But after the ſpirit of conqueſt had changed the firſt governments, all the ſucceeding ones have, in general proved one continued ſeries of injuſtice, which has reigned in all countries for almoſt 4000 years. Theſe have ſo changed property, laws, rights and liberties, that it has become impoſſible for the moſt ſagacious civilians to decide whoſe is the abſtract political right in national controverſies— • ather we know that none of them have any right. All original right is confounded and loſt. We can only ſay that there ſtill remains in the body of the people at large, the body of mankind of any and every generation, a POWER with which they are inveſted by the author of their being, to wreſt government out of the hands of reigning tyrants, and originate NEW POLICIES, adapted to the conſervation of liberty and promoting the public welfare. But what is the happieſt form of civil government, is the great queſtion. Almoſt all the polities may be reduced to hereditary dominion neither a MONARCHY or ARISTOCRACY, and theſe ſupported by a ſtanding army. The Roman and Venetian ſenates were but an hereditary Ariſtocracy with an elective head. The ſenatorial ſucceſſion is preſerved independent of the people. True liberty is preſerved in the Bel ic and Hoe •• ve • ic republics, and among the nobles in the elective monarchy of Poland. For the reſt of the world, the civil dominion, though often wiſely adminiſtered, is ſo modelled as to be beyond the control of thoſe, for whoſe end God inſtituted government. But a DEMOCRATICAL polity for millions, ſtanding upon the broad baſis of the people at large, amply charged with property, has not hitherto been exhibited.

Republics are democratical, ariſtocratical, or monarchial. Each of theſe forms admit of modifications both as to hereditation and powers, from abſolute government up to perfect liberty. Monarchy might be ſo limited, one would think, as to be a happy form, eſpecially if elective: but both monarchy and ariſtocracy, when they become hereditary, terminate in the proſtration of liberty. The greater part of the governments on earth may be termed monarchical ariſtocracies, or hereditary dominions, independent of the people. The nobles and nabobs being hereditary, will at firſt have great power; but the royal factions have not failed to intrigue this away from the nobles to the Prince: the aſſembly of even hereditary nobles, then become cyphers and nullities in dominion. The once glorious Cortes of Spain experienced this loſs of power. It is next to an impoſſibility to tame a monarchy and few have ruled without ferocity. Scarcely ſhall we find, in royal dynaſtics, in long line of Princes, a few ſingularly good Sovereigns, a few Cyrus's, Antonini, Alfreds, Bor • i • mes. Indeed, if we look over the preſent ſovereigns of Europe, we behold, with pleaſure, two young Princes, the EMPEROR, and the MONARCH of France, who ſeem to be raiſed up in providence to make their people and mankind happy. A Ganganelli in the pontifical throne was a phoenix of ages, ſhone for his moment, and ſcarcely to be found again in the catalogue of a Platina:—We ſee enterpriſing, literary, and heroic talents in a Frederick III. and wiſdom in a Poniatowſki. I add no more—But when we contemplate the other European and Aſiatic potentates, and eſpecially the ſovereigns of Dehli, Iſpa • aun, and Conſtantinople, one cannot but pity mankind, whoſe lot is to be governed by—deſpots of ſmall abilities, immerſed and rioting in the ſplendor of a luxurious effeminacy. Nor could government proceed, were not the errors and deſultory blunders of royalty frequently corrected by the circumſpection of a COLAO, a few ſenſible characters venerable for wiſdom, called up among the ſtated councillors of Majeſty.

Lord Bacon ſaid, that monarchy had a platform in nature; and in truth monarchical ideas reign through the univerſe. A monarchy conducted with infinite wiſdom and infinite benevolence, is the moſt perfect of all poſſible governments. The Moſt High hath delegated power and authority to ſubordinate monarchies or ſole ruling powers, in limited diſtricts, throughout the celeſtial hierarchy, and through the immenſity of the intellectual world; but at the ſame time he hath delegated and imparted to them, wiſdom and goodneſs adequate to the purpoſes of dominion: and thence the government is, as it ought to be, abſolute. But in a world, or region of the univerſe, where God has imparted to none either this ſuperior power or adequate wiſdom, beyond what falls to the common ſhare of humanity, it is abſurd to look for ſuch qualities in one man; not even in the man Moſes, who ſhared the government of Iſrael with the Senate of Seventy. Therefore, there is no foundation for monarchical government, from ſuppoſed hereditary ſuperiority in knowledge. If it be ſaid, that monarchs always have a council of ſtate, conſiſting of the wiſeſt perſonages, of whoſe wiſdom they avail themſelves in the government of empires; not to obſerve that this is a conceſſion indicating a deficiency of knowledge in Princes, it may be aſked, why not then, conſign and repoſe government into the hands of the national council, where always reſides the ſuperiority of wiſdom? The ſuppoſed advantage of having one Public Head for all to look up to, and to concenter the attention, obedience, and affection of ſubjects, and to conſolidate the empire, will not counter-balance the evils of arbitrary deſpotiſm, and the uſual want of wiſdom in the ſovereigns and potentates of the earth. For the hereditary ſucceſſions in the dynaſties of kings in the effeminate families of the great, ſeem to be marked and accurſed by providence, with deficient wiſdom. And where is the wiſdom of conſigning government into ſuch hands? Why not much better, ſince we for once have our option or choice, to commit the direction of the republic to a Wittena-gemot, or an ariſtocratical council of wiſe men? Should we call forth and dignify ſome family, either from foreign nations or from among ourſelves, and create a monarch, whether an hereditary Prince or Protector for life, and ſeat him in Supremacy at the head of Congreſs; ſoon, with inſidious dexterity, would he intrigue and ſecure a venal majority, even of new and annual members; and by diffuſing a complicated and variouſly modified influence, purſue an accretion of power till he became abſolute.

The celebrated hiſtorian Mrs. CATHARINE MACAULAY, that ornament of the republic of letters, and the female LIVY of the age, obſerves, "The man who holds ſupreme power for life, will have a great number of friends and adherents, who are attached by intereſt to his intereſt, and who will wiſh for continuance of power in the ſame family. This creates the worſt of factions, a government faction in the ſtate. The deſire of ſecuring to ourſelves a particular, unſhared privilege, is the rankeſt vice which infeſts humanity; and a Protector for life, inſtead of devoting his time and underſtanding to the great cares of government, will, be ſcheming and plotting to ſecure the power after his death to his children, if he has any, if not to the neareſt of his kin. This principle in government has been productive of ſuch bloodſhed and oppreſſion, that it has inclined politicians to give the preference to hereditary rather than elective monarchies; and as the leſſer evil to conſign the government of ſociety to the encreaſing and at length unlimited ſway of one family, whether the individuals of it ſhould be idiots or madmen. It is an uncontroverted fact, that ſupreme power never can continue long in one family, without becoming unlimited."Mrs. MACAULAY'S letter to the author, 1771

We ſtand a better chance with ARISTOCRACY, whether hereditary or elective, than with monarchy. An unſyſtematical democracy, and an abſolute monarchy, are equally deteſtable, equally a magormiſſabib, the terror to all around them. An elective ariſtocracy is preferable for America, as it is rather to be a council of nations (agreeable to the humane, liberal, and grand ideas of Henry IV. and the patriot Sully) than a body in which reſides authoritative ſovereignty; for there is no real ceſſion of dominion, no ſurrendery or transfer of ſovereignty, to the national council, as each ſtate in the confederacy is an independent ſovereignty.

In juſtice to human ſociety, it may perhaps be ſaid of almoſt all the polities and civil inſtitutions in the world, however imperfect, that they have been founded in and carried on with very conſiderable wiſdom. They muſt have been generally well adminiſtered; I ſay generally, otherwiſe government could not proceed. This may be ſaid even of thoſe governments, which carry great defects, and the ſeeds of ſelf-deſtruction and ruin in their conſtitution—for even an Ottoman or an Aurengzebe, muſt eſtabliſh and preſcribe to himſelf a national conſtitution, a ſyſtem of general laws and dominion. But the abſtract rationale of perfect civil government, remains ſtill hidden among the deſiderata of politics, having hitherto baffled the inveſtigation of the beſt writers on government, the ableſt politicians, and the ſageſt civilians. A well ordered DEMOCRATICAL ARISTOCRACY, ſtanding upon the annual elections of the people, and revocable at pleaſure, is the polity which combines the UNITED STATES: and from the nature of man, and the compariſon of ages, I believe it will approve itſelf the moſt equitable, liberal, and perfect.

With the people, eſpecially a people ſeized of property, reſides the aggregate of original power. They cannot however aſſemble from the territory of an empire, and muſt therefore, if they have any ſhare in government, repreſent themſelves by delegation. This conſtitutes one order in legiſlature and ſovereignty. It is a queſtion whether there ſhould be any other. To reſolve which it may be conſidered, that each of theſe delegates or repreſentatives, will be faithful conſervators of local intereſts, but have no intereſt in attending extenſively to the public, further than where all particular local intereſts are affected in common with that which one delegate repreſents in particular.

It ſhould ſeem then that the nature of ſociety dictates another, a higher Branch, whoſe ſuperiority ariſes from its being the intereſted and natural conſervator of the univerſal intereſt. This will be a ſenatorial order, ſtanding, not on local, but a general election of the whole body of the people. Let a bill, or law, be read in the one branch or the other: every one inſtantly thinks how it will affect his conſtituents. If his conſtituents are thoſe of one ſmall diſtrict only, they will be his firſt care; if the people at large, their general or univerſal intereſt will be his firſt care, the firſt object of his faithful attention. If a ſenator, as in Delaware, ſtands on the election of only the ſame diſtrict as a deputy, the upper-houſe is only a repetition of the lower:—if on the election of ſeveral counties combined, as in Virginia, each member of the upper-houſe ſtands and feels himſelf charged with a greater and more extenſive care, than a member of the houſe of burgeſſes: not but that it is the duty of each deputy to attend to the general intereſt. Georgia, Pennſylvania, and Jerſey, have each a ſenate or legiſlature of one order only; for although in Jerſey it ſeemeth otherwiſe, yet that intereſt which will determine a vote in one, will determine it in both houſes. The ſame is true of the two Carolinas.

