A SERMON, PREACHED AT MANCHESTER, BEFORE His Excellency Thomas Chittenden, Esq Governor, His Honor Paul Spooner, Esq Lieut. Governor, The Honorable Council, AND The Honorable House of Representatives of the State of Vermont, ON THE DAY OF THE ANNIVERSARY ELECTION, OCTOBER 10, 1782.
By GERSHOM C. LYMAN, A. M. PASTOR OF THE CHURCH OF MARLBOROUGH.
WINDSOR: PRINTED BY HOUGH AND SPOONER. M. DCC. LXXXIV.
ADVERTISEMENT.
SEVERAL paragraphs, which, for want of time, were omitted in delivering this discourse, are now inserted; which, it is hoped, will be no matter of offence to the hearers.
AN ELECTION SERMON.
WISDOM is an essential attribute of Jehovah: it consists in proposing the best ends, and pursuing those measures which are best adapted to effect them. Perfect wisdom is the prerogative of God alone; but he hath been pleased to impart it, in different measures, to his rational creatures, and to make them capable of improvement therein: and the greater progress they make in the acquisition of true wisdom, the more they resemble the all-wise God. This is an object most worthy of the pursuit of every rational mind. To propose the glory of God as our chief end, to seek the good of his creatures, and to pursue measures which are best sitted to promote so valuable purposes, is the highest human wisdom.
Wisdom is principally needed in our spiritual concerns, as these are most important. Our wisdom, or folly, is most discovered in the regard, or disregard, we shew to God and his law. "The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom: and the knowledge of the Holy is understanding." However acute and discerning men may be in matters of less importance; yet, if there be a failure in that which is of highest concernment, the defect is so essential, that it seems hard to pronounce them wise, when we take into view the whole system of their conduct. But however wisdom is most necessary in our immediate concerns with [Page 4] God—however the greatest wisdom is discovered in our regard and obedience to him; yet it is also n [...]cessary in every affair which relates to the present state; and indeed, even in every worldly matter, wisdom obliges us to have supreme regard to God, and in conducting them to seek thee advancement of his declarative glory.
The nobler ends any one proposes, and the more suitable means he uses to compass those ends, the more wisdom he discovers. For one who acts in a low sphere, a small portion may suffice to enable him to prosecute his business with success; and as his station and employment rise in importance, in such proportion increases the necessity of greater wisdom in order to a proper and reputable discharge of his duty. Great skill and prudence are absolutely necessary, in those who are called to act in a public important character, where the happiness of many depends on their wise and faithful management of affairs. To illustrate this plain, though too much neglected, observation, I might adduce a long train of remarks on the duty of officers in the civil, military, and ecclesiastical departments; and point out many advantages, or mischiefs, which may arise to the public and to individuals, from a suitable, or improper administration, in their respective places: but as the occasion of the day, and the passage of scripture which stands at the head of this discourse, direct me to speak more particularly of civil rulers, I shall confine my observations principally to them.
The words of the text are the prayer of Solomon, the greatest king, and the wisest man, who ever lived: it was made soon after his accession to the throne of Israel: the substance of his prayer is, that he may have an understanding heart, that is, wisdom and knowledge, as it is expressed in the parallel passage, 2 Chron. i. 10. The argument he urges to obtain his request, is, that he may be able to judge the people of the Lord — "Give thy servant an understanding heart, to judge thy people; that I may discern between good and bad"—"Let me have wisdom to rule thy people with equity and skill, supporting and duly encouraging those who deserve it, and inflicting condign punishment on the criminal." He also expresses a sense of his dependance on God for the wisdom he needed—"For who is able to judge this thy so great a people?" i. e. who, without thy gracious aid and direction, can suitably conduct matters, so various and so important, as come within the province of the ruler of thy people?—And in the preceding context, we find him [Page 5] spreading his cause before God, confessing his weakness and want of skill to direct him in the midst of so great a people—"And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made thy servant king—and I am but a little child—I know not how to go out, or come in." Solomon was not a little child, as to age; for David had before called him a wise man:* but a child in knowledge and experience about matters of government. He had newly entered on the administration of government, and felt himself inadequate to the trust; he therefore sought wisdom from God: though doubtless he was, at the same time, possessed of more wisdom than thousands who, thinking themselves sufficient for all things, have not sought counsel from God, and have gone blindly on, leading the blind, till both they and their unhappy followers have been buried in the same ditch of ruin.
