ON the Anniversary of so great an event as the birth of the Empire in which we live, none will question the propriety of passing a few moments in contemplating the various objects suggested to the mind by the important occasion. But at the present period, while the blessings, claimed by the sword of victory and promised in the voice of peace, remain to be con­firmed by our future exertions—while the nourishment, the growth, and even the existence of our empire depend upon the united efforts of an extensive and divided people—the duties of this day ascend from amusement and congratulation to a seri­ous patriotic employment.

WE are assembled, my friends, not to boast, but to realize—not to inflate our national vanity by a pompous relation of past atchievements in the council or in the field; but, from a modest [Page 4] retrospect of the truly dignified part already acted by our coun­trymen, from an accurate view of our present situation, and from an anticipation of the scenes that remain to be unfolded—to discern and familiarize the duties that still await us, as cit­izens, as soldiers and as men.

REVOLUTIONS in other countries have been effected by accident. The faculties of human reason and the rights of hu­man nature have been the sport of chance and the prey of am­bition. And when indignation has burst the bands of slavery, to the destruction of one tyrant, it was only to impose the man­acles of another. This arose from the imperfection of that early stage of society, which necessarily occasioned the founda­tion of empires on the eastern continent to be laid in ignorance, and which induced a total inability of foreseeing the improve­ments of civilization, or of adapting the government to a state of social refinement.

I SHALL but repeat a common observation when I remark, that on the western continent the scene was entirely different; and a new task, totally unknown to the legislators of other na­tions, was imposed upon the fathers of the American Empire.

HERE was a people thinly scattered over an extensive terri­tory, lords of the soil on which they trod, commanding a pro­digious length of coast and an equal breadth of frontier—a people habituated to liberty, professing a mild and benevolent [Page 5] religion, and highly advanced in science and civilization. To conduct such a people in a revolution, the address must be made to reason as well as to the passions. And to reason, to the clear understanding of these variously affected colonies the solemn address was made.

A PEOPLE thus enlightened, and capable of discerning the connection of causes with their remotest effects, waited not the experience of oppression in their own persons; which they well knew would render them less able to conduct a regular opposi­tion. But in the moment of their greatest prosperity, when ev­ery heart expanded with the increasing opulence of the British­American dominions, and every tongue united in the praises of the parent State and her patriot king, when many circum­stances concurred which would have rendered an ignorant peo­ple secure and inattentive to their future interests—at this mo­ment the eyes of the American Argus were opened to the first and most plausible invasion of the colonial rights.

IN vain were we told, and perhaps with the greatest truth and sincerity, that the monies levied in America were all to be ex­pended within the country, and for our benefit: Equally idle was the policy of Great-Britain in commencing their new sys­tem by a small and almost imperceptible duty, and that upon very few articles. It was not the quantity of the tax, it was not the mode of appropriation, but it was the right of the de­mand, [Page 6] which was called in question. Upon this the people de­liberated, this they discussed in a cool and dispassionate manner, and this they opposed, in every shape that an artful and syste­matic ministry could devise, for more than ten years, before they assumed the sword.

THIS single circumstance, aside from the magnitude of the object or the event of the contest, will stamp a peculiar glory on the American revolution, and mark it as a distinguished aera in the history of mankind; that sober reason and reflection have done the work of enthusiasm and performed the miracles of gods. In what other age or nation has a laborious agricultur­al people, at ease upon their own farms, secure and distant from the approach of fleets and armies, tide-waiters and stamp-mas­ters, reasoned before they have felt, and from the dictates of duty and conscience, encountered dangers, distress and poverty, for the sake of securing to posterity a government of independ­ence and peace? The toils of ages and the fate of millions were to be sustained by a few hands. The voice of unborn nations called upon them for safety; but it was a still small voice, the voice of rational reflection. Here was no Cromwell to in­flame the people with bigotry and zeal, no Caesar to reward his followers with the spoils of vanquished foes, and no territory to acquire by conquest. Ambition, Superstition and Avarice, those universal torches of war, never illumined an American [Page 7] field of battle. But the permanent principles of sober policy spread through the colonies, roused the people to assert their rights, and conducted the revolution.

