An election sermon, preached before the General Court, of New-Hampshire, at Portsmouth, June 2, 1785. By Jeremy Belknap. ; [Two lines from Gov. Winthrop]

An election sermon, preached before the General Court, of New-Hampshire, at Portsmouth, June 2, 1785. By Jeremy Belknap. ; [Two lines from Gov. Winthrop]

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Title page

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, June 3, 1785.

AN ELECTION SERMON.

[Page]

AN ELECTION SERMON.

IN obedience to the appointment of the late honorable General Court, I appear in the desk on this occasion. It becomes not me to censure their conduct, in overlooking my worthy fathers and elder brethren, whom propriety would have placed before me in such a service. This as well as other reasons might have legitimated my declining to accept the honor; but such a step might have been misconstrued, as if it had proceeded from a disapprobation of a practice worthily begun, and which some of the best characters among us wish may be continued, namely, the entering on the yearly business of legislation, by a religious solemnity.

It shall now be my endeavor, with the freedom of an American, to offer some thoughts on what I conceive to be the true interest, and the best means of the prosperity of this State, and that [Page] portion of scripture which I have chosen as the theme of a discourse on this occasion is

PSALM 144, 11—15.

"Rid me and deliver me from the hand of strange children; whose mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falshood.

"That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner-stones, polished after the similitude of a palace.

"That our garners may be full, affording all manner of store; that our sheep may bring forth thousands, and ten thousands in our streets.

"That our oxen may be strong to labour; that there be no breaking in nor going out, that there be no complaining in our streets.

"Happy is that people that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose GOD is the LORD."

DAVID was a wise and faithful prince, ever attentive to the true interest of the people whom he governed. It was no disadvantage to him that he was raised from the humble employment of a shepherd, to be a supreme ruler; for having passed through the lower stations of life, and been conversant with men of every order and degree, he well knew what duty every man could do; what burdens they could bear; how they thought; what they said; how they were to be [Page] pleased, or offended; and in what manner their different capacities and genuises might be employed for the general service of the kingdom. Having been intimately acquainted with persons disaffected to the government of his predecessor, he understood the secret workings of jealousy, envy, and ambition, and how to counterwork their baneful influence. Having been obliged to take refuge from the persecuting fury of Saul, among the open and professed enemies of his country, into whose confidence he had the address to insinuate himself so far as to be entrusted with a command, he acquired a knowledge of their secret counsels, their views, their arts, and methods of war. In such ways was this truly great man trained up, till he had acquired those accomplishments which fitted him to be ruler over Israel, whose true interest seems to have lain near his heart, to have employed his secret thoughts, to have been the subject of his devotions, and in many of his poetical compositions.

AT what time, or on what particular occasion, this Psalm was written, we have no other information than what may be gained from its internal characters. It seems from thence to have been written, when David apprehended the kingdom [Page] was in danger, from enemies, either foreign or domestic. They are called "strange children" and their character is that "their mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falshood;" from them David prays GOD to deliver him, and takes encouragement from his past experience of the divine goodness, from the vanity of human power, and from the superior avenging arm of heaven, to hope that he should be delivered.

WHO these strange children were, we can but conjecture. They might be the tribes of roving Arabs, who were often seeking opportunities to commit depredations on the peaceful inhabitants, robbing them of their seed-corn, laying waste their fields, driving away their cattle and sheep, or carrying their children into captivity. Or they might be the formidable Philistines, who made war in a more regular manner, and had a most inveterate hatred to the nation of Israel: Or they might be domestic enemies; either the remnant of the old Canaanites, who were incorporated with Israel, and often proved a scourge to them; or some of the Israelites themselves seduced and degenerated so far as to take part with them against their brethren. But, be their persons who they will, their characters are fairly drawn, they were [Page] "strange children," alienated from, and opposed to the interest of the nation; their views were inimical, and they fought to hinder those things which David regarded as the best means of the prosperity of his people. "Whose mouth speaketh vanity." Vanity is a general name for wickedness, and it may here be understood as something spoken against the things which David desired. They were persons whose aims and designs were unfriendly to the public interest, and whose tongues were employed in propagating bad principles, and prejudicing the minds of the people against the means of improvement.

" [...] [...]ight hand is a right hand of falshood." The right hand among the ancients was an emblem of power. These then were persons who had power to do mischief. If they were domestic enemies, they were persons in office, or who had influence over the people to mislead them, by false reasonings, and work on their passions or prejudices; if they were bad neighbours, they had strength enough to make inroads and commit violence, to break up settlements, to lay waste fields and disperse families.

THESE are some of their characters. But we may learn something more of them, if we consider what [Page] advantages David expected from the deliverance which he prays for. "That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth." He was a friend to education, and wished that all obstacles to this good work might be taken away. Plants which grow up when they are young, that is, which attain their form and size while the growing season continues, are more useful as well as pleasant than those which are neglected or stinted in their growth. So children, who have the proper means of education during the season of improvement, are in general better fitted for usefulness than those who are neglected.

"That our daughters may be as corner stones polished after the similitude of a palace." We in this country know so little of palaces, that we may not be able to comprehend the full force of this allusion; but we may depend upon it, that it means something extremely elegant and beautiful; those beauties, those virtues, those graces in which the softer sex are destined by nature to shine, set off to the best advantage by due cultivation and improvement. The finest marble is capable of the highest polish, and it is an injury to it if we let it go without the finishing hand of the most delicate artificer.

[Page]HENCE we may conclude that these "strange children" were persons whose views were unfriendly to family order, and the education of youth, and as these were blessings of which David fully knew the value, it was natural for him to pray for deliverance from such enemies. But another happy consequence which he expected to result from their removal, was the increase of the fruits of the earth, and of those beasts which were useful for burden and for food. "That our garners may be full, affording all manner of store; that our sheep may bring forth thousands, and ten thousands in our streets; that our oxen may be strong to labor." In such a country as David's, "a land of hills and vallies, and that drinketh water of the rain of heaven," these were the most natural and profitable productions, the true sources of wealth and independence. He was fully sensible from his own experience, and his acquaintance with mankind, that a country able to subsist by its own native produce, and a race of subjects inured to field-labour, and attached to the soil by the right of inheritance, afforded the best support to his throne, and the surest means of defence: That his country might be thus blessed, he prayed to be delivered from those persons who had power to prevent the increase of these natural blessings.

