The European traveller in America. Contained in three letters to his friend, in London. ; [Three lines in Latin from Virgil]

The European traveller in America. Contained in three letters to his friend, in London. ; [Three lines in Latin from Virgil]

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Title page

The EUROPEAN TRAVELLER IN AMERICA. IN THREE LETTERS TO HIS FRIEND IN LONDON.

LETTER I.

LETTER II.

LETTER III.

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THE EUROPEAN TRAVELLER IN AMERICA.

CONTAINED IN THREE LETTERS TO HIS FRIEND, IN LONDON.

O fortunates nimium, sua si bona nôrint,

Agricolas! quibus ipsa, procul discordibus armis,

Fundit humo facilem victum justissima tellus.

VIRGIL.

HARTFORD: PRINTED BY HUDSON & GOODWIN, M.DCC.LXXXV.

The EUROPEAN TRAVELLER IN AMERICA. IN THREE LETTERS TO HIS FRIEND IN LONDON.

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LETTER I.

DEAR SIR,

THE national events that have taken place since I saw you, lead me to imagine, that you have not wholly forgotten what were my political sentiments, at the time when I left England. I never was enthusiastic enough to imagine myself possessed of a prophetic spirit. However, with respect to the issue of the American war, if my arrow was cast at random, you are yet my witness, that it has not hit wide of the mark. The idea of my country's ruin had long impressed my mind. And this, when I embarked for America, made the farewell peculiarly affectionate. In whatever company or employ I was engaged, the idea of American glory was in view, [Page] until it was painted on my mind, even to a charm. And the moment I set my foot on the shore, I embraced it for my own. And as such, the public interest has ever since had my passions at perfect command; my joy, has ebbed and flowed, with the complexion of the times. Had I been a native of America, I could not have felt a stronger attachment to her welfare. Sick of the manners of my country, and European fashions at large, I thought of nothing in America, but simplicity of life, industry, oeconomy, and the noblest patriotism. This I frankly confess was the fruit of an overheated imagination: for experience has since supplied the defect of reason, and taught me the mistake.

I at first landed at Philadelphia, where I was introduced to such elegance, grandeur, and opulence, as I had no idea of on this side the atlantic. But as I have had for many years a growing aversion to the city, and have long since been anticipating the pleasures of a rural life; I made no long tarry, but soon retired to the interior parts of the country. As I had determined by travelling to acquaint myself with the people, of whom I had formed such an idea: I conceived it a natural dictate of prudence, to accomplish this in the first stage of my American existence: that being free from local prejudices, and having gained a more universal acquaintance, I might be better able to make a judicious choice with respect to a settlement. In prosecuting this plan my opportunity in the study of human nature has been considerable, and I trust not wholly unimproved. Be the improvement however what it may, I will risk this thesis, as the result of a careful inquiry: that human nature is the same, in England and America. At this observation [Page] I doubt not you will smile, and say the man is recovered of his insanity. I readily confess my prejudice in favour of America run high, too high, for me to draw an impartial character. I have waited long to feel myself cool on the subject: but whether long enough, you will better judge from the sequel of my letters. The people of America are hospitable— they are sociable—they are brave as what I conceived —they are sensible and discerning to admiration: which has fully convinced me, that popular goverments are the most friendly to mental improvements. Freedom will raise, and bondage will sink, the powers of the humam mind. And the same person, in this difference of situation, will make a very different figure in the world. Witness the black and the white people in this country. The colour has not made the odds; shift their situations, let the black man be master and the white servant, and a few generations would turn the scale of sensibility.

The country, as to fertility, and variety of produce, fully answers my expectation. And as to extent and settlement; it exceeds my imagination warm as it was.

The laws are generally good; but somewhat fail in punctuality of execution. The debt contracted by the war, is not as you imagined any way formidable: the resources of the country, I find abundantly sufficient to discharge it. Nor does the union of the states, or disposition of the people at large, threaten a failure. If there is any deficiency in this respect, it is for want of a suitable power in Congress, to call forth these resources. The people are young and vigorous —their lands are liberal in the supports of life and traffic—in particular they are exceedingly well [Page] furnished with the materials of ship-building, at which the people are skilful. This branch of business affords a commodity so vendible in Europe, so important the world over, that if vigorously pushed, would of itself in no lengthy period of time, discharge the greater part of the debt.

I was bred like yourself in the midst of great distinctions, where with but a glance of the eye, might be seen the most striking contrast of wealth and poverty.—In America it is not so; there is an equality here, which to an European would be matter of wonder.—In the country it is usual for every man to be settled on his own plantation, and he is lord of whatever his deed covers; he knows nothing of the exorbitant demands either of tyrant, bishop, or landlord. Notwithstanding the rise of taxes, occasioned by the war, they are yet light compared with yours. They crowd not (as in England) upon the necessaries and comforts of life; but leave the industrious labourer in full possession of both. Back from the sea coast, they are generally farmers; they retire from the field at night, with an appetite created by moderate exercise; this gives a peculiar relish to their food and drink, which is plain and wholesome, but not rich. Being strangers to intemperance, idleness and luxury, and with their senses unimpaired by the fare of high life, they appear to take all the satisfaction the world affords.