We here see the ideas Solomon had of the importance of a wise and prudent conduct in rulers, and where wisdom is to be sought. His sentiments and example are doubtless well worthy the consideration and imitation of all who are called to rule over others.
Our civil fathers will, I believe, join with me, when I say, they have as much need of wisdom as had Solomon. Though the people they are called to rule are not so great as was the Jewish nation; yet that nation, at the time we speak of, were in unity among themselves—their enemies were all subdued—they were in a most flourishing condition—the nerves of government were strong and vigorous: while we, at present, (let the consideration humble us) are not so well united among ourselves, and of consequence the sinews of government are not so firm and stable as might be wished; add to this, that we are in our childhood, with respect to our existence as a State—our rulers are considered, by many, as unexperienced in politics—their measures are therefore watched and scanned with more critical severity. Hence arises greater difficulty in conducting to acceptance, and so as most effectually to promote the public good. Hence also the great necessity of care, wisdom, and prudence, in every step they take. When the sea is calm, the pilot's duty is easy and may be performed with less care and address; but when a tempest rises, and the ship is hurried on with irregular violence, he has need to look out with careful vigilance on every side, and to exert his utmost skill, to save her from foundering, or at least from much damage.
[Page 6]It has been observed, that wisdom consists in proposing the best ends, and pursuing the most suitable means to compass those ends. It is equally plain, that the highest end any one can propose, is that for which he was principally designed, or received his existence. Strictly speaking, there is but one chief object, at which all should aim, viz. the promotion of God's glory. But in subordination, and with ultimate reference to this, there are other ends more immediately to be proposed by men, which are various according to their different characters.
The main end of a civil ruler, as such, is the well-being, peace, and happiness, of community, or of the people at large; for this is the very end of his appointment—for this purpose he exists, in that particular character. His wisdom, in that character, then, appears in his choice and steady prosecution of those measures which will most effectually promote the public good. To reach this object, it is necessary that he be well acquainted with human nature in general. Since he is to rule over men, he must have a competent knowledge of men, in their present state of imperfection, otherwise his measures cannot be well chosen.
Were mankind perfect in wisdom and virtue, civil laws and rulers would be needless. From the vicious passions, the irregular lusts, the selfish, encroaching disposition of men, arise the necessity of human laws and government; which are designed to regulate those evils which are the natural offspring or such disordered minds. He, therefore, who is to make laws for men, must be acquainted with these disorders of human nature, and must have observed the several evil consequences they produce, that he may know what rules and penalties are best calculated to remedy those mischiefs. But this is not the only light in which the ruler is to consider mankind: he should consider them as the same order and species of beings with himself—equal by nature—having equal rights—of equal importance in the sight of God—as rational creatures, who are to be bound by no laws which are not founded in reason—as accountable to God—under the absolute controul of the King of kings, and who cannot, without manifest impropriety, and unfaithfulness to their Supreme Lord, yield an implicit and unlimited obedience to any subordinate power, or obey any laws which are repugnant to his: he must also be acquainted with the genius and circumstances of the particular people over whom he rules, that his government may be adapted [Page 7] to serve their interest, and maintain order; for the same laws and administration are not suited to every people, or to the same people at all times.
It is the will of heaven, that there should be civil government in the world; and since all civil rulers, duly authorised to act as such, are ordained of God, under whom they have an inferior kind of dominion, for the preservation of order among his creatures, and the promotion of their happiness, it must be their duty, as much as possible, to preserve the dignity of government: for otherwise they cannot answer the ends for which they were ordained—they will not be a terror to evil-workers; nor can they suitably encourage and protect the good.