[Page]THE last line of their character is pointed out in that additional blessing, which he foresees will be the result of their removal; "that there be no breaking in nor going out, that there be no complaining in our streets." These words seem to describe a state of predatory war, such as is usually made by savage nations, who attack by surprise and carry away prisoners and plunder in a sudden, violent and irresistable manner, leaving the remaining inhabitants sufficient cause of complaint, but no means of redress. Such enemies have been known in this country, as well as David's, and we have reason to regard a deliverance from them as one of the greatest mercies.

HAVING mentioned these as the particular blessings which he wished might be the portion of the people whom he governed, and which he expected would follow the removal of the enemies they were then troubled with, he reviews the subject in devout admiration, and exclaims "happy is the people that is in such a case." These were the most valuable of all national temporal blessings, and such a people were, as far as these could make them, happy; but as this could not be the case of a people without the peculiar providence of the supreme being, he adds, "yea happy is that people [Page]whose GOD is the LORD;" implying, that a people thus highly favoured with the best means of national prosperity were a people under the parental care of the best of beings, who was their guardian and deliverer. But there is a farther idea comprized in the sentence, for a people who have such a GOD as this, and are not sensible of their obligations to him, nor disposed to make grateful and devout returns to him, cannot be called happy. Happiness consists not barely in possessing the means of enjoyment, but in having a sense of the source from whence they flow, and in being disposed to make a proper use of them. Therefore, if a people who are in such a case are happy, if they are happy in having the LORD for their GOD, it must be understood that they have a knowledge of this GOD, a sense of their obligations to him, and a diposition to do his will as it is made known to them. The nation of Israel had sufficient means of knowing, worshipping and serving this GOD, so have we; and when we are sensible of our obligations to him, and disposed to fulfil them, we shall be a truly happy people.

FROM the text thus descanted on, we may gather what were in David's view, the proper objects of a ruler's attention, and the sure means of national prosperity, viz.

[Page]THE education of youth.—The improvement of the country.—Peace, and religion.

SHALL I now endeavor to excite the attention of this assembly, and particularly of the public Representative Fathers of this people, to these noble objects, thus pointed out to our view by one of the greatest Princes and wisest Statesmen that ever lived.

THE education of youth is the most capital and important consideration; the wisest legislators in the world have attended to it as essential to the prosperity of a people, and the best writers on government have recommended it in the same view. ‘The duty of rulers (says one * of them) is not only to prescribe good laws, by which every one may know how to behave; but to establish the most perfect manner of public institution and education of youth. This is the only way of making subjects conform to the laws by reason and custom, rather than fear of punishment. Children are the hope and strength of a nation, and it is too late to correct them when they are spoiled; it is infinitely better to prevent the evil than to punish it. It is not laws and ordinances, but good morals that regulate the State. Those who have had a bad [Page] education make no scruple to violate the best constitutions in the world, whereas they who have been properly trained up, cheerfully conform to all good institutions. The most effectual means therefore, which a Sovereign can employ to promote the public happiness, is to work on the mind by disposing the hearts of his subjects to wisdom and virtue, and to make them early acquainted with the rules of an happy and virtuous life. By means of public instruction, he has an effectual method of instilling just ideas into the minds of his subjects, and his authority has a very great influence on the internal actions, the thoughts and inclinations of those who are subject to his laws, so far at least as the nature of the thing will permit.’

AS an exemplification of these remarks, permit me to recite a passage from another author ‡ who thus celebrates the conduct of the great Lycurgus. ‘He looked upon the education of youth as the most important object of a legislators care. His grand principle was that children belong to the State more than to their parents, and therefore he would have the State entrusted with the general care of their [Page] education, in order to have them formed on uniform constant principles, which might inspire them betimes with the love of their country and of virtue. The long duration of the laws of Lycurgus is very wonderful; but the means he used to succeed, are no less worthy of admiration; the principal of these was the excellent education of youth. The religious obligation of an oath which he exacted from the citizens, would have been but a feeble tie, had he not by education infused his laws as it were into the minds and manners of the children. This was the reason that his principal ordinances subsisted above five hundred years.’

THAT sentiment of Lycurgus, that "children belong to the State more than to their parents" ought to be deeply engraved on the heart of every person who is concerned in making or executing laws, especially those which relate to the morals of the people. Nature hath diffused her gifts with an impartial as well as a liberal hand; she gives genius to those who have not, as well as to those who have the means within their power to cultivate and improve it. There are as many good capacities among the children of the poor, who are not able to give them a good education, as of the rich who are; [Page] and if it is the duty and interest of the State to avail itself of the capacities of all its citizens, it is then their duty and interest to cultivate those capacities. Children indeed depend in a great measure on their parents, and are by nature subject to family government; but the public ought in justice to itself to provide the means of instruction for all; then, if parents will not suffer their children to use those means of instruction, the fault will be theirs. But this is very seldom the case; most parents are fond of putting their children under public instruction, if it can be had, and many are daily complaining for the want of it.

IT is rare to find a genius strong enough to struggle with the disadvantages arising from the want of early education, and by its own native force and perseverance make its way into public life, and attain its proper rank in society; yet such instances there are, and some principal characters in this State, both dead and living may be reckoned of the number: but how many more have there been, with a genius not inferior, who for want of that cultivation which in other places is thrown away on blockheads, have languished in obscurity, or turned their attention to inferior objects, or perverted their faculties to ignoble pursuits [Page] and fallen among the splendid ruins of human nature! The loss which this State suffers by the want of proper methods of education, is inconceivable: Genius of every kind is not scarcer here than in any other parts of the continent, or the world; but if a country stored with diamonds lying in their native crust, may be denominated poor, because it is neglected▪ what brand of infamy shall we deserve, if we will take no pains to rescue our richest treasures and brightest ornaments from perpetual obscurity!