As I travel, I often from choice take lodging with this class of men, and from their table of plain diet, am more pleased and refreshed, than I should be at an entertainment of a lord in England. For here, tho' it be hard to give a reason, I participate with them in [Page] appetite and relish.—Here I behold simplicity of manners, without mixture of formality, and an honest hearted generosity, without the disagreeable show of court parade.—Here liberty appears to be more than a speculative ideal thing,—it is a reality. It discovers itself in the behaviour and countenance of these men; their whole deportment is different from one that has been bred to fawn at a monarch's feet, or one whose interest wholly depends on keeping his landlord in humour.—I trust you will not think me frantick in this observation: for in your own speculations on human nature, you must have observed the command which the mind has over the features and deportment of the man. Does not the melancholy soul wear a wrinkled brow? Does not the thief without speaking confess his guilt? And why are not the slaves of lord and monarch in like manner visible? From the intimacy and unreserved freedom I have had in your company, you are sensible that I am no enemy to matrimonial connections. The situation, circumstances and manners of my country, are what have so long confined me to a celibic life. I never could feel it duty, to be instrumental of introducing my own species to that which was so disagreeable to myself. My soul has often recoiled at the idea of being father to one who should be a tenant to a lord, or a vassal to a tyrant.—But methinks these objections are removed, and I begin to feel the force of duty and inclination without opposition. You will therefore not be surprised, should you soon hear of my forming a very serious acquaintance with one of these farmers daughters. For on all accounts I must prefer their education and manner of life, which is for the most part neat, frugal and industrious.—They [Page] are persons of good humour; nor has their taste ever been corrupted by the follies and fopperies of the city; though at the same time they are no strangers to good breeding. I have many motives to this choice in particular. I consider the disposition in a great measure formed by early example; and the different callings that employ mankind, are not without their influence in this respect. The trader undergoes that shift of fortune and shift of passion to which the farmer is not exposed: hence these employments are not alike friendly to that calmness of disposition, which is a main pillar in the support of conjugal happiness. Let a person be brought up in a family, where the domestic affairs are conducted in a cholerick manner, and where pevishness in the heads, is frequently seen triumphant over reason: and it is a wonder if the disposition does not hence receive a disagreeable tincture. And the same observation may be made with regard to other defects in human life: it is in this way that family vices are propagated, and handed down from parent to child and from child to grandchild, not only to their own reproach, but to the great detriment of civil society. I am therefore governed in this matter, not so much with a view to my own happiness, as the good of a rising family: where the mother as she more constantly presides, must have a principal hand in forming the children either to virtue or vice. The mother of a family I consider as the open book, from which the child takes the lesson of life. And of what interesting concern is it then to these tender minds, that the lesson be good, founded on morality and suited to attemper the disposition, both to private happiness and public usefulness?

[Page]It would not be strange if by this time you begin to wonder at my freedom,—indeed I am surprised at myself, especially on a subject of this delicate nature. At first I thought only to have started the idea, but have been led insensibly to the above observations. However you would readily pardon me, had you been witness to that which of late has so captivated my mind. I have often with respect to the happiness of life, built castles in the air: I have often allowed my imagination to rove uncontroled on the subject: and as often has my judgment and experience dashed the airy bubble, and convinced me that the whole was but an ideal thing, not capable in its nature of being reduced to practice.—Here among the farmers of America, I behold the happiness of life exemplified beyond whatever reason or observation taught me before.

For some days past, I have taken my rout farther back in the country than heretofore, which has led me into a territory as yet but thinly inhabited. Here while I am passing plains, intervals and mountains, I meet with nothing to disturb my reflections. The soil I observe is exceedingly good, and in every point of view inviting to the husbandman.—Never did I feel such tenderness for the vassals of lord and monarch as now,—can it be that so many millions of the human race should drag out the miserable remains of life, ignorant that there is any part of the world that will better support them?—can there be such inhumanity in the great, as to build their grandeur and support their luxury upon the toil of their fellow-mortals, when the wilds of America invite them to liberty, and where a few years industry would raise them to a state of opulence and independence?

[Page]In these woods I now and then pass a log-house, around which there are considerable improvements, proportioned no doubt to the proprietor's industry, and time of settlement. I often call and inquire into their welfare, and question them in the proficiency they make on their new plantations. I came last evening to one of these habitations, it was earlier in the day than I would have wished to put up; but fearing lest night might overtake me in the wilderness, or lest I might not find an house that promised so good accommodation, I asked for entertainment, which was readily granted. The family seemed pleased to have an opportunity of waiting on a stranger. My landlord, when he came from the field at night, discovered the same good humour in his countenance, —he bid me welcome to his house, and to his table of plain diet, which was soon made ready.— He informed me that it was not more than six years since the first stroke was struck on his farm; and he had then between fifty and sixty acres cleared—kept an handsome stock—raised his own wool and flax— had always after the first year a surplusage of grain— made his own meat, his own dairy and his own apparel. —Indeed, the oeconomy in the house appeared to resemble that without. While the father with a little child on his knee was giving me this account, the mother with the daughters were about their domestick employment. Each one in the family filled his own place, and contentment and satisfaction reigned through the whole. After family prayer, which was religiously attended, I retired to my lodging, with a disposition better suited to reflection than sleep. I fancied myself to have fallen upon a discovery, after which the sages of antiquity had sought in vain. And that here in the wilderness, I had found [Page] in what the greatest happiness of life consisted. For here was religion without colour of superstition—here was civil and religious liberty in perfection—here was independence, as far as the nature of human life would admit—here fulness was enjoyed in retirement —and the whole shut out from the disagreeable noise and bustle of the world. After we arose in the morning, my landlord invited me to a walk in the field, where I saw the fruits and effects of industry united with the best oeconomy. And finding him to be a very affable sensible man, I asked him a number of questions, among the rest, whether he could give any account how far those wilds were habitable, and whether the soil in general was in any measure to be compared to the spot on which he was settled. This question introduced the following narration, which he gave me.—A friend of his with two others a few years before, set out with a determination to penetrate the western wilderness, as far as prudence should direct. They travelled fifteen days for the most part on a westerly line, without discovering the least trace of any human creature. The wild beasts would often start before them, of these there was a great plenty and a great variety, among which their fire-arms contributed much to their amusement as well as support. On the afternoon of the fifteenth day, when they had travelled not less than three hundred miles, from any inhabitants, they unexpectedly discovered a large plantation under the best improvement. In the midst of this appeared a stately elegant building, in English fashion. With joy they hastened to the gate of the high yard, which surrounded this seat. The porter that stood centinel understood from signs their desire of admittance—carried their request, and soon returned with liberty of admission. They were [Page] received into the family, where they had all the marks of hospitality shewn them; but were not admitted that night to speak with the master of the house. In the morning they were invited to his apartment, in an upper loft, where, in addition to their joy, they found him to be a man of their own colour, and one who spoke their own language. He sufficiently apologized for not waiting on them the evening before. The reason was, his being employed in preparing a packet for Quebec with respect to the fur trade, over which he presided in that quarter of the world. —The history of the man in a few words, is this.— When a child he was bound an apprentice to a gentleman in Albany, with whom he lived till he was nineteen years of age; when his master's severity growing intolerable, he privately left him, with a determination to seek a retreat in the wilderness, beyond the search or information of his master. On his route he fell on this small village of the natives, with whom he associated, and with whom after a few years he was connected in marriage. This with other circumstances, procured him the confidence, service and entire obedience of that people, by whose labours he brought under improvement, a tract of land which almost bounded the eye. He was a man of no education, could neither read nor write, which proved a very material disadvantage to his trade. To remedy this defect, he sent his eldest son to Quebec, who was there furnished with an education sufficient to transact his father's business, both among French and English. His plantation furnished his numerous family, with all the necessaries of life in great abundance: nor did his trade contribute less to its conveniences. —That here in this remote part of the wilderness, was enjoyed almost every thing the world [Page] affords, and nothing (as he observed) was wanting to compleat the happiness of his situation; but a small circle of friends with whom he might use his native language, and spend the vacant hours of life.—After these men had travelled upwards of an hundred miles further, nearly in the same direction, they returned with observing, that the whole of this new explored region, was an exceeding rich soil, and by far the most level and beautiful of any part of America, that had come within their knowledge.

