IT has been long ago observed (and every day's experience evinces with how much truth and propriety) "That there is no gift of na­ture, nor effect of art, however beneficial to mankind, which is not sometimes perverted to a mischievous purpose." Whatever may be the cause of happiness, may also be the cause of misery. The same medicine which skilfully applied has power to cure, when ignorance or malice dictates, the prescription has an equal power to destroy.

This preliminary observation holds strictly true with regard to the liberty of the press, and will not (I trust) be thought to be here im­properly applied, by the attentive readers of a late pamphlet, entitled, "Considerations on the Society or Order of the Cincinnati." The LIBER­TY OF THE PRESS however (that PALLA­DIUM of the rights of nature) is very properly protected in this country, as the PILLAR that supports the whole fabric of freedom, and con­sidering the advantages which society derives from it, every member of the community ought to rest satisfied with this conciliating [Page 4] reflection, "That in no single instance is per­fection the lot of humanity."

In this age of literary intelligence, no sooner has a popular pamphlet escaped from the groans of the press, than it flies, (as it were in­stantaniously) to every point of the compass, and if impregnated with venom, every where wafts its poison from centre to circumfer­ence. The press (in this enlightened aera of the world) finds employment for all the purpos­es of civil and of social life; the most abstruse political reasonings are no longer held impervi­ous to vulgar eyes. The tippling philosopher, and the village politician, familiarly discuss the most important subjects by the means of it, and sagaciously predict the fate of kingdoms by the revolutions of the tankard. It must also be confessed, that there is no character, no stati­on of life, no man so just, no set of men so respectable, to which it does not afford food for calumny to reproach, or envy to malign. Perhaps there is nothing more important to the welfare of a state, than that the channel of public information should slow pure and in­corrupt, and that citizen is at least respectable who only endeavours to clear the stream from the filth with which it is impregnated. TO DO THIS is the object of the ensuing sheets; and to dissipate error, as it confers no incon­siderable benefit, surely it merits no vulgar praise.

The advantages of nature or of fortune have been observed in all ages (says Johnson) to con­tribute little to the promotion of happiness. Those (whom the splendor of their rank, or [Page 5] the extent of their capacity have placed upon the summit of human life) have seldom given any just occasion to envy, in those who look up to them from a lower station. Such is the infirmity of human nature, that every appear­ance of superiority (however necessary to the policy and government of a state) naturally excites sullen suspicion in the breasts of the subordinate; and the misfortune is, that the best characters and the noblest institutions are often marked out as the first objects of popu­lar resentment.

"The fairest blossom is the reptile's food."

The very illiberal reflections and aggravated consequences deduced from the institution of the order of the Cincinnati, will, I trust, be added as one more to the innumerable proofs which history and experience already offers of this melancholy truth.

It is recorded of the celebrated English poet Pope (who felt the full force of detraction, from the peer at St. James's down to the por­ter at St. Giles's) that when he published his poem of the Dunciad, he carefully collated all the pieces that envy and ignorance had generated, and gave them (HIMSELF) entire to the world.

Truth certainly derives double advantage from the effect of contrast. Light is the more dazzling to him who emerges out of darkness, and the diamond has a lustre more brilliant by comparison. Induced by the same motives, I shall beg leave to introduce here THE PLAN [Page 6] ITSELF, and those Rules and Orders of the Society, which have raised so much ill grounded cavil, and ill supported exception.

Cassius considers them BY RETAIL; let the people view them TOGETHER.

The world gives the credit of this pamphlet to the pen of a celebrated lawyer, and the many rhetorical flowers that decorate the perform­ance, manifestly tends to shew the hand that [Page 13] planted them. The report, however has gained ground from the silent acquiescence of the per­son to whom the production is attributed. And if the child is not of his lawful issue, the sanction of bearing his name has given it a title by adop­tion. For my own part I consider the learned gentleman as publicly wearing his laurels, and not a little vain of his literary accomplishments. Gentlemen of the long robe from their profes­sional practice acquire a wonderful fluency of expression and an uncommon facility of argu­ment. Engaged in the indiscriminate defence of right and wrong, from the force of habit only, they argue a bad cause with the same zealous ardour that they would defend a good one; and this too, I am willing to believe, without any very bad design or malevolence of intention. With different sentiments I should feel an inclination (too strong perhaps to resist in the present instance) to pay a com­pliment to his understanding that might ope­rate a little at the expence of his integrity.