IF we look into our new settlements of less than twenty years standing, shall we not find a great number of persons, now in the bloom of youth, who scarce ever had an opportunity to enter the doors of a school; who, if their parents are unable to teach them, must remain destitute of the first rudiments of education; these youth are to be the future strength and support of the State; and what a set of men will by and by come upon the stage under all these disadvantages! How melancholy to think that a great part of the rising generation is likely to be ignorant & unprincipled! that our town-officers, our jurors, justices, judges, and even our legislators may in some future time be composed of such persons!

[Page]IN some of our old towns the case has of late years been not much better, I say, of late, because there is certainly a difference between former and later times in this respect. I could produce you a proof from the public records, that in the year 1722, at the beginning of an indian war, one of the then frontier-towns was obliged to petition the General Court, and a special act was made to release them from the obligation of maintaining a Grammar School, because of the danger and distress arising from the war, then carried on at their doors; but this favor could not then be granted them, but on this express condition, that they should maintain an inferior school during the whole of that war. Now mark the contrast! In the late war, not only that, but many other towns, large and opulent, and far enough removed from all fear of the enemy, were destitute of public schools of any kind, not only without leave of the legislature, but contrary to the express requirement of law, and notwithstanding courts of justice were frequently held in some of them, and juries solemnly sworn and charged to present all breaches of law, and the want of schools among the rest. What could this inattention be owing to? Could it be imagined that in a time of war, education was unnecessary? or [Page] that it did not tend to qualify men for soldiers? It is well known, and the late war has proved it over again, if it needed proof, that the men of this State are an hardy robust race, patient of fatigue, inured to hardships, and able to look an enemy in the face without terror; these qualities are essential to a good soldier: I suppose too, that when commanded by officers in whom they can confide, they are at least equal to any of their American brethren for discipline and subordination; but in the present mode of conducting war, some degree of learning is necessary to qualify even these men for a command: A soldier cannot rise to the rank of an orderly serjeant without some knowledge of letters: and what a pity is it, that for want of instruction in this useful branch of science, the bravest men should stand no chance for preferment.

WITH regard to civil society, the prospect is truly alarming. Our notions of liberty, if they are not guided and limited by good education, degenerate into a savage independence. Uninformed and unprincipled as the rising generation in many places are, they will not readily submit to the restraints of law, nor have any idea of obedience. Too many already go by no other rule [Page] than their own wills; when they are injured they seek to revenge themselves, and, when they are opposed to any public measure, they think that their appearing and voting or protesting against it, will free them from the obligation of abiding by the sense of the majority. But should any length of time or turn of affairs blunt these sensations of freedom which are now all alive, and impatient of controul, then without the means of education, how easily may our posterity be gulled out of their liberties by an artful and insidious few, who may have all the wealth and learning in their hands; If town schools be not encouraged, if education be not laid open and common to every family of whatever estate and condition, the rich only will be able to cultivate the minds of their children by sending them to distant academies or universities; the learning of the country will then be only among men of property, and the rest being ignorant, may be easily deceived. How favorable such a circumstance may prove to usurpation and tyranny▪ I dread to think! What will become of your republican governments, if they are not nurtured by public education, and strengthened by public virtue? If these points be not attended to, you may expect a domineering aristocracy to succeed your present democratic forms, [Page] and what that will degenerate into, let the nature of aspiring ambition, and the histories of fallen republics tell.

IF we turn our attention to the religious state of the country, what an ill aspect has the want of education on society? the religion of ignorant people is superstition. Having no foundation laid in their minds by regular instruction, they will not be likely to think soberly or rationally of any article of faith or moral duty. They will not candidly enquire and impartially determine what is truth and what is duty; but will either take their religion upon trust from human authority, or be subject to frights and fits, and delusions: Any bold and cunning imposters will lead them astray, their imaginations will be tickled with novelties, or their fears excited by harsh sounds; and they will prostitute their affections to those who pretend a love for them, but whose only aim is to make a prey of their substance. They will be led to believe pretended prophesies and pretended miracles; they will "learn the way of the heathen, and be dismayed at the signs of heaven;" they will think rocks and mountains inhabited by evil spirits; they will believe in witchcraft and sorcery; and will pay more regard to the tricks of [Page] conjurers and fortune-tellers, than to the sacred truths of divine Revelation.

BUT it may be said, why all this complaint about education; have we not already laws that provide for the public teaching of youth? and is there not an order of men appointed to take notice of and present the towns for non-compliance? It may be answered, we have indeed such laws; but are they not like a decayed building that needs repairs? As to the business of grand-jurors if we were to judge by their oath, we should certainly think they had enough to do; when we hear them sworn ‘diligently to enquire, and true presentment to make of all such matters and things as shall be given them in charge; that they shall present no man for envy, hatred or malice, neither leave any unpresented for love, fear, favor, affection or hope of reward; but shall present things truly as they come to their knowledge, according to the best of their understanding;’ when we hear this oath administred, and a charge from the bench, explaining and enforcing the duty, any man of common understanding would think that the grand-jurors had a large field of action open before them. But if we are to judge by their practice, we may be apt to suspect [Page] that there is a certain magic power in that oath, which at once deprives a man of the senses of seeing and hearing, and of the faculty of speech. Other persons, and even these, when not under oath, can observe and complain of many gross breaches of law, many notorious flagrant omissions of the duties enjoined by law; but grand-jurors at once deaf and blind, and dumb, can neither enquire nor present, unless some person whose business it is not, shall force upon them a complaint and support it by evidence; and what is this owing to in a great measure, but to the want of education?

