A sermon preached before His Honor Thomas Cushing, Esq; lieutenant-governor, the Honorable the Council, and the two branches of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts May 28, 1783. Being the anniversary of general election. / By Henry Cumings, A.M. Pastor of the church in Billerica. Cumings, Henry, 1739-1823. Approx. 69 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI : 2008-09. N14140 N14140 Evans 17899 APY2238 17899 99029315

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 17899. (Evans-TCP ; no. N14140) Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 17899) Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 17899) A sermon preached before His Honor Thomas Cushing, Esq; lieutenant-governor, the Honorable the Council, and the two branches of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts May 28, 1783. Being the anniversary of general election. / By Henry Cumings, A.M. Pastor of the church in Billerica. Cumings, Henry, 1739-1823. Massachusetts. General Court. 55, [1] p. ; 24 cm. (8vo) Printed by T. & J. Fleet,, Boston: : 1783. Half-title: Mr. Cumings's election sermon May 28, 1783.

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eng Election sermons -- Massachusetts -- 1783. 2007-01 Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Keyed and coded from Readex/Newsbank page images 2007-09 Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

Mr. Cumings's ELECTION SERMON May 28, 1783.

A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE HIS HONOR THOMAS CUSHING, Eſq LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, THE HONORABLE THE COUNCIL, AND THE TWO BRANCHES OF THE GENERAL COURT OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS MAY 28, 1783.

BRING THE ANNIVERSARY OF GENERAL ELECTION.

BY HENRY CUMINGS, A. M. Paſtor of the Church in BILLERICA.

BOSTON: PRINTED BY T & J. FLEET, 1783.

Commonwealth of Maſſachuſetts. In SENATE, May 29, 1783.

ORDERED, That Jeremiah Powell, Moses Gill, and Ebenezer Bridge, Eſquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Henry Cumings, and return him the Thanks of this Board for the Sermon delivered by him, Yeſterday, before his Honor, the Lieutenant-Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and to requeſt a Copy of the ſame for the Preſs.

S. ADAMS, Preſident.
AN Election SERMON. I PETER V.5. Yea, all of you be ſubject to one another.

WITHOUT enquiring into the particular meaning of theſe words, conſidered in a ſenſe reſtrained by their coherence with what proceeds and follows, I ſhall take them as an independent ſentence; in which detached view, they comprehend all thoſe duties of civil and ſocial life, which mankind owe to one another, whatever difference there may be among them, as to their reſpective capacities and outward condition in the world.

As men are formed for ſociety, and cannot be happy in a ſtate of ſeparation from one another; ſo their well-being depends upon mutual aſſiſtance and ſupport, and a reciprocal interchange of thoſe offices of friendſhip and benevolence, which their mutual dependence requires, and both reaſon and religion preſcribe.

That all men ought in ſome ſenſe to be ſubject to one another, is the plain doctrine of the apoſtle Peter, in the words juſt read. This doctrine concerns all ſocieties, under every form and conſtitution of government, whether monarchal, popular or mixed. It is eſpecially ſuited to the genius of a commonwealth, founded upon this leading principle, that "all men are born free and equal;" that is, come into the world on even ground in regard to authority; no one having a right to govern, in virtue of primogeniture, or deſcent from an higher and more noble parentage than others.

The ſubject therefore is worthy of the attention of this reſpectable auditory; and the ſpeaker has no doubt but they will afford him their can did indulgence, while he modeſtly attempts to offer a few thoughts upon it, though he ſhould not be able to handle it, in a manner anſwerable to it's dignity and importance.

According to it's moſt common uſe, the word ſubjection ſignifies the ſubmiſſion of an inferior to a ſuperior, and applies only to thoſe duties, which men owe to thoſe, who have authority over them. In order therefore to accommodate the doctrine of mutual ſubjection, to all the members of a community, we muſt ſometimes depart from the ſtrict ſenſe of this word, or vary the meaning of it, ſo as to make it conſiſt with the differences between men, in regard to their ſeveral abilities; and with thoſe diſtinctions of office, rank and authority, which are neceſſary in ſociety.

It is evident that the duties, which men owe to one another, and to ſociety, are not, in all caſes, preciſely the ſame; but muſt be different, according to the difference of their reſpective advantages, opportunities and other circumſtances. And when any one fulfils the obligations reſulting from his particular condition and ſtation in life; or that ariſe from the particular ſphere of action, whether high or low, in which he moves; he does, on his part, conform to the great law of mutual ſubjection, and render himſelf a good and uſeful member of ſociety.

Every one ought to conſider, that he was born, not for himſelf alone, but for others, for ſociety, for his country; and conſequently that he is indiſpenſibly obliged to render the beſt aſſiſtance and ſervice in his power, to his fellow-citizens around him, and to contribute his ſhare towards the general intereſt of the community to which he belongs. This obligation is not confined to a few; but extends to all, from the higheſt officer in the ſtate, through all ſubordinate ranks, and interior orders and degrees, down to the loweſt peaſant and plebcan. For though all are not able to render themſelves uſeful and beneficial, in the ſame reſpects; yet there is no one, who enjoys the powers of reaſon and health, in any tolerable degree, but may, by a ſuitable employment of his faculties and abilities, not only ſerve himſelf, but the public, and make himſelf a bleſſing, in ſome reſpect or other.

There is a reſemblance between the natural body and the body politic. The natural body is compoſed of many members; none of which are uſeleſs; but all calculated to anſwer ſome valuable purpoſe, and ſubſerve the good of the whole. What therefore the apoſtle Paul ſays of the natural body with a view to illuſtrate the union, which ought to ſubſiſt between the members of the chriſtian church, is equally applicable to civil ſocieties. The body, ſays he, is not one member, but many. If the foot ſhall ſay, Becauſe I am not the hand, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? And if the ear ſhall ſay, Becauſe I am not the eye, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? If the whole body were an eye, where were the hearing? If the whole body were hearing, where were the ſmelling? But now hath God ſet the members, every one of them in the body, as it hath pleaſed him.—The eye cannot ſay unto the hand, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. Nay, much more thoſe members of the body, which ſeem to be more ſeeble, are necesſary.—God hath ſo tempered the body together, —that there ſhould be no ſchiſm in it; but that the members ſhould have the ſame care one for another. And whether one member ſuffer, all the members ſuffer with it; or one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it. So that the union and connection between the ſeveral parts of the natural body, and their neceſſary dependance one on another, is an apt illuſtration of the great law of mutual ſubjection in civil ſocieties; the members whereof, whether rich or poor, in high life or low, in office or out of it, ſtand in need of mutual aſſiſtance and ſupport; without which it will be impoſſible to promote the common intereſt, or to preſerve the peace and harmony of the whole.

A man's being raiſed above others in wealth or office, does not render him independent on thoſe who are beneath him, in theſe reſpects. He cannot ſay, he has no need of thoſe, who are in a lower condition and meaner circumſtances; for, without Their aid and ſervice, he would loſe the advantage of his elevation; and, like Samſon, ſhorn of his locks, become weak like other men.