Law and authority held in contempt, are productive of more mischief than advantage. To prevent this evil, it is highly important that no laws be made but such as tend to the peace, protection, and happiness, of the people; and that a sufficient number, with adequate penalties, be made, to restrain those who are disposed to transgress; that every law be severely examined as to its nature, and the manner of its operation; that it be just, well adapted, and expressed in the most unequivocal terms: for if a law be unjust, or unsuitable, or so expressed as to admit of a double meaning, it will, most probably, be disregarded; the makers of it will sink into contempt; and people will be taught to rack their wits to elude the force of all law, by evasive construction. And as the law is the rule by which the executive powers must be directed, if that be not good, all their proceedings must, of course, be unjust, or improper—the whole system of administration be involved in intricate mazes of error—the very means appointed to preserve order, become irregular and confused—and the complaint of Solomon be renewed—"I saw under the sun the place of judgment, that wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, that iniquity was there*." And if, through human imperfection, or any other cause, laws have passed which do not answer the proposed end, but operate unjustly, prudence and faithfulness demand their immediate repeal.
God only acts invariably right—it is proper to him alone to be of one mind: it is an honor to men to perceive and correct their mistakes. Nor does the dignity of government depend more on the enacting good laws, than on their punctual execution. To pass laws which, from their own nature, and the nature of men, can never be executed, or not enforcing [Page 8] s;uch as are practicable, will infallibly unstring the nerves of government, and render it contemptible. Men become great offenders by habit. If some laws are made, the force of which may be easily evaded, and others not put in practice, they presently become bold in breaking over laws which they would not have dared to violate, and contrive a thousand tricks to elude justice, which they would never have thought of under a more wise and steady administration. In proof of this, our own observation, for a few years past, is in the room of a thousand arguments: and how it hath opened the flood-gates of vice, and let in the despising of dominion and speaking evil of dignities, and open wickedness, once suppressed by the restraint of law, these now prevailing vices loudly declare.
Arguing from the above principle, shall we not conclude it a matter of high importance to a State newly erected, that they be peculiarly careful what laws they enact, and if any be found wrong, that they soon repeal or alter them; if not, that they punctually execute them, that people may not get accustomed to transgression? For one may almost as well attempt to change the skin of the Ethiopian, or wipe off the indelible spot of the Leopard, as to form those to good manners who have been accustomed to the contrary, or to make good subjects of those who have been used to disobedience. It cannot be denied, indeed, that in the early dawn of a State, before it has acquired a good degree of consistence and firmness, great difficulties may arise in this respect; and yet it is hard to say how it can otherwise ever become firm and vigorous.
Here, then, is a field for the display of the ruler's wisdom, prudence, and stability; and much depends on the manner in which he acquits himself. That the laws may be duly executed, it is necessary that wise and suitable persons be appointed for that purpose: it must be an important duty for those to whom it belongs to appoint them, to "provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness*:" Such will not be likely to betray their trust, and bring dishonour on government, and misery on the people, by ignorance, or fear, or irresolution, or unfaithfulness, or base, selfish ends. Every hand is not fit to wield the sword of justice. There is such a thing as "folly set in great dignity, as an error which proceedeth from the ruler†:" and a great evil it is: may experience never teach us haw great!
[Page 9]If the appointment of executive rulers be a matter of such consequence, their duty must be important. While they sit in the seat of judgment, impartial justice must mark all their proceedings: the cause of the poor must not be despised, nor a misplaced pity indulged towards the man in low estate; nor may dastardly fear, or fawning flattery, influence their proceedings with respect to the rich and powerful; nor may self-interested views be cast into the balance in either case: uninfluenced justice, proceeding from the merits of the cause, must be portrayed on every decision; for the judgment is God's *. This is the command of our God, "Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment; thou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honor the person of the mighty; but in righteousness shalt thou judge thy neighbour†."