The conſtitutions of Maryland and New-York, are founded in higher wiſdom. The polity of Maſſachuſetts is excellent and truly grand. It retains indeed ſome of the ſhadows of royalty, which may give dignity, but never operate an eſſential miſchief, in the hands of a chief magiſtrate, who is annually elective by the people at large. But Connecticut and Rhode-Iſland have originally realized the moſt perfect polity as to a legiſlature: any emendations and improvements may be made by the aſſembly with reſpect to the eſtabliſhment of the law courts, and a conſtitutional privy council, which in all future time will be neceſſary to attend the chief magiſtrate in the ordinary civil adminiſtration. Theſe things are remedied in Virginia, whoſe conſtitution ſeems to be imperfect in but one thing—its twenty-four ſenators, though elected from local diſtricts, ſhould be elected by the people at large, being men of ſuch public eminence, and of merit ſo illuſtrious, as to be known not to a few only, but to all the tribes throughout the ſtate. It eſtabliſhes judges quamdiu ſe bene geſſerint. It provides perfectly for legiſlation and law courts, for the militia, and for that continual adminiſtration of government in abſence of aſſemblies, and while the judiciary tribunals are ſitting, which muſt reſide in and be uninterruptedly exerciſed at the head of ſovereignty in every civil polity.

It gives me pleaſure to find, that public LIBERTY is effectually ſecured, in each and all the policies of the United States, though ſomewhat differently modelled. Not only the polity or exterior ſyſtem of government, but the laws and interior regulations of each ſtate, are already excellent, ſurpaſſing the inſtitutions of Lycurgus or Plato; and by the annual appeals to the public, a power is reſerved to the people, to remedy any corruptions or errors in government. And if even the people ſhould ſometimes err, yet each aſſembly of the ſtates, and the body of the people, always emboſom wiſdom ſufficient to correct themſelves: ſo that a political miſchief cannot be durable. Herein we far ſurpaſs any ſtates on earth. We can correct ourſelves if in the wrong. The Belgic ſtates in their foederal capacity, are united by a perfect ſyſtem, conſtituted by that great prince WILLIAM of Naſſau, and the compatriots of that age: but they left the interior government of the jural tribunals, cities, and provinces, as depotic and arbitrary as they found them. So the elective monarchical republic of Poland, is an excellent conſtitution for the nobles, but leaves deſpotiſm and tyranny, the portion and hard fate of the plebeians, beyond what is to be found in any part of Europe. Not ſo the American ſtates: their interior as well as exterior civil and jural polities are ſo nearly perfect, that the rights of individuals, even to numerous millions, are guarded and ſecured.

The crown and glory of our confederacy is the amphictyonic council of the GENERAL CONGRESS, ſtanding on the annual election of the united reſpective ſtates, and revocable at pleaſure. This lays the foundation of a permanent union in the American Republic, which may at length convince the world, that of all the policies to be found on earth, not excepting the very excellent one of the Chineſe Empire, the moſt perfect one has been invented and realized in America.

If in the multitude of devices for improving and carrying our policy to greater perfection, and a more permanent and efficacious government, if, I ſay, ſome elevated geniuſſes ſhould go into the ideas of monarchy, whether hereditary or elective; and others think of a partition of the united ſtates into three or four ſeparate independent confederacies; perhaps upon diſcuſſing the ſubject calmly and thoroughly, and finding that the policy which will at laſt take place, muſt ſtand on plebeian election; they may at length be ſatisfied, that the die is already caſt, and the policy has taken its complexion for ages to come. Thus the NINE BOWLS engraved with the map of dominion, eſtabliſhed the policy of the Chineſe empire for near twenty ages.Du Halde Hi • t. China. The antient diviſion of the empire ſubſiſted by means of theſe ſymbols of dominion, which paſſed in ſucceſſion to the nine principal mandarins or ſupreme governors under the imperial ſovereignty; and this for the long tract from their firſt inſtitution by the Emperor YU, who reigned two thouſand two hundred years before Chriſt, to GHEY-LIE-VANG, who was cotemporary with the great philoſopher MENZIUS three hundred years before Chriſt. So that ſymbol of union the american flag, with it, increaſing ſtripes and ſtars may have an equally combining efficacy for ages. The ſenatorial conſtitution and conſulate of the roman empire laſted from Tarquin to Caeſar. The pragmatic ſanction has probably ſecured the imperial ſucceſſion in the houſe of Auſtria for ages. The medoperſian and alexandrine empires, and that of Timur Beg, who once reigned from Smyrna to the Indus, were for obvious reaſons of ſhort and tranſitory duration: but that of the Aſſyrian endured without mutation thro' a tract of one thouſand three hundred years from Semiramis to Sandanapalus. Nor was the policy of Egypt overthrown for a longer period, from the days of Mitzraim till the time of Cambyſes and Am • ſis. Whatever mutations may ariſe in the United States, perhaps hereditary monarchy and a ſtanding army will be the laſt.

Beſides a happy policy as to civil government, it is neceſſary to inſtitute a ſyſtem of LAW and JURISPRUDENCE founded in juſtice, equity and public right. The american codes of law and the lex non ſcripta, the ſenatus conſulta and the common law, are already advanced to great perfection—far leſs complicated and perplexed than the jural ſyſtems of Europe; where reigns a mixture of Roman, Gothic, Teutonic, Salic, Saxon, Norman and other local or municipal law, controlled or innovated and confuſed by ſubſequent royal edicts and imperial inſtitutions: ſuperinducing the ſame mutation, as did the imperatorial Decrees of the C • ſars upon the antient jus civile or Roman law. A depuration from all theſe will take place in America, and our communication with all the world will enable us to bring home the moſt excellent principles of law and right, to be found in every kingdom and empire on earth. Theſe being adopted here, may advance our ſyſtems of juriſprudence to the higheſt purity and perfection:—eſpecially if hereafter ſome FLETA, BRACTON, COKE, ſome great law genius ſhould ariſe, and with vaſt erudition, and with the learned ſagacity of a Trebonianus, reduce and digeſt all into one great jural ſyſtem.

But the beſt laws will be of no validity, unleſs the tribunals be filled with JUDGES of independent ſentiment, vaſt law knowledge, and of an integrity beyond the poſſibility of corruption. Even a Bacon ſhould fall from his higheſt honors, the moment he taſtes the forbidden fruit. Such infamy and tremendous puniſhment ſhould be connected with tribunal bribery, that a Judge ſhould be ſtruck into the horror of an earthquake, at the very thoughts of corruption. The legiſlatures have the inſtitution and revocation of law: and the Judges in their deciſions are to be ſacredly governed by the laws of the land. Moſt of the ſtates have judged it neceſſary, in order to keep the ſupreme law courts uninfluenced and uncorrupted tribunals, that the Judges be honorably ſupported, and be fixed in office quamdiu ſe bene geſſerint.

But I paſs on to another ſubject in which the welfare of a community is deeply concerned, I mean the public REVENUES. National character and national faith depend on theſe. Every people, every large community is able to furniſh a revenue adequate to the exigencies of government. But this is a moſt difficult ſubject; and what the happieſt method of raiſing it, is uncertain. One thing is certain, that however in moſt kingdoms and empires the people are taxed at the will of the prince yet in America the people tax themſelves, and therefore cannot tax themſelves beyond their abilities. But whether the power of taxing be in an abſolute monarchy, a power independent of the people, 〈◊〉 a body elected by the people, one great error has, I apprehend entered into the ſyſtem of Revenue and Finance in almoſt all nations, viz. reſtricting the collection to money. Two or three millions can more eaſily be raiſed in produce, than one million in money. This collected and depoſited in ſtores and magazines, would by bills drawn upon theſe ſtores, anſwer all the expenditures of war and peace. The little imperfect experiment lately made here, ſhould not diſcourage us. In one country it has been tried with ſucceſs for ages, I mean in China, the wiſeſt empire the ſun hath ever ſhined upon. And here, if I recollect aright, not a tenth of the Imperial revenues hath been collected in money. In rice, wheat and millet only are collected 40 million of ſacks, one hundred and twenty each; equal to 80 million buſhels: in raw and wrought ſilk one million pounds. The reſt is taken in ſalt, wines, cotton, and other fruits of labor and induſtry at a certain ratio, per cent. and depoſited in ſtores over all the empire. The periſhable commodities are immediately ſold, and the mandarins and army are paid by bills on theſe magazines. In no part of the world are the inhabitants leſs oppreſſed, than there. England has eleven hundred millions property, real perſonal and commercial, and five million ſouls. Their ordinary revenue has for many years been ten or twelve millions; and during this war the national expenditures have been annually twenty millions. A great part is raiſed by exciſe; by the land tax, not above a fifth or ſixth, altho' the annual rental of England is really ſixty millions. The funded debt has ariſen from 123 millions A. D. 1775, to 230 millions in 1783, and can never be paid. It is unparalleled in the annals of empires, that ſix or ſeven millions of people ever diſcharged ſo heavy a burden. The Roman Imperial debt was once in the times of the Caeſars 300 millions ſterling, when the empire conſiſted of thirty million of people. One emperor at his acceſſion wiped out twenty millions, and the Goths, and Vandals ſettled the reſt, to the ruin of thouſands. May God preſerve theſe States from being ſo involved. The preſent war being over, the future increaſe of population and property will in time enable us, with convenience to diſcharge the heavy debt we have incurred in the defence of our rights and liberties. The United States have now two hundred and fifty millions of property, pretty equally ſhared by two or three million people. And our national debt42 millions of dollars at the peace. is not ten million ſterling: which is to the whole collectively, as it would be for one man, poſſeſſing an eſtate of £. 250 in land and ſtock, to oblige himſelf to pay ten pounds. The intereſt only of the Britiſh national debt, upon ſix or ſeven million people, is above ten millions ſterling annually, that is, greater than the whole national debt of the United States, upon half that number. Our population will ſoon overſpread the vaſt territory from the Atlantic to the Miſſiſippi, which in two generations will become a property ſuperior to that of Britain. Thus poſterity may help to pay for the war, which we have been obliged to fight out for them in our day. It will not, however, be wiſe to conſign to poſterity ſo heavy a debt; leaſt they ſhould be tempted to learn, like other nations, the practice of public injuſtice, and broken national faith.

Another object of great attention in America, will be Commerce. In order to form ſome ideas reſpecting it, in the united ſtates, we may take a ſummary view of it, while we were in connexion with Britain; and thence judge what it may be, after we ſhall have recovered from the ſhock of this war.

The Britiſh merchants repreſented that they received ſome profit indeed from Virginia and South-Carolina, as well as the Weſt-Indies: but as for the reſt of this continent, they were conſtant looſers in trade. Mr. Clover has candidly diſcloſed the truth; and he and other writers enable us to form ſome ideas of the matter. It appears from an undecennary account laid before parliament in 1776, that the ſtate of commerce between England only and Engliſh America, for the eleven years preceding hoſtilities, was thus: Exports to the Imports from the Continental colonies, 26¾mil. ſter. 13¾ mil. ſter. Weſt-Indies, 14¼ 35¼ moſtly on acct. of the cont. col. 41. 49 A commerce of 26 mil. exports, and only 13 mil. imports, is ſelf-annihilated and impoſſible. The returns from the Weſt-Indies comprehended a great part of the continental remittances. The American merchants, by a circuitous trade from this continent, and from Africa, remitted to London and Britain, by way of the Weſt-Indies, in bills of exchange drawn on ſugars, the balance of what they ſeem to fall ſhort, in direct remittances on the cuſtom-houſe books.

