the contrary, they must be considered as contributing in some degree to supply the defects of civil laws. I am, however, persuaded, that upon a careful examination, these will be found not to have all that influence some may imagine. They are not a little precarious, and depend much upon time, place, education, custom and fashion. What is reckoned honorable at one time and place, is not reckoned so at another. Custom and fashion, which exercise a kind of despotism over us in matters of less consequence, introduce very considerable changes even in moral sentiments and conduct. That rigid virtue and austerity of manners which so strongly marked the rise of the Roman republic, would have appeared ridiculous and contemptible, when that empire began to decline. That style of manners which was reckoned honorable, and procured the highest veneration in Cromwell's time, was the [Page] object of scorn and derision, under the voluptuous reign of the second Charles. Custom hath reconciled many of the Carolinians and Georgians to a treatment of their slaves which a Pennsylvanian looks upon with horror; it is a custom among some savage nations to expose infants; and this practice prevailed among the Athenians and several other Grecian states, tho' civilized in a very high degree. And to increase our wonder, it was defended and inculcated by their greatest philosophers. We look upon this custom with the utmost abhorrence, we consider it as the highest pitch of barbarity, and the most shocking violation of the laws of nature and humanity; but among them, it was no way disgraceful, and past without blame or censure. After all, from the instances given above, we must not conclude, as some have done, that there is no other difference in moral actions and sentiments than that which arises from education, custom, or opinion. The foundations of morality are more deep and stable, than to be overthrown so easily as such men imagine. There are some actions and characters to which no education or custom whatever can reconcile men. Custom can never bring us to approve of ingratitude and treachery; and to look upon them as honorable and worthy of praise as gratitude and faithfulness. Because men in some particular instances, thro' the influence of custom or education, act contrary to what we reckon the plain rules of morality, it will not follow that these rules have no other foundation. This would prove too much; for by the same method of arguing, we might prove, that there is no such thing as a principle of reason in men; because in millions of instances, custom and education lead them to act contrary to its plain dictates. Let the moral sense, the essential difference, the principles of honor and shame, have all the weight which can with any show of reason be allowed them, enough will still be left for religion. With all the assistance which these can afford, human laws will be found but a weak fence against the violence and injustice of men.

The capable reader will have observed, that we have cautiously avoided to embroil ourselves in those disputes [Page] which have been agitated concerning the foundation of moral obligation.

It is well known that three different opinions have been advanced on this head: some founding it on the moral sense, others on the essential difference of things, and others on the will of God. Strictly speaking, perhaps this last only, can properly oblige men. But in order to maintain this, it is not necessary to exclude the other two from all influence on morality. Where is the absurdity of allowing all three a share in leading men to the practice of virtue? Without determining any thing positively concerning this matter, we have endeavored to prove, that religion cannot be considered as unnecessary, even on the principles of those who are most strongly attached to the moral sense and the essential difference. These two have indeed, of late, been the hobby-horses of their respective patrons. They make the principal figure in the writings of most of our modern moralists, not to say divines. The will of God, or what comes nearly to the same thing, religion, which is indeed the only proper and stable foundation of morality, is either wholly excluded, or brought in only by the bye, as a matter of little or no [...] consequence. These sine-spun systems, however much they may display the ingenuity of their authors, have but very little tendency to promote virtue, and reform the manners of the people; and therefore can be of little service to society. It is not easy to see how the moral sense, or the essential difference, or both taken together, when considered as wholly distinct from religion, if indeed they can be so considered, can properly establish the sanction of future reward and punishment. This we have shewn is of the greatest moment to civil government; and hence arises the singular utility of religion.

The abstract beauty of virtue may operate upon profound reasoners,—that pleasure which arises from those actions which the moral sense approves, may have its weight with men of elegant minds and delicate sentiments; but neither of them will have much effect upon the great body of mankind. They will be always found to operate but very faintly upon [Page] many, who have, generally, "quick senses, strong passions and gross intellects." This single observation shows of how little consequence they are, when compared with religion, which is calculated to operate upon the bulk of the common people in every society.

Upon the whole, tho' we should grant that other things co-operate with religion in supplying the defects of civil society, we need not fear to conclude, that this is the most proper, and at the same time, the most powerful remedy.

Before we conclude this part, it will be necessary to add a few words concerning the use of oaths, which may be considered as a distinct argument, to prove the influence of religion on civil society. Solemn oaths, as far as I can learn, have obtained in all civilized nations. It is well known, what amazing force and influence they had upon the Romans in the virtuous period of their republic. In the greatest extremity, and most pressing dangers, these were their dernier resort. We have instances enow of this in their history. Let one suffice in this place: After the battle of Cannae, the people were struck with such a panic terror, that they talked of removing to Sicily. But Scipio had the address to obtain an oath from them, that they would not leave Rome. The dread of violating this oath overwhelmed all other apprehensions. "Rome," says the excellent Montesquieu, "was a ship held by two anchors, religion and morality, in the midst of a furious tempest."

If Mr. Locke, and the American politicians, argue right, all legitimate government is originally founded on compact. This compact is usually ratified by solemn oaths. The chief magistrate, who is invested with the supreme executive power, is bound by oath, faithfully and impartially to execute the laws, and govern agreeably to them. In like manner, every citizen is bound to aid and support him, as far as he acts conformably to his solemn engagement. Among us, it is well known, that all civil officers from the governor down to the constable, are obliged by oath, to the discharge of their respective trusts. The policy, and even necessity of all this, is very obvious; for altho' our civil [Page] officers are amenable for their conduct, and liable to be punished upon conviction, this can be no security against clandestine fraud. Here the religion of an oath is necessary, to restrain the [...] from those secret mal-practices, which, however injurious to the public, cannot be legally detected. The security of life and property depends, in a great measure, upon oaths The innocent cannot be absolved, nor the guilty punished without them. In the most important judicial proceedings, the verdict ultimately rests upon their validity. Take away the use o [...] these religious affirmations, and our courts of judicature must cease, or be almost entirely useless. In a word civil government can by no means be carried on without them. If oaths be thus necessary to the administration of government, religion must be so; for where there is no religion, there can be no oath. Take away the belief of a deity, a providence and future state, and there is an end of all oaths at once. In every oath a deity is invoked, as a witness and avenger, if we deviate from the truth. The atheist, therefore, cannot be bound by it. He who believes there is no providence or future state, can be in no dread of punishment, either in this or a coming world, if he can only elude human judicatures. The greatest free thinker, or most abandoned prostigate in our country, would place very little dependence on the oath of one who believes there is neither God nor devil, heaven nor hell. Civil laws do indeed hold out a severe punishment to deter men from perjury; but as it is one of those crimes, of which a person can seldom be legally convicted, such laws strike but little terror, and are of very little service. The perjured villain may repeat his crime an hundred times without any danger from human laws. If therefore, the laws of religion have no hold upon him, his oath is perfectly insignificant, especially, where he is under temptation to depart from the truth. We may therefore venture to affirm, that the obligation of oaths is properly founded on religion; and that whatever weight we allow them above a simple affirmation, arises from a supposition, that the deponent believes there is a God. the rewarder of truth and the avenger of [Page] perjury, to whom he makes a solemn appeal. This single consideration, were there no other arguments, is sufficient to evince the utility, and even the necessity of religion to civil society. For if government cannot be carried on without the use of oaths, and the validity of these depend upon religion, the consequence is unavoidable, that civil society cannot subsist without religion. We proceed to the second head of argument.

In order to show the influence of the christian religion on civil society, it will be necessary to consider—the doctrines it teaches—the worpship it enjoins—and the precepts it inculcates. The two first, shall be treated briefly; the last requires a more ample discussion.

I. Of the doctrines which christianity teaches.

Under this head it will not be necessary to treat all the doctrines of our religion, but only those which more immediately and directly tend to the benefit of society. Such are those concerning the nature of the deity, his providence, and a future state of rewards and punishments.

In those sacred writings which contain our religion, we have such a representation of the nature and attributes of the great first cause, as gives us the most grand, noble and worthy conceptions of him. The divine character as there drawn, is suited to inspire ideas at once the most august and awful, the most venerable and lovely. His irrestible power, inflexible justice and tremendous majesty; his infinite knowledge and immaculate purity, tend to fill us with the most profound awe and reverence; to deter us from every thing that may provoke him, and consequently to restrain us from every kind of immorality. These perfections of the deity leave the impenitent and persisting rebel no hope of escaping the righteous vengeance of heaven. His diffusive benevolence, the riches of his goodness, the extent of his mercy, his patience and readiness to pardon the repenting and returning sinner, are calculated to inspire us with sentiments of love and gratitude, encourage us to renounce our vicious practices, and hope in his mercy. In a word, the due consideration of his attributes, as represented in our [Page] religion, necessarily tends to restrain us from all vice, and excite us to walk in the paths of piety and virtue; and consequently to promote our happiness as social beings.

It must be confessed, even by those who are inclined to think most favourably of the ancient Heathens, tha [...] they generally entertained very gross and unworthy notions of their deities; and such as plainly tended to corrupt their morals, and encourage them in an indulgence of the sensual passions, very pernicious to civil society. Their Gods, as the poet well expresses it, were

"Gods partial, changeful, passionate, unjust,

"Whose attributes were rage, revenge or lust."

The amorous intrigues, the rapes, quarrels, thefts, &c. for which they were celebrated, are justly reckoned scandalous among mortal men. There was scarcely any vice, the practice of which was not countenanced by some of their deities, male or female. Indeed when we consider the immoralities ascribed to the gods of the Heathens, it is surprising they were not more corrupt and dissolute in their manners. There must have been some powerful antidote in their civil institutions, which counteracted the influence of religious errors so destructive of all morality. The idea which christianity gives us of the infinite purity of that God whom we worship, has a quite contrary tendency. In a word, the perfections of the deity held up to view in divine revelation are such, that the serious consideration and devout contemplation of them, must necessarily fill us with an abhorrence of all impurity and vice of every kind. The more nearly we resemble him, and the more perfectly we imitate him, the more virtuous we are, and the more disposed to discharge all the social duties.

The doctrines, which christianity teaches concerning the divine providence, give us the most exalted conceptions of the deity. They are perfectly consonant to, and indeed the necessary consequence of, his attributes. What a sublime idea does it give us of the great Jehovah, when we consider him as "ruling in the army of heaven, and amongst the inhabitants of this lower world;" exercising an absolute [Page] supreme and universal dominion over all his creatures; sustaining them by his power, directing them by his wisdom, and supplying them by his bounty? The God whom we are taught to worship, is no local deity like those of the Heathens, presiding over this or that portion of nature; the guardian of this or that particular city or country, inhabiting this or that particular river, grove or mountain. He fills the vast and complicated machine of the universe, touches every spring, moves every wheel, and adjusts every motion. He is the f [...]untain not only of being, but of all operation; the source of all that beauty, order and harmony which are diffused over the wide creation, and fill the attentive beholder with such inexpressible delight. His providence extends to the least as well as the greatest of his works. None of his creatures, however insignificant, escape his notice: he regards them all with an equal and impartial eye. They are all the objects of his parental care, all the subjects of his governing power and wisdom. With what beauty and emphasis does the inspired poet set forth the exuberant goodness of the creator, in the ample provision he makes for the various tribes of animals which inhabit this spacious earth? "The lord is good to all; and his tender mercies are over all his works. The eyes of all wait upon thee, and thou givest them their meat in due season. Thou openest thy hand and satisfiest the desire of every living thing." But although his benificence is extended to all his creatures, those who devote themselves to his service are the objects of his peculiar care. "The young lions may lack and suffer hunger; but they that seek the Lord shall not want any good thing. Their bread shall be given them, their water shall be sure." He who "feeds the young ravens that cry and clothes the grass of the field," will much more give his own servants food to eat and raiment to put on.

When the devout christian contemplates the providence of God in this view, and considers all things as under the government, and at the sovereign disposal of a being infinitely just, wise and powerful, whose goodness, like an overflowing [Page] fountain, is continually diffusing its streams over the whole c [...]ea [...]ion, and who hath pledged his truth that "all things shall work together for his good;" it cannot fail, to inspire confidence and tranquility, and afford him consolation under the heavi [...]st calamities. He looks up to the bounty of his heavenly father, who, with a benignant hand, pours out the blessings of his providence. In the use of the appointed means he depends upon his parental care and mu [...]ficence, nor dreads approaching poverty or want. Contented with that portion of temporal good things which prov [...]dence hath allotted to him, he is not disposed to encroach upon the property of others, either by fraud or violence. Satisfied with the station, tho' humble, in which heaven hath fixed him, he envies not the rich and the great, nor is anxious for change. With such a temper as this, he cannot [...]ail of being an honest, quiet, and peaceable member of society. Such a disposition, especially in governments which enjoy a great share of l [...]berty, is perhaps, of more importance than is generally imagined. Discontentment with our present condition, envy of wealth and power, and an immoderate fondness of change, are the source of innumerable evils in society. At least, it is certain they were so in the republic of Rome, which was continually embroiled by the fierce disputes between the Patricians and the Plebeans. And, if I mistake not, much of the present uneasiness, strife, and political contention in South Carolina, may be traced to the same source. If every citizen, with a christian temper, would acquiesce in that wise plan of providence, which ordains a certain subordination of rank and office in the political body; and consider that in this very thing the beauty, order, and even the excellence of society, very [...]uch consists, we would not have so many factious and turbulent spirits amongst us. We would not then see so many, who, prompted by ambitious and aspiring passions, are continually grasping after power and wealth and high stations, endeav [...]ring to pull down all who are above, and oppress all below them A just view of providence as taught by our religion, would lead us to consider, that in every government, [Page] there must be high and low, rich and poor. This would make us easy and contented with the lot which heaven has assigned to us and convince u [...], that in acting our part well, wh [...]ther it be a high, or a low one, "all the honor lies."

The ways of providence, often indeed, ap [...]ear dark and m [...]sterious, even to the most careful observers, while here in this world, because the plan is impe [...]fectly comprehended. The wicked who break th [...]ough all the laws of God and man, are of [...]en prosperous, and in appearance hap [...]y, wh [...]e the righteous are oppressed and born down with [...]he heaviest affl [...]ctions and calamities. But when the vast chain, of which we now see only a few detached li [...]ks, will be u [...]folded; when the curtai [...] of time is drawn aside, and eternity opens upon us; when the mighty drama, if I may so express it, winds u [...], then we will see the justice of all the divine d [...]spensations—then the good man shall be rewarded, the wicked punished, and the ways of God to man fully vindicated. The last act will unravel all, and exhibit every character in its true light. The christian considers all this, and therefore, though he cannot see through the dark maze o [...] providence, he adores, in si [...]ence, what he is not able to fa [...]hom, and submits without repining to the determinations of heaven. He poss [...]sses his soul in patience, and looks forward to that great decisive day, when the justice of the su [...]reme ruler will triumph in the reward of virtue and the punishm [...]n [...] of vice This natura [...]ly leads to the doctrine of a future state, wh [...]ch is a part of the stupendous plan of providence, and of the utm [...]st importance to civil society. It is acknowledged, that this doct [...]i [...]e was of general bel [...]ef a [...]ong the civilized heathens; and we have supposed, that it was of singular utility to their civil policy But it is beyond all d [...]ubt, that chr [...]st [...]ans have advantages vastly super [...]or in this particular, for which they are wholly indebted to d [...]vine revelation. Though the Hea [...]h [...]ns expected a righteous judgment to come, and to be rewarded or punished hereafter according as they behaved then selves here, they were much in the dark as to the circumstances of that judgment, and the nature of those rewards and punishments. All [Page] who are acquainted with their writings, will readily own, tha [...] [...]hen [...] concerning these things, were very absurd, gross and [...]uerile. But in the scriptures, especially in the N. I. where "life [...]n imm [...]rtality are brough [...] to light," we have all these p [...]rticulars unfolded, a far as [...]nfin [...]te w [...]sdom sees necessary to our hap [...]iness; and as far perhaps, as we are able to comprehe [...]d them, in our present imperfect state. The awful process of the general judgment is repres [...]nted in such a man [...]er, [...] is su [...]ed to give us the most d [...]ep and solemn impr [...]ssions o [...] that great and te [...]ible day.