Conceiving myself addressing a lawyer (with­out using legal language) I shall adopt a legal idea, for where there is a latitude that affords me the choice of two constructions, that only will be taken by me which is the most agreea­ble to candour and humanity.

Viewing only the back ground of the pic­ture—how gloomy would be the prospect— It might be urged, that the external appearance of patriotism was often deficient in its constitu­ent qualities—That many assume that highest of all human titles who have no other preten­sions to such claims than disseminating discon­tent— [Page 14] propagating reports of dangerous coun­cils, violated rights and encroaching usurpa­tions—Instigating the people with outcries, uttered with malignity and echoed by folly— To which might be added, a very sincere la­mentation, that (as it were by some unfortu­nate fatality) loud and empty declamation is always accepted by the multitude as the trum­pet of truth and fame, while the zephyr breath of wisdom and moderation is altogether ne­glected or received with the most mortifying indifference. Certainly, however that patriot­ism is questionable which professes to be dis­turbed by incredibilities, and it is equally cer­tain that the common marks of patriotism are such as artifice may counterfeit or folly misapply.

I do not—cannot—will not—attribute the considerations on the Society or Order of the Cincinnati to such motives, they may be traced, I fancy, to others which have their source in the weakness of human nature. The man of genius and literature, who has toiled for his acquisitions, who has wasted the midnight oil over his lucubrations, naturally pants after dis­tinction, he feels an ardent but honest ambiti­on to shew those talents to an admiring world, which have cost him so much care to polish and improve. The institution of the order of the Cincinnati springs up—The author of the Con­siderations feels his talents—the cacoethes scri­bendi seconds—stimulates this desire of dis­tinction—the ardour of composition heats the imagination and (what flesh alive) ‘"With pulse that riots and with blood that glows,"’ [Page 15] Could resist such an opportunity, and when it was considered too how many fine things might be said upon it, no wonder the learned gentle­man was led captive by delusion!

Oh Vanity! Thou universal passion of the human breast! Not only the gay blossoms of youth, but the bosom of age expands under thy influence. Thou art the magnet which canst attract every human passion with force irresistible! By thee the idle are animated to action, the dissipated and luxurious to an aban­donment of their pleasures, and by thee, alas! the good are sometimes led from the path of integrity to the road of vice.

Wanting leisure as well as books necessary to give that ample refutation of the sheets before me which I could wish, I am principally urged to this weak endeavour with a view to rouse some abler pen in defence of this honourable order and valuable institution, not wanting in these advantages. It is my intention, however, to observe upon the author's principal argu­ments, and endeavour to shew the people the subterfuges by which reason is eluded; and if in the course of my observations I should exer­cise considerable freedom, the author of the con­siderations ought not to be offended at a liberty of which he has himself given an example.

THAT to which all would otherwise be in­different, often attracts notice from the appen­dage of a name, and the magnitude of the performance. But I must beg my readers to emancipate their minds from that captivating delusion, and not to set off with an idea, that [Page 16] much has been proved because much has been said.

The learned gentleman INTRODUCES his observations with an account of the Order itself (the object of animadversion) and a splendid display of his talents for description in a mi­nute history of the medal and the ribband (in our author's eyes) things most odious and con­stituting his chief charge of criminality. That ribbands are most dangerous things what mor­tal can deny! Cupid in the person of a pret­ty woman often shoots his most pointed arrows from behind them; but as an article of male attire, to no other breast than Cassius's can they possibly convey any apprehension of dan­ger.

THEN follows an enumeration of the many great public characters who have dignified the order by becoming honorary members of it, and who (if Cassius supports his charge) certainly owe him an acknowledgment for making them accessaries to a crime which our patriot law­yer reprobates in the bitterest terms of aspe­rity and reproach.

No task (however ardous) will the spirit of enterprize forego! Washington himself cannot escape him—by a novel idea, and argument inverted, our great general is made to shew his disapprobation of the Order, by condescending to become a member of it.

CASES may undoubtedly be supposed (which practice I belive would warrant) where a man may talk nonsense to a jury without in­jury to his character as a lawyer; but to deli­ver deliberate nonsense to the world in writing [Page 17] is tempting fortune too far, and committing an act of voluntary suicide upon reputation.

Discretion is called the leading feature of our great general's character—he is made by Cassius to disapprove this Order, and as a sig­nal instance of this discretion to avow his dis­approbation—by becoming a member of it.

AGAIN—To become a member of a society (and in the present instance, certainly the first and most important member) is, according to Cassius—to act a neutral part.

