Considerations on the sovereignty, independence, trade and fisheries of New Ireland, (formerly known by the name of Nova Scotia) and the adjacent islands: submitted to the European powers, that may be engaged in settling the terms of peace, among the nations at war.

Considerations on the sovereignty, independence, trade and fisheries of New Ireland, (formerly known by the name of Nova Scotia) and the adjacent islands: submitted to the European powers, that may be engaged in settling the terms of peace, among the nations at war.

Table of contents

Title page

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NUMBER IV. To the PEACE MAKERS. PERPETUAL PEACE ON SOLID GROUNDS.

NUMBER V. To the PEACE MAKERS.

NUMBER VI. To the PEACE MAKERS.

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CONSIDERATIONS ON THE SOVEREIGNTY, INDEPENDENCE, TRADE AND FISHERIES OF NEW IRELAND, (Formerly known by the Name of NOVA SCOTIA) AND THE ADJACENT ISLANDS: SUBMITTED TO THE EUROPEAN POWERS, That may be engaged in settling the Terms of PEACE, among the NATIONS AT WAR.

[...] OF THE SOVEREIGN, FREE AND [...] COMMONWEALTH OF NEW IRELAND.

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BY virtue of authority derived from the people of New Ireland, formerly known by the name of Nova Scotia, comprehending the Islands adjacent, viz. St. John's, Cape Breton, Newfoundland, &c. &c. these numbers are published and forwarded for the consideration of the European Courts: the preceding numbers more especially concern the people of New Ireland, and the United States.

A person vested with full power to act in behalf of the people of New Ireland, in the treaty of peace, when this shall take place, will soon be dispatched to Europe.

NUMBER IV. To the PEACE MAKERS. PERPETUAL PEACE ON SOLID GROUNDS.

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And Abraham said unto Lot, Let there be no strife, I pray thee, between me and thee, and between my herdmen and thy herdmen: for we be brethren. Separate thyself, I pray thee, from me.

Gen. xiii. 8, 9.

Righteousness exalteth a nation.

Prov. xiv. 34.

AS the present contest between Britain and America must sooner or later come to period, the future harmony of the present belligerant powers, the general good of both Europe and America, and perpetuating peace on each side of the Atlantic, will in all probability greatly depend on the footing on which matters may be put at the treaty of peace; and yet among the various topics repeatedly discussed in the public papers, little or nothing has been said on this head. It certainly cannot be improper to bring the subject into view, and excite the public [Page] attention, to a matter of so great moment, involving in it, not only every individual of the present generation, but the happiness of ages yet unborn. For this purpose, the following thoughts are submitted to public consideration.