IT would be wandering from the objects which ought to oc­cupy our present attention, ^* again to recount the numerous acts of the British Parliament which compose that system of ty­ranny designed for the subjugation of America: Neither can we indulge in the detail of those memorable events which mark­ed our various stages of resistance, from the glooms of unsuc­cessful supplication, to the splendor of victory and acknowledg­ed sovereignty. The former were the theme of senatorial elo­quence, producing miracles of union and exertion in every part of the continent, till we find them preserved for everlasting remembrance in that declaratory Act of Independence, which gave being to an empire and dignified the day we now com­memorate; the latter are fresh in the memory of every person of the least information. It would be impertinence, if not a breach of delicacy, to attempt a recital of those glorious a­chievements, especially before an audience, part of whom have been distinguished actors in the scene, others the anxious and applauding spectators. To the faithful historian we resign the task; the historian, whom it is hoped the present age will deem [Page 8] it their duty as well as their interest, to furnish, encourage and support.

WHATEVER praise is due for the task already performed, it is certain that much remains to be done. The revolution is but half completed. Independence and Government were the two objects contended for, and but one is yet obtained. To the glory of the present age and the admiration of the future, our severance from the British empire was conducted upon principles as noble as they were new, and unprecedented in the history of human actions. Could the same generous princi­ples, the same wisdom and unanimity be exerted in effecting the establishment of a permanent foederal system, what an ad­ditional lustre would it pour upon the present age! a lustre hitherto unequalled; a display of magnanimity, for which man­kind may never behold another opportunity.

WITHOUT an efficient government our Independence will cease to be a blessing. Shall that glow of patriotism and un­shaken perseverance, which have been so long conspicuous in the American character, desert us at our utmost need? Shall we lose sight of our own happiness, because it has grown familiar by a near approach? Shall thy labours, O Washington, be be­stowed in vain? Hast thou conducted us to independence and peace, and shall we not receive the blessings at thy hands? Where are the shades of our fallen friends? and what is their [Page 9] language on this occasion? Warren, Montgomery, Mercer, Wooster, Scammel and Laurens, all ye hosts of departed heroes! rich is the treasure you have lavished in the cause, and preva­lent the price you have paid for our freedom. Shall the pur­chase be neglected? the fair inheritance lie without improve­ment, exposed to every daring invader? Forbid it, honour, forbid it, gratitude; and oh, may Heaven avert the impend­ing evil.

IN contemplating the price of our Independence, it will never be forgotten that it was not entirely the work of our own hands; nor could it probably have been established, in the same term of time, by all the blood and treasure, that America unassisted was able to furnish for the contest. Much of the merit is due, and our warmest acknowledgments will ever flow to that illustrious Monarch, the father of nations and friend of the distrest; that Monarch, who by his early assistance taught us not to dispair, and, when we had given a sufficient proof of our military virtue and perseverance, who joined us in alliance upon terms of equality, gave us a rank and credit among the maritime nations of Europe, and furnished fleets and armies, money and military stores, to put a splendid period to the im­portant conflict.

WHERE shall we find language to express a nation's gratitude for such unexampled goodness and magnanimity? my friends, it is not to be done with language. Our sense of obligation [Page 10] for favours received from Heaven is best expressed by a wise improvement. Does LOUIS ask for more? and can duty be satisfied with less? Unite in a permanent foederal government, put your commerce upon a respectable footing; your arts and manufactures, your population, your wealth and glory will in­crease: and when an hundred millions of people are comprised within your territory and made happy by your sway, then shall it be known that the hand of that monarch assisted in planting the vine from which so great a harvest is produced. His gen­erous heart shall exult in the prospect, his royal descendants, fired by the great example, shall imitate his virtues, and the world shall unite in his praise.

HERE shall that pride of the military character, the gallant Fayette, find his compensation for a life of disinterested service; whose toils have not ceased with the termination of the war, and whose successful endeavours to promote our interest, in com­mercial and political arrangements, can only be equalled by his achievements in the field. How will the posterity of that no­bleman, and that of the other brave officers of his nation who have fought by your sides, on reviewing the American history, rejoice in the fame of their fathers; nor ever regret the fate of those who bled in so glorious a field!