FROM these, and other considerations which might be suggested, it is devoutly to be wished that our rulers would revise the laws concerning education, and take some effectual methods for the execution of them. Youth are daily growing up to manhood, and if good principles are not early implanted in their minds, bad ones will assume their place like noxious weeds in a neglected garden.— But who are they that demand this attention? your own children; the children of your fellow citizens; of those who have borne and are bearing the public burdens, and paying the public taxes; of those who have suffered and bled in your cause; of those who have fallen in defence of your liberties, [Page] and whose blood if it could speak from the earth, would loudly assert and claim their childrens rights. These children are in some future day to stand in your place, and do the duty which is now required of you, and how will they be able to do it, unless you now provide them the means of instruction? Do you think it your duty to clear the woods and cultivate the wilderness? and will you not think it your duty to cultivate that nobler soil, the human mind, and clear it of these incumbrances of ignorance and error, with which it is now overspread? Let this important work be effectually done, and let it be said that where there was the most need of education, the best means have been used, and the most generous remedies faithfully applied. ‡

[Page]THE second object of public attention as pointed out to us in the words of the royal Psalmist, is the improvement of the country.

EVERY country in the world is furnished by the GOD of nature with some peculiar advantages. To understand what these are, and how they are to be improved, is a part of the business of wise and faithful rulers.

IT is past doubt, that the greater part of the people inhabiting this State must be employed in husbandry, the original business of man, and the [Page] natural source of that equality and independence, which are essential to a republican government. Heaven hath blessed us with a variety of soils. Mountains, vallies, plains and meadows appear in succession to the eye of the traveller; and these are capable of producing every sort of necessary for the support of man and beast. We need be at no loss for staple commodities, if we will but attend to the hints which nature hath given us, and improve the advantages which she hath put into our hands. The increase of our corn and cattle ought to be a principal object of the legislator's care. England, it is said, was not a corn country, 'till the parliament about a century ago, established a bounty upon the exportation of it. This encouraged the raising of great quantities, more than sufficient for home consumption. Such a measure might be equally beneficial here, if our situation was not so very inconvenient, that the only sea-port in the State is, and always will be unfrequented, by a great part of the inland country, whose commodities will find an easier transportation to other places.*

[Page]OUR inland navigation is another branch of improvement which merits attention. The country is richly watered by the hand of nature; but this like other species of natural riches needs the assistance of art and labor. If some canals were cut, some obstacles removed, and some carrying places established, and of this last circumstance much may be learned from the example of the indians; we might take advantage of our numerous streams and ponds, to transport merchandize into the country, and convey its productions to market, much easier and cheaper than at present. Such an improvement would also strengthen the connexion, which for political reasons ought always to be maintained between the several parts of the same State, and which for want of some means of interested communication, in this, is yet too lax and feeble.

NATURE hath furnished our seas and rivers with a variety of fish, which have been a great [Page] support to multitudes in the most difficult times, and are capable of being made an article of very lucrative trade. This was an object much more attended to in former years than of late; but it is of such importance as to demand all the encouragement which can be bestowed upon it.

OUR manufactures are few, and must be so, while land is plenty and cheap. But the importation of foreign manufactures in large quantities may be a great disadvantage, especially if they are to be paid for in our current coin; and all attempts to introduce articles of luxury and needless expence should be carefully guarded against. Luxury has been the ruin of republican States in other parts of the world; and the same cause will be likely to produce the same effect. Every species of home-manufacture which can be carried on to advantage, ought to receive all possible encouragement; nor can we long maintain the character of an independent people, unless we cultivate industry and oeconomy.

IT may admit of doubt, whether our lumber trade as it is now conducted be on the whole, an advantage or a disadvantage. To make it a certain benefit, some good regulations are wanting, which [Page] may also help the moral part of our character. † The free and excessive use of strong liquor is one pernicious effect of this traffic, and a fruitful source of innumerable evils.

BUT I will quit this head with reminding our honored rulers, that if the health, the properties, the morals, the natural and political interests of a large and increasing number of people are committed to them, the charge is of a most serious nature, and of immense value, and ought to be attended to with zeal and fidelity. Now is the time, at the beginning of the constitution, to establish good laws, and introduce good precedents for the direction of posterity. The improvement of those advantages which the GOD of nature and providence hath put into our hands, is a proper tribute of gratitude which he demands, and the only effectual one which we can render to him.

I pass on to mention another capital mean of natural prosperity, and that is, peace.

A time of peace is the proper season to make use of our national advantages, and put things [Page] into a way of improvement. While there is "no breaking in nor going out," our numbers are increasing, and our husbandry, merchandize and fishery ought to be thriving, and the means of education and other sources of improvement should have every assistance.

WE have seen of late as well as formerly, how unfavorable a state of war is to all civil and moral improvement; how it tends to deprave the morals of the people, as well as to take off the strength and flower of our youth from the labours of the field, to reduce our numbers, and make breaches in our families. But now that this scourge is removed, how careful should we be to cultivate the arts of peace, and take every possible method to continue and preserve it.