The whole American commerce, monopolized by Great-Britain, muſt be conſidered collectively; and was to England only in the above account 41 million exports, and 49 million imports. This incluſive of the 12 per cent. cha • ged, amounted to a real annual profit of 32 per cent. to the Engliſh merchants in actual remittances of the year, beſides a ſtanding American debt, it is ſaid of ſix millions carrying intereſt. Well might the Britiſh merchants ſuſtain a loſs in American bankruptcies of a million a year (though probably at an average not five or ten thouſand) in ſo lucrative a trade. An idea of the mercantile debt may be thus conceived. There is a diſtrict within the united ſtates, upon which the ſtate of European trade, at the commencement of hoſtilities, was thus; being chiefly carried on by foreign factorages, a mode of commerce which the Britiſh merchants intended to have been univerſal. In the courſe of a ſyſtematical trade, had at length ariſen a ſtanding debt of a million ſterling among about a quarter of a million of people: to feed this the Britiſh merchants ſent over one quarter of a million ſ • erling annually; for which and collected debts, they received in actual remittance half a million ſterling within the ſame year, i. e. a quarter of a million returned half a million, and fed or kept up a debt of one million, paying to Britain an annual lawful intereſt; the ſecurity of all which complicated ſyſtem ſtood upon american mortgages. This is true mercantile ſecret hiſtory.

If this ſpecimen applied to all the ſtates (and God be thanked it does not) it would ſhew, not only the greatneſs and momentous importance of our trade to Europe, but the neceſſity of legiſlative regulations in commerce, to invalidate future foreign mortgages, and yet ſupport credit by the enforcement of punctual ſpeedy and certain payments, whether with profit or loſs. Without this no permanent commerce can be ſupported. I obſerved that the above ſpecimen may aſſiſt us. It is not neceſſary for every purpoſe, to come to great exactneſs in capital eſtimates. The total exterior commerce of Great-Britain with all the world, is about twelve millions annually; of which five millions, or near half, was of American connexion, and four millions of this directly American, as Mr. Glover aſſerts; and the real profits of the American trade was become to Britain equal to nearly half the benefit of her total exterior commerce to the whole world. The total of Britiſh exports to all the world, A. D. 1704, was only ſix millions and an half ſterling. The American Britiſh trade in its connexion, returns, and profits, nearly equalled this, A. D. 1774. We were better to Britain, than all the world was to her 70 years before. Deſpiſed as our commerce was, it is evident, that had the union continued, our increaſing millions would ſoon have made remittances, for more than the fewer millions of Britain could have manufactured for exportation. For the greater part of the manufactures of every country muſt be for domeſtic conſumption. A ſpecimen of this we have in the woollen manufacture. England grows eleven million fleeces a year, worth two million ſterling, manufactured into eight million; of which ſix million is of domeſtic conſumption, and two million only for exportation. When it is conſidered that a great part of this went to other countries, how weak muſt be the ſuppoſition that Britain cloathed America; while America, from the beginning in their own domeſtic manufactures, furniſhed nine-tenths of their apparel.

Our trade opens to all the world. We ſhall doubtleſs at firſt overtrade ourſelves every where, and be in danger of incurring heavy mortgages unleſs prevented. The nations will not at firſt know how far they may ſafely trade with us. But commerce will find out its own ſyſtem, and regulate itſelf in time. It will be governed on the part of America by the cheapeſt foreign markets; on the part of Europe by our ability and punctuality of remittance. We can ſoon make a remittance of three or four million a year in a circuitous trade, excluſive of the iniquitous African trade. If Europe ſhould indulge us beyond this, our failures and diſappointments might lay the foundation of national animoſities. Great wiſdom is therefore neceſſary to regulate the commerce of America. The caution with which we are to be treated, may occaſion and originate a commercial ſyſtem among the maritime nations, on both ſides of the Atlantic, founded in juſtice and reciprocity of intereſt, which will eſtabliſh the benevolence as well as the opulence of nations, and advance the progreſs of ſociety to civil perfection.

It is certainly for the benefit of every community that it be transfuſed with the efficacious motives of univerſal induſtry. This will take place if every one can enjoy the fruits of his labour and activity unmoleſted. All the variety of labour, in a well regulated ſtate, will be ſo ordered and encouraged, as that all will be employed in a juſt proportion in agriculture, mechanic arts, commerce, and the literary profeſſions. It has been a queſtion whether agriculture or commerce, needs moſt encouragement in theſe ſtates? But the motives for both ſeem abundantly ſufficient. Never did they operate more ſtrongly than at preſent. The whole continent is activity, and in the lively vigorous exertion of induſtry. Several other things call for encouragement, as the planting of vineyards, and olive yards, and cotton walks; the raiſing of wool, planting mulberry trees, and the culture of ſilk; and I add, eſtabliſhing manufactories. This laſt is neceſſary, very neceſſary, far more neceſſary indeed than is thought by many deep politicians. Let us have all the means poſſible of ſubſiſtence and elegance among ourſelves, if we would be a flouriſhing republic of real independent dignity and glory.

Another thing tending to the public welfare, is removing cauſes of political animoſities and civil diſſention, promoting harmony, and ſtrengthening the union among the ſeveral parts of this extended community. In the memorable bellum ſociale among the Romans, 300,000 of Roman blood, fought 700,000 brethren of the Italian blood: After a loſs of 60,000 in diſputing a trifling point of national honor, they pacificated the whole by an Amneſty, and giving the city to the Italians.Vid. Velleius pater • , We may find it a wiſe policy, a few years hence, under certain exceptions, to ſettle an amneſty, and circulate a brotherly affection among all the inhabitants of this glorious republic. We ſhould live henceforward in amity, as brothers inſpired with and cultivating a certain national benevolence, unitedly glorying in the name of a COLUMBIAN or AMERICAN, and in the diſtinguiſhed honor and aggrandiſement of our country. Like that antient national affection, which we once had for the parent ſtate, while we gloried in being a part of the britiſh empire; and when our attachment and fidelity grew to an unexampled vigor and ſtrength. This appeared in the tender diſtreſs we felt, at the firſt thoughts of the diſſolution of this antient friendſhip. We once thought Britain our friend, and gloried in her protection. But ſome daemonBute. whiſpered folly into the preſent reign: And britain forced upon America, the tremendous alternative of the loſs of liberty or the laſt appeal—either of which inſtantly alienated and diſſolved our affection—it was impoſſible to heſitate—and the affection is diſſolved, never, never more to be recovered:—like that between ſyracuſe and athens, it is loſt forever. A political earthquake through the continent hath ſhook off America from Great Britain. Oh! how painful and diſtreſſing the ſeparation and diſmemberment! Witneſs all ye patriotic breaſts, all ye lovers of your country, once lovers of Great-Britain; witneſs the tender ſenſations and heart-felt violence, the reluctant diſtreſs and ſorrow, with which ye were penetrated, when ſpurned from a parent's love, ye felt the conviction of the dire neceſſity of an everlaſting parting, to meet no more, never to be united again!

Oh England! how did I once love thee? how did I once glory in thee! how did I once boaſt of ſpringing from thy bowels, though at four deſcents ago, and the nineteenth from ſir adam of knapton! In the rapturous anticipation of thine enlargement and reflouriſhing in this weſtern world, how have I been wont to glory in the future honor of having thee for the head of the Britannic • . American empire for the many ages till the millennium—when thy great national glory ſhould have been advanced in then becoming a member of the univerſal empire of the Prince of Peace. And if perchance in ſome future period danger ſhould have ariſen to thee from european ſtates, how have I flewn on the wings of prophecy, with the numerous hardy hoſts of thine American ſons, inheriting thine antient principles of liberty and valor, to reſcue and reinthrone the hoary venerable head of the moſt glorious empire on earth? But now farewell—a long farewell—to all this greatneſs! And yet even now methinks, in ſuch • n exigency, I could leap the Atlantic, not into thy boſom, but to reſcue an aged parent from deſtruction; and then return on the wings of triumph, to this aſylum of the world, and reſt in the boſom of liberty.

Moreover, as we have ſeen the wiſdom of our anceſtors in inſtituting a militia, ſo it is neceſſary to continue it. The Game Act, in the time of James I, inſidiouſly diſarmed the people of England. Let us not be inſidiouſly diſarmed. In all our enlargements in colonization, in all our increaſing millions, let the main body be exerciſed annually to military diſcipline, whether i • war or peace. This will defend us againſt ourſelves, and againſt ſurrounding ſtates. Let this be known in Europe, in every future age, and we ſhall never again be invaded from the other ſide of the Atlantic. The militia of this country, ſays general Waſhington, muſt be conſidered as the palladium of our ſecurity, and the firſt effectual reſort in caſe of hoſtility.

Another thing neceſſary, is a vigilance againſt corruption, in purchaſing elections, and in deſignations to offices in the legiſlatures and Congreſs; inſtituting ſuch efficacious proviſions againſt corruption, as ſhall preclude the poſſibility of its riſing to any great height, before it ſhall be controlled and corrected. Although in every political adminiſtration the appointment to offices will ever be conſiderably influenced by the ſiniſter, private, perſonal motives either of intereſt or friendſhip; yet the ſafety of the ſtate requires that this ſhould not go too far. An adminiſtration may indeed proceed tolerably, when the officers of a well arranged ſyſtem are in general ordinary characters, provided there is a pretty good ſprinkling of men of wiſdom interſperſed among them. How much more illuſtrious would it be, if three quarters of the offices of government were filled with men of ability, underſtanding, and patriotiſm? What an animation would it diffuſe through a community, if men of real merit in every branch of buſineſs, were ſure of receiving the rewards and honors of the ſtate? That great and wiſe monarch OLAM PODHLA, the Alfred of Ireland, 1000 years before Chriſt, inſtituted an annual review and examination of all the atchievements and illuſtrious characters in the realm; and being approved by himſelf and the annual aſſembly of the nobles, he ordered their names and atchievements to be enrolled in a public regiſter of merit. This continued 2000 years to the time of that illuſtrious chieftan BRIEN O'BORO •• ME. This had an amazing effect. By this animation, the heroic, military and political virtues, with civilization, and I add, ſcience and literature, aſcended to an almoſt unexampled and incredible perfection in Ireland, ages before they figured in other parts of Europe, not excepting even Athens and Rome. I have a very great opinion of hibernian merit, literary, as well as civil and military, even in the ages before St. PATRICK.