To preserve a proper air of dignity, every ruler, legislative or executive, must engage in the pubic affairs of his office with great gravity, seriousness, and solemnity; with calm attention must be deliberate on all public measures; and firmly fixed n a well-formed purpose, pursue it with inflexible stability. The man who is ever wavering and shifting his ground, is like a wave of the sea, and as little to be depended on—shews that he never acts from a deliberate, well-directed judgment—all his measures, like himself, are inconsistent, incoherent, jarring and opposite one to the other: and what will be the consequence of this in a ruler, is obvious to every mind or discernment. Whatever appears light, trifling, or unsuitable in the conduct of a public officer, detracts from his dignity, and begets light ideas of the man, in the minds of others, who watch all his conduct: and from despising the ruler, to despising the law, is an easy transition.
In the same view, I may mention the necessity of fulfilling public engagements. The debts of government, as well as of private persons, should be punctually discharged, according to the true meaning of the contract. Any appearance of fraud, or want of care and attention herein, will produce much evil in a State.
Public bodies should be examples of justice and punctuality; for most people look to them as examples, and think themselves fairly justified if they do not exceed them in slackness. If many are not mistaken, a failure in this point hath much lessened the dignity, and weakened the hands of government, in neighbouring States—promises of [Page 10] money having been made at a fixed time, when it has not appeared that they had a reasonable prospect of obtaining it; and when the time hath elapsed, they have not so much as provided ways and means to make payment—till none were wilting to trust their money, or enter into service on public security.
When individuals cannot obtain the debts justly due to them from the State, they think themselves injured—discontents arise—rulers are evil spoken of, and government falls into contempt. But there are other reasons why public debts should be discharged—justice requires it—the law of God requires it. Do not the same laws of equity which oblige individuals to pay each other their dues, equally bind public bodies? The law of God is plain, "Withhold not good from those to whom it is due, when it is in the power of thine hand to do it*." And where service is done by those who are poor, and depend on their labour for support, the law is more particular: "Thou shalt not oppress an hired servant, who is poor and needy; at his day thou shalt give him his hire, neither shall the fun go down upon it; for he is poor, and sitteth his heart upon it—lest he cry against thee unto the Lord, and it be sin unto thee:" "Thou shalt not defraud thy neighbour, nor rob him; the wages of him who is hired shall not abide with thee all night until the morning†." These rules will apply in the case of many debts due from the public, and oblige to the payment of them by the time stipulated. Justice requires that every one receive his dues from the State in season—the public good, and the law of God, require it: and is it not probable, that a want of due attention in this matter, has had an evil tendency to corrupt the morals of the people—has encouraged them in acts of fraud and breach of faith? yea, has it not become sin to the land? It may, doubtless, happen, through the flow operation of public measures, that punctual payments cannot be made, though there was a reasonable prospect of it, at the time of engagement: but whether it has not often been for want of sufficient and seasonable attention, is matter of just inquiry.
Another important branch of the ruler's duty, and mark of his wisdom, is, the promotion of useful learning. This is necessary to the happiness, and even to the long existence, of a free State. A blind man is not more easily robbed of his treasure, than an ignorant people [Page 11] of their liberty. The slavery of a people, once free, generally arises from their own ignorance on one hand, and the lust of domination and greatness in their rulers on the other. Care will be taken to guard against this evil, by those rulers who wish well to the liberty and welfare of their people. They will take care to promote every kind of useful knowledge; unless they be ignorant themselves, and imbibe the absurd opinion of some, who think such most fit to lead in church and states—and then what marvel if they, and the people unhappily led by them, are both involved in the wretched fate of blind guides and their followers?