IT is a melancholy consideration that one of the most effectual methods to preserve peace is to be prepared for war; but such is the present constitution of things in this unhappy world, and such it will be, 'till the gospel of peace shall so far prevail and extend its influence, as that the nations will either avoid all occasions of controversy, or agree to refer their disputes to some arbitrating power, with a peaceful design to abide its determination. The distant hint [...] such a proposal [Page] does honor to the benevolent heart that conceived it, and will do more honor to the States or nations that shall publicly recommend and adopt it. * But at present it seems as if things must go on in their old course. The lust of power has been a ruling passion ever since the days of Nimrod; and there is no effectual way to check it, but by forcible resistance. Convinced that a nation cannot preserve itself from insult, but by rendering itself formidable, as a lover of peace, I must wish to see my country prepared for war; to see every cannon which now lies carelessly about our streets and wharves, and in our forts properly secured from decay; every musket and sword furbished, and kept in the nicest order; our militia officered, instructed, arranged and accoutred and ready for the field on the shortest notice; our arsenals and magazines well supplied; our fortifications repaired and strengthened and garrisoned, at least with invalids. GOD only knows who our next enemies may be, or how soon we may have occasion for our veteran officers and soldiers, and our foreign friends and allies. In this view, it may not be amiss to recommend as another mean of preserving peace, [Page] the payment of our domestic and foreign debts. If it is wise conduct in individuals to pay what they owe, that they may preserve the affections of their friends, it must be equally wise in a State, be it ever so sovereign or independent. And here indulge me to say, that our notions of sovereignty may possibly appear to some older and wiser nations more raw and childish than they do to ourselves. It is not uncommon for a young heir just come of age and into possession of an estate, to have a much higher opinion of his own importance, than a more experienced person. The idea of each State by itself being sovereign, if it be too much cherished, may prove us to be like the members of the body saying one to the other "I have no need of you." We are known abroad as United States; our true sovereignty consists in our union, as our independence does in our not being subject to a foreign power. It is therefore the interest of every state to render this united sovereignty respectable in the highest degree; nor is there I presume the least danger that any one State will thereby lose any part of that just dignity, which belongs to it as a distinct local jurisdiction, competent in all respects to its interior government, and independent of every other State and kingdom in the world. But if our confederation [Page] be imperfect; if the powers delegated to Congress are insufficient to answer the ends for which our united sovereignty was erected; and if the retaining certain powers in the hands of each State cannot so well answer those ends as if they were delegated, why should we scruple to do it? Why should we be unwilling to trust delegates of our own nomination, and who may be recalled at our pleasure, with power to preserve our public interests, to secure our credit, and especially to fulfill engagements which we have already given them power to contract? If we are afraid to trust one another, who will trust us? If we are unreasonably jealous of our best men, who wish to extricate us out of our difficulties, shall we not render our independence contemptible? Shall we not subject ourselves to the impositions of foreigners; and probably sow the seeds of some controversy, which may be fatal to our present union? If we would preserve peace at home and abroad, we must be honest and punctual; we must learn to entertain liberal sentiments, to confide in those who wish to do their duty, and preserve our and their interests. † In short we must be true to ourselves [Page] and our friends, as well as formidable to those who may be our enemies.

THE fourth and last object of national prosperity mentioned in the text is religion. "Happy is that people whose GOD is the LORD." It is probable that the royal and devout Psalmist meant by these words to set Jehovah the God of Israel, in preference to all other Gods, of whom the neighbouring nations had a variety. All the nations had their respective Gods, whom they worshipped, and on whose providence and protection they placed a dependence. They were regarded as local deities, having a limitted jurisdiction, and not interfering with each others territories. Though their worshippers had very gross and even ridiculous conceptions of them▪ yet the ardor, the constancy, and the sincerity with which they worshipped and trusted in them, were so visible, that the prophets made use of this consideration to reprove the fickleness of the Jews, in the worship of the true GOD. "Hath a nation changed their Gods, which are yet no Gods?" ‡ It is really very instructive to observe, among the antient nations, how careful they were to perform religious rites, and make offerings to their Gods at the beginning, or conclusion of any national undertaking; and it would [Page] be too bold for us to determine, that the zeal and sincerity which they exercised in these religious ceremonies, though they mistook the object, was entirely useless to them, or that it was not approved and rewarded by the searcher of hearts. But the argument in favor of a national religion is not built wholly on the example of the heathen; it is a dictate of reason. What reason taught them it also teaches us; and our superior advantages enable us to correct their mistakes, to worship the true GOD, and confide in him, in such a manner as is now made known to be agreeable to his will.

LET no man here take an alarm as if by a national religion, I would recommend the establishment of any modes or forms in preference to others. The world has too long been abused with attempts to impose uniformity; and our constitution has wisely avoided that fatal rock, on which conscience and truth have often suffered shipwreck. By a national religion I would be understood to mean, an acknowledgement of the being, perfections and providence of one supreme GOD; a sense of his moral government both in this and a future State; and a careful observance of the eternal laws of justice, truth and mercy in all our public conduct. If these principles be admitted into [Page] our national councils, and our national character be formed upon them, we may truly be said to have the LORD for our GOD, however different our speculations or practice may be as individuals or religious societies. These are principles in which honest men of all denominations will agree; and if by a strict adherence to them we acknowledge GOD in all our public ways, we shall have reason to hope and believe that he will direct our steps.

IT is not an uncommon thing for persons who are ashamed to appear irreligious or immoral in their private conduct, when they come into public life, and act as members of a political body, to lay aside all sense of GOD and duty, and act only according to craft or policy or conveniency. Whether they think that the State has no such thing as a public conscience; or that the blame being divided among so many, each one's share is too trifling to be regarded; or, whether they have any thought upon the matter at all, may not be easy to determine, but it is to be feared the fact is true, and that the public have often felt the ill consequence of it. When public men act thus, they certainly have not the fear of GOD before their eyes; and to what purpose do they, as men, profess to know the true GOD, when▪ as rulers, they [Page] have not so much religion as many of the old heathens? How many illustrious examples might be brought from antiquity, of men who had no more exalted idea of the Deity than that he resided on Mount Olympus, or in some "temple made with hands," and yet in all their public conduct acted with a sacred regard to justice and truth, and a firm conviction that their actions were regarded by a superior Being, on whose favor depended all the national prosperity! Such examples may justly put many to the blush, who profess a purer religion, but form not their conduct by its heavenly dictates.

IF we would be an happy people, we must as a people, "have the LORD for our GOD." Our public men must have so much religion as to believe that GOD is a witness to all their public conduct, and requires that it be conformable to the rules of righteousness. When they enter the court-chamber, they should recollect that they are in the presence of the Supreme Ruler. In all their debates, their votes and acts they should consider, not merely what will serve a turn, or please their constituents; but what is right and just; what will stand the test of reason and truth; and what will GOD approve. It would not be amiss if every night the public actions of [Page] the day were reviewed with such self-enquiries as these, ‘what have I done this day, to serve the true interest of my country? what motives and considerations have I been governed by, whether of interest or policy? and how have they corresponded with the unchangeable rules of reason, truth and justice?’ These reflections may be equally useful to all executive and judicial officers, and to every man acting in a public capacity. If all such men would form their conduct on such a plan▪ or if the people would chuse into office none but persons who appear to be governed by such principles, we should be regarded by the searcher of hearts as a people fearing the LORD, and might on good grounds expect that our national virtues would be rewarded with national blessings.