AN acknowledgement of the merits of Rochambeau and Chas­tellux, D Estaing, De Graff and De Barras, and the other he­roes of the French army and navy—affection to the memory [Page 11] of our brethren and companions who have bled in our battles—reverence to the advice of our illustrious Commander in Chief, and of all those sages and patriots who have composed our councils, from the time of the first Congress to the present mo­ment—honour to our worthy creditors in Europe—a regard to the conduct of the Imperial Sovereigns of Russia and Germa­ny, who evince to the world that they revere the cause of liber­ality and human happiness in which we drew the sword—a res­pect to the memory of the venerable Frederick of Prussia, whose dying hand put the signature to a treaty of commerce with the United States upon the most liberal principles that e­ver originated in a diplomatic council—a sacred regard to our­selves and to all posterity—and, above all, a religious gratitude to our heavenly Benefactor, who hath hitherto smiled upon our endeavours—call upon us, in the language of a thousand tongues, for firmness, unanimity and perseverence, in complet­ing the revolution and establishing the empire.

THE present is justly considered an alarming crisis; perhaps the most alarming that America ever saw. We have contended with the most powerful nation and subdued the bravest and best appointed armies; but now we have to contend with ourselves, and encounter passions and prejudices more powerful than ar­mies and more dangerous to our peace. It is not for glory, it is for existence that we contend.

MUCH is expected from the Foederal Convention now sitting [Page 12] at Philadelphia; and it is a happy circumstance that so general a confidence from all parts of the country is centred in that re­spectable Body. Their former services as individuals com­mand it, and our situation requires it. But although much is expected from them, yet more is demanded from ourselves.

THE first great object is to convince the people of the im­portance of their present situation; for the majority of a great people, on a subject which they understand, will never act wrong. If ever there was a time, in any age or nation, when the fate of millions depended on the voice of one, it is the present period in these states. Every free citizen of the Ame­rican Empire ought now to consider himself as the legislator of half mankind. When he views the amazing extent of ter­ritory, settled and to be settled under the operation of his laws—when, like a wise politician, he contemplates the population of future ages; the changes to be wrought by the possible pro­gress of arts, in agriculture, commerce and manufactures, the increasing connection and intercourse of nations, and the effect of one rational political system upon the general happiness of mankind—his mind, dilated with the great idea, will realize a liberality of feeling which leads to a rectitude of conduct. He will see that the system to be established by his suffrage is cal­culated for the great benevolent purposes of extending peace, happiness and progressive improvement to a large proportion of his fellow creatures. As there is a probability that the sys­tem to be proposed by the Convention may answer this descrip­tion [Page 13] there is some reason to hope it will be viewed by the peo­ple with that candour and dispassionate respect which is due to the importance of the subject.

WHILE the anxiety of the feeling heart is breathing the per­petual sigh for the attainment of so great an object, it becomes the strongest duty of the social connexion, to enlighten and har­monize the minds of our fellow citizens, and point them to a knowledge of their interests, as an extensive foederal people and fathers of increasing nations. The price put into their hands is great, beyond all comparison; and, as they improve it, they will entail happiness or misery upon a larger proportion of human beings, than could be affected by the conduct of all the nations of Europe united.

THOSE who are possessed of abilities or information in any degree above the common rank of their fellow citizens are called upon by every principle of humanity, to diffuse a spirit of candour and rational enquiry upon these important subjects.

ADAMS, to his immortal honour and the timely assistance of his country, has set the great example. His treatise in defence of the constitutions, though confined to the State Republics, is calculated to do infinite service, by correcting thousands of er­roneous sentiments arising from our inexperience; sentiments, which if uncorrected in this early stage of our political exist­ence, will be the source of calamities without measure and with­out end. Should that venerable philosopher and statesman be [Page 14] induced to continue his enquiries, by tracing the history of Confederacies, and, with his usual energy and perspicuity, deli­neate and defend a system adapted to the circumstances of the United States—I will not say he could deserve more from his distrest country, but he would crown a life of patriotic labours and render an essential additional service to the world.