The education of youth, and encouragement of superior genius, are objects of high importance, and deserve the special attention of rulers. Establishing and endowing societies for that purpose, is a service which merits the thanks and applause of the public. For want of time and ability, it is not expected that the body of the people will follow the paths of science, so as to attain great literary acquirements; yet a certain degree of knowledge diffused through a State, is absolutely necessary to preserve liberty and good government. Nothing, but the religion of Jesus, is of equal importance with the good education of youth, and the promotion of knowledge. Power and wealth may support tyranny and despotism; but liberty and order are not to be preserved without learning and virtue. Ignorance is a natural source of error, self-conceit, and contracted, groveling sentiments: and how difficult it is to rule people of such a cast, those can best tell, who have made the experiment: more wise in their own conceit than seven men who can render a reason, they ever find fault with public men and measures, and thwart them all in their power. An ignorant patriot is a rarity in the world: from their contracted sentiments arise discontent and murmurs, if at any time the public liberty and safety demand special exertion and increased charge, and their unmeaning tongues utter continual anathema's against those measures which their narrow minds cannot comprehend. Such will be the case with these people, while they have some notions of liberty, and actually retain a degree of it: but it designing, ambitious, and artful men, are disposed to rise on the ruins of their freedom, they see not the danger until it is too late; or, if they do, know not the proper means to avoid it.
[Page 12]May I not add, as another very important part of the care and duty of a ruler, the suppression of vice and immorality, the promotion of moral virtue, the good of the church, and the interests of religion in general? Rulers should be a terror to evil works—they should discern, and make a difference between good and bad—they should so conduct in their several places, that the vicious may not only be ashamed, but afraid to hold up their heads: nor is their duty in this matter merely negative—they must not only suppress vice, but encourage virtue by their example, and by laws so framed and executed that they may tend to meliorate the morals of the people. The church of God is his peculiar treasure, and he will doubtless protect her against all the efforts of devils, and men influenced from beneath. The ruler's care is not needed to preserve her being, as if she could not subsist without; for God is engaged to preserve her from destruction: but that his care is not needed to her well-being, in any sense, I think, is not quite lo plain. The church is, indeed, an establishment entirely distinct from civil government—so is a seminary of learning; but does it thence follow, that they have no dependance on each other; or that, though they may exist separately, they are like equally to flourish without any connection or mutual support afforded to each other? Is there any inconsistence in supposing that God, who has erected a church in the world, and has also ordained civil government, hath designed they should be fellowhelpers one to the other? or that magistrates in their place, as well as ministers, should be used as instruments in promoting the same cause? it is not supposed that they have any right to interfere in imposing articles of faith, particular modes or worship, and things of a like nature—God only is Lord of conscience—every one has an undoubted right to choose that religion and mode of worship which to him appears most agreeable to the word of God, unless it be such as evidently tends to destroy civil peace and government; in that case no one ought to be tolerated—self-preservation forbids it—and we know they have not the approbation of God, who, under pretence of serving him, would nullify his ordinance. But the church, while militant, must have her temporal interest: in these, I think, she has an undoubted right to the protection of the civil magistrate—he should protect christian societies in the peaceable enjoyment of all their rights, derived from the gospel charter— [...]e should take care that they be not disturbed and infringed [Page 13] on, in their worship, discipline, and ordinances, by disorderly persons, who may seek to impede or molest them—they should encourage and provide for the support of public worship, and those who minister in sacred things.
But, as the propriety of any measures taken by civil rulers, in matters of religion, either for the support of worship, or ministers, is disputed by many serious persons, permit me to offer two or three considerations on this point.
That provision was made for upholding the pubic worship of God, and the support of his priests, under the Jewish oeconomy, and that their pious rulers made it their care to see that people performed their duty in this respect, and were approved of God in it, I suppose will not be denied. Moses, the friend of God, and ruler of his people, was very assiduous in preserving the honour and supporting the worship of God—"Ye shall keep my sabbaths, and reverence my sanctuary*," says he, in the name of the Lord: he was careful to see it done—he made ample provision for the support of those who ministered before the Lord: this he did by the immediate direction of God. Good Hezekiah hath left a similar example, and is commended as having wrought that which was good, and rights, and truth, before the Lord his God †. From hence I would argue, that the thing is right in itself, and acceptable to God, that rulers should interpose in these matters: for, whatever peculiarities there were in the Jewish polity and dispensation, God never appointed any thing, or approved it, which in its nature was wrong, or unsuitable, or infringed on the rights of conscience; it is impossible that he should do either—he is perfect—his will is a law to conscience. In a government, under laws of God's own appointment, the ruler was to attend to these things: why should not that be considered as a good example for rulers now? why should not they, in doing the same things, be thought to do that which is good and right before God now as well as then? the church might have subsisted, the worship and ministers of God supported, without them then, as well as now; but he saw fit to use them as instruments to assist his church in these matters. This argument receives additional force from Paul's discourse, 1 Corinth. ix. "Know ye not, that those who minister about holy things live of the things of the temple? and those who wait at the altar are partakers with [Page 14] the altar? Even to hath the Lord ordained that those who preach the gospel should live of the gospel." Q. D. You may know from what was God's will under the old testament, what is his will under the new; he had his mimisters then, and he appointed them a support: Even so hath he ordained with respect to his ministers under the gospel—they shall have their support, though not in the same way in which the Jewish priests were provided for, by the offerings of the Lord, they having ceased; yet they have a title to a maintenance, as a reward for their labour, and that they may be devoted to the service of Christ.