First, Respecting territory or dominion. The God of nature, by interposing the vast Atlantic between Europe and America, seems evidently to have pointed out the true natural connection of the one with the other, to be by trade and commerce; and to have forbidden both to exercise rule or authority, except on their own side of the ocean. As long, indeed, as any European power holding possessions in America, treats the inhabitants so that they find their interest and happiness best secured and promoted by such connection, so long may that connection be expected to continue, and no longer. Whenever this ceases to be the case, that people, if able, will certainly revolt, and set up for themselves; or, if not able, will watch for and embrace the first favourable opportunity of extricating themselves from the yoke. This is a principle in nature; and to expect the reverse is equally absurd as to expect rivers to turn backward, or the ebbing and flowing of the sea to cease. European sovereignty, therefore, as long as it exists in America, must ever be maintained by gentle measures, engaging the affections of the people, and convincing them of their interest in it. The moment the iron sceptre is substituted in the place of the olive wand, that moment the connection begins to dissolve; and by continuing to enforce their authority by violence, [Page] it is eternally broken. Thus it has been between Britain and the American states; insomuch that were both parties desirous to return to their former connections, it would be in the nature of things impossible for human wisdom to devise a plan, which the mutual jealousies and distrust unavoidable in such a case, would not utterly and inevitably defeat. Were Britain, therefore, to be influenced solely by a regard to her interest, without the least attention to any other motive, she would endeavour to settle matters on that plan which is best calculated to restore friendship, and lay a foundation for obtaining advantage by an amicable commercial intercourse; which from the very nature of things cannot be expected in any other channel. But to obtain this, and to settle matters on a solid basis, she must not only allow the independence of the thirteen states, but must relinquish all claims of dominion over the part she yet holds on the continent, especially her northern possessions, and allow them to legislate for, and govern, themselves in the manner they may think best, either in union with the other states, or separate from them. And whatever Britain or others may think of it, and whatever means may be used to prevent it, to this situation matters must and will come, by the natural and necessary course of human affairs, before they rest in a per [...] state. The reasons are obvious; her relinquishing her claims of dominion over the possessions she holds, would appear to the people as an act of generosity, and tend to unite them to her commercial interest, more than any restraint or [Page] force could possibly do, and would at the same time convince the states, that she had laid aside all hostile designs against America: and thus removing all ground of jealousy and apprehension of danger, would open a door to mutual friendly intercourse; and accomplish by the subtilty of the fox, what she cannot obtain by the force of the lion. Whereas if she resolve to retain them, her fear of losing them, by revolt or otherwise, will necessarily oblige her to a great expence in fortifying, keeping up troops, &c. &c. which will probably overbalance all the advantage derived from claiming them as hers; beyond what she might have by a free trade, on the foot of their being their own masters. Her strengthening these places will also naturally alarm the states, and perpetuate their jealousy of her having still a design to attack them in some quarter, and prevent return of friendship. It may also disquiet the minds of the people thus retained, as though kept like vassals, when they see the states trade freely to all parts of the world, and themselves confined to Britain; and in process of time produce a revolt; and the fortifications Britain had made be turned against herself: or should a war again break out between her and the other maritime powers, some of them might seize perhaps those retained possessions, and deprive her intirely of trade to them afterwards; and besides, the consequence of her retaining these possessions will be, either that differences and disturbances will rise between those British subjects, and the subjects of the states neighbouring so near together, as in the case from [Page] which my motto is taken; or they will attempt to set up for themselves and become independant; in either of which cases, a war will probably ensue, and spread the flame through Europe as well as America; which ought therefore to be guarded against, in the most effectual manner, by every power that would wish the preservation of peace. France wisely foresaw the danger, that might arise from such a vicinity of different subjects; and therefore effectually to prevent future differences, interwove in the ground work of the alliance with the states, a quit-claim to act her former possessions in America; and certainly the danger of differences arising between Britain and the states is far greater, than could in that case have been supposed. In short, if Britain retains any part of her American possessions, especially to the northward, a peace, whenever made, will not be sheathing the sword, but laying it by for a season, to be presently employed again, in the horrid scenes of bloodshed, massacre and war. The case with respect to Spain to the southward is very different; there subsists no animosity or jealousy; and both they and the states, have such a vast scope of yet unexplored country lying behind them, that there is not the least probability of any differences arising between them, from vicinity.

My next shall contain some observations upon the fisheries, and the charters to the first settlers.

The work of righteousness shall be peace. Isaiah.

A. [...] N.P. of S.J.A. & N.I.

NUMBER V. To the PEACE MAKERS.

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Deceit is in the heart of them that imagine evil: but to the counsellers of peace is joy.

Solomon. Prov. xii. 20.

THE next object of attention is the fisheries by Nova Scotia, the islands adjacent, New-foundland, &c. &c. and here it is to be observed, that as honesty is the best policy, and individuals ever find their true interest in uprightness, and doing to others as they would wish to be done to themselves; it is so also with nations, and their true political interest consists not in making power, but justice and right, the rule of their conduct. The path of policy, when viewed in this point of light, and indeed the only true one, is plain and easy, entirely free from those crooked turnings and windings, as falsly as frequently termed state policy, and which never fails, sooner or later, to lead to destruction, those that walk in them.