The mechanic and tiller of the ground are as neceſſary in ſociety as the legiſlator, civil magiſtrate, or any other profeſſion. The labours of the poor and ſervices of the lower claſſes of people, in their ſeveral callings and occupations, are of as great importance to the general welfare of a ſtate, as the counſel of the wiſe, the bounty of the rich, and protection of the powerful. If therefore any one, capable of attending to the common buſineſs of life, is an unprofitable and uſeleſs member of the community, it is not owing to any neceſſity ariſing from his outward condition in the world, but to ſome faulty cauſe.

Whoever, ſuppreſſing a regard for the good of others, confines himſelf to the narrow circle of his own private intereſt, does thereby render himſelf, at beſt, a nuſance to ſociety. Such an one can have no juſt claim to honour and reſpect, let his ſtation in life be what it will. It is not the external ſplendor of their circumſtances, but a conſtant endeavour to be good, and to do good, according to their abilities, that makes men truly great and honourable. In the ſight of God, who reſpecteth not perſons, but in judging of men regards only the moral differences between them, no outward condition is more honourable than another. The true criterion of real worth is a man's conduct, in that ſtation or poſt in life, whether conſpicuous or obſcure, which providence has allotted to him.

It is the buſineſs of civil rulers, who are intruſted with the high powers of government, to enact and take care for the effectual execution of ſuch laws, as ſhall be beſt calculated to reſtrain the exorbitancy of the human paſſions to guard individuals againſt inſults and outrages, and ſecure every one in the peaceable enjoyment of liberty, property and all the bleſſings of ſociety. And while they employ their authority and power in purſuit of theſe great ends of their promotion, it is the duty and intereſt of people at large, to yield a chearful obedience to them, and a ready compliance with thoſe rules, regulations and laws, which are made and provided, for the benefit of each particular member, in harmony with the proſperity and welfare of the whole collective body.

The grand end of ſocial union and of the inſtitution of civil government, is the good of the whole, and of every individual in conſiſtence therewith. This end may be fruſtrated, not only by an abuſe of power in rulers; but alſo by an abuſe of liberty in the people. Power abuſed ceaſes to be lawful authority, and degenerates into tyranny. Liberty abuſed, or carried to exceſs, is licenciouſneſs. Neither of theſe can conſiſt with the good of ſociety. The former, unreſiſted, will introduce ſlavery, and ignominious ſervitude, among the lower ranks and orders of people. The latter is a prolific ſource of diſorder and anarchy.

When rulers take the advantage of the powers they are veſted with, to oppreſs their ſubjects and rob people of their juſt rights, in order to inrich and aggrandize themſelves, they counteract the very end of their advancement, and inſtead of being miniſters of God for good, become rods of his ſchool for correction (not to ſay, miniſters of the devil for miſchief.) And when people, under presence of liberty, refuſe obedience to lawful authority, and oppoſe the meaſures of juſt government, meerly becauſe ſuch meaſures do not coincide with their private views and ſepa rate intereſts, the principles on which they act, are evidently inconſiſtent with a ſtate of ſociety, and lead directly back to a ſtate of nature. For where ſuch an exceſs of liberty is claimed and allowed, as leaves it optional with every individual to obey or diſobey the civil authority, according as he ſhall judge it to be for or againſt his particular intereſt, a ſtate of ſociety cannot differ much from a ſtate of nature.

If every man, without compulſion, would ſtrictly conform to the obligations of natural law, there would be no occaſion for forming any ſocial connections, or uniting under any forms of civil government. But ſuch is evidently the ſtate of human nature; ſuch the diſorder of the human paſſions; ſuch the power or envy, prejudice and a luſt of domination; ſuch the force of evil byaſſes, proceeding from ignorance, contracted views and competitions of intereſt; that without the introduction of ſocial compact and civil authority, mankind could have no dependence upon mutual help and aſſistance, nor any ſecurity againſt abuſes and injuries, violence and rapine.

It being neceſſary for men to unite in ſociety, and eſtabliſh civil government, in order effectually to avail themſelves of the advantages of mutual ſuccour, defence and protection; without which, their enjoyments would be few and precarious, and their inconveniences and dangers great and diſtreſſing: this being the caſe, every one, who has juſt conceptions of things (far from claiming a liberty to do whatever his ambition, avarice or partiality to himſelf might dictate to be right) muſt feel himſelf obliged to conſult the general welfare, by conforming to the laws of ſociety, conſtitutionally made by public authority, for the good of the whole; though ſuch laws ſhould ſometimes interfere with his private views, and contradict his prejudices.

The public good is the attracting point, the common centre of gravity, which ſhould conſine, regulate and govern the motions of all the members of ſociety. When any fly off from this point and take an excentric courſe, the coercion of law ſhould be uſed, to check their irregular motions, and reduce them back to their proper centre, in order that the economy and beauty of the politic ſyſtem may be preſerved, and the bands of ſociety remain unbroken.

That a due ſubordination may be kept up between the ſeveral parts of the politic body; and all the members thereof be made to conſpire, in the exerciſe of their reſpective functions, to the health and happineſs of the whole; effectual care ſhould be taken to prevent government from falling into contempt. To honour thoſe, who are intruſted with the powers of government, is one thing, evidently neceſſary for this end. This therefore is a duty which we owe to ſociety. And that people may have no excuſe for not doing their duty, in this reſpect, it concerns all civil officers, eſpecially thoſe in high rank and authority, to maintain their dignity, by a decent gravity of deportment, an inflexible adherence to the rules of juſtice and equity, and a ſteady application to the buſineſs of their exalted ſtations. Such a conduct, in rulers, has a powerful tendency to attract eſteem, and command reſpect and veneration. But tho' they ſhould juſtly merit the higheſt honours, by a worthy behaviour, and a zealous uniform purſuit of the great ends of their promotion, it would not be at all ſtrange, to find ſome few, diſpoſed to withold from them due reſpect and ſubmiſſion. For there always have been, and probably always will be, ſome in the world, who under the baneful influence of thoſe levelling principles, that cannot brook any civil diſtinctions and reſtraints, deſpiſe government, and ſpeak evil of dignities. Perſons of this deſcription are dangerous members of ſociety, as their principles and practices are ſubverſive of all civil authority, and tend directly to plunge civil government into an univerſal wrack of ruin.

It deſerves to be remembred, that we honour ſociety, when we honour thoſe, who are cloathed with lawful authority. For as all lawful authority in rulers, is derived from the people, through the medium of that conſtitutional compact, which binds them together in one body; ſo to treat the rulers of a people, with reſpect and hono r, ſuitable to their public characters, and the offices which they ſuſtain, is a proper expreſſion of that reverence, which individuals owe to the community, as a body. I may add, that as the reſpect ſhewn to thoſe, who are in public ſtations, redounds to the public; ſo it alſo tends to make a people appear reſpectable, and to give to government the energy, neceſſary for attaining the ends of it. On the contrary, to withold reſpect from thoſe, who have been conſtitutionally promoted to offices of authority and power, is to caſt a flight and contempt on the whole body of the people, and tends to make a ſociety appear mean and deſpicable, to relax the reins of government and undermine the very foundations of it.