LOGIC is surely exploded the bar of South-Carolina, she certainly has quitted her seat upon the bench.

Cassius is astonished—that this self-created order has not excited the least attention—is apparently disappointed, that it is not even made a subject for the tattle of a tea-table, and concludes with this affecting apostrophe— HOW BLIND ARE THE MULTITUDE! Yet this same people, in the very same page, are represented as restless, vigilant, and active, feelingly alive to suspicion, and prone to resent­ment upon such objects as are in the least cal­culated to excite it.

It is a truth which can no longer be con­cealed, that in some parts of these Oracular Leaves (where Cassius is so piteously doleful) that he sometimes nods towards dullness, and in others (where he is argumentative) that contradictions are set staring one another in the face, in a state of enmity that excludes every hope of reconciliation.

TWO positions standing in direct opposition of equal authority, afford me, I apprehend, [Page 18] the liberty of chusing, and from the general ap­pearance of reasoning which pervades the whole, it may, I think, be collected, as Cas­sius's meaning. "That dullness holds her em­pire over the people at large with whom I suppose he includes their representatives and that the discovery of the dreadful political con­sequences with which this institution is preg­nant, was left to the Lynx's eye of the pene­trating Cassius." They are indeed such in re­presentation, as made me tremble, and it is not to be denied, but that they are told in such a melancholy tale of serious sadness, and with as much appearance of sincerity, as if the learn­ed gentleman himself really believed them.

Let us examine the grounds upon which this immense political superstructure has been rais­ed, and we shall find it built upon a sandy foundation.

The Congress (it seems) are dull as the people, or, what is worse, that which they do see is winked at—Yes! and winked at, Cas­sius (I dare apprehend) for substantial reasons —because they foresee no consequences result­ing from this society, likely to be injurious to the community. The silence of that respect­able body (the watchful guardians of the com­monwealth is the strongest argument of the innocence of the institution; but it is, at all events, as fair for me to infer approbation from the silence of the Congress, as for Cassius to urge the [...]approbation of General Wash­ington, from his being a member of it.

If the Congress do not see the consequences stated by Cassius, they are as dull as the peo­ple, [Page 19] and this is in that case, a very unlucky country; if they do see them in the light sug­gested by Cassius, and disregard them, this is assuredly a very unhappy country. But having an eye upon the institution from its birth, and taking no measures to destroy it in the em­brio, it is most likely the danger exists no where but in the imagination of the visionary Cassius.

What inducements would Cassius suggest in Congress to make them wink at enormities? Is it to be inferred from their conduct?—How has it happened that the house of representa­tives have been silent too? Are they also in­fected with this stupor, or are they in conspir­acy with the Congress to betray the people, and consequently themselves?

PROPERTY alone constitutes POWER, and POWER is conferred by Congress and the repre­sentatives of the people. Honours indeed) like impressions upon coin, may give an ideal va­lue to base metal, but it is gold and silver alone that will pass without any recommendation but from its weight.

The examples drawn from Rome, of Sylla and of Caesar are not in point. Caesar disbanded no army, nor Sylla till he had accomplished the mischief he meditated.—How different the conduct of our greater Caesar! Having restored the Goddess Liberty to her country and built her a permanent habitation there, he quietly retires to the rural shade, the glory and wonder of the age. There has indeed been a re­ciprocity of good offices between the American army and their country—They have blessed her [Page 20] with freedom, and she has rewarded them with immortality. To use the metaphorical language of Junius, ‘Recorded honours shall gather round their monument and thicken over them, it is a solid fabrick, and will support the laurels that adorn it.’

Besides—the means of rising to military fame in the Roman republics, was through the channel of civil employments, men figured as statesmen in the closet before they were chosen generals in the field, The means of doing in­jury to their country was consequently greater than in modern republics.

Cassius affects the phrase of a plain level state of civil equality. I dare say that even Cassius will not contend that, absolute, perfect, equal­ity is possible to the government of any state. As the mind must govern the hands, so the man of intelligence must direct the man of labour. History is the best school to improve the minds of the people, and the whole weight of its evidence tends to shew. That infant society is always in a progressive state, and that distinc­tions have been made in all ages, as the re­wards of services: and I believe have seldom failed to benefit the country that bestowed them. Distinction necessarily excites a spirit of emulation, a spirit which when once diffused among a people, gives vigour to every spring of government and vibration to the heart of every member of the community.