On this sure and solid principle alone, I therefore proceed to observe, that the God of Nature has wisely ballanced to all parts of the habitable earth, their advantages and disadvantages; and has so ordered matters, that the wants of one nation are supplied by the redundance of those articles in another, and so respectively throughout the whole: For this end, no doubt, to maintain a [Page] mutual intercourse and exchange of benefits, among the various parts of the great family of mankind; and thus to form a universal cement, by each contributing to the supply of others, as the members of the body, to the general good of the whole.—What therefore Nova Scotia, Islands, Newfoundland and States adjacent, &c. might want in other respects, it has pleased the great Creator to make up to them in numerous shoals of fish along their coast; as evidently designed in the first instance for their benefit, as the pearl fishery in the gulf of Persia is for that people, or the salt on the coasts of Portugal and the Islands, for the advantage of the inhabitants, or the quails in the wilderness for the children of Israel; and in the second, to furnish them with a staple for trade and intercourse with their brethren of mankind; that they might mutually benefit, and be benefited by one another: and accordingly all nations have ever agreed, that the sea, lying along the coast of a country, with the particular advantages derived from it, as really as the land on which they dwell, belongs to the inhabitants.

On this principle, each European power claims their adjoining sea, and would esteem it an intrusion and insult, should any others pretend to claim an equal right. And on this universally confessed principle, when Queen Elizabeth, A. D. 1578, made a grant to Sir Humphry Gilbert, confirming to him, his heirs and assigns for ever, all the lands he might discover in North America, as far northerly as sixty-eight degrees of north latitude, not already occupied or claimed by any Christian power; the adjoining seas were [Page] equally granted and confirmed to him as the land; and by virtue of this grant, Newfoundland was settled, and in King James's first and second charters for Virginia, A. D. 1606 and 1600, comprehending the whole country between the latitudes thirty-four and forty-five, from sea to sea, the adjoinining seas, with the islands, fishings, &c. are equally and as expressly granted as the land: and in his third charter, A. D. 1611, this sea extent is particularly mentioned, to the distance of a thousand miles.

The right of European powers, to grant lands they never owned, is not now the question, but it serves to shew the sense of nations on this head; and as a quit claim to America, against any European pretensions to fisheries on their coasts; as whatever claim there was by any European power, Britain had it, and whatever right she had or claimed, she solemnly transferred and confirmed to the inhabitants of the country. From all which it evidently appears, that the fisheries on the coasts of Nova Scotia, and islands belonging thereto, with Newfoundland, &c. &c. properly belong to the people inhabiting the adjacent land, (otherwise the great Creator could have easily ordered the American sinny tribes to the European shoars) and that they cannot in justice be deprived thereof, by the intervention of others, any more than of the land on which they are settled.