But to return:—The cultivation of LITERATURE will greatly promote the public welfare. In every community, while proviſion is made, that all ſhould be taught to read the ſcriptures and the very uſeful parts of common education, a good proportion ſhould be carried through the higher branches of literature. Effectual meaſures ſhould be taken for preſerving and diffuſing knowledge among a people. The voluntary inſtitution of libraries in different vicinities, will give thoſe, who have not a liberal education, an opportunity of gaining that knowledge, which will qualify them for uſefulneſs. Travels, biography, and hiſtory, the knowledge of the policies, jurisprudence, and ſcientific improvements among all nations, antient and modern, will form the civilian, the judge, the ſenator, the patrician, the man of uſeful eminence in ſociety. The colleges have been of ſingular advantage in the preſent day. When Britain withdrew all her wiſdom from America, this revolution found above two thouſand in New-England only, who had been educated in the colleges, intermixed among the people, and communicating knowledge among them. Almoſt all of them have approved themſelves uſeful; and there have been ſome characters among us of the firſt eminence for literature. It would be for the public emolument ſhould there always be found a ſufficient number of men in the community at large, of vaſt and profound erudition, and perfect acquaintance with the whole ſyſtem of public affairs, to illuminate the public councils, as well to fill the three learned profeſſions with dignity and honor.

I have thus ſhewn wherein conſiſts the true political welfare of a civil community or ſovereignty. The foundation is laid in a judicious diſtribution of property, and in a good ſyſtem of polity and jurisprudence; on which will ariſe, under a truly patriotic, upright, and firm adminiſtration, the beautiful ſuperſtructure of a well governed and proſperous empire.

Already does the new conſtellation of the united ſtates begin to realize this glory. It has already riſen to an acknowledged ſovereignty among the republics and kingdoms of the world. And we have reaſon to hope, and I believe to expect, that God has ſtill greater bleſſings in ſtore, for this vine which his own right hand hath planted, to make us high among the nations in praiſe, and in name, and in honor. The reaſons are very numerous, weighty, and concluſive.

In our civil conſtitutions, thoſe impediments are removed, which obſtruct the progreſs of ſociety towards perfection: ſuch, for inſtance, as reſpect the tenure of eſtates, and arbitrary government. The vaſſalage of dependant tenures, the tokens of ancient conqueſts by Goths and Tartars, ſtill remain all over aſia and europe. In this reſpect, as well as others, the world begins to open its eyes. One grand experiment in particular has lately been made. The preſent empreſs of ruſſia, by granting lands in freehold, in her vaſt wilderneſſes of volkouſkile, together with religious liberty, has allured and already draughted from poland and germany a colonization of ſix hundred thouſand ſouls in ſix years only, from 1762, to 1768.Marſhal's trav.

Liberty, civil and religious, has ſweet and attractive charms. The enjoyment of this, with property, has filled the engliſh ſettlers in america with a moſt amazing ſpirit, which has operated, and ſtill will operate with great energy. Never before has the experiment been ſo effectually tried, of every man's reaping the fruits of his labor, and feeling his ſh • re in the aggregate ſyſtem of power. The antient republics did not ſtand on the people at large; and therefore no example or precedent can be taken from them. Even men of arbitrary principles will be obliged, if they would figure in theſe ſtates, to aſſume the patriot ſo long, that they will at length become charmed with the ſweets of liberty.

Our degree of population is ſuch as to give us reaſon to expect that this will become a great people. It is probable that within a century from our independence the ſun will ſhine on fifty million of inhabitants in the united ſtates. This will be a great, a very great nation, nearly equal to half europe. Already has our colonization extended down the ohio and to koſkajeah on the miſſiſippi. And if the preſent ratio of increaſe ſhould be rather diminiſhed in ſome of the other ſettlements, yet an accelerated multiplication will attend our general propagation, and overſpread the whole territory weſtward for ages. So that before the millenium, the engliſh ſettlements in america, may become more numerous millions, than that greateſt dominion on earth the chineſe empire. Should this prove a future fact, how applicable would be the text, when the Lord ſhall have made his american Iſrael, high above all nations which he hath made, in numbers, and in praiſe, and in name, and in honor!

I am ſenſible ſome will conſider theſe as viſionary utopian ideas. And ſo they would have judged, had they lived in the apoſtolic age and been told, that by the time of conſtantine the empire would have become chriſtian. As viſionary that the twenty thouſand ſouls which firſt ſettled new-england, ſhould be multiplied to near a million in a century and a half. As viſionary that the ottoman empire muſt fall by the ruſſian. As viſionary to the catholics is the certain downfal of the pontificate. As utopian would it have been to the loyaliſts, at the battle of lexington, that in leſs than eight years, the independence and ſovereignty of the united ſtates, ſhould be acknowledged by four european ſovereignties, one of which ſhould be britain herſelf. How wonderful the revolutions, the events of providence! We live in an age of wonders: we have lived an age in a few years: we have ſeen more wonders accompliſhed in eight years, than are uſually unfolded in a century.

God be thanked, we have lived to ſee peace reſtored to this bleeding land, at leaſt a general ceſſation of hoſtilities among the belligerent powers. And on this occaſion does it not become us to reflect, how wonderful, how gracious, how glorious, has been the good hand of our God upon us, in carrying us thro' ſo tremendous a warfare! We have ſuſtained a force brought againſt us; which might have made any empire on earth to tremble—and yet our bow has abode in ſtrength; and having obtained help of God, we continue unto this day. Forced unto the laſt ſolemn appeal, america watched for the firſt blood: this was ſhed by britons on the 19th of April, 1775; which inſtantly ſprung an army of 20,000 into ſpontaneous exiſtence, with the enterprizing and daring, if imprudent, reſolution of entering boſton, and forceably diſburdening it of its bloody legions. Every patriot trembled till we had proved our armour, till it could be ſeen, whether this haſty concourſe was ſuſceptible of exercitual arrangement, and could face the enemy with firmneſs. They early gave us the decided proof of this, in the memorable battle of bunker-hill. June 17, 1775. We were ſatisfied. This inſtantly convinced us, and for the firſt time convinced britons themſelves, that americans both would and could fight with great effect. Whereupon Congreſs put at the head of this ſpirited army, the only man, on whom the eyes of all iſrael were placed. Poſterity, I apprehend, and the world itſelf, inconſiderate and incredulous as they may be of the dominion of heaven, will yet do ſo much juſtice to the divine moral government, as to acknowledge, that this american JOSHUA was raiſed up by God, and divinely formed by a peculiar influence of the Sovereign of the Univerſe, for the great work of leading the armies of this american Joſeph (now ſeparated from his brethren), and conducting this people through the ſevere, the arduous conflict, to liberty and independence. Surprizing was it with what inſtant celerity men aſcended and roſe into generals, and officers of every ſubordination; formed chiefly by the preparatory diſcipline of only the preceding year 1774; when the ardor and ſpirit of military diſcipline was by heaven, and without concert, ſent through the continent like lightning. Surprizing was it, how ſoon the army was organized, took its formation, and roſe into firm ſyſtem and impregnable arrangement.

To think of withſtanding and encountering britain by land was bold, and much more bold and daring, by ſea: yet we immediately began a navy, and built ſhips of war with an unexampled expedition. It is preſumed never was a 35 gun ſhip before built quicker than that well built, noble ſhip the Raleigh, which was finiſhed from the keel and equipt for ſea in a few months. Soon had we got, tho' ſmall a very gallant initial navy, which fought gallantly; and wanted nothing but numbers of ſhips, for ſucceſsful operations, againſt that ſuperior naval force before which we fell. We have, however, exhibited proof to poſterity and the world, that a powerful navy may be originated, built and equipped for ſervice, in a much ſhorter period than was before imagined. The britiſh navy has been many centuries growing; and france, holland, the baltic powers, or any of the powers of this age, in twenty years, may build navies of equal magnitude, if neceſſary for dominion, commerce, or ornament.

A variety of ſucceſs and defeat hath attended our warfare both by ſea and land. In our loweſt & moſt dangerous eſtate in 1776 and 1777, we ſuſtained ourſelves againſt the britiſh army of ſixty thouſand troops commanded by Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, and other the ableſt generals britain could procure throughout europe, with a naval force of 22,000 ſeamen in above eighty britiſh men of war.To loſe america, has coſt britain the loſs of more than an hundred thouſand men, and an hundred and twenty millions ſterling in money. Mr. Thomas Pitt, from authentic documents, lately aſſerted in parliament, that only the firſt five years of this war had coſt britain five millions more, than all the wars of the laſt age, including the ſplendid victories of the duke of Marlborough. Theſe generals we ſent home one after another, conquered, defeated, and convinced of the impoſſibility of ſubduing america. While oppreſſed by the heavy weight of this combined force, heaven inſpired us with reſolution to cut the gordian knot; when the die was caſt irrevocable in the glorious act of INDEPENDENCE. This was ſealed and confirmed by God Almighty in the victory of General WASHINGTON at TRENTON, and in the ſurprizing movement and battle of PRINCETON; by which aſtoniſhing effort of generalſhip, general Howe and the whole britiſh army, in elated confidence and in open-mouthed march for Philadelphia, was inſtantly ſtopt, remanded back, and cooped up for a ſhivering winter in the little borough of brunſwick. Thus God turned the battle to the gate; and this gave a finiſhing to the foundation of the american republic. This with the Burgoynade at ſaratoga by general GATES; and the glorious victory over the earl of CORNWALLIS in virginia, together with the memorable victory of eutaw ſprings, and the triumphant recovery of the ſouthern ſtates by general GREENE, are among the moſt heroic acts, and brilliant atchievements, which have decided the fate of america. And who does not ſee the indubitable interpoſition and energetic influence of divine providence in theſe great and illuſtrious events? Who but a Waſhington, inſpired by heaven, could have ſtruck out the great movement and manoeuvre of princeton? To whom but the ruler of the winds ſhall we aſcribe it, that the britiſh reinforcement, in the ſummer of 1777, was delayed on the ocean three months by contrary winds, until it was too late for the conflagrating general CLINTON to raiſe the ſiege of ſaratoga? What but a providential miracle detected the conſpiracy of Arnold, even in the critical moment of the execution of that infernal plot, in which the body of the american army, then at weſt-point, with his excellency general WASHINGTON himſelf, were to have been rendered into the hands of the enemy!—Doubtleſs inſpired by the Supreme Illuminator of great minds, were the joint councils of a Waſhington and a Rochambeau, in that grand effort of generalſhip, with which they deceived and aſtoniſhed a Clinton, and eluded his vigilance in their tranſit by new-york, and rapid marches for virginia. Was it not of God, that both the navy and army ſhould enter the cheſapeak at the ſame time? Who but God could have ordained the critical arrival of the gallic fleet, ſo as to prevent and defeat the britiſh, and aſſiſt and cooperate with the combined armies in the ſiege and reduction of york-town? Should we not ever admire and aſcribe to a ſupreme energy, the wiſe and firm generalſhip diſplayed by general GREENE, when (leaving the active, roving Cornwallis to purſue his helter-ſkelter ill fated march into virginia) he coolly and ſteadily went onwards, and deliberately, judiciouſly, and heroically, recovered the carolinas and the ſouthern ſtates?