The institution of the order of the Cincinnati is back'd by no power, and consequently at­tended with no danger,—The arm of civil au­thority surrounds it—only to will its destruc­tion [Page 21] would be instant annihilation. If this insti­tution has any tendency to create distinctions, it is, I again assert, a distinction without power, and without any other lustre than what it borrows from virtue. Not like the coro­nets and garters of modern ambition, but anal­agous to the wreath of parsley or of the olive branch which decorated the foreheads of our ancient heroes, distinctions too which as they are the rewards of merit, reflect an unequalled brilliancy upon the wearer of them.

Distinctions (it feems) are inconsistent with a republican government—Why so Cassius? Every republic confers them—Is not Hol­land a republic, rich, free, and powerful? And has she not a nobility to whom too are confided the highest offices of the state, civil as well as military?

But these are trifling flights to the tower­ing Cassius—he scorns deducing his infer­ences from a nearer fountain than from hea­ven itself, He appeals to Homer and Virgil to prove that Hector, Achilles and Aeneas were set up as idols to be worshipped by future ge­nerations, and to shew in what depth of design and extent of artifice, the order of the Cincinnati is founded, INFERS, that, this order will short­ly receive the same homage from the people—In other words—That the Cincinnati will set them­selves up as idols, and the virtuous citizens of America will become idolaters. But I beg par­don—In this he is consistent, for dealing in fiction, it was very natural for him to call in aid the evidence of the muses.

I beg now to refer the reader to the descrip­tion [Page 22] of the order itself, and the rules of the order, page 6, upon which Cassius comments with so much triumph. It purports to be an order, instituted (among others) for the follow­ing purposes (viz.)

IN DIRECT CONTRADICTION TO CASSIUS, I ASSERT, That, if words are to be taken in their plain sense and common ac­ceptation, and to be construed according to their real import, history furnishes no single in­stance of an institution more apparently the off­spring of PATRIOTISM, FRIENDSHIP, and HUMANITY. To use the expression of a pro­found and elegant writer, IT abounds with sentiments which find a mirror in every good mind, and to which every honest bosom re­turns an echo.

But if on the other hand they are to be ex­plained by innuendos, I would not answer that the same words did not convey a charge of an intention to murder every citizen of the state, and devour them afterwards. The Bible [Page 23] may be made treason—and treachery extract­ed from the decalogue—by construction.

An extensive knowledge of the common law, was (I dare say) one of the qualifications that recommended Cassius to his seat upon the bench. In his judgments from that seat of ele­vation, it is not to be doubted but he strictly adopts its rules as the grounds of his decisions —Why omit the practice of them in a serious appeal to the people? THEY would inform Cassius that constructions should be favourable and as near as possible to the minds and intents of the party—VERBA INTENTIONI DE­BENT INSERVIRE. And BENIGNE INTER­PRETAMUR CHARTAS PROPTER SIM­PLICITATEM LAICORUM. Therefore the construction must also be REASONABLE AND AGREEABLE TO COMMON UN­DERSTANDING.

That—QUOTIES IN VERBIS NULLA EST AMBIGUITAS IBI NULLA EXPOSI­TIO CONTRA VERBA FIENDA EST.— When the intention is clear, too minute a stress ought not to be laid upon the precise sig­nification of words NAM QUE HAERET IN LITERA, HAERET IN CORTICE.^*

And lastly—THAT THE CONSTRUC­TION BE NOT MADE UPON DISJOINT­ED PARTS, BUT ON THE WHOLE TO­GETHER.

If the intention of the Order is apparently innocent in the WORDS of the institution, this very obvious question very naturally arises.

[Page 24]Has every single ACT of the society tended to ground a suspicion or apprehension of the consequences suggested?

What! Every tongue locked in silence!

If Cassius had not known (as a lawyer) HU­MANITY might have told told him (as a man) that the presumption of inocence, ought always to precede the imputation of guilt. Let Cassius fro­lic in conjecture as much as he pleases, his sup­positions are as unfavourable to him as his facts. The good sense of the people will only be led by reason and argument, and not the labour of the most minute researches of the most microscopic eye, will second his discoveries. No great depth of design will ever be found in the institution of the order of the Cincinnati. For my own part I concur in the remark of a very attentive observ­er of human life. "That a soldier seldom looks further forward than to the end of his musket or backwards beyond his knapsack."

Cassius would discover singular ingenuity in in reconciling the following contradictions.

The citizens of America (altho' they fought and bled as well as the Cincinnati) are already (says Cassius) as much below them as the earth is below the Heavens. Yet this vile medal and ribband would set the Cincinnati SO MUCH HIGHER that it would very justly excite the jealousy and suspicion of every man throughout the continent.