It is reaſonable indeed for a people to keep a jealous eye upon thoſe, who are betruſted with power, in the ſeveral departments of government. This is neceſſary to keep them on their guard againſt all encroachments on their liberties, and to preſerve them in a readineſs to reſiſt the firſt approaches of deſpotiſm. But ſuſpicions may be carried too far. When upon inſufficient grounds, they are indulged to ſuch a degree, as to deſtroy all confidence in civil rulers, and encourage the impatience of people under the reſtraints of law, they are of dangerous conſequence; as they plant the feeds of faction, a convulſive diſeaſe, that threatens the diſſolution of the body politic. When ſaction enters a ſtate, with its uſual train of virulence, malevolence and abuſive invective, it unſtrings the nerves of government, and introduces ſuch diſorder and uncertainty into public meaſures, and ſuch ſtrife and diviſion among people, as are inconſiſtent with the public ſafety, ſecurity and proſperity. This diſtemper is generally the offſpring of envy and diſappointed ambition. Avarice always ſtands ready to foſter and nurſe, to increaſe and inflame it, by groundleſs criminations of men and meaſures; eſpecially when the public exigences require heavy taxes, and expenſive exertions.

The inconveniences and miſchiefs, that muſt acrue to ſociety, from this, and every other groſs violation of the law of mutual ſubjection, are ſufficient to convince any one of the neceſſity of a ſtrict adherence to it. Our obligation to avoid diviſive principles and practices, and by a conſtant intercourse of mutual good offices, to endeavour to make ourſelves beneficial to one another and ſerviceable to ſociety, is therefore a plain dictate of reaſon and common ſenſe. I would add (if any deſire further ſatisfaction) that this obligation is enforced upon us, in the ſacred ſcriptures, by the authority of the ſupreme Legiſlator and Governor of the world. The words at the head of this diſcourſe are the words of an apoſtle, under the inſpiration of God. Another inſpired apoſtle expreſſes himſelf to the ſame purpoſe, in theſe words, Let no man ſeek his own; but every man another's wealth.—Look not every man on his own things; but every man alſo on the things of others. The meaning of which is, that men ought not to confine their views to their own private intereſt, but to extend their regards to the welfare of others, and exerciſe a benevolent concern and care for the good of their fellowcreatures.

This alſo is a doctrine expreſsly taught by the great author of our holy religion, when he commands us to love our neighbour as ourſelves; and enjoins upon us that comprehenſive rule of equity and charity, All things whatſoever ye would that men ſhould do to you, do ye even ſo to them.

It may not be improper to obſerve here, that the chriſtian religion recommends itſelf to the embraces of every lover of mankind, by its being the moſt benevolent inſtitution in the world, admirably calculated, by it's doctrines, precepts and ſanctions, to promote peace on earth, and good will among men. And whoever duly conſiders the nature of chriſtianity, and attends to it's adaptedneſs to ſuppreſs the corrupt luſts, and reſtrain the irregular paſſions of men; to fill the mind with noble ſentiments of piety and benevolence, and engage people in purſuits, ſuitable to the dignity, and conducive to the happineſs of their reaſonable natures; cannot doubt, but (other things being alike) he, who has imbibed the ſpirit and principles of this religion, will make a better magiſtrate, a better legiſlator, a better judge, and in ſhort, fill every office and department in government, with more honour to himſelf and advantage to the public; and, in private life, make a better ſubject and a better citizen; than one who has formed his views and ſentiments, upon any other ſyſtem of religion and morals.

It has indeed been objected, as an eſſential defect in chriſtianity, by ſome not well affected to it, that it no where particularly recommends the noble virtue of patriotiſm. But (not to inſiſt on any thing elſe) it is ſufficient to reply to this objection, that whatever there is excellent and laudable in patriotiſm, is included in that generous and diffuſive benevolence, which is the animating ſoul of this religion. Virtuous patriotiſm, far from implying any ill-will to the reſt of mankind, is nothing elſe, but the principle or univerſal benevolence, exerciſed as far as a man's power extends, upon the objects that claim his firſt regards. For as no one has ability to carry his good will to all men into effect; ſo reaſon will teach every one, that his firſt obligation is to thoſe, with whom he is more immediately connected, and where providence has aſſigned him his ſtation and ſphere of uſefulneſs. Should a man ſuppreſs a particular affection for the ſociety, with which he is moſt cloſely united, and neglect the intereſt of his own country under pretence of exerciſing equal benevolence towards all mankind, it would be the ſame thing, in effect as to reſolve to be uſeleſs, and neglect the good of all. For there is no other way, in which any one can render himſelf ſerviceable to thoſe parts of the great community of mankind, with which he has no ſpecial connection, than by the exerciſe of an hearty zeal for the welfare of his own country, and endeavouring, in the moſt effectual manner, to promote the good of that ſociety, which bounds the ſphere of his influence and power. In this ſenſe, and in this way, all men, in all the diſtinct ſtates and kingdoms of the world, may and ought to ſubject to one another. It is thus only that we can fulfil our obligations to all mankind.

True it is, patriotiſm is but a blind affection, and eſſentially defective as to any virtuous excellence, if it prompts a man to defend the cauſe of his country, when his country forms itſelf into a faction againſt the rights of mankind, and is wickedly endeavouring to bring other ſtates and nations under it's arbitrary juriſdiction and government. No one, who will conſult the ſober dictates of reaſon, can ſuppoſe himſelf obliged to eſpouſe ſuch an unrighteous cauſe, or freely to afford any ſupport to his country, in the proſecution of ſuch an evil deſign. The principle of benevolence to all, clearly forbids this. But the ſame principle obliges the members of every community, to a zealous exertion, in defence of their rights, laws and liberties, when the ſame are indangered by the unrighteous claims, and violent proceedings of ambitious enemies. In ſuch a caſe, defenſive war is a duty, founded not barely on the principles of ſelf-preſervation and patriotiſm, but alſo on the principle of unconfined univerſal benevolence; it being evidently for the intereſt of all mankind, that in all parts of the world, thoſe ſhould be oppoſed, to the laſt extremity, who are endeavouring to advance themſelves upon the ruins or the eſſential rights of human nature.