If, therefore, matters are allowed to rest on this universally acknowledged and confirmed principle, inhabitants coming from whatever part [Page] they may, and settling in the country, will find employment and support by the fisheries, and commerce and a free trade will afford an ample supply to others; and things being thus conducted in a natural easy channel, all future occasion of war or bloodshed from this quarter will be effectually prevented, and a fair and pleasing prospect opened of permanent peace.—Whereas, should any European power engross the fishery, besides the manifest violation of justice towards the inhabitants of the adjacent lands or states, that power would possess such undue advantages over others, not only in the article of fishing, but in a nursery for seamen, to encrease their marine and man their fleets, as to render the safety of their neighbours exceedingly precarious, and perpetually endanger the peace of both Europe and America. Suppose any one European power to have fifty or sixty thousand men employed in the fishery, as might very readily be, and certainly soon would be, if engrossed by any one, how easy would it be, for such power to fit out and man a fleet, that would overturn the liberty of both Europe and America, and give law to all the nations around? and still more so, if that nation should possess a great extent of adjacent country, to furnish materials for ship building, &c. whilst on the other hand, if the fishery be carried on by the inhabitants of the adjacent country, to whom it properly belongs, no such danger can be apprehended, as the idea of invading Europe, or attempting to acquire any possessions there, would be too absurd and chimerical, ever to enter the [Page] minds of a people, at so great a distance. This is a matter so deeply interesting to European powers as well as America, that a regard to their own advantages and safety loudly calls for their most serious attention, and utmost exertions to prevent it.—And to throw the fisheries open to all, would be in effect confirming them to the few, who are already in possession; for their knowlege of the business, and the case with which they could interrupt their neighbours, by only altering the size of their fishing vessels, and thereby discouraging adventurers, would, besides the flagrant injustice mentioned above, be opening a door to frequent debates and quarrels, among the subjects of the different powers, which could not fail to involve them in a war more expensive, than all the advantage they derived from the fishing could compensate. Besides the nations lying most convenient, and having the greatest number of vessels, would, in such case, have a peculiar advantage over those more remote, and whose marine are not so numerous; and might very probably, after a while, entirely exclude them from any share. For a few European nations to divide it among themselves, would be equally unjust, and equally dangerous to the peace and safety of their neighbours, and even to their own peace among themselves. There remains, therefore, no prospect of peace and safety, but in resting the matter on the true principle above; which the interest of both Europe and America, if duly considered, on the large scale of mutual advantage and perpetuated peace, will most certainly lead them to adopt.

[Page]It has been alledged, that the affair of the fishery will be settled by the powers now at war, when a peace comes to be made: but it ought to be considered, that it belongs not to any of them to dispose of them, unless by an act of violence, and confidence in their power to the subversion of justice and right.

Britain, France, and the states, may dispose of their own property as they see meet; but may not in justice meddle with that of others. The fisheries on the banks of Nova Scotia, islands adjacent, Newfoundland, &c. belong to the inhabitants there, by the grant of the great creator; and the European claim, such as it was, transferred and confirmed them to them. If any alledge, these places belong to Britain, and she may dispose of them as she may think proper; I reply, the charter for Newfoundland (as mentioned above) confirms to the inhabitants there a right to both land and sea, not to be revoked or forfeited; and whatever part that people may act, either towards the subjects of Britain or others, all that Britain can do, according to the express declaration of the charter, is to declare them "out of the allegiance and protection of Britain; and to be no longer avowed, maintained or defended by her;" but may not rob them of their just natural or acquired rights. And the grant for the settlement of Nova Scotia was ‘unconditional, absolute, and without any exception or reservation whatsoever; or wheresoever, of all rights royalties, priviledges, franchises, &c. both by sea and land, and likewise the power of goverment, by laws [Page] to be made by their own legislatures,’ was given for encouraging the settlement of the country, which would have been the true interest of Britain, to have strictly adhered to and fully complied with: and therefore the people consider themselves, equally entitled to their lands and coasts, and to as free a government of their own, from under the controul of any other, as any of the American states; and hope through the blessing of God to maintain it: and hence it is that though their memetropolis has been held by the British through the present war; and their strength is not sufficient to free themselves as yet of the imposition, they have notwithstanding taken no active part on that side, but wait for a favorable season of deliverance, and to assert their sovereignty, independent freedom and just rights inseperably connected therewith. Upon the whole, should peace be established on the above foundation, it will open the fairest prospect of a long uninterupted series of tranquility to both Europe and America, all ground of disquiet and disturbance being entirely removed. But if matters be unhappily settled on the footing of Britain retaining any part of American possession, especially to the northward, and the fisheries to be monopolized by one, or divided among more, or fewer of the European powers, whether the states have a share or not, it must appear evident on a small degree of reflection, the issue must be, in all probability, another war in a short space of time, involving in it the inhabitants on both sides the atlantic, which the true interest of [Page] all concerned would certainly lead them by all means to prevent.

And the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace.

James iii. 18.

A. [...] N.P. of S.J.A. & N.I.

NUMBER VI. To the PEACE MAKERS.