At the close of this conversation, I found myself possessed of a strange mixture of feelings.—My pity, gratitude, and joy ran high, so as not a little to disturb that steadiness of mind, which if possible I would discover under all occurrences of life. I could not do less than cross the atlantic in imagination, and drop a tear of pity on those I had left behind. Many of which were ignorant that there was any such opening as this on the globe; or if known have yet been so long confined in slavery as to feel no inclination or resolution to shake off the chain and make the noble adventure.—I could not but have a grateful sense of the divine goodness, in preparing such a spacious retreat for the poor and oppressed of mankind, and discovering of it in an age of the world, when it was never more needed. I could not likewise but feel a joy at the rising glory of America. What a foundation is here for a great, lasting and happy empire. In no part of the world was there ever a greater number of natural circumstances, which united to promise the event; and perhaps in no part so many of a moral kind. Here is no want of territory—nor is there want of matter on which to ground the best civil policy. The history of the world is before them—the [Page] public virtues and vices of every nation are laid open to their view—their rise and fall, with the operating causes are carefully noticed, especially those of their mother country now on the decline, must be fresh in mind, and I trust will ever prove a lesson of the most salutary instruction. These among many, are some of the natural reasons that excite my joy. And with modesty may I not attempt the moralist, so far as to observe, that as this is the greatest quarter of the world and the last in discovery, we may here rationally expect the last and greatest works of Deity. I mean those which are to be accomplished in the golden age. From some cause or other, I am irresistibly inclined to believe, that this is the hemisphere on which the morning of that day will first dawn, and shine back from west to east till the light and knowledge of the Saviour shall illuminate the world. Will not this, at least in part, be a fulfilment of his own words? that the last shall be first and the first last. And to strengthen the idea, may I not bring to view the prophetic description of that approaching day: for is not this the wilderness and solitary place that shall be made glad, and the desert that shall blossom as the rose? But whether this be the effect of fancy or not, I leave you to judge, and subscribe myself your

Most obedient, humble servant, &c.

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LETTER II.

DEAR FRIEND,

THERE are many things in theory which are not capable of practical proof; these as they contribute little to the benefit of mankind, I rank in the lower class of literature. You doubtless remember when we were schoolmates, how philosophically our professor would harangue upon the original particles of matter, and the simples of nature. For my part I find no such simples; what is there that is uncompounded. Universal nature is a mixture of contrary ingredients, and to every earthly enjoyment there is a contra part annexed; one thing is set over against the other that man should find nothing after him. These in degree are usually proportionate to each other, and it is often the case that the greatest contrast of pleasure and pain arises from those objects which lie nearest the heart. How does the mother joy and grieve, yea, as it were live and die, with the child of her bosom.

When I first perceived the connection I was forming with America, and how inseperably my affection was united to her interest, I was not insensible from the nature of things, to what a vicissitude of passions I was fated. The idea at first startled me; but I at length freely submitted, to what my love had made irresistible.

In my former letter I took my leave of you, as if [Page] with Moses upon the mount, borne away with the rising glory of America. I now sit down in a more humble style; to lay before you those threatning symtoms of a political and moral nature, which pain my heart. In the civil constitution of America, each state with respect to its own internal police, holds a sovereignty of its own; but for mutual defence, they are organized into one great body, over which then Congress preside, composed of a proportionable number of delegates from each state. In this body was designed to be lodged the supreme authority of the nation; but being invested with their power, at a time when tyranny had rendered the very name of power unpopular, the states fell short of the mark, and by their restrictions incapacitated their ruling body, for the discharge of the duty to which the very nature of their office led them. I am sensible that the ruler has no power but what is derived to him from the people; yet the nature of all government requires that he should have so much as to rule for their good, to encourage the virtuous and punish the vicious. Congress in some things of the greatest importance, have only a right to recommend to their constituent assemblies, what they judge interesting to the public weal; and however urgent the exigences of the nation may be with regard to these, yet they must pass the litigation of each assembly before Congress are empowered to act; and even then we find it may be the case, that one of the thirteen will negative the whole. When I was first made acquainted with the powers of Congress, I was sensible of the defect, and equally sensible that such was the jealousy of the people, in delegating power to their rulers, that nothing but experience could convince them of the mistake. And experience has already begun [Page] to do its office, and by the irreparable loss of an immenst interest, has administered more conviction to the populace, than volumes on the subject would have done. I mean in the continental impost recommended by Congress to the several states. This was an expedient for canceling the public debt, that discovered great wisdom and sound policy. It would have done honour to the oldest senate on the globe: for it eases the industrious farmer and draws the revenue from the opulent; or at least being laid upon the superfluities of life, no one pays any part of it but of choice.