The character of the judge; his descent to judgment, in all the p [...]mp and majesty of a God; the un [...]ufferable s [...]lendor of his appearance; his b [...]ight angeli [...] retinue; the solemn and tremendous sound of the last trumpet, which announces his approach and ushers in the awful scene; are all des [...]ribed with a gra [...]deur and boldness of image [...], [...] force and elevation of [...]anguage, which no human [...]en can reach. The resurrection of the dead, by the all-awakening voice of the son of God; the cha [...]ge of the living, and th [...] appearance, in one vast assembly, before [...]h judge seated on his burning throne; the applauding sentence of the righteous▪ the just and terrible doom of the wicked; are set before us with such sublimity of though, and energy of expression as seem best adapted to arrest the attention, and impress the heart. Sympathising nature adds to the solemnity and terror of the day. The [...] is darkened; the moon turned into b [...]ood; lightnings fl [...]sh, thunders roar; "the heavens pass away wi [...]h a great no [...]se, the elements melt with servent hea [...]," and the earth dissolves in fire.

For the sake of brevity, s [...]me of th [...]se texts, in which the final judgmen [...] is described, are referred to below: and wh [...]ever will please to turn to them, and read with attention, must be struck with the majesty and grandeur of the sentiments, if he have any taste for what is truly great and sublime. How mean and trifling are the fictions of the Heathen poets; their representations of Minos and R [...]a [...]a [...]anthus ³ [Page] thus separating the pious from the impious, and assigning the [...]ther distr [...]ct abodes, when compa [...]ed with [...]he descriptions which divine revelation gives us of the last judgment!

The rewards, which christianity proposes to all her si [...] cure votaries are the most great and glorious imaginable. They are pure, refi [...]ed, intellectual, much more excellent and worthy of a rationa [...] creature, than those of any other religion The Elysium of the Heathens makes a poor and contem [...]tible figure, when compared with the heaven of ch [...]stia [...]s. Their "vestow meads of Asphod [...]," and b [...]we [...]s of Amaranth; their com [...]a [...]s [...]unning, wrestling, music and dancing, will not bea [...] a compa [...]ison with those sub [...]me joys and intellectual pleasures, which ou [...] religion promises, as the reward of virtuous and pious s [...]u [...]s. The company and conversation of pious heroes poets and philosophers, which seems to have been the most exal [...]ed notion that even a Socrates formed of future happiness, though much more reasonable and worthy of an intelligent nature, is nothing more than may be enjoyed in the present life. How far does even this fall short of the society of angels and the spirits of just men made perfect, and of that happiness which consists in the knowledge, contemplation and fruition of the chief good; by which our natures are exalted to the highest pitch of perfection and felicity? Wh [...] a despicable idea of future happiness do s [...]me of the more sensual Jews frame to themselves, w [...]en they place it in delicious feasts and rich banquets? The paradise of the Mahometans is still more vile and sordid. How unwo [...]thy of rational creatures! to suppose that their supreme felicity consists in go [...]d fare, and the fruition of pleasu [...]es altogether sen [...]ua [...], which brutes enjoy in a mo [...]e exquisite degree.

Christianity reproba [...]es every thing of this kind, and exhibits pleasures more noble, solid and permanent than the richest entertainments, the must exquisite sensual delights. Whatever is reckoned great or glorious, grand or magnificient, among mortal [...]; whatever affords the highest satisfaction, the most intense and poignant pleasure; in this wor [...]d, all these are employed by the inspired penmen, only [Page] as emblems of the heavenly felicity. Kingdoms, thrones, cro [...]s, are bu [...] [...]a [...]t resemblan [...]es of "that exceeding and eternal we [...]ght of glory which shall be revealed hereafte [...]." The most sump [...]u [...]us banque [...]s, where the gentle fire of [...]ove lig [...]ts up every counterance, j [...]y transports, and friendship w [...]rms are but [...]mperfect representations of that "rulness of joy which is in the presence of God, and those rivers of immorta [...] pleasure which fl [...]w at his right hand." The sacred w [...]ers, who make use of these earthly images, inform us at the same time, that the celestial happiness is great beyond comparison, and far transcends our highest conceptions.— "As it is written, eye hath not seen nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him."

Further; christianity not only gives us the most noble and rational representation of that immense and u [...]ut [...]erable reward which awaits good men in the eternal world; but also exhibits the most terrible and striking picture of that punishment which will be i [...]fl [...]cted on the wicked. The Heathen writers have been much more happy in their descriptions of the latter than the farmer. Their deep and dismal dungeons, dark and dreary caverns, whirlpools of fil [...]h and torren [...]s of fi [...]e; their endless labours, rack [...]ng whee [...]s and tormenting furies, are no faint images of terror, and bear a considerable analogy to the christian notions on this head. But what are these, when compared with the descriptions, which the pen of inspiration gives us of he [...], the seat of en [...]aged justice and burning vengeance; and of those eternal pains which the enkindled wrath of the almighty inflicts upon the wrecked ghosts, who are condemned to those gloomy ma [...]si [...]ns of endless horror and despa [...]? "The blackness of darkness forever; the worm that neve [...] d [...]es, a [...]d the fire that is not quenched; weeping, wa [...]ing and g [...]ashing of [...]e [...]th; fire, brimstone and an horrible tempest" What gloomy and dreadful images are these! How awfully grand and striking! How w [...] accommodated to awaken our fears, to de [...]er us from evil, and st [...]mulate us to the practice of piety and virtue; without which we canno [...] expect to [Page] weape the threatened punishment! whoever will take the trouble to consult th [...] numerous passages of holy writ, where the future punishment of the wicked [...]s described, will perceive how w [...]l they are [...]u [...]ed to convey the most strong and terrible [...]leas of extr [...]m [...] unutterab [...]e misery. In all the Heathen writings, we cannot find such awfu [...] and st [...]iking pictures of the keen anguish, he unspeakable agony and horror of those guilty wretches, who "lie down in sorrow and make their bed in he [...]." Two of the greatest H [...]a [...]en poets have tried their strength, and exerted the whole force of their talents, in describing a future state. All those great and splendid images, all that rich and b [...]autiful colouring which the bold glowing, and creative fancy of Homer, or the fi [...]e, correct and copious imagination of Virgil could bestow have been employed to heighten and embellish the subject. After all, I think every capable and candid judge will allow, that their representations are far from being equal to those of scripture, even in point of sublimity; not to mention other things of much greater importance. Hear what an eminent and judicious prelate of the English church says on this subject Bishop T [...]ll son, after having given a description of the last day from scripture, has the following passage: "I appeal to any man whether this be not a representation of things very proper and suitable to that great day, wherein he that made the world shall come to judge it? And whether the wit of man ever devised any thing so awful and so agreeable to the majesty of G [...]d, and the solemn judgment of the whole world? The descript [...]ons which Vi [...]g [...]l makes of the Elysian fields, and the in [...]ernal regions, how infinitely do they fall short o [...] the majesty of the h [...]y scriptures, and the description there made of heaven and hell, and of the great and terrible day of the lord! so [...]hat in comparison they are child [...]sh and tr [...]fling. A [...]d yet perhaps he had the most regular and most governed imagination of any man that ever lived, and observed the greatest decorum in his characters and description [...]." "But who can deci [...]e the great things of God, but he to whom God shall reveal them?"

[Page]Thes [...] few hints concerning the christian doctrines of a righteous judgment to come, and a future state of rewards and punishments may serve to show of how much importance they are to civil society. He who firmly believes in a future judgment, and reflects with any degree of seriousnes [...] on the awful solemnities of that great and terrible day, when he must stand before an almighty and omniscient judge and give an account of all his actions, cannot but be influenced in some measure by such a belief. And the influence which such a prospect has upon the minds of men must be fav [...]urable to civil government, by restraining their passions, cu [...]bing [...] entiousness, and deterring them from violence and injusti [...]e.

Who that firmly believes, and seriously contemplates the immense and unspeakable rewards which await the righteous in a future [...]e, can avoid being allured to the pursuit of v [...]rtue? Who that looks forward, and considers the awful doom of [...]h [...]se who persist in a course of vice and impiety, can boldly and without remorse, go on in the road which leads to eternal misery?* "It is impossible," says an excellent writer, "to bi [...] defiance to eternal ruin without some refuge in imagination, some presumption of escape▪ As long as men really believe, that there is a just God who w [...]ll pu [...]ish their crimes in a future state, they will be under some restrain [...]. They seldom give themselves over to a life of [...]vowed vice and immorality, until they come to doubt of [Page] disbelieve this truth. Hence it is, that they are obliged to take refuge in [...]fidelity▪ before they can wholly silence the clamours of conscience; and sin at ease The christian doctrines of a future judgment, of heaven and of hell, have a greater influence, even on them st [...]pr [...]fl [...]gate, than perhaps is generally imagined; and if men were under no restraint from this quarter, we should find them much more difficult to govern [...]han they are. Lord Shafisbury tells us, "that among the vulgar, a heaven and a hell may prevail, where a jail and a g [...]l [...]ows a [...]e [...]hought insufficient And yet this is the man who was for substituting a fine taste instead of religion for the regulation of mens manners. If indeed this nob [...]e author could give all m [...]n a ju [...] taste, it would be doing something: but who does not see, that this is impossible? As one of his answerers well observes, "he might as well think of making them all lords."

I have often wondered at the absurdity of those men, who glory in the name of patriot, as this celebrated writer certainly did; and yet make it their business to ridicule religion and weaken its obligations. They acknowledge, that it is a necessary restra [...]nt on the manners of the multitude, and therefore useful to government; and yet do their utmost to bring it into contempt. I know no better way to expose the inconsistency of such men, than by comparing them to an architect, who with much cost and labour raises and adorns the superstructure, while he is pulling away the main pillars which support the fabric. Can that man be reckoned a genuine lover of his country, who endeavours to p [...]omote vi [...]e and corrupt the morals of the people? And I must take the liberty to think, that this is the case of all th [...]se who propagate infidelity, and under the odious name of superstition endeavour to blacken christianity, and e [...]a [...]i [...]te all sense of religion from the minds of men. I [...] I mistake not, we have some patriots of this stamp among ourselves, who by their comment of all religion, their malicious snee [...]s and sly insinuations, are contributing largely to the destruction of their country. They may do many things [...] and beneficial to the public; but while they are [Page] raising up with one hand, they are pulling down with the other. They would reckon it an unpardonable outrage for any one even to insinuate, that they are not fast friends of government; and yet make no scruple of ridiculing the most sacred and important truths of religion; and by their loose, immoral lives, and the poison of their example, are sapping one of the principal pillars on which it rests. Suppose some of these zealous patriots should be so succesful as to proselyte all the citizens of South Carolina, and banish all those fables of a heaven and hell from the minds of the credulous multitude; I should be glad to know what they think would be the consequence. Would men become better members of society, if all the sentiments of religion, which as a great polititian observes, "are perhaps the only motive of honesty in the greatest part of mankind," were utterly abolished? It hath been often observed, that these sage unbelievers, who think themselves too knowing to be carried away with the religious tales of a future state, are well enough pleased, that the vulgar should think there is some truth in them. Nor do they think it much amiss, if thei [...] wives and daughters have a smal [...] spice of faith about them. A female free thinker is an odious character even among infi [...]els. What can be the reason of this? Is it not plain, that norwithstanding all their loud talk against religion, they consider it as one of the strongest sences of virtue? If it be so necessary in females, why not in the other sex? Have men no need of this additional motive to a life of virtue and probity? Or is it no detriment to society, for them to be false and faithless, and indulge themselves in the gratification of their irregular appetites? Is there a hell for women, but none for m [...]n? If these gentlemen look upon the doctrine of a future state, though false, to be useful in society, where is their civil prudence, when they are endeavouring to turn it into ridicule, and erase it from the minds of men? Suppose them to be a set of refined spirits, who have a just and noble taste, and are capable of being enamoured with virtue for her own sake; and of shunning vice merely on account of its innate deformity, what is to be done with the bulk of mankind, [Page] who have no such taste? Who pursue virtue chiefly for her dower, and shun vice on account of that future punishment which attends it? What a deluge of lust and fraud, and violence, would quickly overspread our country, were they all brought to be thorough-paced infidels! In a word, whatever regard these men may profess to virtue, I can scarcely think them in earnest, when they ridicule religion in order to promote it.—This by the way.

To conclude, if the Elysium and Tartarus of the Heathens, were of that importance to society, which the ancient lawgivers and politicians supposed, much more must the christian doctrines of heaven and hell, which are founded in truth, and free from all fiction and fable.

II. Of the worship which christianity enjoins.

That worship which the christian religion requires, is pure, simple, spiritual, and perfectly conformable to the nature of its object. God is a spirit, and therefore we are commanded to "worship him in spirit and in truth." A supreme and unfeigned love, a sincere and ardent gratitude, a solemn awe and reverence, an humble confidence and entire resignation to his will, are the leading dispositions he requires in his worshippers. The supreme excellence of his nature, the [...]ranscendent glory of his attributes, which far surpass the most exalted conceptions of men and angels, render him the proper object of our supreme love. His overflowing bounty, the riches of his grace, the number and greatness of his mercies, demand our highest and warmest gratitude. His awful glory and tremendous majesty call for holy fear and dread. His power, wisdom, truth and justice, should inspire us with confidence, and lead us to acquiesce with absolute submission [...]n all his righteous dispensations. In the proper exercise of these dispositions, consists that internal worship which our religion enjoins. The external part consists in the outward expressions of these inward dispositions by such words, actions and at [...]itudes as are most proper to convey the sentiments of the heart. And our religion teaches us that these outward expressions are no further acceptable to the deity than as they are connected with, and flow from [Page] those internal dispositions which he requires. To "draw near to God with our lips, when our hearts are far from him," is hypocritical and odious in his sight. To exhibit outward expressions of love, reverence, gratitude, &c. where there is nothing of these dispositions at heart, is only a solemn farce, a piece of profane mockery; and so far from pleasing God, it is an abomination to him. He requires "truth in the inward parts." A pure, sincere, humble, and upright heart is the object of his highest approbation. If this be wanting, nothing else can be acceptable. All the essential parts of christian worship are appointed by God himself, who best knows what is agreeable to his own nature, and suited to our condition. They all tend to suggest spiritual ideas, to detach the mind from objects of sense, and fix it on the important realities of an invisible world. Among some denominations of christians indeed, much external show, many pompous rites and ceremonies, much solemn farce and mummery, have been introduced into their religious worship. But these ought to be considered as mere human inventions, contrary to the primitive simplicity, and opposite to the genuine spirit and design of christian worship, as instituted by its author. These additaments, which like so many excrescences, mar the comeliness and destroy the simplicity of our religious worship, are to be placed to the account of superstition, which is ever apt to mingle itself with religion.