The man, who makes the happineſs and proſperity of his country, a grand object of his zealous purſuit, and generouſly riſques his life and fortune, when the caſe requires it, in the defence of it's conſtitution and laws, is a character worthy of univerſal eſteem and honour. Such an one, ſo far as his abilities extend, exerciſes friendſhip to all men. What then ſhall we ſay of thoſe who, when the rights and liberties of their country, are in danger of falling a prey to the aſpiring ambition of proud invaders, who have waged an unjuſt war againſt it, ſtand aloof, and not only refuſe to aſſiſt in ſaving it from ruin, but deſert it, and, of free choice, join the ſtandard of the enemy? Can ſuch perſons make good their pretenſions, I will not ſay to patriotiſm, but to general benevolence? Whatever be their motives, are they not to be viewed as enemies, if actions have any meaning? And ſhould their country, which they have thus neglected, and abandoned to its fate in a time of trouble and danger, be ſucceſsful in its endeavours to maintain its cauſe, and defeat the deſigns of its enemies, muſt not their admiſſion afterwards to the freedom and privileges of it, be an act of meer favour and ſpecial grace, to which they can lay no equitable claim?It is far from the intention of the author to decide the queſtion, whether the faith of theſe ſtates is plighted by treaty, for the reſtoration of thoſe diſappointed people, who are commonly called abſentees, to the rights and privileges of citizenſhips He leaves the deciſion of this queſtion with thoſe, who have better means of information, and more diſcernment, than he can pretend to. He doubts not, but his countrymen are ••••• ſed, in all caſes, to preſerve their national honour inviolate. If that is not engaged or pledged, in behalf of thoſe, who forſook us in our late conteſt, and choſe the ſide of the enemy; it muſt be determined by other conſiderations, whether they ſhall be reſtored, or not, to forfeited favour.

Chriſtianity indeed obliges us to love and forgive our enemies, and do good to thoſe who treat us ill. But this obligation does not extend ſo far, as to exclude a regard to our own ſafety and defence. It would be unreaſonable to ſuppoſe, that our good-will to enemies, ought to ſupercede our obligations to ourſelves and to our country; or that we are required to conſult their welfare, by methods that would encourage and promote their evil deſigns, and put us into ſuch a ſituation, as to lie at their mercy. It is allowed by all, that a vindictive temper is inconſiſtent with the ſpirit and precepts of chriſtianity. Whoever does any thing meerly for the ſake of revenge, or in order to gratify his malevolent reſentments, tranſgreſſes the chriſtian law of benevolence. But a man may take ſuch meaſures for his own ſecurity and defence, as ſhall operate to the diſadvantage of his enemies, and at the ſame time preſerve a chriſtian temper. If by the conduct of enemies, we are unhappily reduced to this alternative, either to take ſuch meaſures, as will involve them in trouble and diſtreſs; or to ſuppreſs our love to ourſelves, to our friends, and to ſociety; common ſenſe will teach us on which ſide our obligation lies. In caſes of competition, even private friendſhip ought to yield to the public good; much more ought benevolence to an enemy to give way to the good of our country; and to remain ſuſpended, as to outward exerciſes, when the caſe is ſo circumstanced, that it cannot be thus exerted, without counteracting the intereſt of the community to which we belong. A regard to the public ought to ſwallow up every partial affection, inconſiſtent with the general intereſt.

It is to the honour of America, that from the time we were firſt threatned with Britiſh tyranny, to the commencement of the late war; and from the commencement of the war, thro' all the ſtages and viciſſitudes of it, to it's happy concluſion; ſhe has produced an illuſtrious band of worthy patriots, who, unactuated by any unfriendly diſpoſitions towards the reſt of mankind, have, with unſhaken firmneſs and fortitude, defended her cauſe, in the cabinet and in the field, by the pen and by the ſword, againſt the arbitrary claims and hoſtile violence of her unnatural and cruel enemies. Inſpired with the love of liberty, moved by the generous impulſe of patriotic virtue, how many, quitting the calm enjoyments of domeſtic eaſe and tranquility, have magnanimouſly encountred and braved all the fatigues and dangers of war, and voluntarily ſacrificed their lives for the ſupport of the cities of our God, in the unabridged enjoyment of their religion and liberties! Time would ail me to give a catalogue of thoſe worthies, who, unintimidated by the vaunting menaces and fulminating proclamations of Britiſh Rabſhakehs, have nobly dared to eſpouſe the cauſe of American liberty, and diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their heroic exertions; not counting their lives dear, that they might ſave their country. Their names are written on our hearts, as with a pen of iron, and point of a diamond; and will be conſecrated to honourable remembrance, in the annals of America, till time ſhall be no more: while the name of every envious ſneering ſeoffer, calumniator, and wicked conſpirator, is either loſt in oblivion, or doomed to perpetual infamy.

Some, it may be, whoſe frozen breaſts have never yet been warmed with the generous flame of patriotic fire, in order to detract from the merit of the zealous aſſertors and defenders of the liberties of their country, will pretend there is no ſuch thing as public virtue. But if there are any ſuch contracted ſouls, who, without a bluſh, proſeſs to have no ſocial affections, of force enough to give them the leaſt motion out of the narrow ſphere of ſelf, it may be beſt not to diſpute feelings with them; but to allow them all that ſordid ſelfiſhneſs which they claim, and not affront them by contradiction. But let us not ſacrifice our own generous feelings, to their ſyſtem. They have no more right to impoſe their feelings upon us, than we have to impoſe ours upon them.

It muſt give pleaſure to every true friend of human kind, to conſider, that the late grand revolution, which has raiſed ſo great a part of America into a ſtate of independence, was undertaken, and, by the aſſiſtance of divine providence, has been brought about; not from ambitious views, or a fondneſs for dominion; but upon principles friendly to the rights and liberties of every nation, upon the face of the whole earth. Unprompted by ambition to enlarge her territories by unjuſt conqueſts, or to compel any other ſtates or kingdoms to ſubmit to her uſurped authority and government, America has contended only for the common rights of men. Her grand aim, her ultimate object in all her ſtruggles and exertions, has been, not to prepare a yoke of bondage for the necks of others; but to free herſelf and poſterity from the tyranny of lawleſs arbitrary power (that ſource of plagues to the weak and defenceleſs part of mankind) and to ſecure thoſe bleſſings, without which, the great ends of ſociety, muſt be loſt. With the moſt perfect cordiality, we have wiſhed, and ſtill wiſh, to cultivate friendſhip with all nations, on ſuch a footing, as ſhall be to mutual advantage, and conduce to the general good of the whole world. In regard even to Britain, perſuaded I am, that the inhabitants of theſe ſtates (with very few exceptions) night ſafely appeal to the great Searcher of hearts, as a witneſs to their ſincerity, ſhould they declare, that though ſhe has treated them in the moſt barbarous and provoking manner, and forced them in their own defence, to fly to arms, and engage in a long and bloody war; yet they never wiſhed to fee her deprived of freedom, or reduced to inglorious ſubjection to any power on earth. Though ſhe has cut the knot of kindred-love, and effectually deſtroyed that predilection, which produced a ſpecial attachment to her, in preference to others, yet we are not ſo implacable and unforgiving, but that we can heartily wiſh her proſperity and happineſs, in common with other nations.

The independence of theſe American ſtates, being founded on ſuch a broad baſis of generous philanthropy, we have reaſon to hope they will ſtill be the ſpecial care and charge, of the gracious Parent of the univerſe, whoſe tender mercies are over all his works; and that, under his almighty patronage, they will become a permanent flouriſhing empire, ſupported by the principles of virtue, religion and liberty without licentiouſneſs.