The states soon discovered their interest in this recommendation, and adopted the plan, all except the state of Rhode-Island which has negatived the whole. And there being no authority to remedy the evil; or chastise their stubbornness▪ the nation has already lost a revenue; I presume of greater value than the state itself▪ A few more lessons of such a serious nature as this; will likely convince the people that it is not for their interest in this manner to restrict the supreme legislature of the nation. Congress must have more than a name or power of recommendation, in order to act for the good of the whole. However, we may perhaps attribute this defect not so much to a want of wisdom as to those inevitable prejudices to which human nature is incident. At the time when America left her parent country and forever dissolved that tender relation which had so long subsisted, it was done under the highest provocation; there was the greatest affront offered to human reason and liberty: the British ministry given up to a spirit of infatuation, asserted a right of making laws binding them in all cases whatever; from this awful spectre they [Page] fled; and in this perturbation of mind, they were driven by the laws of self preservation to form a constitution of their own. It is not therefore strange under these circumstances, that a jealousy of power should be so great as to operate to their disadvantage. When with the greatest caution we are endeavouring to shun one extreme, we are almost certain to strike the other, humanum est errare. Add to this the constitution of civil government has in all ages of the world been found one of the most delicate subjects on which human wisdom has ever been employed, and the prodigal delegation of power has often been attended with the most pernicious consequences. That from these considerations I rather think it strange, that the states have not made greater mistakes in their constitution than what at present appear. This apology for the people you will readily see results from the nature of things, rather than from too great a prejudice in their favour. You will not impute it to a want of candour on the subject, though I pass over many smaller matters that are not altogether agreeable, for this would introduce a prolixity not suitable in a letter. Was I to give my opinion with respect to the several legislatures individually, I should judge the members which compose the greater part of their assemblies, much too numerous; if they were lessened half or more, it would expedite their business with less expence: nor if done by the voice of the people, could it in the least endanger their liberties. But not to enlarge here; I shall take the liberty to observe further upon the public oeconomy of the states. Perhaps never was a people under better advantage to become great and rich than the Americans, or more circumstances be found any where arising from soil, climate, and situation, to render a people independent [Page] of the rest of the world. However from principles of benevolence I am no enemy to commerce, when regulated by wisdom and sound policy. At present the states appear exceedingly wanting in this oeconomy; and much like the young trader, whose object is to fill his store without thinking that a day of payment will ever come. The advantage, or disadvantage of trade, depends on two things, the circumstances of a people, and the manner in which it is conducted. There may be natural and perhaps remediless causes that render a foreign trade disserviceable to a people. If they are not possessed of commodities to exchange for what they receive from other nations, and of more than what is necessary for their own consumption; trade in this case will not only rob them of the supports of life, but plunge them into debt. Poland is a living example in proof of this observation; they are possessed of scarce any trading commodity, except corn, which is one of their capital supports. The lands are chiefly owned by lords, who oppress their tenants, and take from them this staff of life, that by it they may feed their own luxury in trade with other nations. Under these circumstances it would be happy for the Polanders if they had no trade opened with any part of the globe. It is not so with the Americans, they are possessed of a variety of commodities, a considerable proportion of which may be spared in foreign trade, and by exchanging them for the manufactures and produce of other nations, would be greatly to their advantage. But in national trade the exports should be made to answer the imports, otherwise it will forever drain a people of their cash; this will disturb their internal police, and render almost every member of the community in some degree uncomfortable. [Page] There must be public as well as domestic oeconomy: nor is it possible for a people any more than a family, to flourish without it. At present the balance of trade lies exceeding heavy against the states, and it is daily increasing; the evil already operates; the people complain of the great scarcity of cash, but are generally blind to the cause. In almost every ship bound for Europe their cash is exported in large quantities, and there exchanged, at least in part, for those toys and superfluities of which nature has no demand, and which tend to empoverish the buyer as much as enrich the seller. It would be happy for the states, was their Congress constitutionally authorised to levy a duty upon all European superfluities, that would either wholly discourage the trade, or if continued serve to lighten their public burden. It is indeed strange that the sensibility of the states has discovered no more jealousy of this bait when laid by an enemy: for the British nation are no more friends to America now, than when their sword was unsheathed. All their pacific pretentions are but the product of necessity; their sword failed of conquest, and they are now trying the art of trade; and will you call it a groundless fear? should I say, that there may be more danger from this quarter, than from their arms. I mean not to insinuate by this, that I am under fearful apprehensions lest they may again obtain the jurisdiction of the states; but by plunging them deep in debt, bankruptcy will become frequent in the mercantile part of the community, and in every such instance the public is more or less injured, not only as it robs them of their cash, but as it will give Great Britain a foothold in their landed property. For when the commodities and cash of the states fail, this must secure the creditor; on this is grounded the above [Page] observation, that there may be more danger from British trade than British arms: for by the latter they conquered no part of America, but by the former they may acquire much. It is easier for us to injure another under the disguise of friendship, than when there is no such artifice made use of to hide the intent. Hence the wise precaution of the Trojan priest against receiving the Grecian horse within their walls, Timeo Danaos dona ferentes. Trade naturally carries with it the pretext of friendship, though like the above mentioned horse it may be charged with death. Great-Britain is crowding in her goods of every kind upon the states, and the people blind to the fraud appear equally zealous in purchasing. It would be greatly for their interest, would they look forward to the approaching evil that must hence result, depend more on their own manufactures, and purchase nothing but what necessity demands.