I have now finished what I proposed to say from the hints offered to us in the text; and if I have not already wearied your patience, would ask your attention a little longer, while I endeavor to lead you into some reflections which may serve to enforce the foregoing considerations, as duties peculiarly required of us at this day.

DIVINE providence has not only given us a good land to live in, but has disappointed the attempts and expectations of enemies of various kinds, both in former and later times, to dispossess [Page] us of it, or subject us to their dominion. A foreign government was always inconvenient, and, as it was at last managed, grew insupportable. GOD, who has made every country sufficient to govern itself, smiled on our struggles for emancipation, and conducted us through a long course of difficulties, to a state of freedom and peace. And now that we have escaped and are at rest, it will be of use to us, like the seaman when he has braved the fury of the waves, and got safe on shore, to look back on the dangers through which we have passed, and the narrow escapes which we have experienced, and see by what means our deliverance has been accomplished, with a grateful sense of the divine goodness, and a resolution to improve our present advantages to the noblest purposes.

IT is indeed astonishing that so enlightened a nation as Britain, which has produced so many wise and learned men, who were able clearly to foresee and predict, and some of them publicly and faithfully to warn the nation of the consequences of engaging in a quarrel with us, should rush so blindly and headstrong as they did into a controversy, which has dismembered their empire, and disgraced their characters, and given them "a wound which no time can heal." ‖ But it was [Page] the appointment of heaven, recorded long since in the volume of inspiration, that those ten kingdoms which were represented by the toes of Nebuchadnezzar's image should be "partly strong and partly broken" and that they should "not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay."† Britain is undoubtedly one of those kingdoms ‡ and these must be her national characteristics as long as she continues a nation. If we derived strong consolation from this prophecy in the height of the war, we must have proportionable satisfaction in seeing the conclusion of it verify the prediction, and an additional evidence thereby adduced to the truth of divine revelation. We must then believe that the seperation which has been made, was the result of causes, which were foreseen and foretold, by him to whom all his works are fully known from the beginning. All the wisdom of the wisest, all the oratory of the most eloquent, [Page] and all the strength of the most powerful could not frustrate the decree of heaven, that America must be seperated from Brittain. She pretended a right to this country, and assumed to grant it to us; but our right is superior to what hers ever was. We have purchased it of its native lords, we have subdued it, we have peopled it, we have defended it, we have paid the price of it over and over again, we have paid it not only in our substance and labour, but in blood, in the rich blood of our fathers, and brethren and children. It is then most assuredly ours, and he who hath given it to us requires us to preserve it, and govern it, and improve every one of those advantages which he hath so liberally given us in it and with it; and he hath so connected our duty and our interest in this, as well as every other respect, that they are inseperable.

IF in our state of infancy we have committed errors and blunders, this is no more than what might naturally be expected of us. We were raw and unskilled in government, in finances and in war. We had to contend with a rich and formidable nation, and they who best knew her power and wealth were most fearful of the issue. We had to seek resources, and invent means of raising supplies. We were several months after the war [Page] began learning to fabricate materials for carrying it on; and we were several years after that striving to create money and enforce its credit; to regulate prices and command trade. All that time our enemies were expending their money and stores, teaching us how to fight, and pushing themselves into such difficulties that with proper exertions on our part, and by the help of our allies, they fell into our hands by whole armies at a time; 'till wearied with their violent but ineffectual attempts, and having run themselves into a most horrible depth of debt and misery, they were obliged to give up the point, and leave us to ourselves, which was all that we desired.

WE have now opportunity to review the whole scene, to see how much providence hath done for us, and how we have been saved with an high hand. In consequence of this deliverance, we have had the privilege, scarce ever granted to any people before, deliberately, and without fear or restraint from any foreign causes▪ to form and resolve upon a plan of government for ourselves and our posterity; and if it does not answer the end for which it was designed, we have reserved to ourselves the liberty to revise and alter it at a future period. Are not our obligations to the divine goodness exceeding great? are we not "a people saved of the [Page] LORD, who is the shield of our help and the sword of our excellency?" and what is required of us in gratitude to our Supreme Ruler and bountiful benefactor, but to govern ourselves by the laws of justice and truth, and to improve to our utmost the rich gifts of his paternal providence?

AS the divine counsels are opened to us by the events of time, we have reason to believe, that one great end which GOD had in view, in the original discovery of this American continent, and in baffling all the attempts which European princes have made, to subject it to their dominion, and in giving us quiet possession of it as our own land, was, that it might prove an assylum for the oppressed and distressed in other parts of the world. Our fathers fled hither from the persecutions which they endured in England; and many thousands of oppressed people in the British dominions as well as Germany have fled for refuge to America already; many more are daily coming, and the reputation of this country is daily rising all over Europe. Our mode of living, and the division of property among us being different from that in the old countries, are circumstances, very inviting to foreigners. As in the sea, the great fish devour the smaller, so in those countries, the landed interest is in the hands of a few, and the [Page] rest are dependent on them: here property is more equally divided, and the chance of acquiring it is much more in favor of the poor, if they be honest and industrious; and interest being a prevailing principle with all men they are naturally prompted to pursue it in the most likely and shortest course. From these causes we may expect a rapid population of this extensive country; and when we consider the agency of divine providence in succeeding our late attempt to seperate ourselves from foreign dependence, we must believe that GOD had therein not only a kind intention toward us, but toward mankind in general, opening a place for them to flee to from the poverty, oppression and distress, which are so prevalent in other countries. This may serve in time to humble the haughty spirit of some of the European princes and nobles, and induce them to treat their subjects and vassals with more lenity, and so be the means of extensive benefit to mankind; but whether it should have that effect on them or not, it will be our wisdom and interest to let mankind know that here is a good country, in which they may find subsistence, and good government, where they may be secure from oppression, and enjoy their liberty.