Let me, on this occaſion, with all the ſenſibility of lively joy, expreſs my hearty congratulations, on the happy ceſſation of hoſtilities, after a moſt diſtreſſing, expenſive and bloody war. Hail, auſpicious happy day, that has put a ſtop to the effuſion of human blood and the horrors of war, and ſheathed the devouring ſword; that has crowned our virtuous efforts with glorious ſucceſs, giving us eſtabliſhed independence with the returning bleſſings of peace, and filling our mouths with ſongs of triumph! Men, brethren and fathers, I felicitate you, I felicitate my country, on this great, this glorious event; an event, which cannot but cause every patriotic heart to expand with joy, at the proſpect of the bright ſcenes which it opens to view, after a long and gloomy night of ſorrow and trouble.

What acknowledgments do we owe to the ſupreme Governor of the world; who was pleased to hear our cries, in the days of our diſtreſs, and to give us perſevering courage and fortitude in thoſe trying times, when our affairs wore the gloomieſt aſpect; when we were involved in awful ſcenes of havock, blood and carnage, and ſurrounded with the depredations and ſhocking ravages of a war, carried on againſt us with ſavage wantonneſs; who was pleaſed to defend us, by his mighty power, when we were weak, unprepared and unequal to the conflict, and to enable us to make ſuch a noble ſtand, and to gain ſuch ſignal victories, while we were without ally, as gave us reſpectability abroad, and induced one of the firſt European powers, heartily to eſpouſe our cauſe, and aſſiſt us by a generous and friendly alliance: who hath been our ſhield and protection, from the firſt riſe of the war, through all the hazardous progreſs of it, and hath led forth our armies, under the conduct of a wiſe, brave and intrepid general, expert in war, of ſingular equanimity in ſucceſs and diſappointment, indued with a ſoul formed for noble atchievements, whom he was pleaſed to raiſe up and qualify for the important command which has been committed to him, and to honour as a diſtinguiſhed inſtrument of the emancipation of his country? Theſe are the Lord's doings, and they are marvellous in our eyes.

When we look back on the difficulties and hazards in which we have been involved; when we conſider what engines of miſchief and deſtruction have been employed to work our •• in; when we reflect on the perils and dangers we were in, not only from the policy and power, the ſtratagenis and violence of open and proſeſſed enemies, but from the inſidious arts, treacheries and conſpiracies of falſe and deceitful men among ourſelves; who, under the diſguiſe of friendſhip or maſk of neutrality, have conſtantly endeavoured to diſhearten and diſcourage us, to obſtruct our meaſures, retard our operations and diſappoint our enterprizes, and, at the ſame time, ſecretly to aid the cauſe of thoſe, who had unjuſtly compelled us, to make our appeal to Heaven, as our laſt reſort: When we conſider theſe things, what reaſon have we to adore the merciful providence of almighty God, who, by many ſignal interpoſitions in our favour, has finally baffled and defeated the miſchievous machinations of all our enemies, both ſecret and open; diſconcerted the plans of thoſe who unrighteouſly roſe up againſt us, and obliged them (notwithſtanding all their pride of power, and vain confidence of reducing us to unconditional ſubmiſſion) to yield the grand point contended for, by negotiating a peace with us, upon the footing of equality and independence! With the greateſt pertinency may we now adopt the language of the royal pſalmiſt, and ſay, If it had not been the Lord, who was on our ſide, when men roſe up againſt us; then they had ſwallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled againſt us; then the waters had overwhelmed us, the ſtream had gone over our ſoul; then the proud waters had gone over our ſoul. Bleſſed be the Lord, who has not given us, as a prey to their teeth. Our ſoul is eſcaped as a bird out of the ſnare of the fowlers; the ſnare is broken, and we are eſcaped. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.

If we have wiſdom to make a good improvement of this happy event, what bleſſings and felicities, that this world is capable of affording, may we not ſecure to ourſelves and to our poſterity? When we look forward, what glorious proſpects open to view! How pleaſant muſt it be to every ſincere lover of his country, to entertain his fancy with future ſcenes, and behold, through the medium of probable conjecture, the future glory, grandeur and magnificence of America! To behold her raiſed ſuperior to all her enemies; extending her friendly arms for the ſupport and protection of other ſtates and nations againſt the attacks of reſtleſs encroaching ambition; and (while none dare to diſtruſt or affront her) offering a refuge and aſylum, in her boſom, to the injured and oppreſſed of the human race in all quarters of the globe! To behold wealth and opulence flowing in upon her, in continual ſtreams, from the inexhauſtible ſources of agriculture, and a free trade and commerce with all nations! To behold her ſpreading, by a rapid population, over thoſe vaſt tracts of uncultivated land, which are now the haunts of wild beaſts, and fee the wilderneſs, by the hand of induſtry, changed into a fruitful field, bloſſoming as the roſe, and yielding, in plentiful exuberance, every rural comfort and delight! To behold her, exalted to noble heights of improvement, in every uſeful art and ſcience; mounting on the ſtrong pinions of virtue, learning, eloquence, religion, philoſophy, and other ſublime intellectual accompliſhments, above Greece and Rome, in their zenith of glory!

Theſe are agreeable proſpects; but whether America ſhall ever realize them, depends much upon the wiſdom and virtue of the preſent generation. Every patriot, from the higheſt to the loweſt order, has now an extenſive field opened before him, for the diſplay of his utmoſt abilities, in providing for the future peace and proſperity of his country. The conſequences of our conduct at this opportunity, will affect, not ourſelves only, but unborn millions.

Every conſideration proper to influence the human mind, obliges us to exert ourſelves, to make ſure of the bleſſings, which are now offered by the propitious hand of providence, and to tranſmit the ſame to ſucceeding generations. Should we neglect the means neceſſary for theſe purpoſes, the bright day, which now beams upon us, may ſoon be overcaſt with clouds; and our ſongs of triumph end in new ſcenes of ſorrow and trouble.

The Britiſh troops are not yet removed. Their withdrawment, as ſoon as conveniency will permit, is neceſſary to give us full aſſurance that the reconciliation on the part of Britain, is ſincere. Suſpicion therefore ſhould not ſleep, until they are withdrawn. Prudence, wiſdom, reaſon, require vigilance and caution, and oblige us to be on our guard.