The interest of a people has a greater concern in their taste for living than we are apt to imagine; when this is conformed to, and governed by their circumstances, it is happy, and no less pernicious when suffered to run at large without any such rule. When a private person or family, live beyond their circumstances, trouble will inevitably follow, and the observation is equally true with respect to the public. America lives too fast for a people so young, who have so lately passed their minority, and whose opportunity for acquiring wealth as yet, has been so small. It discovers a bad taste and great vanity, to think at present of imitating older nations in their superfluities and grandeur. Every thing of this nature should be despised till their public debt the price of their redemption is fully discharged. The commonality [Page] take the higher rank of people for the standard of fashion, and governed by a false taste, they carry the imitation to the great detriment of their private as well as the public interest. Hence the plough boy is ruffled, and the kitchen maid in her head-dress, rivals the lady of fortune; and hence it is, that Great Britain finds such a market in America for those gaudes and nensensical superfluities, which are a moth to the world. Did this rank of people conceive the influence which their example has on the public welfare, I am sure if friends to their country, they would study the greatest simplicity and frugality of life. I readily confess the idea I had formed of America in this respect was imaginary. When I left my native country, I indulged the pleasurable thought of leaving all the follies and fopperies of fashion behind me; I fancied the American taste too noble and philosophic to be endangered by any thing in its nature so perfectly empty; but to my great grief I find that these have followed, or rather gone before me into the country, where I expect to spend the residue of my life. I am now travelling through the state of Connecticut on my way eastward; a few evenings past I took lodging at a plantation about twenty miles from one of their market towns, I was told the town had lately been incorporated with city privileges. My landlord I found in ill humour, expressing not a little discontent, with regard to the difficulty of the times; it is natural for me when troubles of any kind appear, to examine into the cause; in this instance an indirect method of coming at the matter appeared the most feasible. I therefore observed to him, that the country had obtained the object of their conflict, their army was now disbanded, in consequence of which their public taxes were much [Page] lightened: and beside his farm appeared exceeding good and well managed; and that under these circumstances we might rationally suspect whether his complaints were not groundless. The good man replied, that in the most distressing season of the war, when he had a soldier to hire and equip for service, and when public taxes were the heaviest, he could with much more ease and punctuality discharge his obligations than now. The pork, beef and grain raised on his farm and carried to market, had annually discharged his public taxes;—he observed that few European manufactures were then in the country, and scarce any of the superfluous kind: they were hence necessitated to industry within doors, and to follow the strictest rules of family oeconomy. They manufactured their own apparel, both for male and female with very little exception, and it was then decent and reputable in any company; but would now scarcely answer for a common dress. My landlord was particular in relating to me the time and circumstances that first introduced his troubles; he had a large family of sons and daughters, two of which not long after the declaration of peace made a visit to the city, —they discovered pleasure and satisfaction when they went from home, but returned with a very different countenance. The affectionate father immediately inquiring into the cause found it to be this;—the son had met with an acquaintance of his in the city, who was dressed in a very genteel suit of broadcloth and silk;—the daughter saw a lady walking the street with a new fashioned hat, ornamented with some remarkable torsels, and one of the most beautiful feathers she ever saw. They found the store where they were to be sold, inquired the price, which they said was exceeding low. The good man replied [Page] to his son that his dress was such as they could afford, it was neat, plain and manly; and that his character either as a man of sense, or wholesome member of society, would never suffer from this quarter. And turning to his daughter he observed, that they had a great variety of poultry on the farm▪ among which there was a rich diversity of colours, and she might pluck a feather from which she pleased, would she only be content. But arguments availed little▪ the discontent disturbed the tranquility of the house till the articles were purchased; these brought into the family; had the like effect upon the other children. The dissatisfaction which the partial hand of a parent creates▪ began to discover itself in a very serious manner. The old gentleman now seemed driven by necessity to go the round in the trade he had begun, and he observed it had ever since been little short of a continued round of fashions, introduced by the new city on which they bordered. The support of fashion he found to be the heaviest tax that he ever paid; the produce of his farm had always cleared him of the others, but in this it failed. The incomes and charges of his family he found to less and less compare, and the balance against him daily increasing. He told me that if this loss of interest had been supplied with an increase of family happiness, the exchange would give him no trouble; but the reverse of this was in truth the case; domestick happiness had forsaken him; contentment the near companion of simplicity and frugality was no more. His family was like the vessel in a troubled sea, tossed from fashion to fashion, ever reaching after new and satisfied with none. He lamented this great and sudden corruption of taste; the difficulty of stemming the torrent; and that the interest he had acquired by hard industry, should in this manner be wasted by prodigality.

[Page]I conceive it natural for us to pity most, when least able to lend assistance; I am sure it was so with me; I more sensibly felt for the man, because I knew it was out of my power to give relief. And in this painful exercise of mind I parted with my unfortunate friend. However the instruction I received, was a liberal reward for the sympathetic pain I endured in the conference. In this family I had a striking picture of the community at large: for there is such a likeness between the nature of a family and the body politic, that the same oeconomy that is requisite for the prosperity of the one, is equally necessary for the other. And the same corruption of taste when it is generally diffused through a community, will operate as much to their disadvantage, as it will to the disadvantage of a family or individual.

I am sensible that the popular remark on subjects of this nature is discouraging;—you may as well stop the course of nature as of fashion, it must and will have its career.—I feel the difficulty,—however view it not in such a desperate point of light. Public evil I acknowledge is not a promising motive, to urge for private reformation; but convince a person where his own interest lies and he will generally attend; or under personal troubles point him to a remedy, and he will usually pursue it.