The religious worship of a people, especially the public part of it, will always have a considerable influence on their morals; and this influence will be good or bad according to the nature of their worship. If that be pu [...]e, rational and agreeable to the nature of a holy being, it will lead to purity of morals, and therefore promote the happiness of civil society. If the contrary, the effect will be directly opposite. In the public worship which genuine christianity prescribes, every part is calculated to inspire us with an aversion from vice, and a love of piety and virtue Our prayers, when assembled for public worship, are a solemn address to that pure and immaculate being, who is the author of life and [Page] the fountain of all our blessings. In these we recognize his glorious perfections, express our dependence on him, and return the tribute of our gratitude for his great and manifold mercies. Here we confess the evil of sin, plead for the pardon of it through the merits of a redeemer, and acknowledge the obligations we are under to renounce it, and live sober, righteous, godly lives. It is not necessary to take up the readers time in showing how well suited all these things are to impress the heart with pious sentiments, and fortify the mind wi [...]h fresh resolutions against whatever is opposed to the nature of that holy being to whom our prayers are addressed. If this part of christian worship be performed in a proper manner, it cannot fail to have an influence on our moral temper and practice, as favourable to society as it is extensive. To return to those vicious practices, the criminal and unreasonable nature of which we have been just confessing, and from which we have been just praying to be delivered, has something in it very absurd and shocking to an ingenuous mind.

That part of our worship which is more particularly desi [...]ned to celebrate the praises of our creator, has the same moral tendency. In this the charms of music and poetry are added to heighten our devotion, to awaken the soul, enflame the heart, and raise our affections to that pitch of ardour and elevation which is justly due to the object of our adoration. Our songs of praise are adapted to heighten our conceptions, and give us the most exalted thoughts of God. The more our views of the divine perfections are enlarged, the more intensely will the pure flame of divine love burn in our hearts: and if it be true, that love assimilates to the object beloved, the more we love the more we will resemble the deity. The more we will resemble him in his moral attributes, the more we must abhor sin, that abominable thing which he hates. The more deeply his image is ingraved on our hearts, the more we will be disposed to imitate his infinite benevolence; and of consequence to promote the happiness of our fellow-citizens, by the steady practice of every social duty.

[Page]As to those grave religious discourses which are delivered in our christian assemblies, they are so evidently calculated to promote virtue and combat vice, that little need be said concerning them. While the ministers of our religion pursue the original design of their institution, and live and preach as christianity requires, their public instructions and solemn admonitions will always tend to facilitate the designs of a wise and salutary policy. If they follow the example, and pay a due regard to the precepts of their heavenly master, their discourses must necessarily be adapted to make men wiser and better. In these the pure and heavenly doctrines of our religion are explained and press [...]d, her precepts inculcated, and her laws and sanctions vindicated. Here the eternal world is laid open, and all the interesting and important realities of a future state unfolded. Heaven and he [...]l, eternal happiness and eternal misery, with the grandour and solemnity of those scenes which bring on the general consummation, are held up to view. The lovely and alluring form of virtue and religion, the guilt and deformity of vice, the unspeakable eternal felicity which attends the o [...]e, and the everlasting misery which is the consequence of the other, are set before our eyes. Such pictures as these, executed by the bold and correct hand of a master, and exhibited in those rich and strong colourings which the glowing pencil of inspiration supplies, must have a great influence on the morals of a people. In the compass of nature, there are no other topics better adapted to rouse and fix the attention of men, to seize the imagination, alarm the conscience, excite their hopes and fears, and consequently to reclaim them from vice and impiety to the love and practice of universal righteousness.

To what hath been said concerning our religious worship, it may be proper to add, that even the posit [...]ve institutions of christianity, so much derided by infidels, are designed and excellently well sui [...]ed to promote purity of heart and life. The rite of baptism points out the necessity of inward moral purity, and lays us under an express and solemn obligation to renounce the deeds of darkness, and consecrate ourselves [Page] to the service of God, by a life of piety and virtue. The Eucharist is a commemoration of the stupendous and unparalleled love of God, in giving his son to redeem our sinful race, to restore us from the ruins of our fall, and open the gates of the heavenly paradise. In this memorial of the sufferings and death of our compassionate Redeemer, we have the most striking display of the immaculate holiness of God, and of his infinite opposition to sin, which required so costly a sacrifice. Here too, we oblige ourselves in the most solemn and explicit manner, to depart from all iniquity, and lead a holy life, by practising piety towards God, as well as justice and charity towards our fellow-men. Pliny tells us, that the primitive christians used to meet together, and bind themselves by a solemn oath (sacramento) "that they would not steal, nor rob, nor be guilty of a breach of faith." This might have taught him, that christianity was at least favorable to morals, and ought to have sheathed the persecuting sword of civil government. What can be more proper than this holy institution, to keep alive a sense of religion in the hearts of men; to root out from their minds all hatred and malice, and unite them in the bonds of love and friendship?

If an affecting view of the most astonishing and unmerited love, exhibited to our senses by the most apt and significant symbols, can excite our love; if the richest blessings which heaven could bestow, can awaken our gratitude; surely this holy feast upon the sacrifice of our Redeemer, must have a powerful influence upon our lives. If the most solemn vows and oaths of fidelity to the great captain of our salvation, have any force to bind christians, the sacred engagements we come under by taking this sacrament, must be a strong security against the allurements of vice, and a continual excitement to persevere in the paths of virtue. Thus every part of christian worship, as prescribed by its divine author, leads to, and enforces purity of manners, and serves to restrain men from those vicious courses, which, in the natural stream of things, tend to the destruction of civil government. Had we time to enter into a minute comparison of the christian with other religions, its superior excellence [Page] in this respect would appear in the strongest light. It cannot be denied, that the worship of those heathen nations who have been most renowned for their civil policy, not only in many instances encouraged, but even consisted in the grossest immoralities. This was the case among the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans. To say nothing of the human sacrifices which they offered up to appeale their angry deities, what were their mysteries, but mysteries of iniquity? In the celebration of these, the foulest crimes were perpetrated, and the most flagitious lusts indulged, under the covert of darkness. Bacchus, Venus and Cupid, were worshiped with the most impure and abominable rights. Female prostitution, lust, drunkenness, and the wildest riot, were not only concomitants, but essential constituents of their worship. The civil magistrates of Rome were fully sensible of the necessary tendency of these enormities to corrupt the morals of the people, and of the political evils which flowed from these polluted sources. Accordingly, they endeavoured to obviate them, by enacting severe laws for the regulation of the mysteries; but finding these insufficient, the Orgia were finally abolished throughout Italy by a decree of the senate, A. U. 568. The Eleusinian mysteries, which were reckoned more pure, continued till the reign of the emperor Theodosius, and then underwent the fate of all human institutions.*

[Page]I do not wish to enlarge, by enquiring into the nature and tendency of the various kinds of religious worship which are, or have been, used in the world; and therefore shall conclude by observing, that they all fall far short of the christian, in their tendency to promote purity of morals, and consequently cannot be of equal utility to civil government.

III Of [...]he precep [...]s which christianity in [...]ulcates.

Whatever objections have been made by deists against the doctrines and worship of christianity, the most sensible and ingenious of them, have very little to urge against its moral precepts. On a careful and candid examination, they are found so conformable to the great principles of na [...]ural religion, that they who have not renounced all religion, both natural and revealed, are constrained to acknowledge their excellence. Reason and experience both serve to convince us, that the strict observance of them, tends to exalt our natures and promote our happiness in the present life. All who are not blind to the beauty and utility of virtue, and its tendency to promote the happiness of society, must acknowledge the importance of christian morality. If we a little consider the several duties which christianity enjoins upon us as social creatures, we w [...]ll immediately see how exactly its precepts fall in w [...]th [...]he ends of government, and how well they are suited to co [...]operate with, and facilitate the execution of, wise and wholesome laws. "The morality of the Gospel," said the dying Montesqueiu, "is a most excellent thing, and the most valuable present that could possibly have been received by man from his creator"

If it should be said, that those duties which we owe to each other in the social state are dictated by reason, and so a part of natural religion; and that christianity is therefore of little consequence in this respect; I will not now dispute the fact, but must take the liberty to deny the consequence. Though it should be granted, that christianity neither enjoins nor forbids any thing in moral practice, which natural religion does not enjoin or forbid, it will not hence follow that christianity is useless. Those moral duties which our religion inculcates, are indeed agreeable to reason, and [Page] appear to have a fitness and propriety in them, and on this account may be reckoned a part of natural religion. But who will dare to affirm that the whole system of what we call NATURAL RELIGION, could be reasoned out by the most enlightened of mortals, without, any assistance from divine revelation? And even supposing this were possible, there is no ground to believe, that men in general could make the discovery in this way; or if they could, there is not the least probability that they would, considering their negligence and inattention to such things. Many amongst us are ignorant of some very important duties of natural religion, though revealed to them, and repeatedly inculcated upon them in their bibles. What must we then suppose would be the case, if they were left to investigate these duties by an intricate chain of reasoning? It ought also to be considered, that Christianity is a very important confirmation of natural religion. Here the conclusions of reason are corroborated, and rendered more certain by the additional evidence of divine testimony. Those miracles and prophecies which were designed as a proof of the Christian dispensation, are also a proof of the truth of natural religion. Thus the dictates of natural light are ratified, if I may so express it, by the stamp of divine authority, and their truth proclaimed by a voice from heaven. Hence we see that the christian system of morals is to be considered, not barely as the deductions of reason; but the deductions of reason confirmed by an express revelation from God himself, and inculcated by his authoritative command; and therefore ought to have greater weight with us than the meer conclusions of fallible reason. Suppose a man able to demonstrate, which I suppose may be done, though perhaps by few, that it is his duty to love his enemies, would he not reckon it a great confirmation of his conclusion, if at the end of his demonstration, he should discover, that this duty was expressly revealed and peremptorily commanded by God himself? Would not his reasonings be much more satisfactory to himself, and more likely to influence his practice? It hath been often urged, and therefore we shall not here insist upon it, that the most [Page] enlightened of the heathens were much in the dark with respect to many of those moral duties; the reasonableness and propriety of which are evident to those instructed by Christianity. And it is worthy of remark, that these very heathens were, perhaps, more indebted to divine revelation than some of its enemies are willing to admit. Were this a proper place to enter into such a subject, it might be made more than probable, that had they been left to meer reason and the light of nature, their morals would have been much more deficient than they are. But our professed design will not allow us to enlarge upon these things. The few hints thrown out may suffice to show, that it does not in the least derogate from the importance of Christianity in the view we are now considering it, that its moral precepts coincide with the great Pandect of Nature. On the contrary, when these precepts thus conformable to the light of nature, a [...]e confirmed by the authority of heaven, urged upon us by our rightful sovereign, and enforced by the most express and awful sanctions, it is reasonable to conclude, that they will have a much greater influence on our practice, than if they were the sole result of reason, which all know is liable to err.

It may perhaps be expected, that in treating this part of my subject, I should draw a comparison between Christian and heathen morality; but as this hath been often done, and the superior excellence of Christian morals fully shown, I shall content myself with treating some of those moral precepts of Christianity, whi [...]h appear to have the most direct influence on society. Some occasional remarks concerning the errors and deficiencies of the heathen moralists will naturally fall in as we pass along.

1. That benevolent disposition which Christianity requires, has a direct tendency to promote the peace and happiness of men in a state of society.

Christianity is beyond comparison the purest and most extensive system of benevolence which hath ever been published to the world. It every where breathes the spirit of love, and inculcates the laws of kindness and humanity. That good will towards men which it requires is universal, [Page] and embraces the whole human race. It is not confined to the narrow circle of friends and relations, but extends even to enemies. The precept of our Savior which requires us to love, do good to, and pray for our enemies, is peculiar to Christianity; at least we do not find it so expressly taught, and particularly enforced, by any other religion. The Jews entertained an implacable hatred against all those who were not of their own nation and religion. Their male-volence to all but their own brethren, was so remarkable, that the heathens have taken notice of it. "Their fidelity," says Tacitu [...], "is inviolable, and their pity ready towards each other; but to all others they bear a mortal hatred." The apostle Paul, a more impartial judge, gives them the same character. "They please not God, and are contrary to all men." They even thought themselves at liberty to indulge their malice against private enemies of their own nation. Though the precepts of their law, rightly understood, were far from allowing such a malevolent disposition, it is certain that by their corrupt interpretations, they drew this inference from them. And it must be confessed, that the god-like duty of loving our enemies, was not so clearly revealed, and so expressly inculcated, under the Jewish, as under the Christian dispensation. Here we have it enforced by the noblest of all considerations, namely, the resemblance it gives us to the deity, who indiscriminately showers down the common blessings of his providence, both on his friends and enemies. The bloody and vindictive spirit of the Mahometan religion is well known. Grotius has emphatically characterized it in a few words. "Mahometis religio in armis nata, nihil spirat nisi arma, armis propagatur." "The religion of Mahomet originated in arms, breathes nothing but arms, is propagated by arms." The civil institutions of the Greeks, particularly those of Sparta, were principally directed to war. Conquest, rapine, blood-shed, triumph, were their chief aim. To rob and plunder their neighbors was so far from being reckoned infamous among them, that they gloried in it. And it is worthy of observation, that these institutions were admired by their philosophers, [Page] and approved by their oracles. Aristotle is not ashamed to affirm, "That war with barbarians is natural." The Romans were little better than the robbers and butchers of the world. Their fame, wealth, power, and grandeur, arose principally from the conquest and spoils of those whom they made or found their enemies. They were so infamous for their unjust wars and public robberies, that Cicero himself scruples not to declare, "that if every one had his own, they must return to their old cottages." In a word, the many instances of flagrant injustice and cruelty publicly approved both by the Greeks and Romans, show, that they had scare any idea of that universal benevolence, that humane, gentle and peaceable disposition, which the precepts of our religion so strongly recommend and enforce*. War was their trade, and their religion restrained them from nothing which they imagined might extend their empire and increase their power. Some of the heathen moralists have told us that faith is to be kept with an [...]emy; and that injuries should be forgiven, on the repentance and acknowledgement of the offender; but I do not recollect that one of them before the Christian aera, requires men to love those who are in a state of actual enmity with them. To do good to such, to pray for them, and promote their happiness, is a pitch of philanthropy, to which Christianity alone teaches us to aspire. How much such a disposition tends to the peace and happiness of men in the social state, is obvious at first view. Love is the great cement of society, and a principal bond of union among its members. As [Page] malice, hatred, envy, and all the inimical passions, naturally tend to disunite men, and destroy that concord, which is the greatest strength and security of government; so mutual love sweetly and powerfully attracts and binds them to each other. He who loves his neighbor as himself, and sincerely desires his happiness, needs no other motive to excite him to the most exact and careful performance of all the social duties. A heart overflowing with benevolence to our fellow-men will be a more powerful restraint from injury, and a stronger excitement to beneficence, than all the terror of civil laws. This noble and generous principle will operate uniformly and efficaciously; and by an internal, secret impulse, direct and spur [...]us on to a careful observance of all the laws of kindness and humanity. Prompted by an ardent wish to promote the happiness of all around us, we will perform every kind office with a pleasure and facility unknown to a narrow and selfish mind. We will often forget or over-look our own interest to oblige a friend, to vindicate the innocent, relieve the distressed and succour the miserable. He who is conformed to the temper, governed by the precepts, and influenced by the example of the benevolent Jesus, will, like the good Samaritan, pour balm even into the wounds of an enemy; will feed him when hungry, cloath him when naked, return him good for evil, and blessing for cursing. In a word, that unbounded benevolence which Christianity requires, necessarily leads to the performance of all the duties of charity, hospitality, gratitude, mercy and compassion, which we have shown human laws cannot enforce, and which are nevertheless necessary to the peace and happiness of civil government.