Though the land now reſts from war, and we daily expect to hear that the definitive treaty of peace is compleatly ratified, yet it would be exceedingly unſafe for people to lay by their arms, and neglect all military matters. Our country affords ſo many tempting objects to excite the ambition of other nations (eſpecially of thoſe, who can have eaſy acceſs, by reaſon of a proximity of territory) that we can have no ſecurity of a laſting peace, or of enjoying long the bleſſings of freedom, if we ſhould totally withdraw our attention from the arts of war, and be unprovided with the means of defence. Standing armies in a time of peace are indeed dangerous to liberty; but a well furniſhed and well diſciplined militia is of great importance to a ſtate, being neceſſary either to prevent a war, or to put people into a capacity to defend themſelves againſt any invaſion or attack from their enemies. The public welfare requires that our militia be kept on ſuch a reſpectable footing, as ſhall render us ſecure at home, and formidable abroad. But leaving it to the wiſdom of our rulers to determine what is beſt in reference to this matter, let me obſerve, that

The inhabitants of theſe ſtates are under the moſt ſacred obligations, not only to conſult the happineſs of the ſtates, to which they reſpectively belong, by diſcountenancing all diſorders, ſuppreſſing thoſe vices, that are inconſiſtent with the intereſt of ſociety, and giving encouragement and ſupport to every virtue, upon which the peace, proſperity and ſtability of each ſtate, ſeparately conſidered, depend; but by endeavouring to ſtrengthen thoſe bands of union, which have connected the whole together, as one independent nation. By ſolemn confederacy and compact every one is bound, to keep the good of all the ſtates in view, while he aims to promote the good of the particular ſtate with which he is more Immediately connected. In order to preſerve the union between the ſtates, and eſtabliſh it upon a permanent baſis, whatever is inconſiſtent with the principles, which, upon the matureſt deliberation, have been adopted, as the grand cement of it, muſt be carefully avoided; and a proper attention be paid to the intereſt and welfare of the whole. The ſeparate good of the ſeveral ſtates, is to be purſued only by ſuch meaſures, as ſhall harmonize with the good of all in the confederacy.

Nothing did more encourage Britain to undertake and protract the late war, than a pres;umption, that it would be impoſſible for ſtates, ſo diſtant from one another; ſo different, in many reſpects, in their education and manners; and between which, from ſituation and other circumſtances, there would often be an interference and competition of intereſt; to unite, or remain long united in one common cauſe. By mortifying experience ſhe is now convinced of her miſtake; having ſeen the union gather ſtrength and confirmation, under the overruling hand of providence, from the very meaſures which ſhe took, in hopes to break and deſtroy it. Chagrined at this diſappointment of our enemies, it is poſſible there may be ſome among us, who having always been diſaffected to our cauſe, and all along endeavoured to alarm people's minds with preſages of diviſions and diſſenſions between the ſtates, may ſtill wiſh and hope to promote ſuch an event, left their reputation for foreſight ſhould ſuffer; as Jonah wiſhed for the deſtruction of Nineveh, left his prophetic abilities ſhould be called in queſtion. But ſhould any be ſo inimical as to attempt any thing of this ſort, by ſowing diſeord; fomenting animoſities; endeavouring to propagate unreaſonable jealouſies and ſuſpicions, or to nouriſh and ſtrengthen local prejudices; it is hoped there is wisdom, virtue and reſolution enough among the friends of the country, to defeat their evil deſigns, and (m ugre the utmoſt efforts of every incendiary and miſchief-maker) to preſerve the union unbroken, and the confederacy uninturrupted and intire.

It is evidently of the greateſt importance to theſe ſtates, both conjunctly and ſeparately conſidered, to keep the public faith, ſacred and inviolate. This is a main pillar in the politic fabrick; without which the building muſt ſoon fall. This is neceſſary to gain us honour and confidence among other nations, and to preſerve peace and union among ourſelves. Every one therefore is obliged to contribute his ſhare towards fulfilling the engagements and promiſes, made by lawful authority, in behalf of all the ſtates, or of the particular ſtate to which he belongs; that all, whether countrymen or foreigners, who have afforded or ſhall afford any aſſiſtance or ſervice to the public, may receive juſtly expected rewards; and none have reaſon to complain, that they have been decieved and injured, by depending on public faith. Should any be diſpoſed to violate their obligations, in this reſpect, the civil magiſtrate has undoubted authority, and ought to compel them to their duty; for if every one might be left at liberty, to do what is right in his own eyes, public credit would ſtand upon a precarious foundation, and be continually liable to be ſacrificed to the humour, caprice and avarice of individuals.

Though public credit has been in a declining ſtate, yet we are glad there is an hopeful proſpect of its recovery. What particular methods are beſt for placing it on a firm and durable baſis, I have not the vanity to think myſelf capable of determining. But it is conceived, no method can be adopted for this purpoſe, but what will require the aid of taxes, in ſome mode or other; and conſequently give umbrage to thoſe (if any ſuch there are) who never can be ſatisfied, unleſs they can enjoy the bleſſings of good government without coſt. But he, who has juſt conceptions of things, cannot ſure expect to enjoy the bleſſings of ſociety, or ſuppoſe it poſſible to ſupport the honour and credit of government, and attain the ends of it, without conſiderable expence, even in the moſt peaceable times; much leſs, in times of danger, difficulty and general calamity.

It cannot be thought ſtrange, that a diſtreſſing war, of eight years continuance, has involved us in a great debt. But conſidering the magnitude of the object, which we have had in purſuit, and the great exertions which we have been obliged to make in order to attain it, our debt is not ſo great, as might have been expected. Thoſe nations, which are now groaning under the iron yoke of oppreſſion, and deſpotic government, would think themſelves happy, if they could purchaſe the invaluable bleſſings of liberty, at ſo cheap a rate. There is yet another conſideration, which alone is ſufficient to ſilence all complaints, on this head. It is this, that if we had been reunited to Britain, and in addition to other expences, had had a proportional ſhare of her enormous debt laid upon us, it would have hung like a millſtone about our necks, and plunged us into inevitable banckrupty, from which we never could have recovered ourſelves. Our preſent burden, tho' ſomewhat preſſing, is comparatively light. Let prodigality, luxury, and other impoveriſhing vices be baniſhed from among us; and let frugality, oeconomy and induſtry ſupply their place; and then conſidering our means and reſources, it will not be ſo difficult to diſcharge our debt, in the courſe of a few years, as ſome may imagine. And while the legiſlature, in levying taxes, for this and other important purpoſes, take all poſſible care to make the burden as light as the public exigences will permit, and to adjuſt each man's ſhare of the public expence to his intereſt and circumſtances, every one, inſtead of indulging a murmuring temper, ſhould chearfully endeavour to defray his part, rejoicing that ſuch wile proviſion is made for judgment to run down as waters, and righteouſneſs as a mighty ſtream.

Convinced of the neceſſity of a ſtrict regard to juſtice, for preſerving the credit of government, and mutual confidence between the members of a community, every true friend to ſociety will wiſh and endeavour to promote it, in all orders of men, from the higheſt to the loweſt. It is an obſervation of a king, as much celebrated for his wiſdom as magnificence, and may be laid down as a maxim, confirmed by the experience of all ages, that righteouſneſs exalteth a nation. According to the natural courſe of things, and common order of providence, that ſociety has the faireſt proſpect of proſperity, and laſting felicity, where government, firſt founded in equity, is adminiſtered according to the rules of impartial juſtice; and where truth, honeſty and fidelity are encouraged, maintained and promoted between man and man, in their private intercourſe and tranſactions. In this caſe, peace and harmony will prevail among the members of a ſociety; who will conſequently be in a ſuitable diſpoſition to ſerve one another, and to unite in ſuch meaſures as the general intereſt ſhall, at any time, require. But when the oppoſite vices predominate; when faith and truth, uprightneſs and integrity take their flight; when juſtice is made a matter of traffick, and is bought and fold for money; when deciet, falſhood, unrighteouſneſs and oppreſſion bear ſway without controal; then diſorder and confuſion, ſchiſm, tumult and miſery, may be expected as a natural conſequence and effect.