No one can deny but what the interest of every individual depends on his own private oeconomy, and this is all that is requisite to remove the [...] evil above mentioned. Let that oeconomy be [...] erally practised, on which private interest and domestic happiness are founded, and the public good will doubtless follow. And this idea, if just, certainly [Page] affords a very natural and powerful motive to a reformation: for here the same thing that is the cause of private and domestic happiness, is a remedy to the public evil.—I am sure every person of sensibility, may easily trace the troubles which at present threaten the states to this origin, the want of domestic oeconomy. —The Americans too much like the rest of the world live at random; their private and family affairs are conducted without method. And this renders it a matter of entire chance, whether they increase or sink their interest; and should an interest be gotten in this way, it merits no honour, and if lost, it deserves as little pity. Every member of the community should reduce his affairs as near as possible to a system, like the well bred merchant methodise all his domestic business, compute the necessary expence of his family, bring into the charge the whole of his public taxes, and annually plan and execute his business accordingly; and if in the close of the year the balance is in his favour, it is his own; he may purchase with it what he pleases, without injuring the public or disturbing the tranquility of his family. All this may be done without metaphisical or mathematical skill; the most illiterate who have no knowledge in figures may adjust the matter with a sufficient degree of accuracy. I have not the vanity however to suppose, that this method would provide against inevitable providences, and those unforeseen occurrences to which human life is exposed; but of vessel i [...]m certain, it would save men from a thousand evils, into which they now incautiously fall. Bankruptcy would be less frequent, and the prison compared with what it now is, would be a lonely habitation. —Indeed nothing would so much contribute to the happiness of domestic life, or so effectually heal [Page] the disorder which is now preying upon the politic life of the states.—I have long viewed it a matter of wonder, that the oeconomy of human life, a science in which public and private happiness is so nearly concerned, is no more studied. Without this, men do but blunder through the world; their passage is neither direct or regular; by this defect they sacrifice much of their worldly comfort—often violate the sacred laws of justice, and never become such wholesome members of society as they might otherwise do. But my letter has already passed the limits I at first prescribed; had I not remembered that the great law of our friendship was on unreserved freedom, I should not have ventured to express myself so fully, to one whose skill in the subject so far exceeds my own: but you will pardon the defects, and once more indulge me the honour to subscribe myself your

Friend and humble servant, &c. &c.

[Page]

LETTER III.

SIR,

YOUR intimate acquaintance with sacred and profane history, has doubtless led you to observe, that nations have their character as well as individuals: the criterion of distinction is perhaps no less visible in the one than in the other. In nations we find that now and then one, will step forward of their fellow-mortals, and in the register of same rank high above the rest. It is so likewise in the great family of Empires: one will sometimes take the lead of the rest in power, riches and honour, yea, in every point of view that will serve to characterise a nation as great. This distinction is not accidental, but arises from their moral and political virtue; or better to express my idea, their religion in this respect is their policy; it is the operating cause, except in those instances where God raises up a people for a temporary scourge, that they may fall in their turn, when this work is accomplished. The Jewish nation exemplifies the assertion: nor is the Assyrian monarchy less in favour of the exception. The different religions that have been embraced by different nations, is not only an evidence of human depravity, but it likewise discovers the necessity of some religion in every body politic. It was from this principle that the king of the ten tribes, on their revolt from the house of David, deified his golden calves. He was sensible that if the religion of Judah was adopted for theirs, in the new constitution they [Page] were forming, it would endanger his throne; and being equally sensible that some religion was necessary for the support of civil government, he established that of idolatry, though against the light of conscience and revelation. Civil laws without the laws of religion, have little influence on the mind: it is the latter which principally gives energy to the former. The more enlightned heathen convinced of this, had their priests who inculcated on the people the doctrine of the soul's immortality, and a future state of retribution; they found this to be the best engine in support of civil policy; and being either ignorant of or unfriendly to revelation, their invention from age to age was employed on the subject, as a matter in which national interest is nearly concerned. Nor did they fall in their design—their religion, bad as it was, rendered their laws more energetic and influencing on the people: hope and fear the ruling passions of the mind, were kept alive in this way; and being directed by their religion to a future world had that power over the community, that no civil laws could have had without it.—The history of the Roman and Grecian republics, is a living example of this truth. But we who are favoured with the gospel, and live in this enlightened age of the world, have no need to employ our invention on the subject—the work is done to our hand, and it is done by unerring wisdom: And notwithstanding the object of this religion is far more sublime than the support of civil government, yet from no quarter does civil government receive such assistance as from this.—Indeed should we like the deistical civilian view it only in this point of light, as an engine to civil policy, all the wisdom of the heathen sages that has ever been employed on the subject, appears but folly. For there is no moral [Page] system whatever that gives such a spring to action as this,—none that so excites, directs, and governs the passions of the human mind;—in this an approaching retribution ceases to be conjecture, nor does the truth of it depend on the well connected reason of the philosopher; but on the word of him who is truth itself.—The principles which it inculcates are of the purest kind, enforced by the strongest motives; nor does it enjoin or forbid any thing, but what tends to form both the ruler and subject to their respective duties; to these they are mutually urged by the hope of future happiness and the dread of future misery. This is connecting private happiness with the public good; and this my friend is the religion of the Saviour; —there never was any artifice made use of by the wisest politician, that was so naturally calculated for the good of civil society:—it is so on the principles of reason, were we to leave a superintending providence out of the question.—If then some religion is necessary for every body politic, and if the christian religion (I mean as held by the protestants) is found to be the most consistent and salutary in its tendency; it is of the most interesting concern to a people, that this be laid as a foundation stone, on which to build their constitution. I am far from entertaining the idea that the great end of religion is to give energy to civil law: for this would be to subordinate the greater to the less. The design of civil government is to secure the lives, liberties and properties of the subjects, and to aid and protect them while passing through this world to a better. Certainly then the legislator that makes civil government the ultimate object of religion, must invert the order; nor, upon his own principles, does he less mistake his policy when he does not frame the constitution in favour and [Page] support of religion, since from this it derives its life and spirit. The American states like the new married pair are setting out for themselves in the world; their constitutions are formed and forming by their several legislatures; and as it is of importance to the one, so is it to the other, that they set out right, and are agreed in the principles of religion: for sameness of religion has a natural tendency to strengthen the bond of union.