Let it be further observed here, that Christianity not only enjoins meekness and benevolence, but expressly condemns a contrary disposition. A malicious and vindictive temper is directly opposite to the precepts of the gospel. Hear the apostle Paul on this subject, "Dearly beloved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath; for it is written, vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the [Page] Lord. Therefore, if thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink; for, in so doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head." This is perfectly consistent with the precepts and example of his meek and heavenly master, who teaches us to expect forgiveness only, on condition that we forgive others. "But if you do not forgive neither will your father, who is in heaven, forgive your trespasses." The same precept and example is illustrated and enforced, with incomparable strength and beauty, in the parable of the debtors and creditors, Mat. 18. from the 23d verse to the close.

The Jewish doctors, by stretching the law of retaliation for personal injuries beyond its original design, gave too much countenance to private revenge. They enjoined it upon men as their duty to insist upon retaliation; and even went so far as to pronounce it lawful, in many cases, for the injured person to avenge himself, provided his revenge did not exceed the due measure. This was an evident abuse of the law, which only empowered the judges to give an eye for an eye, or a tooth for a tooth, if the injured party demanded it. Our savior teaches a more excellent morality, and a more heroic pitch of meekness and patience. "Ye have heard that it hath been said, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth; but I say unto you, that you resist not evil; but whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also; and if any man will sue thee at the law and take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also." Here our Saviour not only condemns the corrupt glosses of the Jewish Doctors; but, as is plain from the general strain of his language, forbids Christians some things which were permitted to the Jews under a more imperfect dispensation.* He does not allow his followers to insist upon retaliation for lesser injuries, and condemns that litigious temper which pushes on men to seek redress by law for every trifling offence; teaching us rather to relinquish part of our right, and bear with [...] small degree of injury, than violently to prosecute the offender.

[Page]It is not easy to determine what was the prevailing opinion of the heathen philosophers and moralists on this subject. Some of them approve of revenge, others condemn it*. In this, as well as in most other points of morality, they were much divided, and advanced sentiments repugnant to each other. How well soever some of them may have spoken on this subject, it is plain that our duty in this respect is pointed out by Christ and his apostles with much greater clearness and precision, and enforced with an energy and authority, much better adapted to influence the minds of men, than in any of their writings. How favorable this influence is to civil society, and how commodiously it falls in with the intention of human laws, will appear from the following considerations.

Private revenge is utterly repugnant to the principles, directly opposite to the nature and end of civil society, and therefore condemned by the laws of all wisely constituted and well regulated governments†. No man in a state of civil society [Page] at liberty to retaliate an injury, or take satisfaction of an offender by his own hand, and in a private way. In a well [Page] regulated government the power of judging and punishing in our case is taken from us. Laws are framed to determine the criminality of injuries done by one individual to another, and to fix the kind of punishment to be inflicted. These laws are put into the hands of persons supposed to be indifferent, to be carried into execution; and to these we are to appeal for redress of injuries. According to the principles of civil society therefore, it is criminal to take the punishment of an offender into our own hands, though we be never so much wronged. The wisdom and necessity of this plan is obvious. One principal reason why men cannot subsist in a state of nature, is their propensity too highly to resent, and too severely to punish, every real or imaginary injury. Men are very improper judges in their own case. That pride, that selfishness, and false opinion of their own importance, which is natural to them, render them wholly unfit to determine the real demerit of injuries done to themselves. It is scarcely possible for any man entirely to divest himself of all partiality in a case where he is nearly concerned. Men of the most fair and upright minds are generally prejudiced in favor of their own relations and connections; much more then must they be partial to themselves; and this partiality utterly disqualifies them from being proper judges, where they are parties.— Hence we see the impropriety of allowing men in a state of civil society to judge in their own case, and retaliate as they may think proper. This is the business of the common judge constituted by society, and to be done agreeably to certain fixed laws, framed by common consent, for the redress of injuries. To this judge therefore, and these laws, we must appeal when we are injured. He, therefore, who takes upon him to retaliate an injury as he thinks fit, and to punish the offender without such appeal, is guilty of an outrage on civil government, and stands condemned by the laws of society. The reader will please to [Page] observe, that we here speak of such injuries and acts of revenge as human laws can conveniently take notice of and punish; for there are innumerable instances of both, which civil society, from its natural impersection, is obliged wholly t [...] [...]verlook. And in all such instances, men are under no [...]straint at all from civil laws, as will be shown hereafter.

A little attention to these observations may lead us to see, how well suited the above-mentioned prece [...]ts of Christianity are, to co-operate with civil laws, and secure the peace and happiness of civil society. Our religion not only condemns all overt acts of revenge, but also prohibi [...]s that vindictive spirit from which they flow. It strikes at the very root of all those evils which spring from the malignant passions, the fierce contentions and mutual injuries, which are so destructive to our well-being in the social state. It so bids all those acts of revenge which are the proper objects of human laws, and thus affords them that assistance which they so much need. It goes further, and exerts its gentle influence in restraining men from innumerable instances of revenge, which civil laws cannot reach, and therefore overlook. Men of a revengeful and malicious disposition may find a thousand ways to gratify their resentment and ruin their neighbors, without the least danger of punishment from human laws. An innocent man may be robbed of his estate, and what is much more valuable, of his reputation, without being able to obtain the least legal redress. In a word, infinite mischief may be done to society by deeds of revenge, which the laws of man can neither take cognizance of nor punish. But Christianity forbids all such acts, condemns the temper from which they arise, and refers the punishment of them to that almighty and omniscient Being, to whom belongeth vengeance.

He who hath felt the power of religion on his heart, and governs his life and temper by the precepts of the gospel, carefully watches against every emotion of revenge; much more then will he guard against suffering it to break our in those actions which may be injurious to his fellow-citizens, even though he may have the prospect of escaping with impunity [Page] from men. He delights in the prosperity, not in the pain and misery of others; and feels himself constrained by an obligation more powerful than all laws, to shun whatever may be hurtful to his neighbor, and detrimental to the public tranquility. When he contemplates the example of the meek and lowly Jesus, who, "When he was revised, reviled not again;" and who poured our an ardent prayer for his enemies, even when they were shedding his blood; how does it animate him to subdue his resentment, and crucify every inimical passion! He does not suffer himself to be transported with wrath on every slight affront; but bears injuries with pat [...]enc [...], conquers by yielding, and shows himself superior to his enemies by a meek, humble and forgiving spirit. If, at any time, he sees it absolutely necessary for his own security, and the preservation of peace and good order in society, to resent injury, he will do it from a sense of duty, and not to gratify a malicious and vindictive temper. He will not attempt to redress injuries by taking private vengeance on the aggressor; but appeal to the laws for his vindication: and even in this, he will discover a meek and quiet spirit, which shows, that he is not prompted by a desire of revenge, but a regard to justice and public good. If redress cannot be obtained in this way, he suffers wrong, and appeals to him who will sooner or later vindicate the innocent and punish the guilty.

If we were [...]ll thus conformed to the precepts of Christianity, what a happy society would we be! We would not see such fierce contentions, so much strife and animosity, so many instances of mutual injury and revenge, so much legal wrangling, and so many tedious and expensive law suits. If men who call themselves Christians, would consider the happy tendency, and listen to the rational dictates, of their religion, we would not see such tragical effects from slight affronts and petty provocations; nor hear of so much blood wantonly lavished, by that barbarous, Gothic custom of Duelling, which prevails among some of our high-spirited gentlemen. This custom, so pernicious to civil society, and so directly opposite to the mild spirit of our religion, would [Page] be totally abolished. I have been often surprized that men who pique themselves on their humanity and politeness, never reflect, that this practice is no refinement of modern times, but was brought into Europe by those fierce northern boors, who over-ran the Roman empire. The civilized heathens, the polite Greeks and warlike Romans, were strangers to this absurd, barbarous custom. They reckoned it glorious to die for their country; but never sacrificed each other in cold blood to the little punctilios of honor. The prevalence of this practice in Christian countries, contrary to all the laws of religion, as well as reason and humanity, is one of the strongest proofs of the amazing force of custom on the human mind.

To conclude this particular,—as Christianity surpasses all other religions in that meek, gentle and forgiving spirit which it requires: so it must be, of all others, the best adapted to preserve peace among men, and promote the happiness of civil society.

II. That strict regard to justice which the precepts of Christianity enjoin, is of the greatest importance to civil government.

The practice of justice is essential, not only to the happiness, but to the existence of civil society. The social union cannot subsist without some degree of it. It is the proper, and in a large sense, one might venture to say, the only object of civil laws. But although human laws are, in a manner, wholly occupied in preventing or punishing injustice, there are innumerable instances of it, which they can by no means reach. Experience daily teaches us, how easy it is for men of crasty and designing natures to evade the force of laws. The most flagrant acts of injustice may be committed, and the most scandalous fraud carried on, under umbrage of the best human laws. An artful villain may rob the widow and the fatherless, and be guilty of the most cruel oppressions; and yet "so deeply intrench himself behind the letter of the law, and so well fortify himself with cases and reports, that there is no coming at him." It is needless to enlarge here. Every one who will give himself [Page] the trouble of thinking on this subject, must be sensible, that the commerce of men in a state of socie [...]y, admits of so many different modifications, and that so many unexpected circumstances often arise, from the various methods of acquiring and transferring property, that no laws can be framed so as to comprehend every case which may occur. This shows the imperfection of civil laws, even with respect to those things which are most in their power; and at the same time demonstrates the importance of religion to enforce the observance of strict justice.

The precepts of Christianity require the strictest regard to justice in all its branches. All those acts of fraud and injustice which are prohibited by the laws of society, are also prohibited by the precepts of our religion. The Christian, therefore, who is influenced by those precepts, is under a two-fold obligation to restrain him from all acts of injustice: one arising from the laws of his country, the other from the laws of his religion; and the latter not only tends to facilitate the execution of the former, but often prevents the necessity of their exertion. He who is bound by the obligation of religion, superadded to that of human laws, is more likely to practise the rules of justice, than he who is influenced only by a regard to those laws.

But this is not all: Our religion goes further, and extends to all those acts of injustice, which are beyond the reach of human laws, and cannot be punished by them. That these are numerous, even where justice is most carefully and impartially administered, is matter of universal experience. And that they are injurious to civil government, by creating the bitterest animosities among fellow-citizens; stirring up strife, malice, hatred, and so destroying that mutual love and confidence, which are necessary to hold men together in the social state, is too plain to need any proof. As far, therefore, as Christianity restrains men from these acts of injustice, so far it must [...]end to the benefit of society.

The precepts of Christianity, which respect the practice of justice, are given in the most universal terms—"Whatsoever things are just;" these the Christian is commanded to [Page] practise. "All things, whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." This precept of our Savior, on account of its excellence, is called the golden rule. It is concise and easily remembered, plain and easily understood; comprehensive, and mutatis mutandis, applies to all men, at all times, and in all circumstances. It is a portable directory, if I may so express it, which every man may carry in his own breast. It is an unanswerable appeal to the feelings of every man, and carries immediate conviction to the mind; enforcing and awakening, by the authority of heaven, those natural sentiments of justice, which are engraven on our hearts. He who believes the divine authority, and duly feels the force of these and such-like precepts of our religion, will pay a sacred regard to the practice of justice in its various branches. He will be honest and upright in all his dealings, faithful to his trust, and give to every man his due. Where the laws are silent, he finds a rule of right and standard of equity in his own breast, which points out the fair line of conduct he ought to pursue. He will not impose upon the ignorance and simplicity, or take advantage of, the open and unsuspecting temper of his neighbor. He does nor lie in wait to seize every open door, which the imperfection of civil laws may give him, to invade the property of others. It is not enough for him that he can evade the force of civil laws, and escape punishment from men, while the laws of religion and his own conscience co [...]emn him of injustice. His fair, open and upright mind, abhors all those little low acts of chicane and knavery, which they who regulate their conduct only by human laws so often employ, to over-reach, rob and ruin the honest and the unwary. He has a higher standard, and a more accurate rule of action, which restrains him from all unfair and fraudulent dealings, all dishonest shifts and unequitable subterfuges If such a temper as this were generally prevalent amongst us, what a desirable effect would it have! How much would it tend to promote peace and concord; and of consequence the happiness of our state! We would not then see so many disputes about property, and so much [Page] money given to the gentlemen of the bar, to decide our quarrels; nor hear so many curses poured our upon them. If the precepts of Christianity had that influence upon us, which their excellence naturally leads us to expect, there would be little need of that order of men, who are now so generally, I will not say how justly, the objects of envy and execration among us. Were I permitted to speak my mind freely on this subject, I would say, that generally speaking, people ought to blame themselves for suffering these men to drain them of their cash. If they were of that temper which becometh Christians, they would not so frequently fall into contentions, or take some other method of compromising them, which might be more cheap and eligible. They might refer the decision of them to a few honest and impartial neighbors, who are acquainted with the merits of the cause; which they are often obliged to do, after they have spent their time, and emptied their purses by a tedious suit at law.

But I have not room here to point out the many happy consequences which would flow from that strict regard to the practice of justice, which our religion inculcates. Leaving the judicious reader to trace them in his own mind, we proceed to make some observations concerning that religious adherence to truth, which the precepts of Christianity enjoin. This is an important branch of justice, and very properly comes in here.

How excellent soever the rules which the heathen moralists have laid down for the practice of justice, they appear to have been very defective in this particular. It is not easy indeed to reconcile them to each other, or even to themselves, on this point. Plato in some places condemns lying; in others, he seems plainly to approve of it. But the most general opinion, as far as I can find from their writings, was, that lies are admissible, where there is a prospect of advantage*. At least, all their most eminent [Page] philosophers held it as an undoubted maxim, that it was lawful, and even a duty, to lie for the public good. Cicero is so clear in this, upon the authority of Plato, that he pronounces it ne [...]as, a horrid wickedness, not to do it. This conclusion ar [...]se from another equally false, namely, that truth and general utility do not coincide.