Therefore in all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them: for this is the law and the prophets.

Mat. vii. 12.

The golden and unering rule.

THE eager desire of most people in America to see peace return, makes the terms, on which it ought to be settled, an object of very great consequence; and unless the subject be better understood than at present it generally seems to be, we shall have much greater reason to deprecate peace, than a continuation of the war. Peace to America cannot consist in a meer cessation from hostilities, and withdrawing of armies; but on the principles, on which these events may take place, in Europe. Articles of pacification are little else than a resolution to cease from hostilities, until one or other of the parties have recovered from the losses sustained by the war, or recruited their finances. Modern treaties of perpetual frienship [Page] and peace, scarcely ever exist as long as antient truces, which had no other object but a renewal of the war, after a few years breathing. These kinds of pacification can never answer any valuable end to America; the principles on which she ought to make peace, should be such as would secure her from new wars, if she means to be happy, or to enjoy the best advantages of a revolution. Many will say, what occasion to write on a subject so distant? first shew us that there is a prospect of overtures. To this I reply, that we are at least twelve months behind in information on the subject; and should the terms on which we ought to sheath the sword become the topic of occasional conversation, for the whole time; we should not be too well prepared for entering on the business: and I think the political state of Europe, make overtures probable by the close of the campaign. The object is large and very extensive, embracing the interests not only of the belligerent powers, but of every principal state in Europe as well as America. We are young and not over expert in the knowledge of every national concern: all men can see what fate must await us, if we discover as little skill in negociation as in finance, or many other objects of public attention. It is not uncommon, for a nation to recover, by the terms of pacification, as much as she lost by the sword; and tho' the war be unfortunate, the peace may be advantageous. It requires a man to be well acquainted with the circumstances and interests of his own nation, and of those powers with whom he may either formally or eventually be connected, [Page] as well as those of the enemy, to be qualified to assist in a negociation for peace. Whenever that event takes place, if the terms be good and proper for America, she may enjoy perpetual tranquility, and be on terms of amity and friendship with every nation, which may visit her coasts, or enter her ports; and it is plain therefore that the pacification must comprehend the general and common interests of all. But if the terms be not such as comprehend all, she stands a very great chance to change enemies; but never to enjoy untroubled security. Dear bought experience has taught us to know, that the scalping knife and tomahawk are equally employed, to butcher our innocent back settlers, while any nation possesses territory either to the eastward, or in any other quarter, on this side of the Missisippi. Canada, Nova Scotia, and Louisiana, in the possession of France or Great Britain, are alike hostile to America; and she could never be safe in the neighbourhood of either.