Cassius's Sagacity has discovered (page 3 of his pamphlet) that in all great societies there are some bad men, and consequently that there are men of that description among the Cincinnati, yet (in page 9) were their country as well ac­quainted [Page 25] as I am (says Cassius) with the temper of GOODNESS and humanity which runs thro' the WHOLE OF THEM, they would be as much beloved as they are admired.

Can the same people excite love, admirati­on and SUSPICION?

The reasons upon which he grounds his ap­prehensions are singularly novel, namely, the uncommon merit of the officers.

Had they, says he, less merit and claim to the applause of their countrymen at home and fame a­broad, I should not be alarmed, &c. Men of lit­tle worth, (i. e. bad men) COULD NOT ren­der this institution detrimental to the freedom of their country, but it must be remembered (and I heartily join my prayers that it may never be FORGOTTEN) ‘That a series of hardy gallant spirited actions through a fierce and desperate con­flict, through toil and sufferings, and their pa­tience under them, and above all the glorious suc­cess which crowned the whole, have rendered the officers of the American army the most renowned band of men that this day walk on the globe.’

Cassius is certain that this dreadful institution will entail on the people of America all the evils he has stated, and that he has PROVED it, to the satisfaction of every one, NEVERTHELESS he has not the most distant idea that it will ever come to a dissolution.

Might it not be asked then, why Cassius did not spare himself so much trouble. If it could not answer a good purpose, it must answer a bad one, namely, that of giving the people (fruitless) uneasiness.

Cassius concludes with observing, that al­though [Page 26] his remarks may appear trivial to some of his readers, that they are worthy, in his opinion, the attention of the philosopher and historian. They serve to shew, says he, ‘that the freedom of a country may be overturned by causes imperceptible to the multitude.’

The matter seems to HINGE upon this question, viz. Are the people such as Cassius represents them or not? i. e. Are they thought­less, ignorant and inattentive to the most im­portant concerns; or are they, on the contrary, vigilant, active, attentive, and jealous of every thing that has relation to government?

I contend for the truth of the latter sup­position; and if that is the case, what danger can threaten or invade a people, who conquer­ed the arms of Britain; who fought and bled with the Cincinnati—Men who could protect their country so invaded from without, are surely competent to the task of defending it from within.

That a free people are ever vigilant and suspicious of the slightest invasion of their rights, may be deduced from every volume of history, the power (I had almost said the Omnipotence) of the people (when that sus­picion is once awakened) from every page. To take two examples out of a thousand: this appears strongly from the revolution of England, in the year [...]60; and of Holland, in the year 1672. The first is in the know­ledge of the meanest citizen of the continent. ‘The usurped powers that had either de­signed no root, or at least drawn none, but in the affections and interests of those who [Page 27] were engaged with the government, thought themselves secure in the strength of an un­foiled army of sixty thousand men, and in a revenue proportionable, raised by the awe of their forces, though with the mock forms of legal supplies; yet they were forced to give way to the vent and current humour of the people.’ And this mighty army lose their heart and their interest, and content themselves to be again moulded into the mass of the people.

THE COMMON PEOPLE (says Sir Wil­liam Temple) constitute the bulk and strength of all great kingdoms.—Whenever they con­spire and unite in one common passion or in­terest, for the nobles without them are like an army of officers without soldiers, and make on­ly a vain shew unless raised and encreased by the VOICE OF THE PEOPLE which for this reason is called THE VOICE OF GOD.

To go back into English history—Wil­liam the Conqueror experienced this truth in the many troubles of his reign, and which would have proved fatal to him if he had been distracted with the common discontents of his English subjects.

SOME of Cassius's arguments may look flattering to the eye, but when brought to the test of palpability, they elude the touch and melt in idle air.

[Page 28]The services RECEIVED by the states from the American army, are not denied—They stand alone, unparalleled in history.—The only recompence expected is—A MEDAL AND A RIBBAND, TO PERPETUATE THE RECORD OF THEM.

If this is denied, will it not recall to every man's recollection the following story of Aesop.

A poor man asked charity of a priest—a guinea!—he was refused with astonishment— a shilling—he was refused with contempt—a farthing—still he was refused—Give me then your blessing, continued the mendicant.— "That you shall have, friend," answered the priest. It was now the beggars turn to reject. ‘No (says he) I will not take it, for if it had been worth a farthing, thou wouldest not have given it away.’

I leave the application to my readers.