Christianity grants no such licence, but condemns every species of falshood, and inculcates the most sacred regard to truth in all circumstances whatsoever. "Lie not one to another. Putting away lying, speak every man the truth with his neighbor." I suppose it will be readily acknowledged, that a strict adherence to truth, especially in such promises and declarations as respect the interest of others, is of no small consequence to society. It certainly tends to beget and maintain that mutual confidence which hath been always reckoned one principal bond of the social union.— This is evident from the pernicious effects which we daily experience from an opposite conduct. Nothing hath a greater tendency to plant distrust and suspicion in the hearts of men, destroy mutual love, and stir up malignant passions among them▪ than the practice of falshood and dissimulation. It is therefore of the greatest importance in society, that men should be laid under all possible restraints in this respect. If they were left at liberty to depart from the truth in some particular cases, and on some extraordinary occasions, for their own advantage, or even for the good of others, what would be the consequence? Would it not necessarily tend to annihilate all faith in every such case? If men universally thought it lawful to lie in certain given circumstances, no one would be credited in those circumstances; because he would not be considered, as [Page] any obligation to speak the truth. All faith in the declarations of others depends on the supposition of a general obligation to truth. Take away this supposition, and there is at once an end of all confidence. So that lying, in all such circumstances, would defeat its own purpose, and would be no advantage, either to ourselves or others. It ought therefore to be reckoned a peculiar excellence of our religion, that its precepts afford not the least encouragement to suppose it allowable, in any case whatsoever, to swerve from the truth. Had Christianity granted any such permission, it might be made an objection against it, as giving countenance to a practice detrimental to civil government.

If the religious observance of truth, in our ordinary communications, be of so much importance in society, much more must this be the case in our solemn oaths. Here also the excellence of Christian morality is apparent. "Other laws," saith the learned Grotius, "forbid perjury, but this requires us to abstain even from an oath without necessity; and so to cultivate truth in all our words, that an oath may not be required of us." The precepts of Christianity are so strict in this particular, that some Christians of weak and scrupulous minds, have supposed they prohibit all oaths. But this is a very erroneous conclusion. It might be easily shown, were it thought necessary, that they contain no such prohibition. Those who raise such scruples, little consider how much they wrong Christianity. It would be a sad reflection on our religion, if it condemned the use of solemn oaths, which are so absolutely necessary to the administration of government, and one of the best means for the speedy decision of controversies, which tend to the destruction of society. But though Christianity does not forbid us to swear in a solemn manner, when legally called to it, it enjoins great caution in this matter; and teaches us not to be precipitate in making such a solemn appeal, where the importance of the case does not evidently demand it. Thus the precepts of our religion conduct us safely between two extremes, guarding us on the one side from perjury, and on the other from that superstitious timidity which would lead us to omit a duty that we owe to society.

[Page]Perjury is, in itself, a crime so horrid, and at the same time so pernicious to government, that it ought to be guarded against with the utmost care. It is of great moment therefore, that men should be restrained from every thing that tends this way. Lying, profane swearing, and even a needless and too frequent use of lawful oaths, have this tendency: and as all these are prohibited by the precepts of Christianity, those precepts must be one of the greatest securities against perjury; and of consequence singularly useful to government. A little attention to human nature may convince us that a needless repetition of oaths, tends to lessen their solemnity. By being often used they become familiar, and are not attended with that awe and reverence which ought to strike the mind in a transaction so very solemn. And when men are but little impressed with a sense of the majesty and presence of the Deity, they will not pay that sacred regard to truth, which might otherwise be expected. Hence flows a political maxim of no small utility in government; namely, that oaths should be admitted in as few cases as possible, and administered with all those circumstances of solemnity which are best adapted to fill the mind with awe and reverence." As to the absurd and impious practice of PROFANE SWEARING, which so much prevails [Page] amongst us, it evidently tends to banish all fear of God from the minds of men, and of consequence leads directly to perjury. The least reflection may convince us of this. It is reasonable to expect, that an impious wretch who is daily invoking the vengeance of Heaven on himself and others, and who confirms every petty asseveration, whether true or false, by the addition of the sacred name; is it reasonable, I say, to expect that such an one should have a proper sense of the solemnity of an oath, or any suitable dread of perjury? Must it not be allowed that, other things being equal, the testimony of a man who makes conscience of taking God's name in vain, has much greater weight, and deserves more credit? It is, in a manner, self-evident, that an habitual profanation of God's holy name by impious oaths and curses, must tend to lessen that awe and reverence of him, which is one of the strongest guards against perjury, and consequently must be in a high degree injurious to civil society. Hence the propriety of restraining and punishing it by civil laws. If this practice were only an offence against God, the punishment of it should be referred to him alone; but as it is not only a daring impiety, but also productive of effects baneful to the state, and detrimental to public good, the civil magistrate ought to take notice of and restrain it by civil penalties. Indeed, every man who wishes well to his country should make it his business to discountenance this vice, which is now become so common amongst us. It is the opprobrium of South Carolina; and together with our other national crimes, likely to call down the vengeance of Heaven upon us. If gentlemen, whose wealth and rank give them respectability, would conspire, and by their influence and example, discountenance this dialect of devils, it might, in a great measure, be banished from among us. But while men of the first figure, whose commanding manners have such a mighty influence on all the inferior ranks, lead the way; and those who have a principal hand in making and executing our laws, are too often chargeable with a breach of them by the practice of common swearing, we are not to expect much effect from the operation of our laws against [Page] profaneness. Indeed these laws are so seldom put in execution, that they might almost as well be expunged from our code. If a justice of the peace, in compliance with his oath, should attempt to punish profane swearing, he would, in many parts of our state, make himself ridiculous. It is with regret I mention these things. But they are as true, as they are lamentable; and in the mind of every thoughtful man, who wishes well to religion and his country, portend no small evils. In truth, if the principles and precepts of religion are not sufficient to restrain men from falshood, profanity, perjury, and other enormities of this nature, we cannot expect much aid from civil laws, which, though executed ever so faithfully, can seldom punish crimes of this sort. However, if men have so far thrown off all fear of God, that no sense of religion can deter them from this da [...]ing impiety, let them, at least, show some respect to reason, and relinquish a custom which brings them neither honor nor profit, and is attended with the most pernicious consequences to civil society. If they profess themselves lovers of their country and friends to public happiness, let them act a consistent part, from political motives if no other, and discountenance a practice which tends to the destruction of both.

III. That temperance and moderation which the precepts of Christianity require, are of great importance to civil society, and evidently tend to promote public good.

It is a tri [...]e observation, that society, by cultivating the arts of life, greatly increases our wants; and consequently inflames our appetites in proportion. The wants of nature are few▪ and easily supplied; but those created by society, which may be called artificial, are without bounds or number. In the social state, therefore, where mens wants are so numerous, and the desire of satisfying them so highly excited, temperance and moderation must be peculiarly necessary. It is too plain to need any proof, that by far the greater part of those evils which disturb society, flow from the inordinate appetites and ungoverned passions of men. An immoderate desire of those things which have, at least, [Page] the appearance of natural good, and which are generally thought necessary to our happiness in polished life, is the source of numberless civil crimes. A too eager and violent pursuit of wealth, honor, power and sensual gratification, prompts men to rapine, violence, cruelty, oppression, and every species of injustice. Hence flows a long tr [...]i [...] of evils, which bring a consumption on the body poli [...], destroy public happiness, and overturn kingdoms and empires. The principal design, therefore, of civil laws, is to check the fury of exorbitant appetite, restrain the unruly passions, and keep them within the bounds which reason and common good require. How imperfectly they answer this design, and how much they need the aid of religion for this purpose, the experience of all ages is a sufficient proof. All the restraint which civil government can lay upon the passions, is by prohibiting and pun [...]shing some of their most dangerous effects: but religion, by enjoining a due government of all our appetites, teaches us to eradicate from our minds the very cause of those effects. That only lops off some of the most noxious branches; this strikes at the root: that only counteracts or diverts the streams; this dries up the fountain.

Temperance is a very comprehensive virtue; and, as enjoined by Christianity, not only requires a certain moderation in eating and drinking; but in all those affections, pursuits and enjoyments, which are liable to become faulty by excess. He who professes to govern his life by the precepts of the gospel, must be temperate in all things. His moderation must be conspicuous to all, and visible in the whole of his deportment. Thus exhorts the inspired Apostle: "Let your moderation be known to all men." But though our religion so strictly prohibits all kinds of intemperance, it allows us a free use of the gifts of Providence, and deprives us of no pleasure or enjoyment, which is not injurious to ourselves, or prejudicial to others. The Stoic Philosophers, who have said so many excellent things on temperance, and whose morality, in the opinion of Jerome, came nearest to the Christian, absurdly taught that the [Page] passions ought to be wholly eradicated. According to them, all the tender emotions of love and pity, all the sweet sensibilities, and melting affections of nature, must be extinguished, as unworthy of a philosopher. Thus, before men can become wise and virtuous, they must divest themselves of all the tender feelings of humanity, and be transformed into statues. How much more excellent and reasonable the precepts of Christianity! They require us not to eradicate, but to govern and regulate our passions, in such a manner, as is most worthy of the dignity, and most conducive to the perfection and felicity of rational creatures. They point out the objects on which we ought to fix them, the degree in which they should be indulged, and show their due balance and subordination. Were it possible for men to bring themselves to that total insensibility, which was the pride and boast of the Stoic, it would deprive them of a great part of that happiness which they derive from a reciprocal exchange of kind affections and mutual offices of love, which constitutes one of the principal bonds, as well as chief felicities of social life. How well soever the doctrines of the Stoics in general were calculated to form the good citizen, the dogma we are now speaking of, not to mention other parodoxes which they held, was far from being favorable to society. Had the retortion of nature permitted their much desired apathy, they would have made very aukward members of the community. Reason is too weak to rouse men to that vigor and activity, which are necessary for the discharge of the social duties. The impulse of the passions is therefore requisite, and they are implanted in us for this purpose. The vessel which is stripped of its sails, though the rudder be ever so good, is not likely to reach the port. What fails are to a ship, passions are to the man. Let them be under the conduct of reason; give them the due tone; keep them within the bounds of moderation which Christianity prescribes, and they will invariably tend to social happiness. Thus tempered and restrained, they are a principal source of social enjoyment, give the necessary spring and energy to civil life, and impel us only [Page] to such actions and pursuits, as serve at once to promote both private and public good. Hence we see how far the morality of the gospel surpasses that of the Porch, the most celebrated, and indeed the most perfect, to be found among the heathen sages. It is more conformable to the constitution of our nature, better adapted to our present condition, and hath a greater tendency to promote the ends of civil government.

I suppose it will be readily acknowledged, that drunkenness, gluttony and lawless lust, not to mention many other evil consequences which flow from them, enervate the body, debase the mind, and tend to unfit us for the discharge of those duties which we owe to society. As far, therefore, as the precepts of Christianity restrain men from these vices, so far they must be useful to government. We have no laws, at least none which operate, for the punishment of drunkenness, though it is detrimental to the state, by introducing diseases, destroying the health and vigor of its inhabitants, and reducing thousands of families to want and misery. As to those against uncleanness, they are so seldom carried into execution, that we might almost as well be without them. If, therefore, men are under no restraint from religion, they are left at full liberty to abandon themselves to those vicious courses A regard to credit and reputation, or a dread of infamy, cannot restrain men from such practices, where they are so common as not to be disgraceful; and where the number of transgressors exempts them from censure or reproach. How far this is the case in many parts of our state, I leave others to say; and only remark, that the abominable mixture of colors in our capital, as well as in some other places, and the scenes of lewdness, riot and debauchery, common in town and country, are too plain a proof of our dissolute manners, and a melancholy presage of approaching ruin. I am sensible we have no small number amongst us, and those too of high rank and considerable political influence, who make light of these crimes; but it is not the less true, that they are attended with effects highly dangerous to government, and open a wide door to a group of political evils, which menace [Page] destruction to our country. Whatever men of loose morals may think of these things, to those who consider their pernicious tendency, they are sufficiently alarming, and clea [...]ly indicate the necess [...]y of a reformation. All that can, ought to be done by civil laws for this purpose; but I am persuaded that nothing but a sense of religion, and a regard to the precepts of Christianity, will prove effectual.

But, not to dwell any longer on th [...]se instances of intemperance, which are a reproach to reason, and transform men into brutes; we proceed to observe, that the moderation which Christianity enjoins in the pursuit of wealth greatly tends to the advantage of society. Avarice is insatiable, and productive of infinite mischief in government. The most numerous and flagrant acts of injustice, and the most atrocious crimes, even murder itself, may be often traced to an immoderate desire of riches, as their source. Experience confirms the assertion of the Apostle, "The love of money is the root of all evil." As an immoderate love of wealth, therefore, is one principal source of those crimes which plainly tend to the subversion of society, it is of great moment that it should be curbed; and whatever hath a tendency to keep it in proper bounds, must be subservient to public good. Christianity gives us such a striking picture of the empty and unsatisfying, as well as dangerous, nature of riches, as cannot fail to have a mighty influence on the minds of all those who have a cordial belief of its truth. He who has a full conviction that "a man's life consisteth not in the abundance of the things which he possesseth," and pays a due regard to those divine precepts, which forbid us to set our hearts on earthly possessions, will be moderate in his pursuit of riches. Sensible of their uncertain and ensnaring nature, he will be under little temptation to use fraud or violence in order to acquire them. Contented with food and raiment, he is not anxious to amass great wealth; and if God should please to prosper his moderate care and diligence, and bless him with abundance, he has a heart open to distress, and is ready to pity and relieve the miserable. Sensible that he is only a steward of the good things [Page] God hath given him, and that he must be accountable for the use he makes of his estate, he is careful not to consume it in luxury, nor make it the fuel of lust. He keeps the golden mean between the miser and the prodigal; not hoarding up uselessly, nor spending profusely, but contributing according to his ability in promoting such designs as are useful to the public; feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, or instructing the ignorant. Such is the temper of the man formed upon the precepts of the gospel: and how admirably it is adapted to promote the peace and happiness of society, is too plain to need illustration. If this Christian moderation were more prevalent among us, how many acts of extortion, oppression, fraud and rapine; how much strife and contention, envy and emulation, would it prevent? It would be a much stronger security against these and a thousand other irregularities, than the dread of human laws, though framed with the highest wisdom, and executed with the greatest punctuality.

But further; Christianity is not more favorable to government by moderating our love of riches, than by enjoining an honest care and diligence as the means of acquiring a comfortable subsistence. Idleness, sloth and negligence, in our several occupations, are as expressly condemned by our religion, as a too eager and violent pursuit of the world. Thus we are guarded against two extremes equally pernicious to society. Extreme poverty and want stimulate men to theft, robbery and many other dishonest practices, highly injurious to the community. Those who are extremely poor, and those who are extremely rich, are generally the most vicious: and though their vices may be of different kinds, they are equally opposite to public good. The mean in life is most desirable: and this is generally the result of that moderate care and diligence which the precepts of Christianity require. They who are placed between the extremes of want and abundance, are generally the best members of society, most happy themselves, and contribute most to the happiness of others. Over-grown estates are seldom acquired or enjoyed, in a manner wholly consistent with Christianity. They are often a curse and incumbrance [Page] to their owners, and a source of many evils in society, by introducing luxury, sensuality and effemina [...]y, with a long train of vices, which have always been the destructi [...]n of governments; and are peculiarly repugnant to the spirit, and hostile to the liberty and happiness of a repu [...]. But as it is a thing possible, that men may both acqu [...]e and possess ample fortunes, consistently with the Christian character, and the happiness of the community; and as such have it in their power to be most extensively useful, both to the public and individuals, Christianity is of singular service in restraining them from the abuse, and fixing the true use of riches.