WHILE we are reaping the fruit of our struggles and sufferings, while we are enjoying our [Page] houses, fields, families, and privileges civil and religious, can we forget the GOD to whose gracious interposition we owe these blessings? had not he defeated the hostile designs formed against us, we might by this time have been a miserably oppressed and enslaved people. Those who hated us would have been our rulers; our lands would have been located to petty tyrants; our trade burdened with every kind of restriction; our taxes severe, and without end; those who complain of taxes now, would have had tenfold more cause of complaint; we must have been held in the most rigorous subjection; or have been driven back into the wilderness to herd among the savages, despised and detested even by them. Our circumstances now are in some respects difficult; but how much worse they would have been, if the arms of Britain had prevailed, let the miserable inhabitants of India tell.

IT is one of the weaknesses of human nature, that we never enjoy ourselves so well as when we have some kind of misery before our eyes, or within our contemplation. He who has been sick, or sees another sick, has an higher relish of health than he who never knew what sickness was. He who is delivered from confinement, or sees others enduring it, has a proportionably higher sense of [Page] the value of liberty: so when we view our fellow-men in bondage, and feel ourselves free; or, when we find ourselves delivered from the fear of slavery, and secured in the possession of liberty, we enjoy a greater satisfaction and pleasure, than if we had never seen or known restraint. Let a sense of the value of these blessings raise our ardent gratitude to our divine Benefactor, and let this gratitude be expressed in the most effectual manner, by making a right use of his gifts, and improving them to those purposes for which he hath bestowed them upon us.

MY respected audience will, I doubt not, find sufficient reason for the omission of personal addresses, and compliments on this occasion. Public praise when rightly bestowed, is a reward of services performed. The man of true merit will not seek the praise of his country but by earning it. He will be content to wait for his reward 'till his work is done; and when he is conscious that he has done his best, he will have a satisfaction in his mind, which though it may be increased by the applause of his countrymen, yet cannot be diminished by their neglect, nor even by their mistaken censures and disapprobation. To do real service to his country is the aim of the patriot; applause is but an accidental thing, which he may [Page] either get or miss in the course of his services, but which is not the principal object of his concern. Such men only are fit for public offices; and it is our hope that those gentlemen who are now by the suffrages of the people, or who may by the favor of their Representatives be advanced to the seats of government, will prove themselves worthy of the trust reposed in them, by discharging it with fidelity.

UNDER such a constitution as we now enjoy, where every man is an elector, and many persons at once capable of being elected, it is our wisdom and interest to be well acquainted with each other. Those who are placed in a public light as candidates for honor and power, must not think it strange if their characters should undergo a public scrutiny: it is a tribute which they must pay to the constitution, and if they stand the test, the laurel when obtained will sit more gracefully on their brow. But it becomes us to be exceedingly careful whom we elect. Though it may not be strictly true that the constitution "which is best administred is best;" ‡ yet it is certain that the best constitution which can be formed, may by bad management be so perverted, as not to answer the end of government so well as one of inferior goodness well administred. So much depends on the right use of the powers of government, that [Page] we cannot be too careful in our choice of rulers nor too vigilant of the use which they make of the powers delegated to them. But the best of men may err; and if the error be sudden and involuntary, if it be not persisted in, but as far as possible retracted, it ought surely to be forgiven. Government is a weighty task, and they who bear the burden on their shoulders have every claim to a fair and candid interpretation of their conduct.

FOR a conclusion, let me remind this whole audience, that the best forms of human government are of themselves insufficient to protect mankind from insult and invasion, and to preserve to them the invaluable blessings of "peace, liberty and safety" for any long duration. The lusts of men will produce wars and tumults, disaffection and usurpation, which will lead to revolutions and conquests. Why is all this misery permitted in a world that is governed by infinite wisdom and goodness? Is it not to shew us that we are not to regard this as our final state, and to induce us to look forward with joyful expectation to that grand period, when the prince of peace shall subdue all things to himself? Every species of human government contains the seeds of dissolution, which will some time or other work its ruin; but the kingdom of Jesus Christ being founded in eternal righteousness, [Page] supported by almighty power, and conducted by infinite wisdom and benevolence, must answer the end of government, and therefore must end in perfection. When the periods of the kingdoms of this world are spoken of in scripture, they are said to "be destroyed" to "pass away" and to "be broken in pieces; but the consummation of the kingdom of Christ is represented by its being "delivered up into the hands of GOD the Father," as having completely attained the great end, for which it was erected.

HOW happy then are they who have in their hearts submitted to this glorious King, and have formed themselves on the wise and peaceful maxims of his government; and how truly happy will mankind be, when this kingdom which now like "a stone cut out without hands" is "smiting the image on its feet" shall "become a great mountain and fill the whole earth." In the prospect of that illustrious day, let us anticipate the song which we shall hereafter sing in concert with "every creature in heaven and earth." "Blessing and honor and glory and power be to him that sitteth on the throne, and to the Lamb forever and ever." AMEN.

Notes

*

BURLAMAGUI'S political Law, vol. 2, p. 144.161.

↵

‡

ROLLIN'S ancient History vol. 2, p. 292.