WHILE America enjoys the peculiar felicity of seeing those who have conducted her councils and her battles retire like Cincinnatus to the humble labours of the plough, it must be re­membered, that she there expects a continuance of their patrio­tic exertions. The Society of the Cincinnati, established upon the most benevolent principles, will never lose sight of their duty, in rendering every possible aid, as citizens, to that com­munity which they have defended as soldiers. They will re­joice, that, although Independence was the result of force, yet Government is the child of reason. As they are themselves an example of the noblest effort of human nature, the conquest of self, in obeying the voice of their country and exchanging the hab­its, the splendor and importance of military life, for domestic labour and poverty; they will readily inculcate on others the propriety of sacrificing private and territorial advantages to the good of the great majority, the salvation of the United States.

SLAVES to no party, but servants of the whole, they have wield­ed the sword of every State in the Union and bled by the side [Page 15] of her sons. Their attachments are as extensive as their la­bours. FRIENDSHIP and CHARITY the great pillars of their Institution will find their proper objects through the extended territory, and seek the happiness of all.

WHILE we contemplate the endearing objects of our associ­ation, and indulge in the gloomy pleasure of recollecting that variety of suffering which prompted the sympathetic soldier to institute this memorial of his friendship, fraternal affection re­calls the scene of parting, and enquires with solicitude the fate of our beloved companions.

SINCE the last anniversary, the death of General Howe has diminished the number of our brethren and called for the tribute of a tear. With some of the foibles incident to hu­man nature, he possessed many valuable accomplishments. His natural good understanding he had imbellished with con­siderable attention to polite literature. As a soldier, he was brave; as an officer, attentive to discipline; he commanded with dignity and obeyed with alacrity, and whatever talents he possessed were uniformly and cheerfully devoted to the service of his country.

BUT a few weeks previous to that period, the much lament­ed deaths of Tilghman and M'Dougall were successively an­nounced, and the tidings received with a peculiar poignancy of grief. What citizen of the American empire does not join the general voice of gratitude, when contemplating the merits [Page 16] of those distinguished officers; and swell the tide of sympathy with his bereaved country, when deprived of their future assist­ance? They were ornaments to the States in which they lived, as well as to the profession in which they acquired their glory.

AMIABLE and heroic Tilghman! short was the career of thy fame, but much hast thou performed for thy country. Of thee shall it ever be remembered, that no social virtue was a stranger to thy breast, and no military achievement too daring for thy sword. While we condole with thy afflicted father for the loss of so dear a son, permit the tear of friendship to flow for its own bereavement. And as of as the anniversary of this day shall assemble the companions of thy life to rejoice in the free­dom of their country, they shall mingle a sigh to thy lasting memory and bewail thy untimely fate.

UNTIMELY also was the death of the brave and the patriotic M'Dougall. Though many years were worn away in his un­remitted labours for the public safety—though his early and decided exertions against the claims of Great-Britain had an essential influence in determining the conduct of the Province in which he resided—though he was the nerve of war, the wis­dom of council and one of our principal supporters in the ac­quest of Independence—yet these but show us the necessity of such characters in establishing the blessings of the acquisition. While it shall require the same wisdom and unshaken fortitude, the same patience and perseverence to rear the fabric of our em­pire, [Page 17] as it did to lay the foundation, Patriotism and Valour in sympathetic affection will bemoan the loss of M'Dougall.

HAPPY would it be for America, thrice happy for the feel­ings of sorrowing friendship, could the list of our deceased com­panions be closed even with the names of those worthy heroes. But Heaven had bestowed too much glory upon the life of the favourite Greene, to allow it a long duration.