This naturally leads us to take notice of the influence which Christianity has, in moderating our pur [...]uit of those things which are reckoned comfortable, elegant and ornamental in civil life.

It is not easy, precisely to ascertain, how far Christianity permit us to indulge to the enjoyment of those things which are not necessary to the support of nature; or to what degree we may innocently gratify an elegant taste, in magnifi [...]ent buildings, sumptuous tables, splendor of dress, equipage, &c. This subject has been greatly embroi [...]ed by monks and mystics, who have c [...]ed out an abuse, whenever the gifts of Providence were used further than is necessary for the bare sustenance of life. It is needless to show the absurdity of this notion, and how little ground Christianity affords for such a supposition. The bare necessary is reckoned sufficiently beggarly among us: and we have much more reason to guard against excess and intemperance, than a rigid austerity and superstitious abstinence. Though our bountiful Creator "hath given us richly all things to enjoy," and Christianity permits us to use the comforts, conveniencies, and even the elegancies of life, it requires a certain temperance and moderation in the enjoyment of these things. To suppose otherwise would be unreasonable, and contrary to the spirit and general strain of its precepts. To use the gifts of Providence to our own injury, in person or fortune, or to the injury of others to whom we stand related, or are obliged [Page] to assist, is prohibited by Christianity. This, as I take it, is a pretty accurate definition of luxury, which is undoubtedly vicious, and as contrary to the precepts of our religion, as it is pernicious to civil society. When a man indulges himself in sumptuous fare, so as to enervate his body and debauch his mind; when he grat [...]fies his taste for elegance, grandeur and magnificence, in building, furniture, dress, equipage, &c. to such a degree, as to embarrass his estate, plunge himself in debt, and bring his family to beggary, he certainly passes the bounds of moderation. Imprudence is too soft a name for such a conduct. It is highly criminal. For by acting in this manner, he not only injures himself; but is chargeable with great injustice to others. Had he kept within the bounds which religion, and even reason, prescribes, he might have lived comfortably, though perhaps not splendidly, and bestowed liberally to those, who reduced by unavoidable misfortu [...]es, had a right to share in his bounty. The man who regulates his mode of living by a strict and conscientious regard to the precepts of the gospel, will always endeavor to manage his affairs with such economy, that his expences may not exceed his income. Though he may have a taste for the grand and elegant in life, he will not always gratify it, even when in his power; but often sacrifice the pleasures of imagination to the more sublime and God like pleasure of relieving the real wants of the poor and needy Although his estate may permit, and rank require him to live in a magnificent and splendid manner, he will study moderation and simplicity, as far as possible without in [...]ur [...]ing the imputation of meanness. A regard to religion, the love of his country, and a desire to promote public good, will lead him to this; lest by the influence of his example, luxury should be encouraged, and others carried into a [...]ain of expences which they cannot honestly support. In a word, the real Christian, th [...]ugh he may possess an affluent fortune, to which you may add, if you please, a noble and refined taste, is careful to keep both in due subordination to the honor of God and the good of men; and neither uses the one, nor indulges the other, [Page] to the detriment of civil society. All who consider the fatal effects and dangerous tendency of luxury, will acknowledge, that Christianity in this view is of great importance to the state. In all rich and flourishing republics, sumptuary laws have been generally thought necessary; but they seldom fully answer the end designed by them. A strict regard to that moderation which Christianity requires, would have much greater influence, and lay a more effectual curb on luxury, than the most rigorous sumptuary laws. How much we need the influence of religion in this particular, is too plain to admit of a doubt. If luxury be an "abuse of the gifts of Providence," there is certainly a great deal of it among us. Our progress in this vice since the close of the war, has been so amazingly rapid, that I could not believe it, were I not convinced by my own senses. The nature of our government, the losses we have sustained, and the debts we have contracted, in the course of a bloody and desolating war, call for the severest oeconomy and the most exact frugality; and yet such is the profusion, prodigality and extravagance, which generally prevail among our citizens, that a sagacious politician would be alomst tempted to pronounce us in the last stage of political corruption. As a free and independent state, we are but in infancy; and yet we have many flagrant marks of a republic in rapid decline. "We have luxury and avarice," no uncommon conjunction; "public poverty, and private opulence" . Profaneness, riot, dissipation and debauchery have, in many places, arrived to a height which is really astonishing. If, in the course of a few years, we are so far gone in these vices, who can look forward, only one [Page] century, without trembling for posterity? The unsettled condition of our government, and the warm political contentions which take place amongst us, are the natural consequence of our present situation; and neither very surprising, nor much to be dreaded; but our rapid progress in luxury, which will naturally increase with our wealth and commerce, is an alarming circumstance, and a sure harbinger of impending ruin. We already begin to feel the fatal effects of our prodigality and extravagance. It is known to all, what great numbers of our citizens are involved in debt. Not a few of them are so irrecoverably sunk, that they have relinquished all hopes of payment. This is generally reckoned no small evil; and is, at this moment, the source of infinite discontent and uneasiness in the state. Whence arises this evil so much complained of? We may, I think, pronounce without hesitation, that an immoderate desire of high and expensive living is the principal and most general cause. Our citizens seem to be seized with a general emulation to surpass each other in every article of expence. Those who possess affluent fortunes lead the way, and set the example. Others, whose estates are not sufficient to bear them out, madly adopt the same expensive system, and in order to support it, contract debts which they have no rational prospect of discharging. All they seem to wish, is to obtain credit, to figure away, and make a brilliant appearance at the expence of others. It is too plain, many of them enter into engagements without the most distant prospect of complying with the [...]. They make no efforts for this purpose; but plunge deeper and deeper into the vortex of extravagance. If they can only indulge their fondness for pleasure, show and vanity, and shine upon the property of the honest and industrious, they care not what becomes either of their creditors or their country. Rich and sumptuous fare, expensive diversions, costly entertainments, the pomp, parade and splendor of dress and equipage: these are the things which have involved thousands; and among other mischiefs, have obliged our legislature to stop the course of justice; or, at least, to clog it in such a manner, that an honest creditor [Page] may starve, before he can re [...]over his just due. Indeed there are a number of these desperate debtors, who seem determined to hazard every extreme rather than discharge their just debts: for they are sensible, if they do this, they must retrench from their luxury, and many of them be reduced to beggary. At a certain period of the Roman republic, it was common for a bold tribune, who aimed at popularity, to propose a total abolition of all debts: and if the ruinous scheme of credit be continued as in times past, I shall not be at all surprized, if such a motion should be made in our assembly. Something which appears to me nearly tantamount, hath already been done.—A paper currency, on the footing some plead for, would produce nearly the same effect.

The weight of our taxes is also a matter of great complaint; and none complain more heavily, than those who live most prodigally. You may hear a man cursing our assembly, and exclaiming against the tax when the very silver on the trappings of his horse would pay his proportion of it. He can find money to eat and drink, and dress like a gentleman; he has guineas upon guineas to stake at a horse race or a gaming table: but not a farthing to pay his tax. Is it at all strange, that men of this cast cannot pay their public or private debts? If they would only retrench from their superfluities, and be frugal and industrious; if they would live within the limits of their income, and observe those bounds of moderation which common prudence, reason and religion require, most of them would find little difficulty in paying their taxes. Their extravagant taste for high and expensive living, is the principal reason, why they cannot, or rather will not, discharge their public dues. Every one who considers the heavy debts we have incurred by the war, must be sensible that a weighty tax is necessary*. Honor, justice and our own real interest equally require, that this [Page] debt should be discharged: and he who refuses to sacrifice a few of the luxuries, or elegancies of life, for this purpose, in my judgment, discovers very little of a republican spirit, as well as very little regard to honor and justice. A few years [...] oeconomy, indu [...]ry and frugality, would extricate us from ad [...]e difficulties which arise from our debts, and make ou [...] public faith as respectable as it is now contemptible. But is not my design to insist on all the evils which our extravagance hath already brought upon us. Every one who will only reason a little on the subject, and [...]e effects to their causes, must be convinced, they are numerous. The destructive tendency of luxury is a bea [...]e [...] topic: we shall not therefore repeat what hath been sa [...]d by many excellent writers on this subject. The history of the wo [...]d points to this, as the rock on which the state vessel hath most commonly split. It stands conspi [...]uous; and if we run up [...]n it with our eyes open, we deserve to per [...]sh. The majestic ruins of mighty kingdoms and empires present themselves to our view, as an awful, but friendly warning of our danger from this quarter. Rome, once so famous for her contempt of wealth, her virtue and her valour; Rome, so renowned for the excellence of her civil institutions, and the wisdom of her policy, at last f [...]ll a sacrifice to luxury. The spoils of Greece and the riches of the East, proved her ruin, and overturned that mighty fabric which it had been the work of ages to rear. A general dissolution of manners took place—virtue fled—vice broke in like an irresistible torrent;

— Saevior armis

Luxuria incubuit victumque ulciscitur orbem.

JUV.

[Page]The judicious reader must be sensible, how easy it would be to enlarge here, by selecting many other precepts besides those already treated, and showing their influence on civil society.

That strict regard to chastity and conjugal fidelity which Christianity enjoins—the prohibition of Poligamy, which is allowed by other religions, and which is as contrary to the intention of nature, as it is unfavorable to public happiness— all those precepts which point out and enforce the several duties required of us in the different stations and relations of civil and domestic life, particularly as magistrates and subjects, rulers and ruled: All these so evidently tend to promote our happiness in the social state, that it may be thought tedious and unnecessary to insist upon them.

Upon the whole, what hath been said is, we trust, sufficient to demonstrate how admirably the Christian religion is adapted to co-operate with good and wholesome civil laws, and how much it tends to promote the peace and happiness of men in a state of society. Let us, for a moment, admit the supposition, that the doctrines of Christianity were firmly believed, cordially embraced, and its precepts diligently practised, by all our citizens; and it may easily be conceived what a happy effect it would have. What love, what peace and harmony, what firm union, perfect order and ready obedience to every wholesome institution and wise regulation, would then take place amongst us! To what an exalted pitch of true greatness, glory, grandeur and felicity might we arrive! The bare thought is sufficient to transport every lover of his country. It is not indeed to be expected, that such a sacred regard to religion should ever become universal among any people; but from the effect which would follow on this supposition, we may see, that it must ever be productive of good to society, as far as it prevails. The more strongly men are influenced by its motives, and the more perfectly they are conformed to its precepts, the better members of civil society they will be: and the greater the number of such in any state, other things being equal, the higher it will rise in the scale of political glory [Page] and happiness. "Righteousness exalteth a nation, u [...] sin is a reproach to any people." As vice degrades a nation, renders them contemptible, and at last terminates in public misery and ruin: so virtue, which is the necessary resuit of piety, exalts, ennobles, and leads them to true substantial glory and felicity.

'Tis fix'd! by Fate irrevocably fix'd!

Virtue and vice are empire's life and death.

YOUNG.

Notes

*

It may perhaps be said that protection is the reward conferred on every individual for his observance of the laws. And here I imagine, if any where, it is that so many have fallen into a mistake in this matter. To this it may be briefly replied, that protection is a debt due from all to every individual, for that portion of his natural liberty which he hath given up in the original compact. If protection, in strict propriety of speech, be reward, then with drawing it must be punishment, which it is not invariably, but only accidentally. The consequence of withdrawing protection is, or at least always ought to be, banishment. But banishment is not always a punishment. It becomes so only by accident. It is so intentionally, but not always consequentially. Punishment is not of the essence of banishment; for it would be easy to put a case where banishment must be considered, not as a punishment, but a very great blessing. This shows that protection considered as reward, is not the sanction of human laws in the same sense that punishment is, to which it ought to be properly opposed, if indeed it be the sanction of reward.

*

Human laws are measures in respect of men whose actions they must direct, how-be-it such measures they are, as have also their higher rules to be measured by, which rules are two, the law of God and the law of nature; so that laws human, must be made according to the general laws of nature, and without contradiction to any positive law of scripture, otherwise they are ill made. Hooker.

This was also the opinion of Mr. Locke, who quotes this very passage of Hooker in his treatise on government. If some of our laws, in the state of South Carolina, were brought to this test, I think they would be found not exactly agreeable to those two rules; and therefore not good.

3

7.9 10.—Rev. 20.11.12.13.2. Thess 1.7.8.9. [...] [...]1. and seq.

*

I have all along taken it for granted, that the punishments which christianity holds up to the wicked in a future state, are eternal in the strict and proper sense. The contrary opinion is embraced and propogated with much zeal, by some preachers in America. Leaving it to the clergy who [...]e province it more especially is, to defend the truth in this particular, it is to my purpose only to observe, that the doctrine of universal final salvation for all men, even the most wicked, tends to e [...]coura [...]e immorality, and consequently is pernicious to civil society. The most ingenious advocates of this doctrine, though they may deny, cannot obviate this odious consequence; which, were there no other arguments, ought to convince every man, [...]at their notions are fal [...] and dangerous. The [...]r [...]p [...]t [...]rs of [...]u [...]h poisonous doctrines ought to be [...], and [...]e [...]ed with com [...]y [...] [...]riends of civil government; i [...] from no other, at least from political motives.

*

I am not ignorant, that some christian writers have supposed the heathen mysteries, particularly the Eleusinian, to have been originally pure, and designed by the civil magistrate to correct the pernicious influence of the commonly received mythology on the morals of the people. The fathers condemn them as impure, and immoral in their original institution; and insist much on the shocking enormities practised in them under the veil of night. Le Clerk is, I believe, the only author, who contrary to all evidence from antiquity, and for no other reason, that I can see, but to gratify his spleen against the fathers, contends that they never were corrupted at all Whatever was the original state of the mysteries, it is enough for me, that in time they became such as they are represented above. This is abundantly evident from the heathen writers themselves, who complain of their corruption; and is acknowledged by those christians▪ who contrary to the fathers, have a favorable opinion of them in their first institution. Le Clerk, if indeed he deserve, the name of a christian, must still be excepted.

*

It must be confessed, that Christian nations have, in many instances, shown too little regard to the spirit of their religion, in the wars they have commenced and carried on. They have often been cruel and unjust, contrary to that humane and peaceable disposition enjoined by the gospel. It cannot, however, be denied, that Christianity hath had a considerable influence on men, and laid them under great restraints in this respect. The history of Europe evidently shows how much it tends to check the ferocity and soften the rugged manners of those nations who embrace it. If I mistake not, it produced a remarkable change on the Roman empire. We do not find the same cruel and sanguinary disposition prevailing after it became Christian. War is divested of half its horrors by the mild and gentle spirit of Christianity.

*

Vide Tertull. Chriso [...]. and Whitby in Loc.