How rare have been the defections and apoſtacies of our capital characters, though tempted with all the charms of gold, titles, and nobility? Whence is it that ſo few of our army have deſerted to the enemy? Whence that our brave ſailors have choſen the horrors of priſon ſhips and death, rather than to fight againſt their country? Whence that men of every rank have ſo generally felt and ſpoken alike, as if the cords of life ſtruck uniſon through the continent? What but a miracle has preſerved the union of the ſtates, the purity of congreſs, and the unſhaken patriotiſm of every general aſſembly? It is God who has raiſed up for us a great and powerful ally, an ally which ſent us a choſen army, and a naval force; who ſent us a ROCHAMBEAU and a CHATELLUX, and other characters of the firſt military merit and eminence, to fight ſide by ſide with a WASHINGTON and a LINCOLN, and the intrepid americans, in the ſiege and battle of york-town. It is God, who ſo ordered the ballancing intereſts of nations, as to produce an irreſiſtible motive in the european maritime powers, to take our part. Hence the recognition of our independence by ſpain and holland, as well as france. Britain ought to have foreſeen, that it muſt have given joy to ſurrounding nations, tired and wearied out with the inſolence and haughtineſs of her domineering flag, a flag which ſpreads terror through the oceans of the terraqueous globe, to behold the aera when their forces ſhould have arrived to ſuch maturity and ſtrength, that a junction of national navies, would prod • ce an aggregate force, adequate to the humiliation of britain and her gallant and lofty navy. Nor could they reſiſt the operation of this motive, prompting them to aſſiſt in the cutting off of a member, with which the growing aggrandiſement and power of britain were connected; as thus ſhe would be diſarmed of terror, and they ſhould be at reſt. If britain doth not learn wiſdom by theſe events, and diſclaim the ſovereignty of the ocean, the junction of national navies will ſettle the point for her, in leſs than half a century. So wonderfully does divine providence order the time and coincidence of the public national motives, cooperating in effecting great public events and revolutions.

But the time would fail me to recount the wonder working providence of God, in the events of this war. Let theſe ſerve as a ſpecimen; and lead us to hope that God will not forſake this people; for whom he has done ſuch marvellous things (whereof we are glad and rejoice this day) having at length brought us to the dawn of Peace. O PEACE! thou welcome gueſt! all hail, thou heavenly viſitant! calm the tumult of nations, and wave thy balmy wing to perpetuity over this region of liberty. Let there be a tranquil period for the unmoleſted accompliſhment of the magnalia dei, the great events in God's moral government, deſigned from eternal ages to be diſplayed in theſe ends of the earth.

And here I beg leave to congratulate my country, upon the termination of this cruel and unnatural war, the ceſſation of hoſtilities, and the proſpect of PEACE. May this great event excite and elevate our firſt our higheſt acknowledgments to the ſovereign monarch of univerſal nature, to the ſupreme diſpoſer and controller of all events; let this our pious, ſincere and devout gratitude aſcend in one general effuſion of heart-felt praiſe and hallelujah, in one united cloud of incenſe, even the incenſe of univerſal joy and thankſgiving to God from the collective body of the united ſtates.

And while we render our ſupreme honors to the Moſt High, the God of armies; let us recollect, with affectionate honor, the bold and brave ſons of freedom, who willingly offered themſelves, and bled in • he defence of their country. Our fellow-citizens, the OFFICERS and SOLDIERS of the PATRIOT ARMY, who, with the Manlys, the Jones's, and other gallant commanders and brave ſeamen of the American navy, have heroically fought the war by ſea and by land, merit of their once bleeding but now triumphant country, laurels, crowns, rewards, and the higheſt honors. Never was the profeſſion of arms uſed with more glory, or in a better cauſe, ſince the days of JOSHUA the ſon of Nun. O WASHINGTON! how do I love thy name! how have I often adored and bleſſed thy God, for creating and forming thee the great ornament of human kind! upheld and protected by the Omnipotent, by the Lord of Hoſts, thou haſt been ſuſtained and carried through one of the moſt arduous and moſt important wars in all hiſtory. The world and poſterity will, with admiration, contemplate thy deliberate, cool, and ſtable judgment, thy virtues, thy valour and heroic atchievements, as far ſurpaſſing thoſe of a CYRUS, whom the world loved and adored. The ſound of thy fame ſhall go out into all the earth, and extend to diſtant ages. Thou has convinced the world of the BEAUTY OF VIRTUE—for in thee this BEAUTY ſhines with diſtinguiſhed luſtre. Thoſe who would not recognize any beauty in virtue in the world beſide, will yet reverence it in thee. There is a glory in thy diſintereſted benevolence, which the greateſt characters would purchaſe, if poſſible, at the expence of worlds, and which may excite indeed their emulation, but cannot be felt by the VENAL GREAT—who think every thing, even virtue and true glory, may be bought and ſold, and trace our every action to motives terminating in ſelf. Find virtue local, all relation ſcorn, See all in ſelf, and but for SELF be born.Dunciad, b. 4, p. 480. But thou, O WASHINGTON, forgotteſt thyſelf, when thou lovedſt thy bleeding country. Not all the gold of ophir, nor a world filled with rubies and diamonds, could effect or purchaſe the ſublime and noble feelings of thine heart, in that ſingle ſelf-moved act, when thou renouncedſt the REWARDS OF GENERALSHIP, and heroically tookeſt upon thyſelf the dangerous as well as arduous office of our GENERALISSIMO—and this at a ſolemn moment, when thou didſt deliberately caſt the die, for the dubious, the very dubious alternative of a gible • or a TRIUMPHAL ARCH. But, beloved, enſhielded and bleſſed by the great MELCHISEDEC, the king of righteouſneſs as well as peace, thou haſt triumphed gloriouſly. Such has been thy military wiſdom in the ſtruggles of this arduous conflict, ſuch the noble rectitude, amiableneſs and manſuetude of thy character, ſomething is there ſo ſingularly glorious and venerable thrown by heaven about thee, that not only does thy country love thee, but our very enemies ſtop the madneſs of their fire in full volley, ſtop the illiberality of their ſlander, at thy name, as if rebuked from heaven, with a touch not mine anointed, and do my HERO no harm. Thy fame is of ſweeter perfume than arabian ſpices in the gardens of perſia. A baron de Steuben ſhall waft its fragrance to the monarch of pruſſia: a marquis de la Fayette ſhall waft it to a fa • greater monarch, and diffuſe thy renown throughout europe: The author does not doubt but that the capital events in the mediatorial kingdom on earth, into which angels deſire • o look, eſpecially thoſe which reſpect the proteſtant zion, are ſub • ects of extenſi •• e attention in heaven, and that characters of real and eminent merit in the cauſe of liberty and virtue, are ecchoed and contemplated with great honor in the celeſtial realms. liſtening angels ſhall catch the odour, waft it to heaven, and perfume the univerſe.

And now that our warfare is ended, do thou, o man of God, greatly beloved of the Moſt High, permit a humble miniſter of the bleſſed Jeſus, who, though at a diſtance, has vigilantly accompanied thee through every ſtage of thy military progreſs, has watched thine every movement and danger with an heart-felt anxiety and ſolicitude; and who, with the moſt ſincere and ſervant wiſhes for thy ſafety and ſucceſs, has not ceaſed day nor night to pray for thee, and to commend thee and thy army to God;—condeſcend to permit him to expreſs his moſt cordial congratulations, and to ſhare in the triumphs of thy boſom, on this great and joyous occaſion. We thank the Lord of Hoſts, that has given his ſervant to ſee his deſire upon his enemies, and peace on iſrael. And when thou ſhalt now at length retire from the fatigues of nine laborious campaigns, to the tranquil enjoyment, to the ſweetneſs and ſerenity of domeſtic life, may you never meet the fate of that ornament of arms and of humanity, the great BELISARIUS; but may a crown of univerſal love and gratitude, of univerſal admiration, and of the univerſal reverence and honor of thy ſaved country, reſt and flouriſh upon the head of its VETERAN GENERAL and glorious defender; until, by the divine Jeſus, whom thou haſt loved and adored, and of whoſe holy religion thou art not aſhamed, thou ſhall be tranſlated from a world of war, to a world of peace, liberty, and eternal TRIUMPH.