France, whose motives will appear the more just, and measures more generous and disinterested, the more they are examined, has wisely ceded all her claims on these countries. Had she discovered any reluctance on this head, she would have sown the seeds of jealousy and dissolution in the very vitals of the treaty of amity, into which she has entered with the American States. By cheerfully relinquishing her claim, she has removed all cause of uneasiness, and destroyed every apprehension of sinister designs, and united them to her for ever: but as much as it is [Page] her interest and theirs to be on terms of friendship with each other, so much it is the interest of both, that Britain retain no claim to any part of these countries; and a peace without our independence and connexion with them, would only be the cause of new wars, and involve both in the repetition of their present troubles and expence: for Britain to be our neighbour is to have Britain our enemy. No proverb more true than that, "He who injures, can never forgive," and Britain having once injured, can never forgive America. To live at peace, therefore, with each other, British power must be as far removed from us as her islands are: this therefore, though too little thought of, is a point of the last consequence; but there is one other, perhaps less attended to, which is yet of more importance, and on the right settlement of which, the freedom and extension of our commerce will greatly, if not principally, depend; and it is a point, which is equally interesting to every European power, whose subjects either are, or may become merchants, and who wish to feel the enriching influence of commerce: this is to prevent any European power claiming any share in our fisheries, and to guarantee them only to the inhabitants of the adjacent states, to whom they properly belong, as may appear more fully from the preceding numbers.—Britain usurping it, became mistress of the ocean, and so would any other European power. America possessing it, becomes only an object of a more extensive and lucrative commerce, which must appear evident to every [Page] intelligent person. Every part of America is possessed of a landed staple commodity; excepting that, on the coasts of which, fish are caught in the greatest abundance; to them Nature seems to have allotted this staple, and by means of it to connect them with the distant nations: fixing peace on these principles, America becomes the common mart of Europe, where every one will find the article he wants, and the purchaser of what he has to dispose of.—But divide it between any foreign powers, in whole, or in part, quarrelling, confusion and animosity will be the unceasing consequence. Possession in common of any property, which can be improved and enjoyed, is as impossible among nations, as among individuals. The weaker must always suffer, and the advantages in trade, which the European powers will possess, who do not also possess a full share in the fishery, will be very small, and to divide it amongst all, would be to sow the seeds of continual contention, and in a great measure to defeat their intentions, in wishing our independence, and often involve us in disagreeable altercations.— They, who have the land, can alone enjoy and improve the fishery to general and equal advantage: Europe will be their market, and Europe will reap the benefits of their traffic; a general circuitous and very profitable trade will be the consequence, and no one power will possess any naval advantage over another. The justness and generosity of the policy of France, in relinquishing all claims to the land, leaves no room to doubt of their acting on the same principles, with [Page] regard to the fishery, whenever applied to, on the subject; and the haughty and imperious conduct of Britain to the mercantile and neutral powers of Europe, shews plainly what they are to expect from her, should she continue to derive the supplies of seamen from the fishery, which she has hitherto done.

It is therefore the interest of all Europe to turn their eyes to this object, and to oblige Britain to give up every pretension thereto. On this head, the stipulations ought to be very clear and decisive; and that power alone should possess it, in whose possession it becomes an inexhaustible source of general advantage to all, without proving a bone of contention to any. Let them act wisely, and they will reap plentifully, but neglecting the present opportunity, they will one day feel the folly of their inattention.

I shall conclude by observing to those powers that are in pursuit of imaginary honour, that in a righteous cause, and the just defence of a man's country, all actions of valour are indeed just reasons of praise; but in all other cases, victory and conquest are no more than murder and rapine; and every one is to be detested as the greatest enemy to mankind, that is most active herein. Those are only true heroes, who most benefit the world, by promoting the peace, welfare, and good of mankind: but such as oppress it with the slaughter of men, desolation of countries, the burning of cities, and the other calamities which attend war, are the scourges of God, and the greatest plagues and calamities that [Page] can happen to it; and which are never sent into the world but for the punishment of it; and therefore ought, as such, to be prayed against, and detested by all mankind.

ALEXANDER the great, and Julius Caesar, were two of the most eminent conquerors perhaps to be met with in history, yet their victories and and conquests were so far from being advantages to them, that on the contrary they terminated in their death and ruin, the whole royal families of Philip king of Macedon, and of Alexander the the great his son, were utterly extirpated within the space of the [...] years; (reckoning from the 334th year [...] Christ, when Alexander entered upon his exp [...]tion against Darius;) and they, their wives, and all that were descended of them, died violent deaths. Thus these two kings, who by their oppressive and destructive wars had made many tragedies in the families of other princes, and people, had them all at length, by the just ordination of providence, brought home to their own.