*

Socrates, Plato, Maximus, Tyrius, Seneca, and some others of less note, condemn revenge; particularly the last, who seems to have had the fullest and clearest notions on this subject, for which he was perhaps indebted to Christianity, Aristotle is plainly on the other side, and Tully, as is usual with him, wavers. In his offices and his oration for Ligarius, he speaks much in favor of clemency and a mild forgiving spirit; but, in one of his epistles to Atticus, he thus lays open his heart: "Odi hominem et odero: utinam ulcisei possem."

†

The judgement of zeal among the Jews and the law respecting the avenger of blood, may perhaps be reckoned exceptions. As to the first, I am clear, it was not founded on scripture, in that latitude the Jews supposed. This I think must be evident to any one who reads the account given of it by Philo and Josephus. To what execrable purposes it was applied, appears plain from the many attempts made on the life of our Savior, the stoning of Stephen, and the diabolical conspiracy against the apostle Paul; for in these and many other instances which might be mentioned, it appears to me most probable, that they proceeded under this pretence. The law concerning apostates to idolatry, which the Jews tell us was first executed by Phineas, gave rise to the judgment of zeal. But it cannot be made appear from that law, as it lies in scripture, that even idolaters were to be put to death without a previous trial: an enquiry was to be instituted, and witnesses summoned. The case of Phineas was extraordinary; and whatever opinion we form of it, could not be designed by God to authorize every Jew to put to death, without delay, or any form of legal process, those who did or said any thing dishonorable to his religion. As to the Jewish law which permitted a relation to take vengeance on the man-slaver, it was greatly moderated, and the sanguinary effects of it guarded against by the asylums appointed for such as had been guilty of accidental homicide; for the avenger of blood was not at liberty to attack the homicide in his sanctuary. The design of it was not to encourage men in a vindictive temper; but to inspire them with a horror of bloodshed; for by the risk which they ran from the relations of the slain, and the hardship of confinemen [...] in the city of refuge, even when innocent, they were taught to be cautious in avoiding every thing that might endanger the li [...]e of a fellow citizen. However, if any one think this an exception to the above general assertion, I will not obstinately contend the matter here, for I am ready to allow there are some exceptions. The laws of Sparta gave the Ephori the right of putting persons to death without a trial. By a law of Solon, a husband who caught his wife in adultery, was at liberty to slay the adulterer on the spot. In some governments masters and pa [...]nts have been allowed the power of life and death over their slaves and children. But whether these laws were wise and salutary in any government, is a matter I very much doubt. They are, I think, reprobated by all Christian states.

To prevent objections, I would further observe on this subject, that there are some extraordinary cases in which the laws of England admit an extra-judicial remedy, and allow a redress of injury by the mere act of the party injured. Among these judge Blackstone reckons self-defence, recaption, abatement of nuisances, distress for rent and cattle damage-feasant, with some others. The first of these is for the prevention rather than redress of wrong; for if the defender go further than is necessary for defence and prevention, the law considers him as an aggressor. The last is not so properly redress as the means of obtaining redress in a legal way; unless it be where the distress is retained for compelling satisfaction. Recaption indeed is, in a proper sense, redress; and removal of nuisances seems designed both for redress and prevention. Yet, even in these, the persons aggrieved act under the restraint and direction of law. Recaption must be without force or terror; nuisances must be removed peaceably and without any riot. But notwithstanding these and some other instances, in which, on account of some peculiar circumstances, a well regulated society may permit a kind of extrajudicial redress, I have not scrupled to affirm in general, that in a state of civil society, men are not at liberty to minister redress to themselves; and I have insisted the more largely on this, because since the close of the war, I find many of my countrymen too much disposed to take the punishment of offenders into their own hands—a mode of proceeding which directly tends to dissolve our government, and reduce us to a state of nature.

*

"He may lie," says Plato, "who knows how [...] in a fit season." To the same purpose Menander, Proclus and Herodotus.

"There is nothing comely in truth," says Maximus Tyrius, "but when it is profitable. And sometimes a lie profits and truth hurts men." Plato and the Sto [...]es framed a kind of Jesuitical distinction on this head, making a difference between lying in words and in the soul, or with assent to a falshoud The wise man was admitted to lie craftily and with a prospect of gain; but not to embrace falshood through ignorance. What a door such doctrines open to fraud and deceit, and how destructive they are of confidence among men, is sufficiently evident.

*

I have often observed with much concern, the method in which juries are qualified in our courts of justice. No good reason, I think, can be given for the usual practice of swearing them previously to every trial. It appears to me a needless repetition of oaths, which necessarily takes off from their solemnity. Would it not be much more eligible to qualify our juries once for all, at the commencement of the session? I take the liberty also to observe here, that oaths are not administered in our courts with that solemnity which their nature requires. The clerk, with a vacant face and careless air, chymes over the words of the oath, without any emphasis of expression, or solemnity of manner, suitable to the occasion. The same marks of negligence and inattention may be often observed in the countenance of the deponent. To a spectator there appears nothing serious, nothing solemn in the whole transaction. One great cause of this I take to be a too frequent and unnecessary use of oaths, which tends to turn them into meer farces. These observations may perhaps be thought trifling by some; but to a thinking person, [...]othing will appear so which serves to guard against perjury.

*

"Nos habemus luxuriam arque avaritiam; publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam." Rome had existed 600 years before the patriot could say this: In the early ages of the commonwealth, it was quite otherwise: "Patriae enim rem unusquisque, non suam augere properebat; pauperque in divite, quam dives in paupere imperio, versari malebat." Valerius Max. Such is the disposition which ought to prevail among us in this early stage of our republic: but how far it is otherwise, no one can be ignorant, who is capable of the smallest observation.

*

Those who complain of the weight of our taxes, readily acknowledge the justice of discharging the debts contracted by the war; but at the same time alledge, that very little of our money is applied this way—that our civil list, which, say they, is enormous, swallows up the greater part; and, in general, that those who have the managament of our finances, lavish out the [...]ublic money without any regard to that severe oeconomy which our present situation requires. I do not take upon me to say, this is the case; but if it be, it is a still further proof, that the political grievances we labor under, are the consequence of extravagance▪ prodigality and luxury. If the salaries of our civil officers be too high, the evil may be easily traced to luxury as the original cause. If our assembly deal out the public money unnecessarily, and in such a manner as proves detrimental to the state, what is this but public profusion and extravagance?

CONCLUSION.

If religion be of that importance to the state which we have been endeavoring to prove, it certainly merits the public attention; and those who are engaged in the arduous and important task of government, ought to avail themselves of its force, to give vigour to the operation, and facilitate the execution of wise and wholesome laws. The most intelligent of my readers will perhaps blame me for taking so much pains to prove what very few either doubt or deny. To this I can only say, that how well soever the truths insisted upon are known and believed, it is clear they have been too much over-looked: and if what hath been offered may serve, in any measure, to draw the public attention to this important object, I shall not regret the labor I have bestowed. All our politicians will readily grant, that the morality of the people is a matter of no small moment, especially in republics; but many of them seem to forget the inseparable connection between religion and morality. They appear not sufficiently sensible, how impossible it is to preserve purity of morals among the people at large, even in the lax political sense of that expression, without a sense of religion. A complete morality, independent of all religion, is merely visionary, and never, in fact existed. It is the dream of theory spinners, and the unmeaning language of pidling profligate politicians. The necessity of morality to the commonwealth being once granted, the necessity of [Page] religion will unavoidably follow; and certainly that which is necessary, not only to the well-being, but to the very existence of civil society, must be worthy the attention of civil rulers. Without entering into any dispute concerning the power of civil magistrates circa sacra, we lay it down as certain, that they may do much for the support and encouragement of religion, without the least encroachment on the prerogative of him who is the supreme head of the church. They may, and ought to do much, by their pious example, which in persons of high rank and au [...]hority has an amazing weight and influence. They may without any invasion of the rights of conscience, take measures for the instruction of subjects in the important doctrines and precepts of Christianity, which so evidently tend to the safety of the body politic. If measures of this nature were ever necessay in any government, they are so in South-Carolina. The greater part of our citizens are ignorant of religion to to a degree which is equally astonishing and deplorable. Whole settlements may be found, where but very few can so much as read the scriptures. There are some hundreds, one might venture to say, some thousands of young persons growing up among us, almost as ignorant of the God who made them, as the Hottentots of Africa. Instructed in no one duty which they owe, either to God or man, is it reasonable to suppose, they will ever make good citizens or useful members of the community? Brought up, as many of them are, in the most abject poverty and the most criminal idleness, and taught no kind of employment by which they can procure an honest subsistence, must we not expect they will prove pests of society? Restrained by no obligations of virtue or religion, stimulated by want, and sharpened by keen necessity, they are expert only in stealing, and in time, will, no doubt, make dextrous horse-thieves. Do we not find in fact, that those settlements, where idleness, ignorance and irreligion most prevail, are at once the seminaries and asylums of public offenders? Here the laws are not executed at all, or with the greatest difficulty; and in some of them the people are scarcely one degree above downright [Page] barbarism. Is there any other method to bring them out of this state, and make them honest and worthy citizens, but by diffusing knowledge among them, and instructing their children in the principles of religion and morality? And is not this an object worthy of the public attention? Aside compassion to the souls of men, which should strongly operate with those who profess themselves Christians, our own peace and happiness, as a political body, evidently require it. If parents either cannot, or will not provide for, and educate their children, in a proper manner, it would certainly be just and expedient, to take them out of their hands, and have them brought up in such a way, as might afford some rational prospect of their being useful to society. This would be, at once, an act of charity and compassion to the children, and highly beneficial to the state.

One principal reason why ignorance is so prevalent among our citizens, is the want of public teachers, properly qualified to instruct them in the doctrines and precepts of Christianity. If our country were properly supplied with able, pious and faithful ministers, it would doubtless be one of the most promising means to diffuse religious knowledge, stem the torrent of vice, and promote the practice of piety and virtue. Without attempting to prove, I make no scruple boldly to affirm, that the preaching of the gospel in its genuine purity and simplicity, is the most powerful mean to reform the manners of men. If so, is it reasonable to expect, that a reformation will take place, while this mean is neglected? Can we rationally hope, that a sense of religion will be kept alive in the hearts of men, when there are none amongst them, whose stated business it is to explain its doctrines and inculcate its precepts? It is the appointment of the great Author of our religion, that there should be such an order of men. And when they conduct themselves with that gravity and dignity which become their office; when they are zealous, active and diligent in preaching, instructing, reproving, and, by their holy and exemplary lives, give weight and influence to their doctrines, we are authorized to expect the most salutary effects from their [Page] ministrations. Had we a sufficient number of such clergymen fixed in the different parts of our state, it would be a singular blessing, and greatly facilitate the execution of our laws. Were this the case, we might expect, that our citizens would be more generally enlightened in the nature and end of government, and the several duties they owe to society, more sensible of the necessity of order in the body politic, and of submission to all those civil ordinances which are subservient to the common good. Virtue would be more countenanced and promoted, vice more discouraged, and a stronger curb laid on the licentious and profane.

But how are such clergymen to be obtained? how supported? "Hoc opus, hic labor." We do not take upon us to dictate. We point out the influence of religion on civil society, the need we have of that influence, and give one reason why we are so deficient in the knowledge and practice of Christianity.

It may, however, be observed, that the most probable means of furnishing our country with useful pastors, is to promote learning, and educate pious and promising youth among ourselves. The encouragement of literature on this, and many other accounts, should be considered as a very capital object of public attention in South-Carolina. It is neither for our honor, nor our interest, to have our learned departments filled up with foreigners. How far this is the case, none can be ignorant. To say nothing of the inundation of Physicians from Great-Britain, Ireland and the northern states, we have not so much as one learned clergyman amongst us, who is a native of South-Carolina. Of the few ministers who are settled in our state, the greater number are illiterate. Some of these are no doubt useful: but if their learning equalled their piety and zeal, they would certainly be much more so; and religion would be more solid and rational, than it is at present in many places. The most able and judicious of these illiterate preachers, are sensible of the disadvantages they labour under, and lament their want of a liberal education; but at the same time, urge the difficulty of obtaining it, and the deplorable [Page] ignorance which prevails, as their excuse for assuming the character of public instructors. And in truth, considering the state of learning among us, and the scarcity of religious teachers, this argument appears to me to have no small weight. If such preachers were capable of nothing further than to inculcate the doctrine of a future state, and press upon men the necessity of moral and social duties, even this would be of no small utility to the state. It requires but little knowledge to instruct many of our citizens, and they who can only read the scriptures in their own language, may do much good in many parts of our country, by teaching the grossly ignorant, and reforming the notoriously vicious. After all, it must be confessed, that they would be much more useful, were their knowledge more enlarged, and their education more liberal: and if a method could be fallen upon to make learning cheap and convenient, this would be more generally the case. This is the point at which we ought to aim, and the most spirited efforts should be made for this purpose. While learning continues so expensive, as it is at present amongst us, we cannot expect it to become general. The more opulent only will be able to give their sons a liberal education; and there is little probability, that any considerable number of these will devote themselves to the service of the church*.

It is the opinion of many, that the best way to supply ourselves with clergymen, is to encourage their emigration from Great-Britain and Ireland. In our provincial state this plan was not altogether ineligible; but, in our present circumstances, I think there are strong political objections [Page] against it. An important revolution hath taken place. We are now an independent people, and have rejected the government of Great-Britain, as equally odious and intolerable, Those men, whom it is proposed to bring in amongst us, are the subjects of king George III; and in justice to them, it is to be supposed, loyal subjects. Their education has a deep tincture of the government under which they have lived. They have been brought up with that predilection for monarchy, and that superstitious reverence for royalty, and the high-sounding title of king, which is usual in regal governments. Can we reasonably expect that men of this description will generally have the same strong attachment to our country the same high respect to our republican forms of government, as those who are educated among us, and imbibe the principles and spirit of freedom and independence with the milk of their mothers? Have we any ground to hope, that they will show the same zeal for the support and prosperity of our free constitutions, as the natives of America, whose fathers have suffered so much for their establishment?

Some of these gentlemen, who have ventured to cross the water since the the establishment of peace, and are now in quest of settlements amongst us, make no scruple to declare their hatred and contempt of our government; and express their great regret that the revolution ever took place. "Better," say they, "we had still continued our connection with England; we would have now been a much more happy people." That they should hold such language, is not all surprising. It is the natural result of their education, and the prejudices which hang about them in favor of a kingly government: and how plainly it tends to embroil our government, and facilitate our return to a servile dependence on Great-Britain, is sufficiently obvious. Others, who have more prudence, and better know how to accommodate themselves to their interest, are silent on the matter. Few, if any of them, discover that cordial approbation of our government, or interest themselves in our welfare with that a [...]r which we find in true republicans. Indeed, it would be unseasonable to expect it. Suppose 40 or 50 of [Page] these foreign clergymen settled in different parts of our state; suppose them to be as respectable as men of their function ought to be, and to have that influence on the minds of their people, which is necessary to render them useful, it is easy, I think, to see what might be the consequence to the state. How weak soever this objection may appear to some, it shows at least, that in a political view, it is most eligible to have a clergy well affected to our government: and the most probable method of obtaining such, is to promote learning in our own country.