I am pleased to find that some of the states in their constitutions discover a sacred regard to religion; nor am I less displeased to find it neglected by others, even where I should have least imagined such a defect.—The states of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire have in effect severed it from their constitution; their new code of laws neither support a public worship, nor that religious profession who are ordained by heaven to wait at the altar; at least after the present class are gone off the stage.—Surely they have forgotten the God to whom they so lately appealed in their distress; otherwise they could not in this public manner have given up his worship, and withdrawn the civil support from that order of men appointed to sacred office. Such policy as this will prove destructive in whatever state it is admitted; it will gradually root out a learned and able clergy; bring public worship not only into neglect, but contempt; hence immoralities of every kind will prevail, which like a mortal consumption will prey upon the seat of politic life. I am no bigot to any particular persuasion, while I believe in my own, I allow myself neither to dispise or ridicule that of another. I am therefore fond of the general toleration that is given in the states to every denomination of [Page] christians, both upon the principle of sound policy and the real spirit of christianity; for a man's mind is his kingdom, and if liberty is ever desirable, it is in the choice of that religion on which we build the salvation of the soul. But this is altogether different from parting with religion by wholesale: let the christian worship be established by the constitution, and then let every man worship according to the dictates of his own conscience: for the civil community cannot flourish without it, where this is wanting, the laws like the parts of a distempered body will cease to do their office, when dissolution in a course of nature must follow. Could we therefore discard the idea of a future world from the subject, it would be of great advantage to the community to support the christian worship: for it preserves order—begets mutual love—and tends to breathe into every subject those principles of duty and morality which are of the last importance to the public weal. There is, says Solomon, that scattereth and yet increaseth; and there is that withholdeth more than is meet, but it tendeth to poverty. And never perhaps is this observation more strikingly exemplified than in the case before us, experience will soon convince the abovementioned states, that they have mistaken their policy and hit wide of the mark at which they aimed. However I am less disposed to wonder at New-Hampshire than Massachusetts in this matter, it is natural to suppose that the latter as it is older, larger and more opulent, should influence the former in their politics, especially when we consider them bordering on each other. But this politic evil I think easily accounted for, from that general corruption of [...] by the war. Boston, I have [...] from information, the [...]

[Page]When their civil and religious order has been described to me—their strict attention to the sabbath, and the solemn silence that reigned in their streets on holy time; I have admired their character, and often wished myself the happiness of being a member of their community. But from personal acquaintance, I find this happy period gone—their civil and religious order, as is always the case, have fled together—their sabbaths are despised—and that God whose name I mention with reverence, is profaned in their streets. I lament the apostacy, and sincerely pity the people rendered unhappy by their own folly. My former affection often urges me to believe, that their wisdom cannot overlook the cause of this unhappiness; and I should hence be induced to expect a reformation, was I not sensible how hard it is in this respect to recover lost ground. When vice is secured and bound by law, it is difficult to conceive that the rulers of a people can be too watchful and strict in keeping of it confined; a little relaxation of the cord may appear trifling, and is often plead for as necessary, but viewed in its tendency it is a kind of high treason,—it is at least an indirect attempt upon the commonwealth;—in this way vice by slow degrees gets at helm, and the community after many painful and perilous struggles is often shipwrecked. I have observed while passing through the states, that the legislative authority appear much better to fill their place than the executive. The laws are generally wholesome, and pointed with a manly spirit against whatever may threaten the good of the community: but the informing officers, and those entrusted with the execution of the laws, have for such a course of time been lax in their duty, that the zeal which the commonwealth demands of them, has in some respects [Page] become unpopular.—This in a community is a dangerous symptom,—if men cannot discharge their [...] without incurring the displeasure of their fellow subjects, they will be apt either to turn their backs on the office, or indifferently do their duty when it is urged upon them. It is much easier to compile than to execute the law;—men therefore of the greatest stability, and who are least tempted by the bait of popular applause, should be entrusted with the execution of the law. It is a common defect in civil policy, that too little attention is paid to the appointment of informing and executive officers; by these means wholesome laws often fail of being executed; and this tends to bring both the law and legislature into contempt,—yea it enervates the whole politic system. I have often thought it better for the community to have a law, however salutary in its nature, wholly repealed, than to stand in force without execution. It will be plead I am sensible that it is a restraint on some; but when we consider the mischief that it does to other laws, and the wound it gives to civil authority, I believe the disadvantage here arising to the community, will be found to preponderate. I am likewise led to conceive, that informing and executive officers are no less criminal for their deficiency in trust, than the open violators of law, who through their neglect pass with impunity. Men who in this manner are set as centinels to guard the commonwealth, are entrusted with a charge of the most weighty kind, their fidelity can scarcely be too much applauded, or their neglect too severely reprobated. Is not an assault upon a single life, a crime that justly kindles our indignation against the inhuman perpetrator? How then can we feel cool towards the criminals, who in this indirect way threaten the politic salvation of thousands? No brand of infamy deserves a deeper [Page] impression, than that in which the public interest is concerned;—personal injuries we may forgive: but those which respect the public, we have neither a right to forgive nor conceal—much less have those such a right, whose duty it is to discover and avenge the wrong. The commonwealth is like a ship at sea, whose safety and success depends on the skill and fidelity of the managers, they may conduct her to the desired port, or run her upon some unfriendly shore: as wisdom and trust is requisite in the one case, so is it in the other.

America is now entered on the voyage in which many nations have shipwrecked; and as her course is to be shaped and directed by her own skill, she cannot be too cautious to whose hands the management is committed. Nor can the managers have too great a sense of their trust; I sensibly feel for the conscientious and faithful on whose shoulders the burden lies: nor do I less despise the stupid wretch that neglects his duty, and can trifle with concerns so interesting as those of the public weal.

In one sense I have little to risk in this voyage, and in another perhaps no man ventures more than myself; for my happiness with the common interest is freighted on board; my love to the rising nation I have joined forbids the enjoyment in this life, unless success attends it. O America if I forget thee, let my right hand forget her cunning, if I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I prefer not America above my chief joy.