Though unrighteouſneſs may ſometimes anſwer a preſent purpoſe; yet follow it a little way, in it's conſequences, and it will be found to be the parent of difficulty and trouble of embarraſſment and perplexity. There can be no danger or hazard in adhering to the rules of juſtice; but what is morally wrong can never be good policy, in reference either to public or private affairs.

There is nothing more manifeſt, than that the intereſt of a people is greatly affected, by the virtues and vices prevalent among them. From hence the inference is obvious, that the morals of a people are among the great objects, which claim the particular attention of the legiſlature and civil authority. It evidently falls within their province, to provide means, by law, for the ſuppreſſion of vice and wickedneſs, and the promotion of good morals. In order effectually to anſwer theſe ends, care ſhould be taken for the diffuſion of learning and religion through a ſociety; that people may entertain juſt conceptions of the dignity and rights of human nature, and be early initiated in the principles of a ſober, honeſt and pious life. The general prevalence of ignorance and irreligion muſt be productive of very miſchievous effects in ſociety. For ignorant minds, unimpreſſed with a ſenſe of a Deity, of a providence and a future ſtate, muſt be unprincipled, and prepared, whenever occaſions offer, for the moſt atrocious crimes. I would juſt add, that an ignorant people, are continually liable to be impoſed upon, and ſeduced into a ſurrender of their liberties, by the ſpecious arts, eloquence and addreſs of deſigning men. whoſe enterprizing ambition will not fail to lay hold on ſuch an advantage, for the acquiſition of power.

Senſible of how great importance it is to the happineſs of a people, to be early inſtructed in the principles of piety and virtue, and furniſhed with good degrees of knowledge, reſpecting the things of this world and that to come, our worthy anceſtors were induced to take effectual care for the encouragement and ſupport of the liberal arts and ſciences; for the preſervation of a reverential ſenſe of a Deity on people's minds; for the inſtruction of all in religion and good literature. Great and invaluable are the bleſſings, that have been derived to us, their poſterity, from their pious care, in theſe reſpects; a conſideration whereof ſhould provoke us to imitation; that as we have reaſon to honour their memory, for the excellent proviſion they made for our happineſs and welfare, ſo our deſcendents may have equal reaſon to riſe up and call us bleſſed.

Our new conſtitution, while it has provided every guard, which human wiſdom can invent, to defend our liberties, civil and religious, againſt every encroachment of arbitrary power, has authorized but civil rulers to take care of the morals of people, by furniſhing them with the means of inſtruction in virtue, piety and every branch of uſeful knowledge. They will therefore conſider themſelves as obliged to adopt ſuitable meaſures for the encouragement of literature, the advancement of the ſciences, and the preſervation of a ſenſe of religion among all orders of men.

To ſay nothing of other literary inſtitutions, which claim the patronage of our political fathers, and of all the friends of ſcience; let me obſerve, that the laws providing for the eſtabliſhment of ſchools, in our ſeveral towns and plantations, are wiſely calculated to promote the great ends of ſociety, by affording to all, the neceſſary means of education and inſtruction in the moſt important, uſeful and profitable branches of learning. But of what ſervice or ſignificance are the beſt laws, while they lie dormant, and may be tranſgreſſed with impunity? A law unexecuted is without life; and can anſwer no end, but to bring civil authority into diſrepute.

As to laws obliging people to aſſemble for public worſhip, and provide themſelves with public teachers of religion; ſuch laws are evidently well adapted to promote the good order of civil government, and advance the happineſs of a people, by enforcing the uſe of proper means for impreſſing men's minds with an awe of the ſupreme Governor of the world, and engaging them from a ſenſe of their accountableneſs to him, to fulfil all moral obligation, and live in the practice of the virtues of a good life. And it is conceived that ſuch laws can be no reaſonable ground of complaint, ſo long as the ſacred rights of conſcience are ſufficiently guarded and ſecured, by leaving people at liberty to chuſe their own teachers, and modes of worship; and while none are ſubjected to fines, forfeitures or any diſadvantages of a civil nature, for their particular religious ſentiments and profeſſion, if they be peaceable members of ſociety, and do not propagate any doctrines, inconſiſtent with the ſafety of the ſtate.

To carry the idea of religious liberty ſo far, as to make it an effectual hindrance to the providing and uſing neceſſary means, for the preſervation of a ſenſe of religion and moral obligation among the members of a community, is to oppoſe it to the intereſts of human ſociety, and to rob civil government of one of it's main ſupports. For the moſt powerful enforcements of obedience to civil authority, are derived from a conſideration and belief, that there is a ſupreme inviſible Power, preſiding over the world, to whom all men are accountable, and who will reward or puniſh every man, in a future ſtate, according to his works. Obedience that proceeds wholly from fear of puniſhment from men, is precarious and uncertain; and will be withdrawn, upon the ſlighteſt temptations of pleaſure or profit, whenever a perſon believes, that he can eſcape with impunity. Religion therefore forms a more ſteady and permanent principle of obedience to civil government, than any penal ſanctions, of a temporary nature, by which the laws of men can be enforced.

It would evidently conduce greatly to the happineſs and tranquility of ſociety, and facilitate the adminiſtration of government and public juſtice, could people, in general, be perſuaded to ſubmit to the authority of the community, veſted in it's rulers, and to obey the laws, not only for wrath, but for conſcience ſake. It is not conceivable how any ſociety ſhould enjoy this advantage, where the public worſhip of God is neglected, and no proper means made uſe of, for the inſtruction of people in piety, religion and morality.

The deſign of the inſtitution of civil government being the good of the people, they who are intruſted with the management of it, ſhould make this the grand object of their attention and purſuit, and in the exerciſe of their conſtitutional powers, uſe all means and methods, that are of manifeſt importance and neceſſity to anſwer this end. This will make them a terror to evil doers, and an encouragement to them who do well. This will not only command a general reverence; but inſure to them the particular eſteem, aſſiſtance and ſupport of every true friend to the commonwealth; and cauſe the cenſures and calumnies of the envious, malicious and factious, to recoil on their own heads. This will make them public bleſſings and benefactors; and give them thoſe ſincere delights and ſupporting conſolations, which ariſe from reflections on ſuch good and uſeful actions, as have greatly contributed to the general intereſt and proſperity, and advanced the happineſs of ſociety.