If it be just reasoning in this case, to infer from what was God's will under the old testament, what is his will under the new, as the apostle does, why may we not say without hesitation, that since it appears to have been his will then, that civil rulers should concern theimselves in these affairs, therefore it is his will now? why should they not make laws which shall secure the ministers of Christ in their just does? why should they not enjoin the upholding of public worship? why should not the church expect and receive their aid now, as well as then?— especially when, among many valuable favours promised to her under the gospel, greater than she enjoyed under the old dispensation, this is mentioned as one, viz. the support she should receive from the rulers of the Gentiles, whole wealth and power should be employed for her good: "Kings shall be thy nursing rathers, and their queens thy nursing mothers"—"Thou shalt suck the breasts of kings, and thuo shalt know that I the Lord am thy Saviour and thy Redeemer,"* &c. What is the amount of this less than that it is the duty of the ruler to be friend the church and the ministers of Christ, and take care for their encouragement and support, and security in all their just rights? Is it the duty of a nursing father to cherish, support, and protect the child, to be careful and tender of its interest, to defend it from injury, to maintain all its rights? and has the gospel church a promise of the like care from the ruler? Judge them, whether Christ is not pleased when the civil arm takes her under its protection, and affords her that help which he hath promised her from it?—Let the ruler consider this, and learn his duty †.
[Page 15]If it be the duty of rulers to promote religion and the service of God, surely it must be highly important that they be men of religion themselves: they should be men of prayer, who make frequent application to God for wisdom, and an understanding heart to lead the people:—"If any man lack wisdom, let him ask it of God, who giveth to all men liberally and upbraideth not, and it shall be given him; but let [Page 16] ask in faith,*" &c. Solomon was not ashamed to acknowledge before God, that he lacked wisdom; and he earnestly asked it of him— "and it pleased the Lord that Solomon had asked this thing." God would have all men ask wisdom of him—he is the Father of lights, who alone can enlighten their paths; if they ask it not of him, they have reason to fear he will leave them to walk in darkness: how then can they tell where they go, or whither they shall lead the people?
The spirit and temper of the gospel, wrought in the heart by the powerful grace of God, raises the human mind to its original excellence—forms it into a likeness to God himself. A supreme regard to God and his law, gives beauty to every action—adds dignity to every character—increases the honour of dignity itself—and confers peculiar lustre upon the ruler in his high station. This is a most essential part of his character, without which all other qualifications are less to be depended on. This is the least doubtful security of his fidelity in the discharge of his trust, in every instance. Other principles may prompt him to faithfulness at some times, and in general; yet this alone can be relied on to keep him stedfast and immoveable in the line of his duty at all times, and under all temptations. This will have a salutary influence on all his measures, and rouse him to the noblest exertions for the common good: this will make him truly honorable—for those who honour God, he will honour: this will procure him the esteem and love of all the people whom he rules in righteousness, whose good opinion is worth having: it will secure him in their confidence and loyalty—command respect to his person—veneration for his laws—give weight to his counsel—and authority to his whole administration. Such magistrates, ruling over men in the fear of the Lord, are to be reckoned among the greatest temporal blessings, refreshing and gladdening to the hearts of the people, affording them the most agreeable prospects, like "the light of the morning when the fun rileth, even a morning without clouds"—"when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice†."