I have now compleated my tour through the states; for the most part I have passed incognito, which has given me the best advantage for speculation; and [Page] these speculations I have spread before you, with that unreserved freedom peculiar to friendship: yea I have expressed to you the exercises of my heart, with all the impartiality of which I am master. In the leave I am now taking of my friend, you will doubtless wish to know in what part of America a letter may hereafter find me. This choice of situation, you likely remember, I reserved for an after period, when I expected assistance from an acquaintance with the whole. My purpose I confess is different from what it then was: I find it impossible to take up my residence in any town through which I have passed, without too great a connection with those things which to me fall among the disagreeables of the world. The bustle and confusion which attends a city life, is to me exceeding irksome; or to become a slave to the fashions of the town, and undertake their task of ceremonious flattery in which my tongue was never skilled, would be no less disagreeable. I am therefore resolved on a rural life of the most retired kind; in the western wilds of America there is extent sufficient for my retreat: here beyond the reach of fashion or corruption of taste, I mean to bring up my family, which at present have but an ideal existence. As those unlocated lands settle fast, I expect to travel far in order to execute my design. I shall take with me a select number of friends, in the collection of which I use the greatest precaution: though a small, yet we propose to go in some respects an organized body; for we have an able preacher of the gospel, and no less able instructer for our children, who are engaged in the adventure. Here by the leave of providence I purpose to try how far industry connected with the greatest simplicity of habit and manners, will contribute to the happiness of life. Since I have been [Page] in the country, I have paid no small attention to the art of farming; I have learned how to fell the timber, and have acquired the use of almost every instrument of husbandry: I have consulted the best seasons for sowing the seed, and the soil most suitable for each particular kind; and as I expect to devote myself to this agreeable employ, I hope by experience, with what little philosophy I am master of, to become a tolerable proficient. Should you object to my plan as discovering a want of benevolence, and think me fleeing from those necessary burdens, in which I ought to share in common with my fellow citizens; I have only to observe that I am no politician, and therefore conceive of little good I could do the public, however much I might interest myself in its concerns. In the execution of this design, my prospect of doing good is considerable, that in my view of the matter, benevolence is much in my favour. The force of bad example by theorising on the subject, I have conceived to be very great: but this experiment I expect will give the quantum, or show how great it is. I have been told that a child, meerly for the sake of experiment, has been brought up wholly secluded from means of knowledge, and as much as possible from human society: but this would be to brutalize and not to humanize the mind. Our view is wide from any thing of this nature; for we carry with us the best means both of human and divine knowledge: our object is to evade that corruption of taste and fashion, which distempers the politic system and preys upon the happiness of domestic life. And although we expect that human depravity will accompany the adventure, yet we hope to escape those outward immoralities, which to the shame of rational [...], prevail in town and city. A very [Page] laudible attention to the education of youth, appears to be general through the states: but after all the good which it promises, there is this evil which attends it, the child is so conversant with the popular taste, his eyes so frequently turned on bad example▪ that these necessarily become a part of his education. The latter we expect wholly to escape, while the former is carried to its highest perfection. From a family or community bred up in this manner I confess I have the most raised expectation; indeed the prospect in almost every point of view looks promising. I am sensible that there are conveniences and I may add necessaries of life, which our lands will not produce, to obtain which we design to open a trade with the nearest market town: but in the use of these we shall be exceeding frugal, as the distance of transportation will render them expensive. The trade is to be conducted only by those who are the most attached friends to our simplicity, that the idea of foreign superfluities may forever be withheld from our children; or at least to the time when age and the force of education shall fortify them against the temptation. As my disposition has undergone no material change since I left London, you will not suspect this enterprise to arise from any sour unsociable turn, which I have newly taken; for friendship and freedom I more and more admire, at the same time am more and more convinced that this lies within the circle of a few: and that an attempt to enlarge the limits, or indulge intimacy with those unacquainted with the delicacy of friendship, would be rather an inlet to pain than pleasure. My views I am sure are not ambitious; I am not seeking the honour of one that is the founder of an empire; nor to have the little community which I have the honour to collect, [Page] hereafter in historic page called by my name; but the good of posterity, in connection with my own happiness in life, are the objects at which I am driving. Thus far I confess my designs selfish in the matter, that my own comfort in the world is one motive to the enterprise; however I trust it is so conformed to the laws of christianity, as not to be unworthy of one that might better claim the honour of your friendship than myself.

You will surely gratify me so far as to suffer your imagnation for a moment to accompany my retreat into these western wilds. How happy thus to retire from the confusion of the world, and as it were by one leap to escape its greatest disagreeables. Here neither ambition to fill the seats of the great, nor fear of being displaced from offices of honour and profit can disturb the mind; industry the companion of virtue and happiness will be our dependence. Methinks I can already see those stately pines falling before us▪ and the green herbage smiling around us, and that wilderness by the art of agriculture blossoming as the rose. Methinks I hear the lowing of the ox and the bleating of the sheep, where beasts untamed from the beginning have held possession, and from this rural retired scene I anticipate great satisfaction. You will not object to the distance of my retreat, if you have properly philosophised on the matter; for the spot of earth on which we settle, simply considered, is no way essential, the attendant properties are what most contribute to the happiness of life. Though I am not so nigh the meridian of London, Boston or Philadelphia, yet shall be as nigh HIM, who is the source of happiness as they. Nor shall my body be more likely lost when mixed with that western clime, than [Page] if lodged with those crowned heads in Westminster abby; as soon as they shall I hear the voice of Gabriel's trump; my flight shall be as rapid, and my journey as short as theirs, to the final seat of trial. I cannot therefore from the most candid examination of the matter find any rational objection to the plan; the greatest misfortune which I at present feel is a seperation from my friend; this sinks my spirits which would be otherwise high; and in this exercise of mind, I close my correspondence, till it shall be opened new, from the American canaan, to which I am travelling.

FINIS.

Information about this book

Title statement

The European traveller in America. Contained in three letters to his friend, in London. ; [Three lines in Latin from Virgil]

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2006-06.

ID [DLPS]

N14937

ID [TCP]

N14937

ID [STC]

Evans 18944

ID [NOTIS]

APY4969

ID [IMAGE-SET]

18944

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99032124

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This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 18944.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N14937)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 18944)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 18944)

Source

— The European traveller in America. Contained in three letters to his friend, in London. ; [Three lines in Latin from Virgil], Brockway, Thomas, 1745-1807..

Extent

40 p. ; 21 cm. (12mo)

Printed by Hudson & Goodwin,,. Hartford: :: M.DCC.LXXXV. [1785]. (Attributed to Thomas Brockway by Evans, but his authorship is questioned by Dexter.)

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