The time would fail me to commemorate the merits of the other capital characters of the army. To do this, and to pay the tribute of fraternal honor and reſpect, to our glorious ALLIED ARMY, will belong to the future Homers, Livys and Toſſos of our country; for none but americans can write the american war. They will celebrate the names of a WASHINGTON and a ROCHAMBEAU, a GREENE and a LA FAYETTE, a LINCOLN and a CHARTELLUX, a GATES and a VIOMENIL, a PUTNAM and a duc de LAUZUN, a MORGAN, and other heroes who ruſhed to arms, and offered themſelves voluntarily for the defence of liberty. They will take up a lamentation and drop a tear upon the graves of thoſe mighty ones, thoſe beauties of iſrael, who have fallen in battle, from the day of lexington to the victory of york-town. And while they commemorate thoſe who have lived through ſingular ſufferings, as thoſe honorable 〈…〉 , a LAUREN, and a GADSDEN; the names of the 〈◊〉 martyr-generals WARREN, 〈…〉 DE KALB, WOOSTER, THOMAS, with a POLASKI, 〈◊〉 others, will be recorded as heroically raiſing in theſe 〈◊〉 of the Lord. But I may not enlarge, ſave only that we drop a tear, or rather ſhowers of tears, upon the graves of thoſe other brave officers and ſoldiers, 〈◊◊〉 in battle, or otherwiſe periſhed in the war. Oh! 〈◊〉 my 〈◊〉 were waters and my eyes a fountain of tears; that I might weep the thouſands of our brethren, that have periſhed in priſon-ſhips—in one of which, the jerſey, then lying at new york, periſhed above eleven thouſand the laſt three years! while others have been barbarouſly exiled to the eaſt-indies for life!—Come mourn with me all ye tender parents and friends, the fate of your dear—dear—But theſe ſcenes are too tender and diſtreſſing!—Can we ever love britain again?—Can the tender, affectionate fathers and mothers, brothers and ſiſters; can the numerous bemoaning friends and relatives, and perhaps the eſpouſed boſoms of the tender ſex—can they, I ſay, ever forget the cruel mockings, ſcourgings, ſtarvations, deaths, aſſaſſinations, of their deareſt offſpring and connexions in britiſh captivity? Can they forget the numerous thouſands of their captivated countrymen inſtantly conſigned to deſtruction, to dungeons, priſons, places of variolous infection and certain death? Will they be ſoothed by telling them this is the fate of war? As well may inquiſitorial cruelties be ſoothed, by alledging they are ſalutary corrections, and neceſſary for the good of the church. Our enemies took occaſion, from this fate of war, to reek their vengeance, and to laſh us with a ſeverity too unmerciful ever to be forgotten. Can we forget the conflagrations of charleſtown, norfolk, eſopus, fairfield, and other american towns, laid in aſhes by a Tryon, and other incendiaries? Were theſe the kindneſſes american brethren received from the hands of britons, and their more cruel aſſociates the indians and loyaliſts? Can we forget the barbarous tragedy of colonel Haine, or the murder of captain Huddy, in violation of the moſt ſacred laws of war and of national honor? Bluſh, oh britain, for the ſtain of your national glory! Can we ever forget with what cruel and malicious delight they tortured, entowered, and inſulted an american plenipotentiary, the illuſtrious LAURENS, although by the laws of honor and nations the perſon of an ambaſſador is ſacred? Can we ever forget the cruel and infamous treatment of the honorable Mr. GADSDEN?—O Gadſden! how I reverence thy piety, thy firmneſs in captivity, thine intrepid and uncorrupted patriotiſm, thine enlightened politics, thy unremitted fervor and zeal in the cauſe of liberty! But how painful is it to recount the even leſs than ten thouſandth part of the ſeries of diſtreſſes, the complicated woe and miſery, that make up the ſyſtem of ſufferings, which we have been called to endure, in the pangs and throes of the parturition of empire, in effecting our glorious revolution, in reſcuing millions from the hand of oppreſſion, and in laying the foundation of a great empire.General Waſhington's addreſs to the army, in general orders, April 19, 1783, on the ceſſation of hoſtilities.

The PATRIOT ARMY merits our commemoration, and ſo do the great characters in the patriotic ASSEMBLIES and CONGRESS. Let america never forget what they owe to thoſe firſt intrepid defenders of her rights, the honorable Mr. SAMUEL ADAMS, and the hon. JAMES OTIS, Eſq add to theſe the hon. Dr. JOHN WINTHROP, hon. JAMES BOWDOIN, Eſq who, with others, were the markt objects of miniſterial vengeance; who early ſtept forth and heroically withſtood tyranny, and alarmed their country with its danger; while venal ſycophants were lulling us to reſt, and huſhing us into ſilence. His excellency Mr. preſident RANDOLPH, merits our grateful commemoration; and ſo do the governors RUTLEDGE, WARD, LIVINGSTON, HOPKINS, NASH, CLINTON, the honorable Meſſieurs WYTHE, DYER, SHERMAN, PENDELTON, HENRY, ELLERY, the LEES, preſident HUNTINGTON, LYNCH, WITHERSPOON, WOLCOTT, gov. PACA, gov. HALL, LAW, MARCHANT, preſident M'KEAN, ELSWORTH, VANDYKE, JEFFERSON—Jefferſon, who poured the ſoul of the continent into the monumental act of independence. Theſe, and other worthy perſonages of this and the other ſtates, will be celebrated in hiſtory, among the cardinal patriots of this revolution. All the ages of man will not obliterate the meritorious name of his excellency governor HANCOCK, as preſident of congreſs at a moſt critical aera, nor the meritorious names of that illuſtrious band of heroes and compatriots, thoſe ſenſible and intrepid worthies who, with him, reſolutely and nobly dared, in the face of every danger, to ſign the glorious act of INDEPENDENCE. JOHN HANCOCK. New-Hampſhire. JOSIAH BARTLETT, WILLIAM WHIPPLE, MATTHEW THORNTON. Maſſachuſetts-Bay. SAMUEL ADAMS, JOHN ADAMS, ROBERT TREAT PAIN • , ELBRIDGE GIRRY. Rhode-Iſland. STEPHEN HOPKINS, WILLIAM ELLERY. Connecticutt. ROGER SHERMAN, SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, WILLIAM WILLIAMS, OLIVER WOLCOTT. New-York. WILLIAM FLOYD, PHILIP LIVINGSTON, FRANCIS LEWIS, LEWIS MORRIS. New-Jerſey. RICHARD STOCKTON, JOHN WITHERSPOON, FRANCIS HOPKINSON, JOHN HART, ABRAHAM CLARK. Pennſylvania. ROBERT MORRIS, BENJAMIN RU • H, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, JOHN MORTON, GEORGE CLYMER, JAMES SMITH, GEORGE TAYLOR, JAMES WILSON, GEORGE ROSS. Delaware, CAESAR RODNEY, GEORGE R • AD, Maryland, SAMUEL CHACE, WILLIAM PACA, THOMAS STONE, CHARLES CARROLL (of Carollton) Virginia. GEORGE WYTHE, RICHARD HENRY LEE, THOMAS JEFFERSON, BENJAMIN HARRISON, THOMAS NELSON, jun. FRANCIS LIGHT • OUT LEE, CARTER BRAXTON. North-Carolina. WILLIAM HOOPER, JOSEPH H • WES, JOHN PENN. South-Carolina. EDWARD RUTLEDGE, THOMAS HEYWARD, jun. THOMAS LY • CH, jun. ARTHUR MIDDLETON. Georgia. •• TTON GW •• NEIT, •• MA H • LL, GEORGE WALTO • . May their names live, be preſerved, and tranſmitted to poſterity with deſerved reputation and honor, through all american ages. Thoſe great civilians and ambaſſadors, the illuſtrious FRANKLIN, ADAMS, JAY and LAURENS, have approved themſelves equal to the higheſt negotiations in the courts of nations; been faithful to their country's liberties, and by their great and eminent ſervices have juſtly merited to have their names ſent forward to immortality in hiſtory, with renown and unſullied glory.

Great and extenſive will be the happy effects of this warfare, in which we have been called in providence to fight out, not the liberties of america only, but the liberties of the world itſelf. The ſpirited and ſucceſsful ſtand which we have made againſt tyranny, will prove the ſalvation of england and ireland: and by teaching all ſovereigns the danger of irritating and trifling with the affections and loyalty of their ſubjects, introduce clemency, moderation and juſtice into public government at large through europe. Already have we learned ireland and all other nations the road to liberty; the way to a redress of grievances, by open ſyſtematical meaſures, committees of correſpondence, and military diſcipline of an armed people. Ireland has become gloriouſly independent of england. Nor will the ſpirit reſt, till ſcotland becomes independent alſo. It would be happier for the three kingdoms, to ſubſiſt with parliaments and national councils independent of one another, although confederated under one monarch. The union of 1707 has produced the loſs and diſmemberment of america. It is juſt poſſible, that within this age, ſome ill-fated counſellor of another connexion, might have ariſen, and prompted majeſty and parliament to ſanguinary meaſures againſt america: but it is more than probable, that their enforcement would have been deferred, or procraſtinated a century hence, or to a period when our accumulated population would have dictated wiſer, milder meaſures, to the britiſh court; and ſo america, by a gentle, fraternal connexion, would have remained cemented to britain for diſtant ages. But a rehoboam counſellor ſtept in, et actum eſt de republica—the ten tribes are loſt. Had it not been for the inſidious and haughty councils of a Bute and a Mansfield, imbued with principles incompatible with liberty; with the unwieldly faction of their deſpotic connexions in the empire, america and ireland had remained united with britain to this day. Chagrined and mortified by the defeat and diſhonor brought upon them by Butean councils and dominion, as well as with their curtailed and unequal weight in parliament, ſcotland, emulous of the glory of ireland, will wiſh for and obtain a diſſolution of the union, and reſume a ſeparate ſovereignty. It muſt be the lenity, the wiſdom, the gentle and pacific meaſures of an auguſtan age, that can conſerve the remnant of the britiſh empire from this tripartite diviſion.

Nor will the britiſh iſles alone be relieved into liberty, but more extenſive ſtill will be the peaceable fruits of our righteous conflict. The queſtion on the mare liberum and the mare clauſum, heretofore diſcuſſed by the 〈…〉 of the laſt century, will no more require the learned labors of a Milton, a Selden, a Grotius. This war has decided, not by the jus maritimum of • hodes, oleron or britain, but on the principles of commercial utility and public right, that the NAVIGATION OF THE ATLANTIC OCEAN SHALL BE FREE: and ſo probably will be that of all the oceans of the terraqueous globe. All the european powers will henceforth, from national and commercial intereſts, naturally become an united and combined guaranty, for the free navigation of the atlantic, and free commerce with america. Intereſt will eſtabliſh a free acceſs for all nations to our ſhores, and for us to all nations. The armed neutrality will diſarm even war itſelf of hoſtilities againſt trade; will form a new chapter in the laws of nations, and preſerve a free commerce among powers at war. Fighting armies will decide the fate of empires by the ſword, without interrupting the civil, ſocial and commercial intercourſe of ſubjects. The want of any thing to take, will prove a natural abolition of privateering, when the property ſhall be covered with neutral protection. Even the navies will, within a century, become uſeleſs. A generous and truly liberal ſyſtem of national connexion, in the ſpirit of the plan conceived and nearly executed by the great HENRY IV. of FRANCE,Sully's memoirs. will almoſt annihilate war itſelf.

We ſhall have a communication with all nations in commerce, manners and ſcience, beyond any thing heretofore known in the world. Manufacturers and artizans, and men of every deſcription, may, perhaps, come and ſettle among us. They will be few indeed in compariſon with the annual thouſands of our natural increaſe, and will be incorporated with the prevailing hereditary complexion of the firſt ſettlers:—We ſhall not be aſſimilated to them, but they to us, eſpecially in the ſecond and third generations. This fermentation and communion of nations will doubtleſs produce ſomething very new, ſingular, and glorious. Upon the conqueſt of Alexander the great, ſtatuary, painting, architecture, philoſophy, and the fine arts were tranſplanted in perfection from athens to tarſus, from greece to ſyria; where they immediately flouriſhed in even greater perfection, than in the parent ſtate. Not in greece herſelf, are there to be found ſpecimens of a ſublimer or more magnificent architecture, even in the grecian ſtile, than in the ruins of baalbeck and palmyra. So all the arts may be tranſplanted from europe and aſia, and flouriſh in america with an augmented luſtre: not to mention the augment of the ſciences, from american inventions and diſcoveries—of which there have been as capital ones here, AMERICAN INVENTIONS. 1730. Reflecting Quadrant. By Mr. Tho's Godſ • y, at Philad. 1745. Mercurial Inoculation. By Dr. Muirſon. 1750. Electrical pointed Rods. By Dr. Franklin. 1762. Sand-Iron. By Dr. Jared Elliot. 1769. Quantity of Matter in Comets. By Profeſſor Winthrop. the laſt half century, as in all europe.