Religion is necessary in rulers, not only as such, but as men: it is of the last importance to themselves, that they be possed of the pure Wisdom which is from above; for otherwise they shall never see God in peace. Their dignified station on earth, can never raise them to heaven, or do the least part towards recommending them to the favour or God, or [Page 17] or qualifying them for the enjoyment of those pleasures which flow at his right hand evermore. When presently the thin curtain of time shall be drawn aside, and disclofe the amazing scenes of erernity—the dazzling splendor of earthly honour and greatness shall all vanish as the smoke, and those who are revered and called gods on earth, shall appear to be only men. Then, if they are not found lovers of God, and members of Christ—if it appears that they have not acted from higher than merely temporal, earthly motives—all their deeds of heroism, justice, or public service, shall no more be remembered, or come into mind: their greatness shall not be mentioned, unless it be to aggravate their doom, for having misimproved greater light, and opportunities of doing good, and glorifying God. However wise and discerning they may have been in matters of human policy; if they have not the wisdom which is from above, they will not be accounted wise in God's esteem: "Be wise therefore now, O ye kings, and be instructed, ye judges of the earth—serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling—kiss the son, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way*."
But that I may not too far exceed the limit of time which propriety allows me; I must proceed to a more particular application to his Excellency, and our other Honorable Rulers here present.
Respected and honored Fathers,
AS I appear here this day in compliance with your desire, you will permit me to recommend the example of Solomon, in my text, as a noble pattern for your imitation. It is a memorable maxim of his, that "wisdom is the principal thing"—to know how to transact every matter in the best manner, and to the noblest end, and to practise accordingly, raises a man to the summit of true greatness—"therefore get wisdom†," adds the wise king. May you be enabled to seek it not only in the use of common means—not only by the diligent study of human nature and human laws—but by a careful attention to the law of God, which contains the wisest maxims of policy, which alone can make us wise unto salvation, and which will be the rule of our final trial before the great Judge. And while you transact matters or state, and feel their weighty importance, as every faithful ruler will, who considers how much the happiness of a whole community depends on his conduct, you will not forget to make frequent application to the throne of grace, and earnestly [Page 18] adopt the words of Solomon, "Give thy servant an understanding heart, to rule thy people:" it will be pleasing and acceptable to God, if you ask this thing, and you may hope for his presence and blessing. If God bless and lead you, you need despair of nothing; for nothing is too hard for the Almighty: no clouds are so thick but he can dispel the gloom—no labyrinth so intricate but he can direct you safely through —no duty so difficult but he can give wisdom and strength to discharge it—no danger or temptation so great but he can give stability, fortitude, and resolution, to withstand them, and persevere undaunted.
Our eyes are on you, civil Fathers, as, under God, the guardians of our rights, the preservers of our peace and happiness. While you are honoured with the trust reposed in you by a free people, we doubt not you will remember that true honour consists not merely in an elevated station; but in a wise and faithful discharge of the duties of that station. We expect, yea, God expects of you, that you be just, ruling in his fear—that you enact just and good laws, and see that they be well executed—that you pay great deference to the laws yourselves; to your own and the laws of God. If legislators and judges disregard the law, the people in lower station soon catch the dangerous infection—the foundations are destroyed—the ends of government frustrated—and vice rides in triumph. We confide in your wisdom, to provide able men for executive officers, who fear God and hate covetousness—men of wisdom, who love their country and revere its laws—men of calmness, and unshaken firmness, who dare do justly, and are disposed to shew mercy, as the case may require. We trust your commissions will never be given to men of sordid minds, who prefer popular applause or private pelf, to the cause of truth and the public good. We hope you will take effectual measures to preserve the public credit, by a strict adherence to justice, and the law of God in the discharge of public debts.