It might be tho't an inexcuſable omiſſion, ſhould I cloſe this diſcourſe, without paying a particular honourable attention to the worthy gentlemen, who have lately been veſted with the ſovereign powers of this commonwealth. Their promotion to ſuch high ſtations of authority, by the ſuffrages of a free people, gives them reſpectability, and entitles them to our confidence.

It affords us ſingular pleaſure, that the higheſt ſeat in government, is filled, the fourth time, with a generous, uniform, perſevering and reſolute 〈◊〉 ; who has acquitted himſelf with integrity and honour, in the ſeveral important departments, in which he has been employed, ſince the beginning of our late conteſts. Nor ſhall we forget, that for the early decided and diſtinguiſhing part, which he took, in the cauſe of his country, he had the honour to be marked out, in conjunction with an eminent compatriot, for the firſt victim of Britiſh vengeance. Our ſatisfaction on account of his being again choſen firſt magiſtrate of this commonwealth, would be without allay, on this occaſion, was he not prevented, by ſickneſs, from honouring the ſolemnities of the day with his preſence.

We are happy to find, that the ſecond rank in government, by the voice of the people, is again conferred on a gentleman, who, by an unwearied inflexible attachment to the cauſe of America, through all the hazzardous ſcenes of the late war, from firſt to laſt, has given full proof of his patriotiſm, and juſtify merited public reſpect and honour.

We rejoice that ſo many other worthy characters, that have approved themſelves faſt friends to their country, in the most perilous times, are intruſted with a ſhare in the adminiſtration of government, and the important powers of legiſlation.

The teſtimony, which his Excellency; his Honor, the lieutenant-governor; and the honorable gentlemen, that compoſe the two branches of the general court, have received; and which the council, ſtill to be choſen, will receive, of the eſteem and confidence of the people, by their election to ſuch high offices; muſt be an encouragement and animating motive to them, to improve the advantages reſulting from their exalted ſtations, for the good of the public, the end of their advancement. We know that their buſineſs muſt be peculiarly difficult and arduous, at ſuch a day as this. Until the body politic ſhall be cured of thoſe diſtempers and diſorders, which have been introduced by the convulſions of war, it will require great ſtrength and fortitude of mind, to hold the reins, and ſuſtain the burden of government. Great ſkill and wiſdom, great firmneſs and reſolution tempered with prudence, are neceſſary, at the preſent criſis; to retrieve public credit; to do equal juſtice to all; to quiet the agitations of people's minds; to put the affairs of the public into a proper train and arrangement; to repair the diſorders of the political machine, and adjuſt the wheels and ſprings of it, in ſuch a manner, that every part may anſwer its end, and contribute to the beauty, order and uſefulneſs of the whole. We therefore moſt heartily commend our civil fathers to the bleſſing of that God, who giveth wiſdom to the wiſe, and underſtanding to the prudent. May the legiſlature, and all in authority, from the firſt magiſtrate to the loweſt officer, be endued with wiſdom and armed with proweſs, ſuitable to their ſtations, and be public bleſſings.

And let all people, of every claſs and denomination, ſeriouſly conſider, how much it behoves them to ſubmit to thoſe, who are in authority over them, and to conform to the conſtitution and laws of the commonwealth, in order effectually to ſecure the bleſſings of civil government. While civil rulers are to be cautioned againſt an abuſe of authority, and exhorted to employ their powers for the good of the public; people are to be put in mind to honour and obey magiſtrates; to be ſubject unto the higher powers, and to ſubmit themſelves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's ſake.

When people give way to a refractory temper; ſet themſeles up in oppoſition to government; and by continual groundleſs invectives, endeavour to bring an odium upon their rulers, and upon all public meaſures; they take a direct method to overthrow ail civil authority, and to diſband and aboliſh ſociety. Let people be vigilant and guarded againſt the encroachments of arbitrary power; but let them, at the ſame time, take heed, that they deprive not themſelves of the bleſſings of good government, and plunge themſelves into all the diſorders and miſchiefs of anarchy, in order to ſecure themſelves againſt tyranny. This would be as prepoſterous, as for a mariner to ſuffer voluntary ſhipwreck upon the rocks of Seilly, in order to avoid the dangers of Charybdis. No wiſe man will run into one extreme, in order to avoid its oppoſite, while he can ſteer ſafely, in a middle courſe, between both.

Senſible of the importance of good government, the true friends of ſociety will chearfully ſubmit to lawful authority, and endeavour to encourage and ſupport thoſe, who are in public ſtations, in the execution of their high offices, for the public good. And while they do thus, they will cultivate in themſelves and others, thoſe benevolent diſpoſitions, and thoſe principles of integrity, honeſty and juſtice, which are neceſſary to preſerve peace and amity, good humour, order and mutual confidence among neighbours and to lay a foundation for thoſe private friendſhips, which afford ſome of the moſt refined ſocial pleaſures and delights.

And let it be remembered, that by the virtues of a good life, added to their religious devotions and acts of homage and worſhip, the people put themſelves under the protection and patronage, and ſecure the friendſhip of that almighty Being, whoſe providence governs the world; whoſe voice all nature obeys; to whoſe controul all ſecond cauſes and ſubordinate agents are ſubject; and whoſe ſole prerogative it is to diſpenſe bleſſings or calamities, as to his wiſdom ſeems beſt. A people under the ſmiles of Heaven muſt be proſperous and happy. If God be for us, who can be againſt us?

What happineſs might we enjoy, as a people, and as individuals, if every one would reform his vices; cultivate a meek, peaceable and benevolent ſpirit; and uſe his beſt endeavours to promote the good of others, as well as his own? What bleſſings might we procure to ourſelves and to the community, if with one heart and one ſoul, we would apply ourſelves to the duties, that we owe to one another, as brethren and fellowcitizens, and make it our buſineſs to fulfil all moral, ſocial and civil obligations? By thus doing, at the ſame time that we ſhould brighten our proſpects into the future world, and, through the merits of our moſt merciful Redeemer, provide for immortal bleſſedneſs in another ſtate of exiſtence, we might alſo ſecure to ourſelves all the bleſſings of ſociety on earth, and change this world into a ſort of paradiſe.

We have therefore every inducement ſuitable to work upon us as rational creatures, to engage us to conform to the rules of virtue, and comply with the great and comprehenſive law of ſubjection to one another. Let us lay our minds open to the ſacred influence of ſuch mighty motives, that we may be happy in our connections, both public and private, in this world; and in the world to come, be admitted to the ſociety of thoſe bleſſed beings, who, knit together by the indiſſoluble ties of the moſt ſincere and ardent love, have happy and uninterrupted experience of the moſt pure, perfect and ſublime pleaſures of friendſhip, for ever and ever.

May the benevolent Parent and ſupreme Ruler of the univerſe beſtow his benediction on us; unite our hearts in love to one another, and in the love of virtue; and diſpoſe us to keep all his commandments always; that, the ſcenes of our troubles cloſed, we may ſee good days; rejoice in the happy effects of his favour to us, and in the promiſing proſpects of the bleſſedneſs and proſperity of our deſcendents, to the lateſt generation.

AMEN.