The rough ſonorous diction of the engliſh language may here 〈◊◊〉 athenian poliſh, and receive its attic urbanity; as it will probably become the vernacular tongue of more numerous millions, than ever yet ſpake one language on earth. It may continue for ages to be the prevailing and general language of north-america. The intercommunion of the united ſtates with all the world, in travels, trade, and politics, and the infuſion of letters into our infancy, will probably preſerve us from the provincial dialects, riſen into inexterminable habit before the invention of printing. The greek never became the language of the alexandrine, nor the turkiſh of the ottoman conqueſts; nor yet the latin that of the roman empire. The ſaracenic conqueſts have already l • ſt the pure and elegant arabic of the koreiſh tribe, or the family of Iſhmael, in the corrupted dialects of egypt, ſyria, perſia, and indoſtan. Different from theſe the engliſh language will grow up, with the preſent american population, into great purity and elegance, unmutilated by the foreign dialects of foreign conqueſts. And in this connexion I may obſerve, with pleaſure, how God, in his providence, has ordered that, at the reformation, the engliſh tranſlation of the Bible ſhould be made with very great accuracy, with greater accuracy, it is preſumed, than any other tranſlation. This is ſaid, allowing that ſome texts admit of correction. I have compared it throughout with the originals, hebrew, greek and ſyriac; and beg leave to judge, and teſtify it to be, a very excellent tranſlation. Nor do I believe a better is ever to be expected in this imperfect ſtate. It ſuſtained a reviſion of numerous tranſlators from Tyndal, to the laſt review by the biſhops and other learned divines, in the time of James I. 180 years ago; and has never been altered ſince.Vid. Lewis's hiſt, tranſl. bib. It may have been deſigned by providence for the future peruſal of more millions of the human race than ever were able to read one book, and for their uſe to the millennial ages.

This great american revolution, this recent political phaenomenon of a new ſovereignty ariſing among the ſovereign powers of the earth, will be attended to and contemplated by all nations. Navigation will carry the american flag around the globe itſelf; and diſplay the thirteen ſtripes and new conſtellation at bengal and canton, on the indus and ganges, on the whang-ho and the yang-tſe-kiang; and with commerce will import the wiſdom and literature of the eaſt. That prophecy of Daniel is now literally fulfilling—iſhotatu rabbim vetrabbeh hadaugnt—there ſhall be an univerſal travelling too and fro, and knowledge ſhall be increaſed. This knowledge will be brought home and treaſured up in america: and being here digeſted and carried to the higheſt perfection, may reblaze back from america to europe, aſia and africa, and illumine the world with truth and liberty.

That great civilian Dr. John Adams, the learned and illuſtrious american ambaſſador, obſerves thus,Lett. Dec. 18, 1781. "But the great deſigns of providence muſt be accompliſhed;—great indeed! The progreſs of ſociety will be accelerated by centuries by this revolution. The emperor of germany is adopting, as faſt as he can, american ideas of toleration and religious liberty: And it will become the faſhionable ſyſtem of europe very ſoon. Light ſpreads from the dayſpring in the weſt; and may it ſhine more and more until the perfect day."—So ſpreading may be the ſpirit for the reſtoration and recovery of long loſt national rights, that even the Cortes of ſpain may re-exiſt, and reſume their antient ſplendor, authority, and control of royalty.So jealous were the Cortes of their liberties, that the ſtates of Arragon in particular, after ſundry previous ſtipulations, exacted a coronation oath of the king, which was pronounced by the Juſtitia arragonenſis (who repreſented the perſon of the ſupreme power in the ſtate) a power which they aſſerted to be ſuperior to kings, in theſe words, NOS QUI VALEMOS TANTO COMME VOS, Y PODEMOS MAS QUE VOS, VOS ELEGIMOS REY: CON ESTAS Y ESTAS CONDITIONES, INTRA VOS Y NOS, UN QUE MANDA MAB QUE VOS. "We who are as powerful as you, and have more authority than you, elect you king: with the ſtipulated conditions; between you and us, there is one (viz. the Juſticiary) higher in command than you."—See a learned tract de jure magiſtratuum in ſubditos & officio ſubditorum erga magiſtratus: printed lyons, 1576, full of jural and political erudition—and for that age, full of liberty. The ſame principles of wiſdom and enlightened politics, may eſtabliſh rectitude in public government throughout the world.

The moſt ample religious liberty will alſo probably obtain among all nations. Benevolence and religious lenity is increaſing among the nations. The reformed in france, who were formerly oppreſſed with heavy perſecution, at preſent enjoy a good degree of religious liberty, though by ſilent indulgence only. A re-eſtabliſhment of the edict of nantz, would honor the grand monarch, by doing public juſtice to a large body of his beſt and moſt loyal ſubjects. The emperor of germany, laſt year, publiſhed an imperial decree granting liberty for the free and unmoleſted exerciſe of the proteſtant religion within the auſtrian territories and dominions.The order of jeſuits, ſuppreſſed in rapid ſucceſſion by the european princes 1765, was finally aboliſhed 1773, by the ſenſible and ſagacious Ganganelli, who bid fairer to re-unite the proteſtants, had it been poſſible, than any pontiff ſince the ſeceſſion from Leo X. Nor can the order be revived; nor the ſuppreſſion of religious houſes in ſpain and auſtria, nor auſtrian liberty, be prevented by the bigot • ed auſtere Braſchi, the preſent reigning pontiff. The inquiſition has been in effect, this year, ſuppreſſed in ſpain, where the king, by an edict of 3d of November, 1782, proclaimed liberty for inhabitants of all religions: And by a happily conceived plan for literary reformation, the aurora of ſcience will ſpeedily blaze into meridian ſplendor in that kingdom. An emulation for liberty and ſcience is enkindled among the nations, and will doubtleſs produce ſomething very liberal and glorious, in this age of ſcience, this period of the empire of reaſon.

The united ſtates will emboſom all the religious ſects or denominations in chriſtendom. Here they may all enjoy their whole reſpective ſyſtems of worſhip and church government, complete. Of theſe, next to the preſbyterians, the church of england will hold a diſtinguiſhed and principal figure. They will ſoon furniſh themſelves with a biſhop in virginia and maryland, and perhaps another to the northward, to ordain their clergy, give confirmation, ſuperintend and govern their churches; the main body of which will be in virginia and maryland, beſides a diaſpora or interſperſion in all the other ſtates. The unitas fratrum, for above thirty years paſt, have had moravian biſhops in america; and I think they have three at preſent, though no • of lo • al or dioceſan juriſdiction, their paſtorate being the whole unity throughout the world. In this there ever was a diſtinction between the bohemian epiſcopacy, and that of the eaſtern and weſtern churches; for in a body of 2000 antient bohemian churches, they ſeldom had above two or three biſhops.—The baptiſts, the friends, the lutherans, the romaniſts, are all conſiderable bodies, in all their diſperſions through the ſtates. The dutch, and gallic, and german reformed or calviniſtic churches among us, I conſider as preſbyterian, differing from us in nothing of moment, ſave in language. There is a conſiderable body of theſe in the ſtates of new-york, jerſey, pennſylvania, and at eben • zer in georgia. There is a greek church brought from ſmyrna, but I think it falls below theſe ſtates. There are weſtleians, mennoniſts and others, all which make a very inconſiderable amount, in compariſon with thoſe, who will give the religious complexion to america; which for the ſouthern parts will be epiſcopal, the northern preſbyterian. All religious denominations will be independent of one another, as much as the greek and armenian patriarchates in the eaſt: and having, on account of religion, no ſuperiority as to ſecular powers and civil immnities, they will cohabit together in harmony, and I hope, with a moſt generous catholiciſm and benevolence. The example of a friendly cohabitation of all ſects in america, proving that men may be good members of civil ſociety, and yet differ in religion: this precedent, I ſay, which has already been intently ſtudied and contemplated for fifteen years paſt by france, holland, and germany, may have already had an effect in introducing moderation, lenity, and juſtice, among european ſtates. And who can tell how extenſive a bleſſing this american Joſeph may become to the whole human race, although once diſpiſed by his brethren, exiled and ſold into egypt? How applicable that in Gen. xlix. 22. 26. Joſeph is a fruitful bough, even a fruitful bough by a well; whoſe branches run over the wall. The Archers have ſorely grieved him, and ſhot at him, and hated him. But his bow abode in ſtrength, the arms of his hands were made ſtrong by the arms of the mighty God of Jacob.—The bleſſings of thy father, have prevailed above the bleſſings of my progenitors, unto the utmoſt bound of the everlaſting hill: they ſhall be on the head of JOSEPH, and on the crown of the head of him that was SEPARATED from his brethren.

Little would civilians have thought ages ago, that the world ſhould ever look to america for models of government and polity: little did they think of finding this moſt perfect polity among the poor outcaſts, the contemptible people of new-england, and particularly in the long deſpiſed civil polity of connecticut; a polity conceived by the ſagacity and wiſdom of a WINTHROP, a LUDLOW HAYNES, HOPKINS, HOOKER, and the other firſt ſettlers of hartford, in 1636. And while europe and aſia may hereafter learn that the moſt liberal principles of law and civil polity are to be found on this ſide the atlantic; they may alſo find the true religion here depurated from the ruſt and corruption of ages, and learn from us to reform and reſtore the church to its primitive purity. It will be long before the eccleſiaſtical pride of the ſplendid european hierarchies, can ſubmit to learn wiſdom from thoſe, whom they have been inured to look upon with ſovereign contempt. But candid and liberal diſquiſition will ſooner or later have a great effect. Removed from the embarraſſments of corrupt ſyſtems, and the dignities and blinding opulence connected with them, the unfettered mind can think with a noble enlargement, and with an unbounded freedom, go wherever the light of truth directs. Here will be no bloody tribunals, no cardinals inquiſitors-general, to bend the human mind, forceably to control the underſtanding, and put out the light of reaſon, the candle of the Lord, in man; to force an innocent galileo to renounce truths demonſtrable as the light of day. Religion may here receive its laſt, moſt liberal, and impartial examination. Religious liberty is peculiarly friendly to fair and generous diſquiſition. Here deiſm will have its full chance; nor need libertines more to complain of being overcome by any weapons, but the gentle, the powerful ones of argument and truth. Revelation will be found to ſtand the teſt to the ten thouſandth examination.