From what has been already done, we take encouragement that our rulers will ever be patrons of literature. Something has been attempted towards the promotion of learning, in this state; but much remains, to establish a college on a respectable footing, and to encourage less schools: the lands sequestered to the use of schools in this state, which are, for the most part, unprofitable at present, might, if duly improved, go far towards their support. What may be done by the help of these, and other lands yet unappropriated, or by any other mean, we hope you [Page 19] will seriously consider. This matter deserves particular attention, since the means of education are so very small in this state, and the dangerous shame of ignorance, in this enlightened age of the world, are so great. Methinks the peculiar advantages we have, if duly and seasonably used, may lay a durable foundation for learning, honour, and greatness.
If any thing more can be done, than has been done, for the suppression of vice and wickedness, so awfully prevalent, and for the promotion of virtue, we entreat you to come up to the help of the Lord, and your country, in this case: we need the exertion of every one in so important a cause. If you can do no more, let us have your example of piety and goodness: the force of example, especially the example of those who are in superior station, is amazingly great—they may do much towards reforming the vices of the age, if they be unanimous and steady in the endeavour, and lead the way of virtue themselves.
We willingly rest assured of what we really wish—that you will be examples of virtue, public spirit, moderation, justice, and holiness—that you will be nursing fathers to the church of Christ, remembering that you are but servants to God, though dignified above your fellowservants for a little season.
May the Father of lights shine on your paths: may you receive that aid and direction from the fountain of all wisdom, which shall enable and effectually engage you to act a faithful part towards God and man; and fit you to take an exalted feat at his right hand, to enjoy the bounteous rewards of fidelity.
Before I close, I must not fail to execute the command of Christ by his apostle, by putting this whole assembly in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, and to obey magistrates *. The powers which be are ordained of God, and to resist them in the regular discharge of their duty, is to resist the ordinance of God, and highly provoking to him†. We must needs be subject not only for fear of the wrath which they will execute on us, but for consceience sake. It is a most inconsistent and distracted piece of conduct, to set up rulers, and then disobey their just & needful laws; or to condemn their measures before we are well acquainted with the reasons of their proceedings. To despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities, and things they know not, are reckoned among those things which compose the most hateful character‡. Rulers are ministers [Page 20] of God, for our good; and while faithful to their trust, attend continually upon this very thing—for this cause pay ye tribute also. It is reasonable that those who devote their time and talents to serve the public, should have an honorable reward: If wisdom and knowledge be necessary qualifications in rulers, they ought to have a generous support; for much time, labour, and expence, are needful thus to qualify them. It becomes subjects to strengthen the hands of their rulers; and not unnecessarily increase the weight of their burdens. While they rule in equity, and give us opportunity, it becomes us to live a quiet and peaceable life in godliness and honesty: it becomes us to offer up prayers and supplications, with thanksgiving, for those in authority*. We have duties to discharge towards the ruler, as well as he towards us. We are as much bound to aid and obey the ruler, as he is to rule us in righteousness.
Let us then all, rulers and subjects, study to discharge with faithfulness the reciprocal duties we owe to each other: in every relation let us act with a supreme regard to God, before whose awful bar we must all meet, ere long, and stand, undistinguished by any present titles, or badges of superiority, to receive a reward according to the deeds done in the body. Let us ever bear on mind our near connection with the eternal world, to which we are hasting as fast as the nimble wing of time can carry us. And while we live together on earth, live in peace and unity, in conformity to the God of peace; till, purified by his grace from all those corruptions which cause so much strife, confusion, and misery, in this life, we shall brighten into his perfect and glorious image, and unite together in realms of light, of eternal peace and holiness—there may the love of God swell our hearts, and his high praises dwell on our tongues for ever and ever—through Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom be eternal glory.
AMEN
On Motion made by General Enos, Resolved, That a Committee of three be appointed to wait on the Rev. Mr. Lyman and return him the Thanks of this House for the Election Sermon preached Yesterday; and request a Copy of the same for the Press.
The Members chosen, Mr. Enos, Mr. Strong, and Mr. Tichenor.