As to the method of supporting our clergy, it seems to be the most general opinion, especially among those formerly called Dissenters, that it should be by the free contributions of the people. And indeed no other mode appears more eligible, where people are generally sensible of the utility of religion, and disposed to contribute according to their abilities for its support. It ought however to be considered, that in many parts of our state, the people are so totally sunk in vice and ignorance, that they have scarcely any idea of the necessity and importance of religion; and consequently will not exert themselves, either to obtain or support public teachers. And yet, these are the people who most need instruction. What is to be done in this case? Can nothing, consistent with justice and the rights of conscience, be attempted by civil authority to oblige persons of this description to contribute to the support of religion? If religion be of that utility to government, which we have been endeavoring to show, it will certainly follow, that every citizen reaps advantage from it in a political view; and therefore ought to contribute for its support. Nor is there any more injustice in obliging him to this by law, than in obliging him to pay a public tax for the support of government: because religion is absolutely necessary to government; and were it not for this, he would be deprived of those benefits which he enjoys from the social union. We may therefore venture to affirm, that every member of civil society ought, and may be justly obliged by law, to pay something for the support of religion. Nor will there be [Page] any just cause of complaint on the score of conscience, provided every one be left at liberty to pay to whatever denomination of the clergy he pleases. We do not take upon us to affirm that such a law ought to be made: some difficulties would probably arise in the execution of it. We only show, that such a law would have nothing in it unjust, were it thought expedient. If properly executed, it would, I think, have at least one good effect; it would excite people to make some efforts to obtain fixed clergymen among themselves. It is easy to foresee, that avarice on the one hand, and contempt of religion on the other, will rake up many objections against this plan: but as we only just throw out the hint, and are far from being sanguine on the matter, we shall not, at present, take any notice of these. There is, however, one objection which, with me, has no small weight, and which, no doubt, will operate strongly with all those who wish well to religion. If the law proposed could be so framed and executed, as to afford support and encouragement only to the pious, sober and diligent of all denominations, it would certainly be of singular service to the state; but the great danger is, that those of the opposite character would probably be supported and encouraged. Could matters be so managed, as to guard against this, I should not hesitate a moment to pronounce such a law highly expedient and salutary. This may perhaps be difficult, and could I think it absolutely impracticable, I would be one of the last men in South-Carolina to propose, or consent to, a law of this nature. It would be an intolerable hardship indeed, to be obliged to give our money for the maintenance of idle, ignorant or vicious ecclesiastics. But however true this may be, if those who so violently oppose every other mode of supporting religion but by voluntary contribution, would properly consider the situation of our country, and what vast numbers there are amongst us, who neither do nor will assist in maintaining the teachers of religion, unless they be compelled by law; if, I say, they would consider these, and many other things, which might be urged, they would not wholly reprobate every attempt to encourage [Page] religion at the public expence. We have the best religion in the world. There is no other so well adapted to the genius of a free and independent people, so favorable to liberty and the natural rights of men: nor is there any other which so commodiously falls in with that form of government which we have pitched upon, the supreme end and s [...]le object of which is the common good*. Tyranny and oppression of every kind are condemned by the precepts, and utterly repugnant to the spirit of Christianity. It must be corrupted, abused and perverted, before it can be brought to speak the language of despotism, and give countenance to arbitrary power. There is not a despotic government on the face of the earth, where it prevails in any considerable degree of purity. We ought not, therefore, to spare a little cost and pains to support and encourage a religion so friendly to equal government and laws; and which so directly tends to promote the great designs of the American revolution. A sufficient number of useful pastors might be supported with but very little expence to the public. I am none of those who wish to heap wealth upon ecclesiastics, and make them wholly independent of the people. This would be highly impolitic, and the ready way to destroy their usefulness, by making them proud, luxurious, indolent and negligent of their duty. But they certainly ought to have what is sufficient to keep them above that contempt, which, unhappily among us, is too often connected with a certain degree of honest poverty. It requires little less than the resolution of a martyr to undertake the sacred employment, where a man has no reasonable prospect of a maintenance for himself and his family. When the road to wealth and honor lies open to gentlemen of a liberal education, in so many [Page] other ways, we cannot reasonably expect, that many of them will prefer an employment, from which they can look for little else in this world, but poverty and contempt. This is very much the case at present, especially amongst those formerly called Dissenters, many of whom seem to expect, that men will sacrifice every earthly consideration to the desire of saving souls. It would be well, if they could find a sufficient number of this temper; but as Christianity requires no such sacrifice, and gives those who preach the gospel a right to live by the gospel, few, I believe, will think it their duty to relinquish this right, and engage in a work at once so arduous and painful, without some hope of a comfortable subsistence. If, therefore, we would enjoy those advantages which flow from religion, we must give proper encouragement [...]o its ministers; and support them in such a manner, that the prospect of extreme indigence, may not deter them from entering into the sacred office. And if our citizens had a proper sense of the importance of religion, even in a political view, they would think it no great hardship to contribute their part for this purpose.

What others think of it, I know not; but to me it appears clearer than the sun, that we never can be a great, happy or respectable people, while religion is generally despised and neglected among us. A general corruption of morals, will always be the consequence of a general contempt of religion. The more irreligious a people are, the more vicious; and the more vicious, generally speaking, the more miserable. However slowly vice may operate, in the end it brings sure and inevitable perdition on the body politic. I hear some of my countrymen bewailing our political factions and civil dissensions; others lamenting the precarious state of our trade, the scarcity of money and the weight of our taxes; but, I confess, none of all these appears to me half so alarming as our rapid progress in vice. Faction, tumult and intestine commotions, may be compared to certain acute and violent diseases, which, though for a short time, they cruelly ravage the human frame; yet, where the constitution is good, a crisis is frequently made, [Page] the disorder thrown off, and the body restored to its pristine health and vigor: but vice, like a deadly poison, sometimes slow, but always sure in its operation, infects every member of the political body, corrupts the whole mass, and issues in certain destruction. Many, who wish well to their country, are greatly alarmed with the dread of an aristocracy, and seem to think, that nothing is so much to be feared, as the undue influence of a few wealthy and aspiring gentlemen in the lower parts of our state, who, they imagine, are combining to seize our liberties, and engross all the power into their own hands. I will not affirm that we are in no danger from this quarter. Our government naturally tends to an aristocracy; and we cannot be too careful to guard against the encroachments of power, and watch over those privileges which we have so dearly purchased. But trust me, my dear countrymen, it is not a matter of much moment to a people sunk in vice, what their form of government is. None can make them happy. There is a certain point of moral corruption, to which if we once arrive, we can no longer exist as a republic. A revolution must then of consequence take place, and some other kind of government better suited to our circumstances, and the spirit of the people, be adopted. There is a degree of vice which utterly debases human nature, and renders men incapable either to think, or judge, or act for themselves. When they come to this, they are prepared for slavery, and it is necessary, perhaps best for them, to have a master. The history of the most noted republics shows how vain must be all the efforts of a few virtuous men, to support our constitution and preserve our liberty, when once that virtue, which is the basis of freedom, and the very soul of a democracy, is no more. When Caesar passed the Rubicon, he saw that Rome must have a master; and why not Caesar as well as another? The virtuous and gallant spirit of Brutus could not brook this master. He thought that by sacrificing the tyrant, he could abolish the tyranny, and restore the republic; but he found himself mistaken. The sacrifice was not acceptable to the people The Roman spirit was departed; and instead [Page] of resuming their liberty, they ungratefully rose up against their deliverers. A second triumvirate was formed, worse than the first; and the lords of the world servilely surrendered their liberties into the hands of a boy. We are surprized at this; but it was perhaps the best thing they could do, as circumstances then stood.

There is, therefore, no other way to preserve our liberty, but by preserving our virtue.

Whatever secondary props may rise

From POLITICS, to build the public peace,

The basis is the MANNERS of the LAND.

When rotten these, the politicians wiles

But struggle wi [...]h destruction; as a child

With giants huge; or giants with a Jove.

YOUNG.

Suffer me then, my dear countrymen, to address you with all seriousness on this subject. After having displayed so much virtue and valor, in the course of a most arduous and trying struggle; and at last, through the signal interposition of Heaven, brought our affairs to such a happy issue, what a reproach will it be to us, if by suffering ourselves to be effeminated with luxury, and plunged in vice, we tarnish all that glory which we have acquired, and lose the fruits of so much blood and treasure! Would you preserve those liberties, which have been bought with the blood of thousands of your brave countrymen? Be virtuous. Would you rise to that summit of glory and felicity which was the end of your separation from Great-Britain? Promote religion; and endeavor to stem that torrent of vice which threatens to break in upon us, and blast all those sanguine hopes, which animated us to do and suffer so much in the cause of freedom. Let the rich and the great use their influence to encourage purity of morals, and inspire their fellow-citizens with those sentiments of religion and virtue, which are so absolutely necessary to our political welfare. How happy would it be for us, if such would consider how much it is [...]n their power, to suppress vice, and promote the [Page] cause of virtue! Were I permitted to address them with freedom, it would be in the following strain.

§

GENTLEMEN,

You owe an immense debt to your country. Providence hath placed you in an exalted station. Your wealth and rank make you respectable; your gentle and commanding manners, give an irresistible force and charm to your example. In you, virtue and religion appear in their most lovely and alluring forms. As you, of all men, have it most in your power to spread the infection of vice, and corrupt the manners of the multitude: so none can more effectually recommend piety and virtue, or more successfully restrain the licentious and the profligate. Only set the example— we are ready to follow you You are no strangers to the influence of a court on the morals of a kingdom. What courts a [...]e in monarchies, you are in a republic: you give the tone and tincture to our manners; and if you be dissolute in your morals and profligate in your lives, the infection will in time spread through all inferior ranks, and corrupt the whole mass of the people.

Do you profess yourselves lovers of your country? Do you desire its prosperity? Do you wish to see the laws respected and good order preserved? And are you convinced that purity of morals, and consequently religion, is necessary for this purpose? Lead the way then; show us a pattern we may dare to imitate; and use that influence and authority which Heaven has put into your hands, so that you may be a "Terror to evil-doers, and a praise to those that do well." This is the only road to true honor and renown; this is the most effectual way to advance the glory of your country, to make your names respectable while you live, and your memory dear to posterity.

But I wish not to confine this address to those only of high rank and figure: permit me therefore, my dear countrymen, to call upon you all, of whatever rank, character, or station, to lend your aid; and by your example and influence do your utmost, for the suppression of vice and the encouragement of virtue. There is none of you in a station [Page] so low, or circumstances so obscure, as to put it wholly out of your power to contribute, in some degree, for this purpose. The longer I consider the subject, the more fully I am convinced of the fatal effects of vice, and the absolute necessity of piety and purity of morals, in order to make us a great and a happy people: and there is no other way in which you can more effectually promote the prosperity of your country, than by the practice of these. Do you love your country? Do you wish to discharge the debt you owe to society? Do you desire to be happy here, and enjoy eternal felicity hereafter? Show your respect for that religion you profess; and endeavor to conform your lives to the precepts of Christianity. "True religion always enlarges the heart, and strengthens the social tie." If you be good Christians, you can never fail of being good citizens.

The God of Heaven hath favored us, in common with the other States of America, with many singular blessings. He has given us many advantages which no other people on the face of the earth have ever enjoyed; and if we improve these advantages in a proper manner, we may soon be the wonder and envy of the world. But if we forget the kind hand which covered us in the hour of danger, and conducted us through a sea of troubles to the calm haven of peace and security; if we abuse the gifts of Providence, turn our liberty to licentiousness, and provoke the vengeance of Heaven by our daring impiety, and shocking immoralities; what can we expect, but that a righteous God will give us up to the fatal consequences of our own vices, and inflict upon us that punishment which we justly deserve? Hath he so visibly and remarkably interposed in our behalf; wrought so many signal deliverances for us, and poured out so many blessings upon us; and shall we, by our ingratitude and abuse of his distinguishing mercies, provoke him to withdraw them from us, and hold us up to the world as a monument of what an impious and ungrateful people may expect from his hand? Forbid it my countrymen! Forbid it gratitude!—Forbid it Heaven!

[Page]THE reader has now my ideas on the subject. They are submitted to the candor of my countrymen.

If it should be thought, that, in some places, the dark side of things is exposed, I can honestly say, that in this my design was good. To awaken my fellow-citizens to a sense of their danger, and thus excite them more carefully to guard against it, was my motive, and I hope will be my excuse. Born in America, the author yields to none in attachment to his country, of which he can say, perhaps with greater sincerity than father Paul of Venice, esto perpetua. He has been the companion of his countrymen in tribulation, has shared in the dangers, and severely felt the effects of a distressing war: and counts it his glory and happiness to have contributed his part in bringing forward a revolution unequalled in the annals of the world. Content in obscurity, and unambitious of wealth or same, if ever he had a sincere wish, or breathed an ardent prayer, it is, that this revolution may be productive of those happy consequences, to which it hath opened so fair a prospect, not only to Americans, but the whole human race. This he is fully persuaded never will, never can be the case, unless piety and virtue be respected and practised. And if the candid and judicious shall only pronounce this, a weak but well-means attempt to promote these, and by consequence the happiness of his country, he will rest satisfied; and submit to their decision with silence and respect.

FINIS.

Notes

*

As our form of government tends to an aristocracy, if learning were properly diffused, it might, I think, serve to counteract this tendency in some measure. In a republic, offices of high trust and preferment ought to be rotatory, and diffused as much as possible. If learning be confined to a few of the most wealthy, it will naturally tend to keep these offices in a few hands; the consequence of which will be, that the rich and learned few will rule and oppress the poor and ignorant many. Every proud politic aristocrat knows, that if he can keep a people in poverty and ignorance, he can ride them at pleasure, and will therefore strenuously oppose every attempt of the legislature to put learning upon such a footing, that it may be acquired by those of lower rank.

*

Montesquieu, with his usual penetration, has observed, that the Catholic religion is most agreeable to monarchy, and the protestant to a republic. Indeed the Popish system contains many things which must be unfavorable to any form of civil government whatever. Such are indulgencies, bodily penance, dispensing with oaths, celibacy of the clergy, monastic institutions; to say nothing of the enormous power claimed by the Pope in things mee [...]ly civil, and the superiority which he arrogates over all Christian rules.

Information about this book

Title statement

An essay on the influence of religion, in civil society. By the Rev. Thomas Reese, A.M. Pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Salem, in South-Carolina. ; [Two lines in Latin from Cicero]

Reese, Thomas, 1742-1796.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2011-05.

ID [DLPS]

N16656

ID [TCP]

N16656

ID [STC]

Evans 21418

ID [NOTIS]

APV7325

ID [IMAGE-SET]

21418

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99002851

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Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 21418.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N16656)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 21418)

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Source

— An essay on the influence of religion, in civil society. By the Rev. Thomas Reese, A.M. Pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Salem, in South-Carolina. ; [Two lines in Latin from Cicero], Reese, Thomas, 1742-1796..

Extent

87, [1] p. ; 21 cm. (8vo)

Printed by Markland & M'Iver, no. 47, Bay.,. Charleston [S.C.]: :: M,DCC,LXXXVIII. [1788].

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