↵

‡

Dr. PRICE in his observations on the American revolution earnestly recommends to us "the establishment of a wise and liberal plan of education," and gives it as his opinion, that there is ‘a secret remaining to be discovered in education, which will cause future generations to grow up virtuous and happy, and accelerate human happiness to a greater degree than can at present be imagined.’ The discovery of this secret is of more importance to the world than all the mines of Mexico and Peru, and every approach toward it ought to be regarded with attention. Perhaps its discovery like the appearance of light may be gradual. The Dr. has given us one hint which is a valuable advance, and may lead to others. "The business of education says he, should be to teach how to think, rather than "what to think." Is it not equally useful to be taught how to act? Is it not an object of as great importance that youth should be led to admire and approve what is noble, generous and worthy, and to abhor what is vicious, mean and detestable, as that they should learn the rudiments of grammar, and the beauties of style and composition? and if the same preceptor, the same books, and the same time may be employed in promoting both these purposes, would it not be a species of literary oeconomy worth attending to? Suppose the master should set apart one day in the week to put his pupils on reviewing what they have learned, not merely with a view to perfect them in the grammatical construction of words and sentences, or the beauties of rhetorical diction; but to dive into the sentiments of the books or parts of books of which they have skimmed the surface, and should examine them concerning the persons or things, of which the author treats, leading them to find out principles and manners, virtues and vices, and how to praise or blame, to imitate, correct or avoid; would not this one day be as well spent as any other, and would not youth be put into a way of criticising persons and things, as well as words and phrases? would they not learn a method of reading, observing, enquiring, and judging which might fit them for usefulness in every stage of life, and in every branch of business? Why might not such a mode of instruction be introduced into every school? Historical and Biographical works may be eminently serviceable, and even the BIBLE may not be useless.

Should any one enter into the spirit of this method, with an happy talent of adapting it to the capacities of youth; he might not find it a difficult task to initiate them early into a knowledge of the principles of government, a branch of science which under a republican constitution, every man ought in some degree to be acquainted with, before he is called to officiate in the Legislative, Executive or Judicial sphere.

↵

*

Any person by casting his eye on a map of New-Hampshire, and the country eastward of it must be convinced, that the whole territory between the upper part of Connecticut river, on the west, and the Ocean as far as the river Kennebeck, on the east, and as far northward as the bounds of the United States extend, is formed by nature to have a necessary connexion, and ought in reason to be one jurisdiction. The dividing line between New-Hampshire and the late Province of Main cuts this territory in such a manner as to make two jurisdictions extremely inconvenient. Those townships which lie on the upper branches of Saco river have already found their market at Falmouth; but those on the heads of Connecticut and Amoriscoggin rivers, being seperated from the lower parts of the State, by a range of mountains, the highest in New-England, and in most places inaccessible, must find their way to some navigable parts of Kennebeck. And it would be more natural for them to be connected in government where they are connected in trade.

↵

†

Since this discourse was delivered, an act has passed the General Court, for regulating the size of various species of lumber, and appointing proper surveyors; which when carried into effect, will, it is presumed, be of great public utility.

↵

*

Vid Dr. PRICE's observations on the American revolution, p. 14.—15. and a detail of the transaction of the Massachusetts General Court, in their last winter session, published in the news-papers.

↵

†

Since the delivery of this discourse, the Legislature have by an act vested the United States in Congress assembled, with full power to regulate trade for fifteen years, provided all the other States in the union do the same.

↵

‡

JEREMIAH II.11.

↵

‖

This sentiment is quoted from the conclusion of a truly prophetic speech delivered by the celebrated author of LEONIDAS, Mr. GLOVER, when he appeared before the House of Commons, March 1775, as agent for the West-India merchants, to support their petition against the bill then pending to restrain and ruin our fishery. The speech has not to my knowledge been reprinted in America; but it is worthy to be read by every American, being dictated by a profound knowledge of human nature, and a large acquaintance with antient and modern history.

See the parliamentary register, 1775, in which it is remarked that while this energetic speech was delivering, Lord NORTH, the Palinurus of the kingdom, was a-sleep in his seat! a fatal omen!

↵

†

DANIEL II. 42.43.

↵

‡

See Mr. MEDE, Sir I. NEWTON and Bishop NEWTON's discourses on this prophecy, and the corresponding one in REV. XIII.

↵

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN ELECTION SERMON, PREACHED BEFORE THE GENERAL COURT, OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, AT PORTSMOUTH, June 2, 1785.

By JEREMY BELKNAP.

"The best part of a people is always the lesser; and of that best part, the wisest is always the best."

M. S. of GOVERNOR WINTHROP.

PORTSMOUTH: NEW-HAMPSHIRE. PRINTED BY MELCHER and OSBORNE, M,DCC,LXXXV.

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, June 3, 1785.

[Page]

VOTED, That Mr. PICKERING, Col. TOPPAN, and Col. GILMAN, with such of the Hon. SENATE as they shall join be a COMMITTEE to wait upon the Rev. Mr. BELKNAP, and return him the thanks of the GENERAL COURT, for the very ingenious Discourse delivered yesterday, and request a copy for the Press.

Sent up for CONCURRENCE, JOHN SULLIVAN, Speaker.

In SENATE June 9, 1785, READ and CONCURRED, and Mr. ATKINSON joined.

JOSEPH PEARSON, Dep'ty Sec'ry.

Information about this book

Title statement

An election sermon, preached before the General Court, of New-Hampshire, at Portsmouth, June 2, 1785. By Jeremy Belknap. ; [Two lines from Gov. Winthrop]

Belknap, Jeremy, 1744-1798.

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2006-06.

ID [DLPS]

N14924

ID [TCP]

N14924

ID [STC]

Evans 18927

ID [NOTIS]

APY4669

ID [IMAGE-SET]

18927

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99031821

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 18927.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N14924)

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— An election sermon, preached before the General Court, of New-Hampshire, at Portsmouth, June 2, 1785. By Jeremy Belknap. ; [Two lines from Gov. Winthrop], Belknap, Jeremy, 1744-1798., New Hampshire. General Court..

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48 p. ; 21 cm. (8vo)

Printed by Melcher and Osborne.,. Portsmouth: New-Hampshire, :: M,DCC,LXXXV. [1785]. (Two states of the title page noted in the BAL. In the first, the quotation reads "... always the best." In the second, this has been corrected by overprinting to read "... always the least.") (Signatures: A-C^8.)

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