Julius Caesar fought fifty battles without missing of success in any one of them, unless at Pharus, where he swam for his life; and once at Dyrrachium, and in these battles he is said to have slain one million one hundred and ninety two thousand men; which proves him to have been the great cut-throat of the age in which he lived. What is the fruit he reaped from these victories? His own blood is shed in the senate, being slain there, even by some whom, he had most highly obliged: and dying childless, his nephew Octavius, [Page] whom he had adopted, swam to the empire also in torrents of blood; and at length left it to the posterity of Authony, whom he had conquered: for none of Octavius's (i. e. Augustus's) posterity ever enjoyed the empire. These bloody men were raised up, in the holy and righteous providence of God, as scourges in his hand, for the punishment of the wickedness of the age in which they lived; the work was God's; but it being malice, revenge and ambition, that excited them to be the instruments in the execution of it, they justly had for ther reward thereof that destruction by which they fell; [...] reputed the greatest pests and plagues [...] kind. But such is the folly of men, and [...], that they usually make the actions of war, bloodshed, and conquest, the subjects of their highest encomiums; and those their most celebrated heroes, that most excel therein.

I shall further add, that neither Britain nor France, can expect to hold any part in America, but by shedding of innocent blood and loss of the affection of the people. Let people therefore from every quarter of Europe, come and settle in America, there can he no cause of complaint when all people of fair moral characters, from every quarter, will meet with equal encouragement. What can Europe have to fear from a number of their own people? Nor will there be any great danger of any one state, injuring another; as by their several constitutions, such a quick rotation of their officers of government, will prevent their forming plans or schemes, against either [Page] their neighbours or constituents. But should any European powers endeavour to enslave them, and even gain their point; their victories would tend to no other purpose, than to find them employment by producing new wars: for the business of every conquest is twofold,—to win, and to preserve; and though they might imagine their power to be great, they must expect that those they conquer, will endeavour to shake off the yoke as fast as possible; for what people chuses to be under foreign dominion? But should they cease and decline attacki [...] [...] hostile manner with bayonets and [...] murdering of ministers of the [...] the country with scenes of horror [...] and woe, they may have our friend [...] for it is in vain that confidence is reposed in a conquered people: there can be no sincere friendship between the oppressors and the oppressed. Even in peace, the latter think themselves entitled to the rights of war against the former.

Your true interest, therefore, appears to be only trade and commerce, which can be no other way obtained, but by gaining the good will of the people. By that means millions, may be made annually, which will be vain to expect from any other plan of murder and shedding of innocent blood. We will therefore, if you please, enter into a treaty with you, and with all mankind, of lasting friendship.

The many and great advantages in trade and commerce, which European powers in general, and the maritime in particular, will derive from [Page] their adopting such a plan, are very obvious; which, with the disadvantages that will unavoidably attend a contrary conduct, shall be the subject of some subsequent numbers.

Now therefore come thou, let us make a covenant, I and thou, and let it be for a witness between me and thee. That I will not pass over to thee, and that thou-shall not pass over unto me for harm, Genesis xxxi. 44, 52.

A. [...] N.P. of S.J.A. & N.I.

[figure]

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Title statement

Considerations on the sovereignty, independence, trade and fisheries of New Ireland, (formerly known by the name of Nova Scotia) and the adjacent islands: submitted to the European powers, that may be engaged in settling the terms of peace, among the nations at war.

McNutt, Alexander, 1725?-1811.

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2011-05.

ID [DLPS]

N13310

ID [TCP]

N13310

ID [STC]

Evans 16825

ID [NOTIS]

APY9933

ID [IMAGE-SET]

16825

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99037546

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 16825.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N13310)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 16825)

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— Considerations on the sovereignty, independence, trade and fisheries of New Ireland, (formerly known by the name of Nova Scotia) and the adjacent islands: submitted to the European powers, that may be engaged in settling the terms of peace, among the nations at war., McNutt, Alexander, 1725?-1811..

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24 p. ; 17 cm. (12mo)

Published by order of the sovereign, free and independent commonwealth of New Ireland. [Printed by Robert Aitken?],. [Philadelphia?] :: [1780?]. (Comprises three articles entitled "To the peace makers," numbered IV-VI and signed: A. [ornament] N.P. of S.J.A. & N.I. Attributed to McNutt by Evans.) (Presumably printed by Robert Aitken, who printed McNutt's "The constitution and form of government of the free and independent state and commonwealth of New Ireland" (Evans 16824) in 1780.)

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EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.