There are three coetaneous events to take place, whoſe futurition is certain from prophecy, the annihilation of the pontificate, the reaſſembling of the jews, and the fulneſs of the gentiles. That liberal and candid diſquiſition of chriſtianity, which will moſt aſſuredly take place in america, will prepare europe for the firſt event, with which the other will be connected, when, eſpecially on the return of the twelve tribes to the holy land, there will burſt forth a degree of evidence hitherto unperceived, and of efficacy to convert a world. More than three quarters of mankind yet remain heathen. Heaven put a ſtop to the propagation of chriſtianity, when the church became corrupted with the adoration of numerous deities and images, becauſe this would have been only exchanging an old for a new idolatry. Nor is chriſtendom now larger than it was nine centuries ago. The promiſing proſpects of the propaganda fide at rome are come to nothing; and it may be of the divine deſtiny, that all other attempts for goſpelizing the nations of the earth ſhall prove fruitleſs, until the preſent chriſtendom itſelf be recovered to the primitive purity and ſimplicity. At which time, inſtead of the babel confuſion of contradicting miſſionaries, all will harmoniouſly concur in ſpeaking one language, one holy faith, one apoſtolic religion, to an uncontroverted world. At this period, and in effecting this great event, we have reaſon to think, that the united ſtates may be of no ſmall influence and conſideration. It was of the Lord, to ſend Joſeph into egypt, to ſave much people, and to ſhew forth his praiſe. It is of the Lord, that a woman clothed with the ſun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve ſtars, not to ſay thirteen. ſhould flee into the wilderneſs, where ſhe hath a place prepared of God, Re • . xii. 〈◊〉 and where ſhe might be the repoſitory of wiſdom, and keep the commandments of God, and have the teſtimony of Jeſus. It may have been of the Lord, that chriſtianity is to be found in ſuch great purity, in this church exiled into the wilderneſſes of america; and that its pureſt body ſhould be evidently advancing forward, by an augmented natural increaſe and ſpiritual edification, into a ſingular ſuperiority—with the ultimate ſubſerviency to the glory of God, in converting the world.

When we look forward and ſee this country increaſed to 40 or 50 millions, while we ſee all the religious ſects increaſed into reſpectable bodies, we ſhall doubtleſs find the united body of the congregational, conſociated and preſbyterian churches, making an equal figure with any of them; or to ſay the leaſt, to be of ſuch magnitude as to number, that it will be to no purpoſe for other ſects to meditate their averſion. This, indeed, is enterprized, but it will end in a ſiſyphean labor. There is the greateſt proſpect that we ſhall become thirty out of forty millions. And while the avenues to civil improvement and public honors, will here be equally open to all ſects, ſo it will be no diſhonor hereafter to be a preſbyterian, or of the religious denomination which will probably ever make the moſt diſtinguiſhed figure in this great republic. And hereafter when the world ſhall behold us a reſpectable part of chriſtendom, they may be induced by curioſity, with calmneſs and candor to examine, whether ſomething of chriſtianity may not really be found among us. And while we have to lament our laodiceaniſm, deficient morals and incidental errors, yet the collective ſyſtem of evangelical doctrines, the inſtituted ordinances, and the true eccleſiaſtical polity, may be found here in a great degree of purity. Europeans and ſome among us, have habituated themſelves to a moſt contemptible idea of the New-England churches—conceiving us to be only a colluvies of error, fanaticiſm, irregularity and confuſion.Peter's hiſt▪ of Connecticu • t. They have taken this idea in part from our brethren in britain, who have viewed us very much alſo in the ſame light, to this day. This on the contrary is the truth, that, allowing for offences unavoidable, for imperfections and controverſies, incident to the churches in their moſt regular ſtate, our churches are as completely reformed, and as well modelled according to the ſcripture plan, as can be expected till the millenium. Particularly theſe eſſential things may be found among them upon examination, that the churches or particular congregations are regularly formed, and duely uphold public worſhip every Lord's day, and this ordinarily in a very decent ſolemn manner; that the preaching of the word, baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper are regularly and duely adminiſtred by the paſtors: that the paſtors are orderly and regularly ſet apart to the miniſtry, by the laying on of the hands of the preſbytery, or of thoſe who have regularly derived office power, in lineal ſucceſſion, from the Apoſtles and Jeſus Chriſt. We have no claſſical or ſynodical tribunals: yet we have eceleſiaſtical councils. And our church diſcipline, although not ſufficiently attended to, is ſuch that perſons of evident ſcandal and immorality, and vicious miniſters (of which God be thanked, there have been but few, very few indeed) cannot live long in our churches. With all our humbling imperfections, I know of no amendment neceſſary, as to our general ſyſtem of church polity. Nothing of moment (unleſs it be grace) no doctrine, no ordinance or inſtitution of the primitive churches, but may be found in general reception and obſervance among us. If we are condemned for having no tribunals or judicatories out of the church, which however is not true, let it be remembred that neither Chriſt nor his apoſtles ever inſtituted any: and that in this reſpect, we are juſt in the ſame ſtate, with regard to eccleſiaſtical polity as the 150 churches of the apoſtolic age,It has been computed, that the churches of the apoſtolic age did not exceed 150 or 200 congregations in the whole world. and particularly the ſeven churches of aſia, in the time of St. John.

The invalidity of our ordinations is objected againſt us, and ſo of conſequence the invalidity of all our official adminiſtrations. And now that we are upon the matter, give me leave to exhibit a true, though ſummary ſtate of it, as the reſult of a very full, laborious, and thorough inquiry. It was the miſtaken opinion of ſome of our firſt miniſters in new-england (than whom, there never was a more learned collection, for they emboſomed all the theological and eccleſiaſtical erudition of all ages), it was, I ſay, their opinion, that the power of ordination of all church officers, was in the church, by their elders. They well knew, from eccleſiaſtical and ſcripture antiquity, that the power of election was there; and they judged ordination the leſſer act: but their great reaſon was, that the church might not be controlled by any exterior authority, whether epiſcopal or preſbyterial, and ſo no more be harraſſed by biſhops courts, or any other ſimilar tribunals. Our fathers held to an elderſhip, for they ſaw it in all antiquity, as well as the bible: and it was their judgment, that elders ſhould be ordained by elders of the ſame church. The moſt of the firſt forty churches had ruling elders; a few had not. Theſe few created an early difficulty; on which our fathers early made a miſtaken deciſion, that where there were no elders in the church, ordination might be done by the laying on of hands of delegated brethren. The introduction of miniſters, already ordained, into the paſtoral charge of a particular church, was at firſt done by lay-brethren; and this was, from the beginning, improperly called ordination, how often ſoever repeated. A repetition of ordinations or baptiſms, does not nullify the firſt regular adminiſtrations. All the firſt new-england miniſters were ordained before. Thus Mr. Wilſon was firſt ordained by a biſhop in england; then 1630 by governor Winthrop and others he was ordained teacher in boſton; he then ordained an elder: and upon the acceſſion of Mr. Cotton, 1633, he was, by this elder and governor Winthrop, again, a third time, ordained and conſtituted paſtor. So the learned and courtly Mr. Davenport was ordained by a biſhop, then by the brethren, paſtor of the church in new-haven, in 1639; and 1668, was again ordained, paſtor of the firſt church in boſton, by elder Penn. Mr. Hooker was ordained a preſbyter by a biſhop in england, and then again by the brethren at Newtown, 1633, who removed with his church to hartford. Mr. Bulkly, of concord, and Mr. Noyes, of newbury, and others, expreſsly adhered to their former ordinations in england by the biſhops, though not as biſhops, but as preſbyters.

A few extracts from the firſt governor Winthrop's entries in a manuſcript diary, may e • in • e that the miniſters relied upon their ordinations in england. At Auguſt 27, 1630, "We of the congregation kept a firſt and choſe Mr. Wilſon our Teacher, and Mr. Newel our elder, and Mr. Gager and Mr. Aſpinwall Deacons. We uſed impoſitions of hands, but with this proteſtation by all, that it was only • s a ſign of election and confirmation not of any intent that Mr. Wilſon ſhould renounce his miniſtry he received in england." Mr. Gager died 20th September, and October 25th 16 • 0 "Mr. Colburne, who was choſen a Deacon by the congregation a week before, was inveſted by impoſition of hands of the miniſter and elder."

Now 〈…〉 A faſt was held by the congregation of boſton and Mr. Wilſon formerly their teacher, was choſen paſtor, and—Oliver a ruling elder, and both were ordained by impoſition of hands firſt by the teacher and two deacons—upon the elder, and then by the elder and the deacons upon the paſtor."

Oct. 10, 1633.—'Mr. Cotton was then choſen Teacher of the congregation of Boſton and ordained by impoſition of the hands of the preſbytery.—The paſtor and two elders laid their hands upon their head, and the paſtor prayed, and then taking off their hands laid them on again and ſpeaking to him by name did thereby deſign him to the ſaid office—and did give him the charge of the congregation.—Then the neighbouring miniſters which were preſent did at the paſtor's notice give him the right hand of fellowſhip."

Oct. 11; 1633, "A faſt at Newtown where Mr. Hooker was choſen paſtor and Mr. Stone teacher in ſuch manner as before at Boſton."

Mr. Bulkley's ordination was 2m. 6d. 1637. "The church of concorde kept a daye of humiliation—for the ordination of their elders, and they choſe Mr. Bulkley teacher and Mr. Jones paſtor. Upon a queſtion being moved by one ſent from the church of Salem it was reſolved by the miniſters there preſent, that ſuch as had been miniſters in england, were lawful miniſters notwithſtanding their acceptance of the call of the biſhops—but having come hither, they accounted themſelves no miniſters, untill they were called to another churche, and that upon election they were miniſters before they were ſolemnly ordayned."

Another ſpecimen of the firſt new-england ordinations we have in the church of Dedham "April 24, 16 • 9. John Hunting one of the brethren was ordained to the office of a ruling elder by faſting and prayer and the laying on the hands of Mr. John Allin their paſtor elect and two other brethren. The ſame day Mr. John Allin was ordained to the office of paſtor by prayer and the laying on of the hands of the ruling elder and two other brethren" Mr. Allen had been ordained by a biſhop: and he communicated ordaining power to the elder He died 1671: and was ſucceeded in the paſtorate by Mr. Adams, who in 1673 was ordained by neighbouring paſtors only.