MY affectionate Auditory will anticipate more than can be uttered, in the melancholy duty of contemplating his distin­guished excellence. To any Assembly that could be collected in America, vain would be the attempt, to illustrate his cha­racter or embellish the scene of his exploits. It is a subject to be felt, but not to be described. To posterity indeed it may be told, as an incentive to the most exalted virtue and astonishing enterprize, that the man, who carried in his native genius all the resources of war, and the balance of every extreme of for­tune—who knew the advantages to be derived from defeat, the vigilance of military arrangement, the rapidity and happy moment of assault, the deliberate activity of battle, and the va­rious important uses of victory—that the man who possessed every conceivable quality of a warrior, was, in his public and private character, without a foible or a fault: That all the a­miable as well as heroic virtues were assembled in his soul, and that it was the love of a rational and enlightened age, and not the stupid stare of barbarity, that expressed his praise.

THE map of America may designate the vast extent of con­quered [Page 18] country recovered by his sword: The future traveller in the Southern States may be pointed by the peasant to the va­rious regions containing monuments of his valour and his skill; where, amid his marches and countermarches, his studied re­treats and his rapid approaches, every advantage given to the enemy was resumed with tenfold utility and certain conquest: The historic Muse, as a legacy to future ages, may transmit with heroic dignity the feats of her favourite Chief: But who shall transmit the feelings of the heart, or give the more inter­esting representation of his worth? The hero will remain, but the man must be lost.

THE grief of his bereaved consort, aggravated by the uni­versal testimony of his merit, we hope will receive some alle­viation from the ardent sympathy of thousands, whose hearts were penetrated with his virtues, and whose tears would have flowed upon his hearse.

BUT we will not open afresh the wounds, which we can­not close. The best eulogium of the good and great is ex­pressed by an emulation of their virtues. As those of the il­lustrious Greene were equally useful in every department in which human society can call a man to act, every friend to A­merica must feel the want of his assistance in the duties that re­main to be performed. Yet, as these duties are of the ration­al and pacific kind, the performance is more attainable and emulation the better encouraged. In military operations, none but the soldier can be distinguished, nor any but the fortunate are sure of rendering service: but here is a theatre [Page 19] of action for every citizen of a great country; in which the smallest circumstance will have its weight, and on which infi­nite consequences will depend.

THE present is an age of philosophy; and America, the empire of reason. Here, neither the pageantry of courts nor the glooms of superstition have dazzled or beclouded the mind. Our duty calls us to act worthy of the age and the country which gave us birth. Though inexperience may have betrayed us into errors; yet these have not been fatal; and our own dis­cernment will point us to their proper remedy.

HOWEVER defective the present confederated system may appear; yet a due consideration of the circumstances under which it was framed, will teach us rather to admire its wisdom than to murmur at its faults. The same political abilities which were displayed in that institution, united with the ex­perience we have had of its opperation, will doubtless produce a system, which will stand the test of ages, in forming a pow­erful and happy people.

ELEVATED with this extensive prospect, we may consider present inconveniences as unworthy of regret. At the close of the war, an uncommon plenty of circulating specie and a universal passion for trade tempted many individuals to involve themselves in ruin and injure the credit of their country. But these are evils which work their own remedy. The paroxism is already over; industry is increasing faster than ever it de­clined; and, with some exceptions where legislative authority [Page 20] has sanctified fraud, the people are honestly discharging their private debts and encreasing the resources of their wealth.

EVERY possible encouragement for great and generous ex­ertions, is now presented before us. Under the idea of a per­manent and happy government, every point of view, in which the future situation of America can be placed, fills the mind with a peculiar dignity, and opens an unbounded field of thought. The natural resources of the country are inconceiv­ably various and great; the enterprising genius of the people promises a most rapid improvement in all the arts that embel­lish human nature; the blessings of a rational government will invite emigrations from the rest of the world, and fill the em­pire with the worthiest and happiest of mankind; while the ex­ample of political wisdom and felicity here to be displayed will excite emulation through the kingdoms of the earth, and meliorate the condition of the human race.

IN the pleasing contemplation of such glorious events, and comparing the scenes of action that adorn the western hemis­phere, with what has taken place in the east, may we not apply to our country the language of the prophet of Israel, though spoken on a different occasion ‘The glory of this latter house shall be greater than of the former, saith the Lord of hosts; and in this place will I give peace, saith the Lord of hosts:’ peace to any disorders that may at present subsist among us, peace to the contending passions of nations, peace to this em­pire, to future ages, and through the extended world.